SOURCE HEADER | URL: https://archive.org/download/travelsworksofca01smituoft/travelsworksofca01smituoft_djvu.txt | Edition: Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, ed. Arber/Bradley 1910, vol. 2 (Generall Historie bks 3-6, 1624; note: archive.org labels this scan 'vol 1' but it is the second volume, pp. 385-984) | Fetched: 2026-09-14 (UTC) by worker B | Raw OCR/plain text, unedited ---- Travels and Works of Captain John Smith Travels and Works of Captain John Smith President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England i 5 8 o- i 6 3 i Edited by EDWARD ARBER, F.S.A. A Ne the Summer Isles. The Third Book. 1624. A reprint, with variations, of the Second Part of The Map of Virginia, 1612. 3«4 [In addition to the sayings and doings of the six Gentlemen and one Soldier specified on^. 86 ; there are to be found in this revised text, the testimonies of the following eight Gentlemen : Gentlemen. Original Planters, 1607. President John Smith, pp. 93, 389, 403, 442. The Hon. George Percy, pp. 93, 389, 488. Robert Fenton, pp. 389, 403. Edward Harrington, pp. 390, 403. William Tankard,/^. 94, 390, 480. First Supply, 1608. Jeffrey Abbot, pp. 108, 465, 508. Anthony Bagnall, Surgeon,^. 421, 433. Thomas Mumford, pp. 109, 420. The contributions of these eight Gentlemen are fully sufficient to account for the additional facts to be found in Lib. 3.] The Third Booke. THE PROCEEDINGS AND ACCIDENTS OF The English Colony in Virginia, Extracted from the Authors fol- lowing, by William Simons, Doctour of Divinitie. CHAPTER I. T might well be thought, a Countrie so [1606] faire (as Virginia is) and a people so shTAomas tractable, would long ere this haue TreLurer. beene quietly possessed, to the satis- ^ 8g] faction of the adventurers, and the eternizing of the memory of those that effected it. But because all the world 'Sr^^o'^/il^W doe see a defailement [in 1612] ; this following Treatise shall giue satisfaction to all indifferent Readers, how the businesse hath bin carried : where no doubt they will easily vnderstand and answer to their question, how it came to passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings. Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers The first of this plantation, having many yeares solicited many of Sn\0 his friends, but found small assistants ; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Captaine Iohn Smith, Master Edward-maria Wingfield, Master Robert Hunt, and divers others, who depended a yeare vpon his proiects, but [A0O.1 25 386 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [TSt' R. Fenton, J. Smith. Orden for government [1606-7] nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie, Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Maiestie by his letters patents [10 April 1606], gaue commission for establishing Councels, to direct here ; and to governe, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare, and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation of the company was committed to Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised for the Westerne parts of America. But their orders for government were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne vntill they arrived in Virginia. On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Black- wall, but by vnprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in i/*-9°,Q3, the sight of England] all which time, Master Hunt our JoV^o;.3)89' Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better then Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst vs) suggested against him, all this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leaue the busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they haue prevailed) [42] had even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention. We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages at Dominica ; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selues amongst these west- India Isles ; in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as well as iJ^SJre. over the fire. And at a little Isle called Monica, we tooke f uiirfeBildi ^rom ^e Dus^es ^h our nands, neare two hogsheads full of Birds in three or foure houres. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time; where, with a loth- some beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn [Iguana], Tortoises, Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Ed.byW.Sunmond,.'J ]^lB^ with the first SUpply inVu%\v\*. 387 Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had 3 dayes passed their reckoning and found no land ; so that Captaine Rat[c\liffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare vp the helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme to hull all night, did driue them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their expectations ; for never any of them had seene that coast. The first land they made they called Cape Henry ; where thirtie of them recreating themselues on shore, were assaulted by hue Salvages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Iohn Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, Iohn Rat[c]liffe,Iohn Martin, and George Kendall, were named to be the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell should governe. Matters of moment were to be examined by a Iury, but determined by the maior part of the Councell, in which the President had two voyces. Vntill the 13 of May [1607] they sought a place to plant in ; then the Councell was sworne, Master Wingfield was chosen President, and an Oration made, why Captaine Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest. Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contriue the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents ; some provide clapbord to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often visited vs kindly. The Presidents overweening iealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification but the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe mooneby the extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were sent to discover the head of the river : by divers small habitations they passed, in six dayes they arrived at a Towne called Powhatan, consisting of some twelue houses, pleasantly seated on a hill ; before it three fertile lies, about it many of their cornefields, the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans. To this place the river is navigable : [1607] [/. 9*-] Their first landing. [//■ 5> 91. 896.] Matters of govern- ment. [/• 6.] The dis- covery of the FalUs and Powhatan. [/. 9»-l 388 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. p*tM£j!SH: [1607] but higher within a myle, by reason of the Rockes and Isles, there is not passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falles. The people in all parts kindly intreated them, till being returned within twentie myles of lames towne, they gaue iust cause of iealousie : but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation ; for at the Fort, where they arrived the next day, they found 17 men hurt, The Fon and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced h^hilcd a crosse barre shot from the Ships strooke downe a bough salvage. from a tree amongSt them, that caused them to retire, our [A' 7l men had all beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and their armes in dry fats. !/• 8.] Herevpon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised : for many were the assaults, and ambuscadoes of the Salvages, and our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toyle we had, with so small a power to guard our workemen adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our Corne, &c, I referre to the Readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired onely for [43] our transportation) was to returne with the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner vpon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying his repute) who fained he intended to vsurpe the government, murther the Councell, and make himselfe King, that his confederats were dispersed in all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it, would affirme it ; for this he was committed as a prisoner. Thirteene weekes [24 Afar. — 10 June 1607, [pp. lvii,liv] he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should [/• 93-1 returne they pretended out of their commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in England to receiue a check, rather then by particulating his designes [to] make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or vtterly overthrow Ed. by W. Simmonds."! T Tr, ~ 1612-1624. J L'lb- 3* with the first supply in Virginia. 389 his reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and [1607] publikely defied the vttermost of their crueltie ; he wisely prevented their policies, though he could not suppresse their envies; yet so well he demeaned himselfe in this businesse, as all the company did see his innocency, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation ; many vntruthes were alledged against him ; but being so apparently disproved, begat a generall hatred in the hearts of the company against such vniust Commanders, that the President [Wingfield] was adiudged to giue him 200/. ; so that all he had was seized vpon, in part of satisfaction, which Smith presently returned to the Store for the generall vse of the Colony, Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits ; but the good Doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher Master Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councel [20 June, or rather on 10 June, see pAiv] The next day all receiued the Communion, the day following [June 22] the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes ; N^ports leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 [or rather 22. ; pp. lv, lxx] £^wr of Iune 1607. By this obserue ; Good men did neW their Countries mine bring. But when evill men shall iniuries beginne ; Not caring to corrupt and violate The iudgements-seats for their owne Lucres sake : Then looke that Country cannot long haue peace, Though for the present it haue rest and ease. [/A 90. 93, 99. *°3. 386f 402, 407.] The names of them that were the Planters, were these following. first Master Edward Maria Wingfield. Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll. Captaine John Smith. Captaine Iohn Rat[c\lijfe. Captaine Iohn Martin. Captaine George Kendall. d o o U Master Robert Hunt Preacher. Master George Percie. Anthony Gosnoll. George Flower. Cap. Gabriell A rcher. Robert Fenton. Robert Ford. 1607. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. 39° The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [T- Stu£te& enton, J. Smith. [1607] William Bruster. Edward Harrington. Dru Pickhouse. Thomas Iacob. Iohn Brookes. Ellis Kingston. Thomas Sands. Beniamin Beast. Iehu Robinson. Thomas Mouton. Eustace Clovill. Stephen Halthrop. Kellam Throgmorton. Edward Morish. Nathaniell Powell. Edward Browne. Robert Behethland. Iohn Peningtcn. Ieremy A licock. George Walker. Thomas Studley. rGent. Richard Crofts. Nicholas Houlgrauc. Thomas Wcbbe. t44j Iohn Waller. Iohn Short. William Tankard. William Smcthes. Francis Snarsbvough. Richard Simons. [/• 1* ) Edward Brookes. Richard Dixon. Iohn Martin. ■cr Cooke. Anthony Gosnold. Tho: Wotton,Chirurg. Iohn Stevenson. Thomas Gore. Henry Ad ling. Francis Midwinter. Richard Frith. (Compare this List with tho 161a one at //• 93. 94-1 C . w to o William Laxon. Edward Pising. Thomas Emry. Robert Small. Iohn Lay don. William Cassen. George Cassen. Thomas Cassen. William Rodcs. William White. Old Edward. Henry Tavin. George Goulding. Iohn Dods. William Ioiinsan. William Vnger. lam: Read, Blacksmith Ionas Profit, Sailer. Tho: Cowper, Barber. Will: Garret, Bricklayer. Edward Br into, Mason. William Lone, Taylor. Nic: Scot, Drum. Wil: Wilkinson, Chirurg. Samuell Collier, boy. Nat. Pecock, boy. lames Brnmfield, boy. Richard Mutton, boy. With divers others to the number of 100. Ed. by W. Simmonds.l 1612-1624.J Lib. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 391 CHAPTER II. What happened till the first supply. The occa- sion of sickncsse. Eing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned [1607] that within ten dayes scarce ten amongst vs could either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknes and sicknes oppressed vs. And thereat none need marvaile, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this. Whilest the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of Bisket, which the sailers \p. 95] would pilfer to sell, giue, or exchange with vs, for money, JbusS"1*" Saxefras, furres, or loue. But when they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere house, nor place of reliefe, but the common Kettell. Had we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might haue beene canonized for Saints ; But our President [Wingfield] would never haue beene admitted, for ingrossing to his private [i.e., his own ws£_],Oatmeale,Sacke,Oyle, Aquavitce, Beefe,Egges, or what not, but the Kettell ; that indeed he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was halfe a pint of wheat, and as much barley boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weekes [Dec. 1606 — June 1607] in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines ; so that we might truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our [>• 957] drinke was water, our lodgings Castles in the ayre. With this lodging and dyet, our extreame toile in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised vs, and our continuall labour in the extremitie of the heat had so weakned vs, as were cause sufficient to haue made vs as miserable in our natiue Countrey, or any other place in the world. From May, to September [1607], those that escaped, liued vpon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this time we buried, the rest seeing the Presidents proiects to escape ^?Jent these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknes) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him [10 Sept. 1607] ; and established Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead [22 Aug. 1607]) tA«. 392 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. F*8^,££ts£K [1607] Kendall deposed [? S^/tf. 1607]. Smith newly recovered, Martin and Ratcliffe was by his care preserved and relieued, and the most of the souldiers recovered with the skilfull diligence of Master Thomas Wotton our Chirurgian generall. But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages ; when God the patron of all good pientie indevours, in that desperate extremitie so changed the vn«p«:ted. hearts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted. And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councell to send forth men so badly provided, this incon- tradictable reason will shew them plainely they are too ill [/• 96] advised to nourish such ill conceits ; first, the fault of our going was our owne, [45] what could be thought fitting or necessary we had; but what we should find, or want, or where we should be, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two moneths, with victuall to Hue, and the advantage of the spring to worke ; we were at Sea fiue moneths, where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunitie of the time and season to plant, by the vnskilfull presumption of our ignorant transporters, that vnderstood not at all, what they vndertooke. Such actions haue ever since the worlds beginning beene subiect to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties : but nothing so difficult as to establish a Common wealth so farre remote from men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so vntoward as neither doe well themselues, nor suffer others. But to proceed. (/• 9.] The new President [Ratcliffe], and Martin, being little beloved, of weake iudgement in dangers, and lesse industrie in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to Captaine Smith : who by his owne example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde ofhwlding thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, tmh*. himselfe alwayes bearing the greatest taske for his owne share, so that in short time, he provided most of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. This done, seeing the Salvages superfluitie beginne to decrease [he] (with some of his workemen) shipped him- selfe [9 Nov. 1607] in the Shallop to search the Country for Ed. by w.shnmonds.-j LlB ^ with the first supply in Virginia. 393 trade. The want of the language, knowledge to mannage [1607] his boat without sailes, the want of a sufficient power (knowing the multitude of the Salvages), apparell for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments ; yet no discouragement. Being but six or seauen in company he went downe 1/.9J the river to Kecoughtan : where at first they scorned him, as a famished man ; and would in derison offer him a handfull of Corne, a peece of bread, for their swords and muskets, and such like proportions also for their The apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was ofTradeg nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions abroad' as necessitie inforced, though contrary to his Com- mission : [he] Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore ; whereat they all fled into the woods. So marching towards their houses, they might see great heapes of corne : much adoe he had to restraine his hungry souldiers from [the] present taking of it, expecting as it hapned that the Salvages would assault them, as not long after they did with a most hydeous noyse. Sixtie or seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some white, some party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing out of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made of skinnes, stuffed with mosse, all painted and hung with chaines and copper) borne before them : and in this manner, being well armed with Clubs, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes, they charged the English, that so kindly receiued them with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God, and divers lay sprauling on the ground ; the rest fled againe to the woods, and ere long sent one of their Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and redeeme their Okee. Smithtold them, if onely six of them would come vnarmed and loade his boat, he would not only be their friend, but restore them their Okee, and giue them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets besides : which on both sides was to their contents performed : and then they brought him Venison, Turkies, wild foule, bread, and what they had ; singing and dauncing in signe of friendship till they departed. In his returne he discovered the Towne and Country [/. 10.J of Warraskoyack. 394 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [T'Stu£.eft enton, J. Smith. [1607] [/• 97-1 Amtru, a Salvage his best friend slaine for loving vs. The Discovery of Chicka- hamint. I/.xo.] Another proiect to abandon the Thus God vnboundlessc by his power, Made them thus kind, would vs deuour. Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded but from hand to mouth : (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinnace to be provided with things fitting to get provision for the yeare following ; but in the interim he made 3. or 4. iournies and discovered the people of Chickahamania : yet what he carefully pro- vided the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and Kendall liuing in disgrace, seeing all things at randome in the absence of Smith, the companies dislike of their [46] Presidents weaknes, and their small loue to Martins never mending sicknes, strengthened themselues with the sailers and other confederates, to regaine their former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinnace, (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course and to goe for England. Smith vnexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of sakre and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the riuer : which action cost the life of captaine Kendall [after trial, see pp. 13,97]. These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all men of good iudgement will conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The President [Ratcliffe] and captaine Archer not long after intended also to haue abandoned the country, which proiect also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith. The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he [Smith] victual 1 ; nor his souldiersmore to abandon the Coun- try, then hetokeepe it. But finding [he found] plentieofCorne in the riuer of Chickahamania, where hundreds of Salvages in diuers places stood with baskets expecting his comming. And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eate them : so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists desired to goe for England. Ed.byw.stomondj.-j lib ^ w^/t the first supply in Virginia. 395 But our Comcedies never endured long without a Tragedie ; [1607] some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, IP- 98.] for not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and [being] taxed by the Councell, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees insunder he made his passage ; but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should goe a shore till his returne : himselfe with two English and two Salvages went vp higher in a Canowe; but hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose want of government gaue both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not to hauecut of[f] the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, twentie myles in the desert, had his *two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the */**« Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall : ^°&mon who finding he was beset with 200. Salvages, two of them ^mas hee slew, still defending himselfe with the ayd of a Salvage siaine. his guid, whom he bound to his arme with his garters, and vsed him as a buckler, yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrowes that stucke in his cloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner. When this newes came to lames towne, much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. Sixe or seuen weekes [rather about the three weeks 16 Dec. 1607 — 8 Jan. 1608] those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and coniurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but pro- cured his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more then their owne Quiyouckosucks. The manner how they vsed and deliuered him, is as followeth. The Salvages hauing drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Captaine Smith was gone, prosecuting that oportunity taken they followed him with. 300. bowmen, conducted by the Prisonar King of Pamavnkee, who in diuisions searching the turn- 396 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. P'^^^tsSE 395. 401. J [1607] ings of the riuer, found Robinson and Entry by the fire [//• is, i6, side : those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then find- ing the Captaine, as is said, that vsed the Salvage that was his guide as his shield (three of them being slaine and diuers other so gauld) all the rest would not come neere him. Thinking thus to haue returned to his boat, regard- ing them, as he marched, more then his way, [he] slipped vp to the middle in an oasie creeke and his Salvage with him ; yet durst they not come to him till being neere dead with cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men were slaine. Diligently they chafed his benummed [47] limbs. He demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him [/.*».} Opechankanough, King of Pamavnkee, to whom he gaue a round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainely, and yet not touch it, because of the glasse that covered them. But when he demon- strated by that Globe-like Iewell, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how the Sunne did chase the night round about the world continually ; the greatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him : but the King holding vp the Compass in his hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly feasted, and well vsed. Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing them- The order they selues all in fyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces 0 Sir and Swords borne before him. Captaine Smith was led trivmph. after him by three great Salvages, holding him fast by each arme : and on each side six went in fyle with their Arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne [Orapaks] (which was but onely thirtie or fortie hunting houses made of Mats, which they remoue as they please, as we our tents) all the women and children staring to behold him, Ed byw.sbnmonds.-j lib> ^ w^ the first supply in Virginia. 397 the souldiers first all in fyle performed the forme of a [1607] Bissone so well as could be; and on each flanke, officers as Serieants to see them keepe their orders. A good time they continued this exercise, and then cast themselues in a ring, dauncing in such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches ; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrowes, and at his backe a club ; on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne, or some such matter for his vambrace ; their heads and shoulders painted red, with Oyle and Pocones mingled together, which Scarlet-like colour made an exceeding handsome shew ; his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird with her wings abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayies of their snak[e]s tyed to it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the King stood in the middest guarded, as before is said : and after three dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard him ; and ere long more bread and venison was brought him then would haue served twentie men. Ithinke his stomacke at that time was not very good ; what he left they put in baskets and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the meate againe before him, all this time not one of them would eate a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much more ; and then did they eate all the old, and reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him thinke they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, in requitall of some beads and toyes Smith had given him at his first arrivall in Virginia. Two dayes after a man would haue slaine him (but that [/. 17] the guard prevented it) for the death of his sonne, to whom How he they conducted him to recover the poore man then breath- SSl^iSSe ing his last. Smith told them that at lames towne he had fjj^' a water would doe it, if they would let him fetch it, but they would not permit that : but made all the preparations they could to assault lames towne, crauing his advice ; and for recompence he should haue life, libertie, land, and women. In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to tA 17.1 them at the Fort, v/hat was intended, how they should 398 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [* ^g^STsSS. [1607] How he saucd James towne from being surprised. [//.17, 18.J How they did Coniure him at Pamaznktt. follow that direction to affright the messengers, and with- out fayle send him such things as he writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difncultie and danger, he told the Salvages, of the Mines, great gunnes, and other Engins exceedingly affrighted them, yet according to his requestthey went to lames towne, in as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes returned with an answer. But when they came to Iame[s] towne, seeing men sally out as he had told them they would, they fled ; yet in the night they came againe to the same place where he had [48j told them they should receiue an answer, and such things as he had promised them : which they found accord- ingly, and with which they returned with no small expe- dition, to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speake. Then they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanients, the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients vpon the rivers of Rapahanock, and Patawomek; over all those rivers, and backe againe by divers other severall Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamavnkee : where they enter- tained him with most strange and fearefull Coniurations ; As if 71 care led to hell. Amongst the Devils to dwell. Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house, and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other ; on the one they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled with oyle ; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a tassell ; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face ; with a hellish voyce, and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale ; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in with the like antique tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red : but all their eyes were painted white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's, along their cheekes : round about him those fiends daunced a pretty while, and then Ed.byw.simmonds.j LlB> 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 399 came in three more as vgly as the rest ; with red eyes, and [1607-8] white stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat downe right against him ; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe fiue wheat cornes : then strayning his armes and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his veynes swelled, he began a short Oration : at the conclu- sion they all gaue a short groane ; and then layd down three graines more. After that, began their song againe, and then another Oration, ever laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire ; that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that purpose, continuing- still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke ; and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three dayes they vsed this Ceremony ; the meaning whereof they told him, was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle of meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the bounds of the Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to be flat and round, like a trencher ; and they in the middest. After this they brought him a bagge of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved till the next spring, to plant as they did their corne ; because they would be acquainted with the nature of that seede. Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, with as many platters of bread, foule, and wild beasts, as did environ him, he bid him wellcome ; but not any of them would eate a bit with him, but put vp all the remainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts; as a due by Custome, to be merry with such fragments. But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes, Of bodies strange, and hugein growth, and of stupendious makes. At last they brought him to Meronocomoco [5 Jan. 1608], l>- 18> where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more than two 400 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [7" Stu^e?J?TsSSS [1608] hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him, as PmAatan ^e ^ad beene a ™onster ; till Powhatan and his trayne had em^rtained put themselues in their greatest braveries. Before a fire vpon a seat like a bedsted, he sat covered with a great robe, [/. 19.] made of Rarowcnn skinnes, and all the tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes [49] of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red : many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds ; but every one with some- thing: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At his entrance before the King, all the people gaue [//.xhx.ixv, a grea{ shout. The Queene of Appamatuck was ap- pointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towell to dry them : having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan : then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could pre- p^ahPHia* vaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne vpon laved his life. hjs to saue him from death : whereat the Emperour was contented he should Hue to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper ; for they thought him aswell of all occupations as themselues. For the King himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots ; plant, hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest. They say he bore a pleasant shew, But sure his heart was sad. For who can pleasant be, and restt That Hues in fear e and dread : And having life suspected, doth It still suspected lead. Two dayes after [7 Jan. 1608], Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most fearefullest manner he could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there vpon a mat by the fire to be left alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was madethemostdolefullestnoyseheeverheard; ih^n Powhatan Ed. by w. s^mmonds.-j lib ^ w^/t the fir st supply in Virginia. 401 more like a devill then a man, with some two hundred more [1608] as blacke as himselfe, came vnto him and told him now ™™katan they were friends, and presently he should goe to lames sent him to towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, Towne. for which he would giue him the Country of Capahowosick, [/. 20.] and for ever esteeme him as his sonne Nantaquoud. So to lames towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night [7 Jan. 1608] they quarterd in the woods, he still [A 22.] expecting (as he had done all this longtime of his imprison- ment) every houre to be put to one death or other : for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with compassion. The next morning [8 Jan.] betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith having vsed the Salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed Rawhunt, Powhatans trusty servant, two demi-Culverings and a millstone to carry Powhatan : they found them somewhat too heavie ; but when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with Isic- kles, the yce and branches came so tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare. But at last we regained some conference with them, and gaue them such toyes ; and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such presents, as gaue them in generall full content. Now in lames Towne they were all in combustion, the The third , -,1 ,1 proiect to strongest preparing once more to run away with the abandon the Pinnace ; which with the hazzard of his life, with Sakre ^°un8trey' falcon and musket shot, Smith forced now the third time ' 9 ' to stay or sinke. Some no better then they should be, had plotted with [>.ixxxvi.i the President [Ratcliffe], the next day [9 Jan.] to haue put him to death by the Leviticall law, for the Hues of Robinson and Emry ; pretending the fault was his that [3^; ^^.J6' had led them to their ends : but he quickly tooke such order with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles till he sent some of them prisoners for England. Now ever once in foure or fiue dayes, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many of their Hues, that els for all this had starved with hunger. Thus from numbe death our good God sent relief e, The sweete asswager of all other grief e. [50] 26 402 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [T> Stt^'eL" jrriSh.' [1608] His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at A1™* f Werawocomoco, and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, SoSs'ioue (which till that time was vnknowne) so revived their dead Lctiol spirits (especially the loue of Pocahontas) as all mens feare was abandoned. [j.9g.) Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed an}' good indevour; and the good successe of the businesse being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it. As for the insufficiency of them admitted in Commission, that error could not be prevented by the Electors ; there being no other choise, and all strangers to each others education, qualities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a shame to our Nation to haue any mention made of those inormities, let him pervse the Histories of the Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations, where they may see how many mutinies, disorders, and dissensions haue accompanied them, and crossed their attempts : which being knowne to be particular mens offences; doth take away the generall scorne and con- tempt, which malice, presumption, covetousnesse, or ignorance might produce ; to the scandall and reproach of those, whose actions and valiant resolutions deserue a more worthy respect. [The colony Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to 38 men?byto baue concluded with any of those severall proiects, to haue ofj^yJl abandoned the Countrey, with some ten or twelue of them, on*s j™ ivaI w^° were ca^ec^ tne better sort, and haue left Master Hunt 1608; u'epp. our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, "I.']6"' worthy, and industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton, and some 27 others of his Countrymen to the fury of the Salvages, famine, and all manner of mischiefes, and of two evils inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in all to keepe owas possession of this large Country;) or starue himselfe with them for company, for want of lodging : or but adventur- ing abroad to make them provision, or by his opposition to preserue the action, and saue all their liues ; I leaue to the censure of all honest men to consider. But We men imagine in our Iolitie, That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be. But then an one wee alter this againe, Ed.byw.s^mmonds.j LlB 3 wM tfa first suppiy jn Virginia. 403 If happily wee feele the sence of paine ; [1608] For then we're tum'd into a mourning vaine. Written by Thomas Studley the first Cape Merchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington y and /. S. CHAPTER III. r/-«»J The Arrivall of the first supply, with their Proceedings, and the Ships retttrne. LLthis time our care was not so much to abandon the Countrey ; but the Treasurer and Councell in England, were as diligent and carefull to supply vs. Two good ships they sent vs, with neare a hundred men, well furnished with all things could be imagined necessary, both for them and vs ; The one commanded by Captaine Newport : the other by Captaine Francis Nelson, an honest man, and an expert Marriner. But such was the lewardnesse of his Ship [the The Phcenix] (that though he was within the sight of Cape fromclipe Henry) by stormy contrary winds was he forced so farre faSYto to Sea, that the West Indies was the next land, for the f*J£sest repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Newport got in and arrived at lames Towne, not i/.^.) long after the redemption of Captaine Smith [or rather in the evening of the 8th Jan. 1608, on which Smith returned]. To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serue them from hand to mouth : part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clarke set the price himselfe, how they should sell : so he [51] had inchanted these poore soules being their prisoner; and now Newport, whom he called his Father arriving, neare as directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an ^# X0I#1 Oracle, and [he] had them at that submission he might com- mand them what he listed. That God that created all The.r things they knew he adored for his God: they would also opinion of in their discourses tearme the God of Captaine Smith. 404 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [ams Todkui. ri608] Thus the Almightie was the bringer on, The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone. But the President [Ratcliffe] and Councell so much envied his estimation among the Salvages, (though we all in generall equally participated with him of the good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages vnder- standings (by their great bounty in giving foure times more for their commodities then Smith appointed) that their greatnesse and authoritie as much exceeded his, as their bountie and liberalise. Now the arrivall of this first supply so overioyed vs, that wee could not devise too much to please the Marriners. We gaue them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was sould vs for an ounce : thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the greatnesse of Captaine Newport, (wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him : (A »3.) so that this great Savage desired also to see him. A great coyle there was to set him forward [Feb. 1608]. When he went he was accompanied with Captaine Smith, and Master Scrivener, a very wise understanding Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the Councell, with thirtie or fortie chosen men for their guard. (/• 24-] Arriving at Werowocomoco, Ncwports conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and suspitions of trecheries, which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with twentie men well appointed, vndertooke to encounter the worst PowhMtkn. that could happen : Knowing All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus Both one while scourgeth, and that helped vs. Smiths revisiting Nathanicll Powell. Robert Behethland. Mich[a]ellPhittiplace. William Phittiplace. Anthony Gosnoll. Richard Wyffin, Gent. John Tavemer. William Dyer. I ^ . Thomas Coe. Thomas Hope. Anas Todkill. ta.byw.simmonds.-j lib> ^ w^ the first supply in Virginia. 405 These, with nine others (whose names I haue forgotten) [1608] comming a-shore, landed amongst a many of creekes, W- I02-l over which they were to passe [by] such poore bridges, onely j^ne"'* made of a few cratches thrust in the o[o]se, and three or tainment. foure poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like, tyed together onely with barkes of trees, that it made them much suspect those bridges were but traps. Which caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe over first, keeping some of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men were passed, to make a guard for himselfe and the rest. But finding all things well, by two or three hundred Salvages they were kindly conducted to their towne. Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the vtmost of his greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of ioy, Orations of protestations ; and with the most plenty of victualls he could provide to feast them. Sitting vpon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbrodered (after their rude manner with pearle and white Beads) his attyre a faire robe of skinnes as large as an Irish mantell : at his head and [at his] feete a handsome young woman : on each side his house sat twentie of his Concu- bines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads about each of their neckes. Before those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbour-like house, and more then fortie platters of fine bread stood as a guard in two fyles on each side the doore. Foure or fiue hundred people made a guard behinde them for our passage : and Proclamation was made, none vpon paine of death to presume to doe vs any wrong or discourtesie. With many pretty Discourses to renew [52] their old lA^s-i acquaintance, this great King and our Captaine spent the time, till the ebbe left our Barge aground. Then renewing their feasts with feates, dauncing and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night with Powhatan. The next day Newport came a shore and receiued as much [/• *7-) content as those people could giue him : a boy named Thomas Change of Salvage was then giuen vnto Powhatan,whom Newport called ^ristian his sonne ; for whom Powhatan gaue him Namontack his salvage, trustie servant, and one of a shrewd, subtill capacitie. (>• 569-1 406 [1608] [/• «7-] Powhatans speech. [/• 103.] Differences of opinions. [>. a8.] The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib 3. [An»sTodkm. Three or foure dayes more we spent in feasting, dauncing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himselfe so proudly, yet discreetly (in his salvage manner) as made vs all admire his naturall gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subiects did ; he bespake Newport in this manner. Captaine Newport it is not agreeable to my greatnesse, in this pedling manner to trade for trifles ; and I esteeme you also a great Werowance. Therefore lay me downe all your com- modities together ; what I like I will take, and in recompence giue you what I thinke fitting their value. Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, tould vs his intent was but onely to cheate vs ; yet Captaine Newport thinking to out braue this Salvage in ostentation of greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with him bountie, as to haue what he listed, it so hapned, that Powhatan hauing his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, that I thinke it [were] better cheape in Spaine : for we had not foure bushells for that we expected to haue twentie hogsheads. This bred some vnkindnesse betweene our two Captaines ; Newport seeking to please the vnsatiable desire of the Salvage, Smith to cause the Salvage to please him ; but smothering his distast to avoyd the Saluages suspition, [Smith] glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his humor vpon a few blew beades. A long time he importunately desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as being composed of a most rare substance of the coulour of the skyes, and not to be worne but by the greatest kings in the world. This made him halfe madde to be the owner of such strange Iewells : so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought ouer my king for 2. or 300. Bushells of corne ; yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we found of Opechankanough king of Pamavnkee, whom also he in like manner fitted (at the like rates) with blew beads : which grew by this meanes, of that estimation, that none durst weare any of them but their great kings, their wiues and children. buS* town" And so we returned all well to lames towne [9 Mar. 1608], [/■ j«4 where this new supply being lodged with the rest, [had] Ed.byw.simmonds.j LlB^ 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 407 accidently fired [about 17 Jan. 1608] their quarters, and so [1608] the towne : which being but thatched with reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their Pallisado's, (though eight or [/.lxxxvi. ten yards distant) with their Armes, bedding, apparell, and much priuate prouision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher ^ lost all his Library, and all he had but the cloathes on his 99. w*,' 386, backe : yet none neuer heard him repine at his losse. This 4oa" happned in the winter in that extreame frost. i6oj[-8]. Now though we had victuall sufficient I meane onely of Ashipideiy Oatmeale, meale and corne : yet the bhip staying 14. weekes weekes. [or actually 13 weeks and 2 days from 8 Jan. to 10 April 1608] when shee might as wel haue beene gone in 14. dayes, spent a great part of that, and neare all the rest that was sent to be landed. When they departed what the[i]re discretion could spare vs, to make a little poore meale or two, we called feastes, to relish our mouthes : of each somwhat they left vs, yet I must confesse, those that had either money, spare clothes, credit to giue billes of paiment, gold rings, furrs, or any such commodities, were euer welcome to this remouing tauerne, such was our patience to obay such vile \t. 104.] Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15. times the value, suffering them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast, least we should incurre the cen- sure of [being] factious and seditious persons : and then leakage, ship-rats, and other casualties occasioned them losse : but the vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receaue with all our hearts to make vp the account, highly commending their prouidence for preseruing that, least they should discourage any more to come to vs. Now for all this plenty our ordynary was but meale and water, so that this great charge little releeued our wants, whereby with the extremitie of the [53] bitter cold frost and those defects, more then halfe of vs dyed. I cannot deny but both Smith and Skriuener did their best to amend what was amisse, but with the President went the maior part, that the[i]re homes were to[o] short. But the worst was our guilded refiners with their golden ^e effect promises made all men their slaues in hope of recompences ; Verbaiisu. there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, loade gold, such a bruit of gold, 408 The Discoveries and Accidents^ Lib. 3. [Ana$Todku [1608] that one mad fellow [a wag] desired to be buried in the sands least they should by the [i] re art make gold of his bones : little neede there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay, Aneedicsse the[i]re wages run on, our victualls consume 14. weekes, fTSC\ *hat tne Mariners might say, they did helpe to build such '9S7' a golden Church that we can say the raine washed neere to nothing in 14. dayes. Were it that captaine Smith would not applaude all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to the sight of their trialls nor golden consultations, I know not ; but I haue heard him oft question with Cap- taine Martin and tell him, except he could shew him a more substantiall triall, he was not inamoured with their durty skill, breathing out these and many other passions, neuer any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary busines neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much guilded durt. a retume to Till then we neuer accounted, Captaine Newport a refiner, England. wh0 being ready to set saile for England, and we not ^. 105,] hauing any vse of Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions, Admiralls, . . Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor Iustices of peace, sent [10 April 1608] Master Wingfield l/.ixxxvii.] and Captaine Archer home with him, that had ingrossed all those titles, to seeke some better place of imployment. Oh cursed gold, those hunger-starved movers, To what misfortunes lead'st thou all those lovers ! For all the China wealth, nor Indies can Suffice the minde of an avWitious man. CHAPTER I I I I The Arrhall of the Phoenix ; her retume ; and other Accidents. He authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin, and the still sickly President [Ratcliffe], the sale of the Stores commodities maintained his estate, as an inheritable revenew. The spring approaching, and the Ship departing, Master Ed. by w. s«nmonds.-j lib 3. with the fir st supply in Virginia. 409 Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided betwixt them the [1608] rebuilding lames towne ; the repairing our Pallizadoes ; the cutting downe trees ; preparing our fields ; planting our [/. 33.] corne, and to rebuild our Church, and re-cover our Store house. All men thus busie at their severall labours, Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phcenix ; lost (I say) for that \p. 34] we all deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so well he had mannaged his ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles to feede his company, that his victuail to that we had gotten, as is said before, was neare, after our allowance, sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a Marriner) caused vs admire him : we would not haue wished more then he did for vs. Now to relade this ship with some good tydings, the President (not holding it stood with the dignitie of his place to leaue the Fort) gaue order to Captaine Smith to discover and search the commodities of the Monacans sixtie Countrey beyond the Falls. Sixtie able men was allotted SSStoaJ them, the which within six dayes, Smith had so well trained Monacans. to their armes and orders, that they little feared with whom \p. 106.] they should incounter : yet so vnseasonable was the time, and so opposit was Captaine Martin to any thing, but onely to fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar, (which was a present dispatch) then either with durt, or the hopes and reports of an vncertaine discovery, which he would performe when they had lesse charge and more leisure. [54] But, The God of Heav'n, He eas'ly can Immortalize a mortall man, With glory and with fame. The same God, ev'n as eas'ly may Afflict a mortall man, I say, With sorrow and with shame. Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned. Powhatan (to expresse his loue to Newport) when he Sample to departed, presented him with twentie Turkies, condi- seiuwords tionally to returne him twentie swords, which immediately |° T*8*" was sent him. Now after his departure, he presented Captaine Smith 410 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [Anas Todkm. [1608] with the like luggage, but not finding his humor obeyed in not sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his people with twentie devices to obtaine them. At last by ambuscadoes at our very Ports [gates] they would take them The perforce, surprise vs at worke, or any way ; which was so welknSS long permitted, they become so insolent there was no rule : the command from England was so strait not to offend them, as our authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing than peace-breakers. IM 35-39.] This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced smiths *ney mecUed with Captaine Smith, who without farther attempt to deliberation gaue them such an incounter, as some he tKafvages so hunted vp and downe the Isle, some he so terrified insoieacies. wjth whipping, beating, and imprisonment ; as for revenge they surprised two of ourforraging disorderly souldiers, and having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to redeliver seven Salvages, which for their villanies he detained prisoners, or we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out amongst them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred their insolencies, [that] they brought them his two men, desiring peace without any further composition for their prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all beleeue, by severall vollies of shot one of their companions was shot to death, because they would not confesse their intents and plotters of those villanies. And thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed Pmuhatans onely Dv Powhatan to obtaine him our weapons, to cut our excuse. owne throats ; with the manner where, how, and when, which we plainly found most true and apparant : yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas [/>/. 38, 107.] [in May 1608] with presents to excuse him of the iniuries done by some rashvntowardCaptaines his subiects, desiring their liberties for this time, with the assurance of his loue for ever. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction he thought fit, vsed them well a day or two after, and then [/• »•] delivered them Pocahontas ; for whose sake onely he fayned to haue saued their Hues, and gaue them libertie. The patient Councell that nothing would moue towarre with the Salvages, would gladly haue wrangled with Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib ^ w^ the fir st supply in Virginia. 411 Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet none was slaine to any [1608] mans knowledge : but it brought them in such feare and obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright them ; where before, wee had sometime peace and warre twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke but we had some trecherous villany or other. The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar; j^f t with by the diligence of the Master, and Captaine Smith, Cedar, she was quickly reladed : Master Scrivener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort ; the Ship being ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being alwayes very sickly, and vnserviceable, and desirous to inioy the credit of his supposed Art of finding the golden Mine, was most willingly admitted to returne for England. For He hath not filVd his lapp, That still doth hold it oap. From the writings of Thomas Studley and Anas TodkilL [55] [As regards Studley, this must be an error, for he died on 28 Aug. \6o7,fi. lxxii.,and was succeeded for some time, as Cap-Merchant or Storekeeper, by Captain y. Smith, p. 9.] Their Names that were landed in this Supply. Mathew Scrivener appointed to be one of the Councell. Michaell Phittiplace. William Phittiplace. Ralph Morton. Richard Wyffing. Iohn Taverner. William Cantrell. Robert Barnes. Richard F ether stone. {-Gent. George Hill. George Pretty. Nathaniell Causy. Peter Pory. Robert Cutler. Michaell Sicklemore. William Bentley. Thomas Coe. Doctor Russell. Jeffrey Abbot. Edward Gurgana. Richard W or ley. Timothy Leeds. Richard Killingbeck. William Spence. Richard Prodger. Richard Pots. Richard Mullinax. William Bayley. Francis Perkins. Iohn Harper. George Forest. Iohn Nichols. William Griuell. -Gent. 1608. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. [Compare this List with the 1612 one, at />. 107-8.] 412 [1608] The Discoveries and Accide?its, Lib. 3. [" W. Ttusv*. A. TodkiSl. LT. Momford. Raymond Goodison. William Simons. John Spearman. Richard Bristow. William Perce, lames Watkins. Iohn Bouth. Christopher Rods. Richard Burkct. lames Burre. Nicholas Ven. Francis Perkins. Richard Gradon. Rawland Nelstrop. Richard Savage. Thomas Savage. Richard Milm William May. Vere. Michaell. Bishop Wiles. 3 o od "f Apoth ecanes. Thomas Hope. William Ward. Iohn Powell. William Yong. William Beckwith. La[w]rence Towtales. Thomas Field, Iohn Harford, Dani: Stallings, Ieweller. Will: Dawson, a refiner. Abram Ransack, a refiner. Wil: lohnson, a. Goldsmith. Peter Keffer, a gunsmith. Rob: Alberton, a perfumer. Richard Belfield, a Goldsmith. Post Ginnat, a Chirurg[ion]. Iohn Lewes, a Cooper. Robert Cotton, a Tobacco- pipe-maker. Richard Dole, a Blacksmith And divers others number of 120. to the 1/ 109.1 CHAPTER V The Accidents that hapned in the "Discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack. He prodigalitie of the Presidents [Ratcliffe] state went so deepe into our small store, that Smith and Scrivener tyed him and his Parasites to the rules of proportion. But now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authoritie so overswayed the discretion of Master Scrivener, that our store, our time, our strength and labours were idely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The second of Iune 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe his Discovery with this Company. Ed. by W. Simmonds."] T TT> ~ l6l2-l624J ^^ 6' with the first supply in Virginia. 413 J- Souldiers. Walter Russell, Doctor of I onas Profit. \ .[1608] Physicke. Anas Todkill. Ralfe Murton. \ Robert Small. Thomas Momford. lames Watkins. William Cantrill. \ ^ . John Powell. Richard Fetherston. r ' lames Read, lames Bume. Richard Keale. Mich [a] ell Sicklemore. t These being in an open Barge neare three tuns burthen. Leaving the Phoenix at Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay to the Easterne shore, and fell with the Isles called Smiths Isles, after our Captaines name. The first people we saw were two grim and stout Salvages vpon Cape Charles, with long poles like Iauelings, headed with bone, [56] they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would; but after many circumstances they seemed very kinde, and directed vs to Accomack, the habitation of their Werowance, where we were kindly intreated. This King was the comliest, proper, civill Salvage we in- [A "°-i countred. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle, some small creekes ; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for Ships. He told vs of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was, two children being dead; some extreame passions, or dreaming visions, phantasies, or affection moued ^^gj their parents againe to revisit their dead carkases, whose of Salvages benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vitall spirits. This as a miracle drew many to behold them, all which, being a great part of his people, not long after dyed, and but few escaped. They spake the language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of the Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often did vs exceeding pleasure. Passing along the coast, searching every inlet, and Bay, fit for harbours and habitations. Seeing many Isles in the midst of the Bay we bore vp for them, but ere we could obtaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, rayne, thunder, and lightening happened, that with great danger we escaped the vnmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water. The highest land on the mayne, yet it was but low, we Russels called Keales hill, and these vninhabited Isles, Russels Isles. Isles- 414 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. f a!?3E5: T ^ LT. Momford. [1608] The next day searching them for fresh water, we could find none, the defect whereof forced vsto follow the next Easterne withcoc*. Channell, which brought vs to the river of Wighcocomoco. m4K0' The people at first with great fury seemed to assault vs, yet at last with songs and daunces and much mirth became very tractable : but searching their habitations for water, we could fill but three barricoes, and that such puddle, that never till then we ever knew the want of good water. We An «*"«22 digged and searched in many places, but before two daies w^r? r s * were expired, we would haue refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles which are many in number, but all naught for habitation, falling with a high land vpon the mayne, we found a great Pond of fresh water, but so exceed- ing hot wee supposed it some bath ; that place we called poynt Ployer, in honor of that most honourable House of [/• 8a5] Mousay in Britaine, that in an extreame extremitie once relieued our Captaine. From Wighcocomoco to this place, all the coast is low broken Isles of Morap, growne a myle or two in breadth, and ten ortwelue in length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and to catch fish and foule in Winter : but the Land beyond them is all covered over with wood, as is the rest of the Country. Being thus refreshed, in crossing ouer from the maine to other Isles we discouered, the winde and waters so much increased, with thunder, lightning, and raine, that our mast and sayle blew ouerbord and such mighty \p. us.] waues ouerracked vs in that small barge, that with great Their Barge labour we kept her from sinking by freeing out the water. Two dayes we were inforced to inhabite these vninhabited Isles ; which fqr the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine, stormes, and ill wether we called Limbo. Repairing our saile with our shirts, we set sayle for the maine and fell with a pretty convenient riuer on the East called Cuskarawaok ; the people ran as amazed in troups from place to place, and diuers got into the tops of trees. They were not sparing of their arrowes, nor [of] the greatest passion they could expresse of their anger. Long they shot, we still ryding at an Anchor without the[i]re reatch making all the signes of friendship we could. The next day they came vnarmed, with euery one a neare sunke hi a gust. Cuskara- Ed.byw.simmonds.-| lib ^ witjt fa firsi supply in Virginia. 415 basket, dancing in a ring, to draw vs on shore : but seeing [1608] there was nothing in them but villany, we discharged a volly of muskets charged with pistoll shot ; whereat they all lay tumbling on the grownd, creeping some one way, some another into a great cluster of reedeshard by; where the[i]re companies lay in Ambuscado. Towards the euening we wayed, and approaching the shoare, discharging hue or six shot among the reedes. We landed where there lay a many of baskets and much bloud, but saw not a Salvage. A smoake appearing on the other side the riuer, we rowed thither, where we found two or three little houses, in each a fire ; there we left some peeces of copper, beads, bells, and looking glasses, and then went into the bay : but when it was darke we came backe againe. Early in [57] the morning foure Salvages came to vs in their Canow, whom we vsed with such courtesie, not knowing what we were, nor had done, [they] hauing beene in the bay a fishing; [who] bade vs stay and ere long they would returne, which they did and some twentie more with them : with whom after a little conference, two or three thousand men women and children came clustring about vs, euery one presenting vs with something, which a little bead would so well requite, that we became such friends they would contend who should fetch vs water, stay with vs for hostage, conduct our men any whither, and giue vs the best content. Here doth inhabite the people of Sarapinagh, Nause,Arseek, and Nantaquak the best Marchants of all other Salvages. They much extolled a great nation called Massawomekes, in ™efirst search of whom we returned by Limbo : this riuer but onely the M*um at the entrance is very narrow, and the people of small W0ntek*' stature as them of Wightcocomoco, the Land but low, yet it may proue very commodious, because it is but a ridge of land betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean. Finding this Easterne shore, [to be] shallow broken Isles, and for most part without fresh water; we passed by the straites of Limbo for the Westerne shore : so broad is the bay here, we could scarce perceiue the great high clifts on the other side : by them we Anchored that night and called them Riccards Cliftes. 30. leagues we sayled more Northwards not finding any inhabitants, leauing all the Easterne shore, lowe Islandes, but ouergrowne with wood, as all the Coast beyond 416 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" aItS™!'." LT. Momford. [1608] them so farre as wee could see: the Westerne shore by which we sayled we found all along well watered, but very mountanous and barren, the vallies very fertill, but extreame thicke of small wood so well as trees, and much frequented with Wolues, Beares, Deere and other wild beasts. We passed many shallow creekes, but the first we BoiusKmer. founcl Nauigable for a ship, we called Bolus, for that the clay in many places vnder the clifts by the high water marke, did grow vp in red and white knots as gum out of trees; and in some places so participated together as though they were all of one nature, excepting the coulour, the rest of the earth on both sides being hard sandy grauell, which made vs thinke it Bole-Armoniack and Terra sigillata. When we first set sayle some of our Gallants doubted nothing but that our Captaine would make too much hast[e] home, but hauing lien in this small barge not aboue 12. or 14. dayes, oft tyred at the Oares, our bread spoyled with wet so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomacks that they could disgest it) they did with continuall com- plaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake them in this manner [about 14 June 1608]. Smiths Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of SSd!lShls Sir Ralph Layne, how his company importuned him to proceed \p> 3M-] 1M the discovery of Moratico, alleadging they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras leaues, would richly feede them in their returnes ; then what a shame would it be for you (thai haue bin so suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne, with so much provision as we haue, and scarce able to say where \p. i".] we haue beetle, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seeke ? You cannot say but I haue shared with you in the worst which is past ; and for what is to come, of lodging, dyet, or whatso- euer, I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe. As for your feares that I will lose my selfe in these vnknowne large waters, or be swallowed vp in some stormie gust; abandon these childish feares, for worse then is past is not likely to happen : and there is as much danger to returne as to proceede. Regaine therefore your old spirits, for returne I will not {if God please) till I haue seene the Massawomeks, found Patawomek, or the head of this water you conceit to be endlesse. Ed.byw.simmonds.-j LlB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 417 Two or 3. dayes we expected [experienced] winde and wether, whose aduerse extremities added such discourage- ment, that three or foure fell sicke, whose pittifull complaints caused vs to to returne, leauing the bay some nine miles broad, at nine and ten fadome water. The 16. of Iune [1608], we fell with the riuer Patowomek : fearejbeing gone, and our men recovered, we were all content to take some paines, to know the name of that seuen mile broad riuer. For thirtie myles sayle, we could see no inhabitants : then we were conducted by two Savages vp a little bayed creeke, towards Onawmanient, where all the woods were layd with ambuscado's to the number of three or foure thousand Salvages, so strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying [58] as so many spirits from hell could not haue shewed more terrible. Many brauado's they made, but to appease their fury, our Captaine prepared with as seeming a willingnesse (as they) to incounter them. But the grazing of our bullets vpon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see them) with the Ecc[h]o of the woods so amazed them, as downe went their bowes and arrowes ; (and ex- changing hostage) lames Watkins was sent six myles vp the woods to their Kings habitation. We were kindly vsed of those Salvages, of whom we vnderstood, they were com- manded to betray vs, by the direction of Powhatan ; and he so directed from the discontents [discontented] at lames towne, because our Captaine did cause them stay in their country against their wills. The like incounters we found at Patowomek, Cecocawonee and diuers other places : but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and Toags the people did their best to content vs. Hauing gone so high as we could with the bo[a]te, we met diuers Saluages in Canowes, well loaden with the flesh of Beares, Deere and other beasts; whereof we had part. Here we found mighty Rocks, growing in some places aboue the grownd as high as the shrubby trees, and diuers other solid quarries of diuers tinctures : and diuers places where the waters had falne from the high mountaines they had left a tinctured spangled skurfe, that made many bare places seeme as guilded. Digging the grown [d]e aboue in the highest clifts of rocks, we saw it was a claie sand so 27 [1608] The dis- couery of Pata- womek. Ambus- cadoes of Salvages. A trecher- ous proiect IP- "3-1 418 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" a'.tSSu! LT. Momford. [1608] mingled with yeallow spangles as if it had beene halfe pindust. In our returne inquiring still for this Matchqueon, the king of Patawomeke gaue vs guides to conduct vs vp a little riuer called Quiyough, vp which we rowed so high as we could [p. 424]. Leauing the bo[a]te ; with six shot and diuers Salvages, he marched seuen or eight myle before they came to the mine : leading his hostages in a small chaine they were to haue for their paines, being proud so richly to be adorned. Amyndike The mine is a great Rocky mountaine like Antimony ; Anthony. wnerein tnev digged a great hole with shells and hatchets : and hard by it, runneth a fayre brooke of Christal-like water, where they wash away the drosse and keepe the remainder, which they put in little baggs and sell it all ouerthe coun- try to paint the[i]re bodyes, faces, or Idols; which makes them looke like Blackmores dusted over with siluer. With so much as we could carry we returned to our bo[a]te, kindly requiting this kinde king and all his kinde people. The cause of this discovery was to search [for] this mine, of which Newport did assure vs that those small baggs (we had giuen him), in England he had tryed to hold halfe siluer ; but all we got proued of no value : also to search what furrs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is made so much Rawranokc or white beads that occasion as much dissention among the Salvages, as gold and siluer amongst Christians ; and what other mineralls, riuers, rocks, nations, woods, fishings, fruites, victuall, and what other commodities the land afforded : and whether the bay were endlesse or how farre it extended. Of mines we were all ignorant, but a few Beuers, Otters, Beares, Martins and minkes [skins] we found, and in diuers places that aboundance of fish, lying so thicke with their heads aboue the water, as for want of nets (our barge driuing amongst them) we attempted to catch them with Anaboun- a frying pan : but we found it a bad instrument to catch d*nt plenty fish witn : neither better fish, more plenty, nor more variety for smal fish, had any of vs euerseene in anyplace so swimming in the water, but they are not to be caught with frying pans. Some small codd also we did see swim close by the shore by Smiths lies, and some as high as Ed.byw.simmonds.-] lib 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 419 Riccards Clifts. And some we haue found dead vpon the [1608] shore. To express all our quarrels, trecheries and incounters \p. n3.] amongst those Salvages I should be too tedious: but in Howto breefe, at all times we so incountred them, and curbed theLT-'1 their insolencies, that they concluded with presents to vages* purchase peace ; yet we lost not a man : at our first meet- ing our Captaine euer observed this order, to demand their bowes and arrowes, swordes, mantells and furrs, with some childe or two for hostage, whereby we could quickly perceiue, when they intended any villany. Hauing finished this discouery (though our victuall was neere spent) he intended to see his imprisonment-acquaint- ances vpon the riuer of Rapahanock, by [59] many called Toppahanock, but our bo[a]te by reason of the ebbe, chansing to grownd vpon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we spyed many fishes lurking in the reedes : our Captaine sporting himselfe by nayling them to the grownd with his sword, set vs all a fishing in that manner : thus we tooke more in one houre then we could eate in a day. But it chansed our Captaine taking a fish from his sword £A »*1 (not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of §£3?™^ a Thornback, but a long tayle like a ryding rodde, whereon killc<* w"h the middest is a most poysoned sting, of two or three inches long, bearded like a saw on each side, which she strucke into the wrest of his arme neere an inch and a halfe : no bloud nor wound was seene, but a little blew spot, but the torment was instantly so extreame, that in foure houres had so swolen his hand, arme and shoulder, we all with much sorrow concluded [anticipated] his funerall, and prepared his graueinan Island by, as himselfe directed : yet it pleased God by a precious oyle Docter Russell at the first applyed to it when he sounded it with probe, (ere night) his tormenting paine was so well asswaged that he eate of the fish to his supper, which gaue no lesse ioy and content to vs then ease to himselfe. For which we called the Island Stingray Isle after the name of the fish. Hauing neither Chirurgian nor Chirurgery but that pre- seruatiue oyle, we presently set sayles for lames towne, passing the mouthes of the riuers of Payankatank, and Pantavnkee, the next day we safely arriued at Kecougtan. 420 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" ^;?Jdsskf1! LT. Momford. [1608] The simple Salvages seeing our Captaine hurt, and an ^e other bloudy by breaking his shinne, our numbers of bowes, affrighted arrowes, swords, mantles, and furrs, would needes imagine ownetheir we had beene at warres (the truth of these accidents would suspition. not satisfie them) but impatiently importuned vs to know with whom. Finding their aptnesse to beleeue, we fayled not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them, what spoyle we had got and made of the Massawomeks. This rumor went faster vp the river then our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of Iuly ; where trimming her with painted streamers, and such de- vises as we could, we made them at lames towne iealous of a Spanish Frigot, where we all, God be thanked, safely arrived the 21 of Iuly. Necdiesse There we found the last Supply were all sicke; the rest ™««a some lame, some bruised: all vnable to doe any thing towne. ku^ compiaine 0f the pride and vnreasonable needlesse crueltie of the silly President, that had riotously consumed the store : and to fulfill his follies about building him an vnnecessary building for his pleasure in the woods, had brought them all to that misery ; that had we not arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge. [/. 115] But the good newes of our Discovery, and the good hope we had by the Salvages relation, that our Bay had stretched into the South Sea, or somewhat neare it, appeased their fury; but conditionally that Rat[c]liffe should be deposed, and that Captaine Smith would take vpon him the govern- ment, as by course it did belong. Their request being effected, he substituted Master Scrivener his deare friend in the Presidency, equally distributing those private provisions the other [Ratcliffe] had ingrossed, appointing more honest officers to assist master Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sicke of a Callenture) : and in regard of the weaknesse of the company, and heate of the yeare, they being vnable to worke, he left them to Hue at ease, to recover theii healths ; but imbarked himselfe to finish his Discovery. Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill, and Thomas Mumford. Ed. by w. sunmondsj lib# 3. with the fir st supply in Virginia. 421 CHAPTER VI. The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener. What happened the second Voyage in discovering the Bay. §*|He 24 of Iuly [1608], CaptaineSwn^ set forward [1608] - to finish the discovery with twelue men : their [>. «6.j names were [60] Souldiers. Salvages admire fireworkes. Nathaniell Powell. \ . Ionas Profit. Thomas Momford. v Anas Todkill. Richard Fetherston. I § Edward Pising. Mich[a]ell Sicklemore. j+3 Richard Keale. lames Bourne. • "9-1 Rapaha- nock. R. The exceeding loue of the Salvage Motca. itP- "9-4»9i 426.] Our fijjht with the Rapaha- necks. The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. |" nSKS L A. Todlcill. Lord Willowby, his most honored good friend. The Sasquesahanocks river we called SW//zsfalles; the next poynt to Tockwhogh, Pisings poynt ; the next [to] it poynt Bourne, Powells Isles and Smals poynt is by the river Bolus ; and the little Bay at the head Profits poole ; Watkins, Reads, and Momfords poynts are on each side Limbo ; Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore [points], betwixt Patawomek and Pamavnkee, after the names of the discoverers. In all those places and the furthest we came vp the rivers, we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and in many places made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes : and in some places crosses of brasse, to signifie to any, Englishmen had beene there. Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt ; these people we found very tractable, and more civill then any: we promised them, as also the Patawomeks to revenge them of the Massawomeks, but our purposes were crossed. In the discovery of this river [that] some call Rapahanock, we were kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund. Here we incountered our old friend Mosco, a lusty Salvage of Wighcocomoco vpon the river of Patawomek. We supposed him some French mans sonne, because he had a thicke blacke bush beard, and the Salvages seldome haue any at all ; of which he was not a little proud, to see so many of his Countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch vs, guide vs any whether, nay, cause divers of his Countrymen helpe vs [to] towe against winde or tyde from place to place till we came to Patawomek : there he rested till we returned from the head of the river, and occasioned our conduct to the mine we supposed Antimony [p. 418]. And in the place he fayled not to doe vs all the good he could, perswading vs in any case not to goe to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill vs for being friends with the Moraught- acunds that but lately had stolne three of the Kings women. This we did thinke was but that his friends might onely haue our trade : so we crossed the river to the Rapahanocks. There some 12 or 16 standingon the shore, directed vs [to] a little Creeke where was good landing, and Commodities for vs in three or foure Canowes we saw lie there : but according to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man in signe of Ed.byw.sunmonds.-| lib< 3. w{th the first supply in Virginia. 425 loue ; which after they had a little consulted, foure or fiue [1608] came vp to the middles, to fetch our man, and leaue vs one of them, shewing we need not feare them, for they had neither clubs, bowes, nor arrowes. Notwithstanding, A nas Todkill, being sent on shore to see if he could discover any Ambuscadoes, or what they had, desired to goe over the playne to fetch some wood ; but they were vnwilling, except we would come into the Creeke, where the boat might come close ashore. Todkill by degrees [62] having got some two stones throwes vp the playne, perceived two or three hundred men (as he thought) behind the trees ; so that offering to returne to the Boat, the Salvages assayed to carry him away perforce, that he called to vs we were betrayed : and by that he had spoke the word, our hostage was over-boord, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the water. Immediatly we let fly amongst them, so that they fled, and Todkill escaped ; yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could recover the boat. Here the Massawomek Targets stood vs in good stead, for vpon Mosco's words, we had set them about the forepart of our Boat like a forecastle ; from whence we securely beat the Salvages from off the plaine without any hurt: yet they shot more then a thousand Arrowes, and then fled into the woods. Arming our selues with these light Targets (which are made of little small sticks woven betwixt strings of their hempe and silke grasse, as is our Cloth, but so firmely that no arrow can possibly pierce them :) we rescued Todkill ; who was all bloudy by [from] some of them who were shot by vs that held him, but as God pleased he had no hurt : and following them vp to the woods, we found some slaine, and in divers places much bloud. It seems all their arrowes were spent, for we heard no more of them. Their Canows we tooke ; the arrowes we found we broke, saue them we kept for Mosco, to whom we gaue the Canowes for his kindnesse, that entertained vs in the best trivmphing manner, and warlike order in armes of conquest he could procure of the Moraughtacunds. The rest of the day we spent in accomodating our Boat, in stead of thoules wee made stickes like Bedstaues, to which we fastened so many of our Massawomek Targets, that invironed her as wa[i]st clothes. 426 [1608] l/A "9. 4'9. 424-J The Salvages disguised like bushes fight. I/. 119.] Our fight with the Mana- haacks. The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. f^BpSJell L A.Todkilll The next morning we went vp the river, and our friend Mosco followed vs along the shore, and at last desired to goe with vs in our Boat. But as we passed by Pisacack, Matchopeak, and Mecuppom, three Townes situated vpon high white clay clifts ; the other side all a low playne marish, and the river there but narrow. Thirtie or fortie of the Rapahanocks had so accommodated themselues with branches, as we tooke them for little bushes growing among the sedge, till seeing their arrowes strike the Targets, and dropped in the river : whereat Mosco fell flat in the Boat on his face, crying the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied to be the bushes, which at our first volley fell downe in the sedge : when wee were neare halfe a myle from them, they shewed themselues dauncing and singing very merrily. The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttata- women, vsed vs kindly, and all their people neglected not any thing to Mosco to bring vs to them. Betwixt Secobeck and Massawtcck is a small Isle or two, which causeth the river to be broader then ordinary; there it pleased God to take one of our Company called Master Fetherstone, that all the time he had beene in this Country, had behaved himselfe, honestly, valiantly, and industriously ; where in a little Bay we called Fetherstones Bay wee buryed him with a volley of shot : the rest notwithstanding their ill dyet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers, never resting, but alwayes tossed to and againe, had all well recovered their healths. The next day wee sayled so high as our Boat would float ; there setting vp crosses, and graving our names in the trees. Our Sentinell saw an arrow fall by him ; though we had ranged vp and downe more then an houre, in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs, and springs, not seeing where a Salvage could well hide himselfe. Vpon the alarum, by that we had recovered our armes, there was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their arrows so fast as they could : the trees here served vs for Baricadoes as well as they. But Mosco did vs more service then we expected; for having shot away his quiver of Arrowes, he ran to the Boat for more. The Arrowes of Mosco at the first made them pause vpon the matter, thinking by his bruit and Ed. by w. simmonds.j lib ^ w^ the first supply in Virginia. 427 skipping, there were many Salvages. About halfe an [1608] houre this continued, then they all vanished as suddainly as they approached. Mosco followed them so farre as he could see vs, till they were out of sight. As we returned a Salvage there lay a Salvage as dead, shot in the knee ; but taking j£enand him vp we found he had [63J life : which Mosco seeing, prisoner. never was Dog more furious against a Beare, then Mosco was to haue beat out his braines. So we had him to our Boat, where our Chirurgian [A . Bagnall] who went with vs to cure our Captaines hurt of the Stingray, so dressed this Salvage that within an houre after he looked somewhat chearefully, and did eate and speake. In the meane time we contented Mosco in helping him to gather vp their arrowes, which were an armefull ; whereof he gloried not a little. Then we desired Mosco to know what he was, and what Countries were beyond the mountaines ; the poore Salvage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hassininga, where there are three Kings more, like vnto them, namely the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxuntania, and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to Mohaskahod, which is onely a hunting Towne, and the bounds betwixt the Kingdome of the Mannahocks and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we were. We demanded why they came in that manner to betray vs, that came to them in peace, and to seeke their loues ; he answered, they heard we were a people come from vnder the world, to take their world from them. We asked him how many worlds he did know, he replyed, he knew no more but that which was vnder the skie that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with His relation the Monacans and the Massawomeks that were higher vp countries. in the mountaines. Then we asked him what was beyond the mountaines, he answered the Sunne : but of any thing els he knew nothing ; ^because the woods were not burnt. • They These and many such questions wee demanded, concern- SSSibut ing the Massawomeks, the Monacans, their owne Country, ^dslre and where were the Kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania, and burnt, the rest. The Monacans he sayd were their neighbours and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly Countries by small rivers, liuing vpon rootes and fruits, but chiefly 428 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. ["VpSS L A. TodkilL [1608] by hunting. The Massawomeks did dwell vpon a great water, and had many boats, and so many men that they made warre with all the world. For their Kings, they were gone every one a severall way with their men on hunting. But those with him came thither a fishing till they saw vs, notwithstanding they would be al[l] together at night at Mahaskahod. For his relation we gaue him many toyes, with per- swasions to goe with vs : and he as earnestly desired vs to stay the comming of those Kings that for his good vsage should be friends with vs, for he was brother to Hassininga. But Mosco advised vs presently to be gone, for they were all naught ; yet we told him we would not till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain what came, and Mosco was as diligent in trimming his arrowes. The night being come we all imbarked; for the riuer was so narrow, had it beene light the land on the one side was so high, they might haue done vs exceeding much mischiefe. All this while the K[ing], of Hassininga was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time what to doe. But by their espies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we heard their arrowes dropping on every side the Boat ; we caused our Salvages to call vnto them, but such a yelling and hallowing they made that they heard nothing, but now and then [we shot off] a peece, ayming so neare as we could where we heard the most voyces. More then 12 myles they followed vs in this manner ; then the day appearing, we found our selues in a broad Bay, out of danger of their shot, where wee came to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them till the Sunne was risen. Being well refreshed, we vntyed our Targets that couered vs as a Deck, and all shewed our selues with those shields on our armes, and swords in ourhands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck. A long discourse there was betwixt his Coun- trimen and him, how good wee were, how well wee vsed him, how wee had a Patawomek with vs, [who] loued vs as his life, that would haue slaine him had we not preserued him, and that he should haue his libertie would they be but friends; and to doe vs any hurt it was impossible. Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib. ^ wjf£ the first supply in Virginia. 429 Vpon this they all hung their Bowes and Quivers vpon [1608] the trees, and one came swimming aboord vs with a Bow How we tyed on his head, and another with a Quiver of Arrowes, JS^Sh which they deliuered our Captaine as a present : the Cap- Jjjk^ taine hauing vsed them so kindly as he could, told them Monahoke. the other three Kings should doe the like, and then the great King of our world should be their friend ; whose men we were. It was no sooner demanded but performed, so [64] vpon a low Moorish poynt of Land we went to the shore, where those foure Kings came and receiued Amoroleck : nothing they had but Bowes, Arrowes, Tobacco- bags, and Pipes : what we desired, none refused to giue vs, wondering at every thing we had, and heard we had done : our Pistols they tooke for pipes, which they much desired, but we did content them with other Commodities. And so we left foure or flue hundred of our merry Mannahocks, singing, dauncing, and making merry, and set sayle for Moraughtacund. In our returnes we visited all our friends, that reioyced J^J* much at our Victory against the Mannahocks, who many frj«ids with times had Warres also with them, but now they were wf' friends; and desired we would be friends with the Rapa- hanocks, as we were with the Mannahocks. Our Captaine told them, they had twise assaulted him that came onely in loue to doe them good, and therefore he would now burne all their houses, destroy their corne, and for euer hold them his enemies, till they made him satisfaction. They desired to know what that should be. He told them they should present him the Kings Bow and Arrowes, and not offer to come armed where he was ; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds his friends and giue him their Kings sonne in pledge to performe it ; and then all King lames his men should be their friends. Vpon this they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meete him at the place where they first fought, where would be the Kings of Nantautacund and Pissassac : which according to their promise were there so soone as we ; where Rapaha- nock presented his Bow and Arrowes, and confirmed all we desired, except his sonne, having no more but him he could not Hue without him, but in stead of his sonne he would giue him the three women Moraughtacund had 430 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. f n jSw*!k L A. Todkill. [1608] stolne. This was accepted : and so in three or foure Canowes, so many as could went with vs to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such relations, and gaue to his friends so many Bowes and Arrowes, that they no lesse loued him then admired vs. The 3 women were brought our Captaine, to each he gaue a chayne of Beads : and then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco, and Rapahanock stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loued best, and Moraughtacund chuse next, and to Mosco he gaue the third. Vpon this, away went their Canowes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision they could; and they that wanted Boats swam over the river. The darke [darkness] commanded vs then to rest. The next day there was of men, women, and children, as we coniectured, six or seauen hundred, dauncing, and singing ; and not a Bow nor Arrow seene amongst them. Mosco changed his name Vttasantasough, which we interpret Stranger, for so they call vs. All promising ever to be our friends, and to plant Corne purposely for vs ; and we to provide hatchets, beads, and copper for them, we departed : giuing them a Volley of shot, and they vs as loud shouts and cryes as their strengths could vtter. The That night we anchored in the river of Payankatank, and PasaZZ0* discovered it so high as it was navigable ; but the people were most[ly] a hunting, saue a few old men, women, and children, that were tending their corne : of which they promised vs part when we would fetch it, as had done all the Nations where ever we had yet beene. In a fayre calme, rowing towards poynt Comfort, we anchored in Gosnolls Bay, but such a suddaine gust sur- prised vs in the night with thunder and rayne, that we never thought more to haue seene lames Towne. Yet running before the wind, we sometimes saw the Land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light onely we kept from the splitting shore, vntill it pleased God in that blacke darknesse to preserue vs by that light to finde poynt Comfort. There refreshing our selues, because we had onely but heard of the Chisapeacks and Nandsamunds, we thought it as fit to know all our neighbours neare home, as so many Nations abroad. So setting sayle for the Southerne shore, we sayled vp a narrow river vp the tank. (A «9.] Ed. by w. simmonds."] LlB. ^ wM the first supply in Virginia. 43 1 country of Chisapeack ; it hath a good channell, but many [1608] shoules about the entrance. By that we had sayled six or seauen myles, we saw two or three little garden plots with their houses, the shores overgrowne with the greatest Pyne and Firre trees wee ever saw in the Country. But not seeing nor hearing any people, and the riuer very narrow, we returned to the great riuer, to see if we could finde any of them. Coasting [65] the shore towards Nandsamund, which is most[ly] Oyster-bankes ; at the mouth of that riuer, we espied six or seauen Salvages making their wires [weirs] , who presently fled : ashore we went, and where they wrought we threw diuers toyes, and so departed. Farre we were not gone ere they came againe, and began to sing, and daunce, and recall vs : and thus we began our first acquaintance. At last one of them desired vs to goe to his house vp that riuer ; into our Boat voluntarily he came, the rest ran after vs by the shore with all shew of loue that could be. Seauen or eight myles we sayled vp this narrow riuer : at last on the Westerne shore we saw large Cornefields, in the midst a little Isle, and in it was abundance of Corne. The people he told vs were all a hunting, but in the Isle was his house, to which he inuited vs with much kindnesse : to him, his wife, and children, we gaue such things as they seemed much con- tented them. The others being come, desired vs also to goe but a little higher to see their houses : here our host left vs, the rest rowed by vs in a Canow, till we were so far past the Isle the riuer became very narrow. Here we desired some of them to come abord vs, wherat ^S!*f pausing a little, they told vs they would but fetch their bows the hand. and arrowes and goe all with vs : but being a shore and thus armed, they perswaded vs to goe forward, but we could neither perswade them into their Canow, nor into our Boat. This gaue vs cause to prouide for the worst. Farre we went not ere seauen or eight Canowes full of men armed appeared following vs, staying to see the conclusion. Presently from each side the riuer came arrowes so fast Jj^fj!1 as two or three hundred could shoot them, whereat we chhapcacks returned to get the open. They in the Canowes let fly also w,««w*. * as fast ; but amongst them we bestowed so many shot ; the most of them leaped overboord and swam ashore, but two 432 [1608] The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. C How they became friends. The proceeding at lames Towne. [/. iao.] A. Bagnall. N. Powell. A. Todkill. or three escaped by rowing. Being against their playnes: our Muskets they found shot further then their Bowes, for wee made not twentie shot ere they all retyred behind the next trees. Being thus got out of their trap, we seised on all their Canowes, and moored them in the midst of the open. More then an hundred arrowes stucke in our Targets, and about the boat ; yet none hurt, onely Anthony Bagnall was shot in his Hat, and another in his sleeue. But seeing their multitudes, and suspecting as it was, that both the Nandsamunds, and the Chisapeacks were together ; we thought it best to ryde by their Canowes a while, to bethinke if it were better to burne all in the Isle, or draw them to composition till we were prouided to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our Colony : but to burne the Isle at night it was concluded. In the interim we began to cut in peeces their Canowes, and they presently to lay downe their bowes, making signes of peace. Peace we told them we would accept it, would they bring vs their Kings bowes and arrowes, with a chayne of pearle ; and when we came againe giue vs foure hundred baskets full of Corne : otherwise we would breake all their boats, and burne their houses, and corne, and all they had. To performe all this they alledged onely the want of a Canow ; so we put one a drift and bad them swim to fetch her : and till they performed their promise, wee would but onely breake their Canowes. They cryed to vs to doe no more, all should be as we would : which presently they performed. Away went their bowes and arrowes, and tagge and ragge came with their baskets : so much as we could carry we tooke, and so departing good friends, we returned to lames Towne, where we safely arrived the 7. of September, 1608. There we found Master Scrivener, and divers others well recovered : many dead ; some sicke : the late President [Ratcliffe] [a] prisoner for mutiny: by the honest diligence of Master Scrivener, the haruest gathered ; but the provision in the store much spoyled with rayne. Thus was that summer (when little wanted) consumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the gouern- ment of Captaine Rat[c]liffe) but onely this discovery; wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and in- Ed.byw.siTnmonds.-j lib# 3 w^ fa sec0nd supply in Virginia. 433 counters this small number passed in that small Barge, [1608] by the scale of proportion, about three thousand myles, with such watery dyet in those great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian vtterly vnknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous and experienced Reader, then I would be tedious or partiall being a partie. [66J But to this place to come who will adventure, with incitements guide and reason how to enter : Finds in this worlds broad sea, with winde and tyde, Titer's safer sayle then any where beside. But 'cause to wanton novices it is A Province full of fearefulnesse I wiss ; Into the great vast deepe to venter out : Those shallow rivers let them coast about. And by a small Boat learne there first, and marke, How they may come to make a greater Barke. Written by Anthony Bagnal/, Nathanaell Powell, and Anas Todkill. CHAPTER VII. [>.».«.) The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith : the A rrivall and rehwne of the second Supply. A nd what happened. He tenth of September, by the Election of the Councell, and request of the Company, Cap- taine Smith receiued the Letters Patents : which till then by no meanes he would accept, though he was often importuned therevnto. Now the building of Rat[c]lijfcs Pallace stayed, as a thing needlesse ; the Church was repaired ; the Store-house re- couered; buildings prepared for the Supplyes we expected; the Fort reduced to a hue-square forme ; the order of the Watch renewed ; the squadrons (each setting of the Watch) trained ; the whole Company euery Saturday 28 434 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lin. 3. [w. phLK\JT^kii [1608] Pcnuhatant scorne when his court esie was most deserved. [p. I22-] No better way to overthrow the busines then by our instructors. exercised, in the plaine by the west Bulvvarke, prepared for that purpose, we called Smithfield : where sometimes more then an hundred Salvages would stand in an amaze- ment to behold, how a fyle would batter a tree, where he would make them a marke to shoot at ; the boats trimmed for trade, which being sent out with Lieutenant Percy, in their Iourney incountred [? Oct. 1608] the second Supply, that brought them backe to discover the Country olMonacan. How or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private Commission, as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certaintie of the South sea, or one of the lost company sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh, I know not ; nor why he brought such a flue peeced Barge, not to beare vs to that South sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines, which how farre they extend is yet vnknowne. As for the Coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Bason and Ewer, Bed, Bedstead, Clothes, and such costly nouelties, they had beene much better well spared then so ill spent, for wee had his favour much better onely for a playne peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of solicit- ing, made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he respected vs as much as nothing at all. As for the hyring of the Poles and Dutch men, to make Pitch, Tar, Glasse, Milles, and Sope ashes, when the Country is replenished with people, and necessaries, would haue done well : but to send them and seauentie more without victualls to worke, was not so well aduised nor considered of, as it should haue beene. Yet this could not haue hurt vs had they beene 200. though then we were 130 that wanted for our selues. For we had the Salvages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered) that we feared not to get victuals for 500. Now was there no way to make vs miserable, but to neg- lect that time to make prouision whilst it was to be had, the which was done by the direction from England to performe this strange discovery, but a more strange Coronation, to loose that time, spend that victualls we had, tyre and starue our men, hauing no meanes to carry victuals, muni- tion, the hurt or sicke, but on their owne backes. How or by whom they were inuented I know not. But Captaine AT£i£$ort we onely accounted the Author, who Ed.byw simmonds] LlB ^ w^ ffo seC0nd supply in Virginia. 435 to effect these proiects, had so guilded mens hopes with [1608] great promises, that both Company and Councell concluded his resolution [67] for the most part. God doth know they little knew what they did, nor vnderstood their owne estates to conclude his conclusions, against all the incon- veniences the foreseeing President [Smith] alledged. Of this Supply there was added to the Councell, one Cap- a consult*- taine Richard Waldo, and Captaine Wynne, two auncient a\iIth!!rhere Souldiers, and valiant Gentlemen ; but yet ignorant of the £°u ™^mst busines, (being but newly arriued.) Rat[c]liffe was also thePresi- " permitted to haue his voyce, and Master Scrivener, desirous to see strange Countries : so that although Smith was President, yet the Maior part of the Councell had the authoritie, and ruled it as they listed. As for clearing Smiths obiections, how Pitch and Tarre, Wainscot, Clapbord, Glasse, and Sope ashes, could be provided, to relade the ship : or provision got to Hue withall, when none was in the Country; and that we had, spent, before the ship departed to effect these projects. The answer was, Captaine Newport vndertooke to fraught the Pinnace of twentie tunnes with Corne in going and return- ing in his Discovery, and to refraught her againe from [/»• i«3-i W erowocomoco of Powhatan. Also promising a great pro- portion of victualls from the Ship ; inferring that Smiths propositions were onely devices to hinder his iourney, to effect it himselfe ; and that the crueltie he had vsed to the Salvages might well be the occasion to hinder these Designes, and seeke revenge on him. For which taxation, all workes were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for Newports guard in this Discovery. But Captaine Smith to make cleare all those seeming suspitions, that the Salvages were not so desperate as was pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing (since by their authoritie they would haue it so) he was to assist them what he could, because the Coronation would consume much time, he vndertooke himselfe their message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to lames Towne to receiue his presents. tain And where Newport durst not goe with lesse then 120. smifi^ he onely tooke with him Captaine Waldo, Master Andrew s°£hw,th 436 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [ R. Wyfhn, J. Abbot. W. Thittiplace, A.Todkill. [1608] Pmvhatan, when Newport feared with A Virginia Masko. [>• "4-1 Tht W'omens entertaine- ment. Buckler, Edward Brintofi, and Samuel Collier: with these foure he went over land to Werowocomoco, some 12 myles; there he passed the river of Pamavnhce in a Salvage Canow. Powhatan being 30 myles of[f], was presently sent for : in the meane time, Pocahontas and her women entertained Captaine Smith in this manner. In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting vpon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shreeking, that the [five] English betooke themselues to their armes, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended ; and the beholders, which were men, women, and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke ; thirtie young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leaues, their bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but all differing, their leader [? Pocahontas] had a fayre payre of Bucks homes on her head, and an Otters skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand ; the next had in her hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-sticke ; all horned alike : the rest every one with their severall devises. These fiends with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselues in a ring about the fire, singing and dauncing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and solemnly againe to sing and daunce ; having spent neare an houre in this Mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed. Having reaccommodated themselues, they solemnly in- vited him to their lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house, but all these Nymphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging about him, most tediously crying, Loue you not me ? loue you not me ? This saluaticn ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the Salvage dainties they could devise : some attending, others singing and dauncing about them ; which mirth being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches they conducted him to his lodging. Ed. by w. simmonds.-j jlB^ ^ w^jt fju second supply in Virginia. 437 Thus did they shew their feats of amies, and others art in [1608] dauncing : Some other vs'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting. [68] The next day came Powhatan. Smith delivered his §SJ"e message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him message. Namontack he had sent for England ; desiring him to come to his Father Newport, to accept those presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans. Wherevnto this subtile Savage thus replied. If your King haue sent me Presents, I also am a King, and ^™J*tanl this is my land : eight dayes I will stay to receiue them. Your Father is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite at such a bait : as for the Monacans I can revenge my owne iniuries, and as for Atquanachuk, where you say your brother was slaine, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it; but for any salt water beyond the moun- taines, the Relations you haue had from my people are false. Wherevpon he began to draw plots vpon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regions. Many other discourses they had (yet both content to giue each other content in complementall Courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this Answer. Vpon this, the Presents were sent by water which is £S£§£ neare an hundred myles, and the Captains went by land [/• «s.) with fiftie good shot. All being met at Werowocomoco, the next day was appointed for his Coronation, then the presents were brought him, his Bason and Ewer, Bed and furniture set vp, his scarlet Cloke and apparell with much adoe put on him, being perswaded by Namontack they would not hurt him : but a foule trouble there was to make him kneele to receiue his Crowne, he neither knowing the maiesty nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, endured so many perswasions, examples, and instructions, as tyred them all ; at last by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the crowne in their hands put it on his head, when by the warning of a Pistoll the Boats were prepared with such a volley of shot, that the King start vp in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then remembring himselfe, to 438 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. n8*EWi£88: [1608] congratulate their kindnesse, he gaue his old shooes and his mantell to Captaine Newport. But perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, helaboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides more then Namontack; and so after some small complementall kindnesse on both sides, in requitall of his presents he presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares that might containe some 7 or 8 Bushels, and as much more we bought in theTowne: wherewith we returned to the Fort. The The Ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, SmSS0*" with the first Gentlewoman and woman-seruant that arrived in our Colony. Captaine Newport with 120 chosen men, led by Captaine Waldo, Lieutenant Percie, Captaine Winne, Master West, and Master Scrivener, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the Fort with about 80. or 90. (such as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriving at the Falles,we marched by land somefortie myles in two dayes and a halfe; and so returned downe the same path we went. Two townes we discovered of the Monacans, called Massinacak and Mowhemenchonch ; the people neither vsed vs well nor ill, yet for our securitie we tooke one of their petty Kings, and led him bound to conduct vs the way. And in our returnes [we] searched many places we sup- posed Mines, about which we spent some time in refyning, having one William Colli cut, a refyner fitted for that pur- [/. i«6.] pose. From that crust of earth we digged, he perswaded vs to beleeue he extracted some small quantitie of silver; and (not vnlikely) better stuffe might be had for the digging. With this poore tryall, being contented to leaue this fayre, fertile, well watered Country ; and comming to the Falles, the Salvages fayned there were divers ships come into the How the Bay, to kill them at lames Towne. Trade they would ddudf? not, and finde their Corne we could not ; for they had hid mEJIS. it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at lames Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with toyle, famine, and discontent, to haue onely but discovered our guilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certainties, as Captaine Smith fortold vs. But those that hunger seeke to slake, Which thus abounding wealth would rake : Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib ^ w^ fa second supply in Virginia. 439 Not all the gemmes of Ister shore, [1608] Nor all the gold of Lydia's store, [69] Can fill their greedie appetite ; It is a thing so infinite. No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed so many as were able, some for Glasse, others for Tarre, Pitch, and Sope-ashes, leauing them with the Fort to the Councels oversight. But 30 of vs he conducted downe the river some 5 myles from lames towne, to learne to make Clapbord, cut downe trees, and lye in woods. Amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriel Beadle, and Iohn Russell, the onely two gallants of this last Supply, and both proper Gen- tlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their condi- tions ; yet lodging, eating, and drinking, working or playing, they but doing as the President did himselfe. All these things were carried so pleasantly as within a weeke they became Masters : making it their delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell ; but the Axes so oft blistered their tender fingers, that many times every third blow had a loud othe to drowne the eccho ; for remedie of which sinne, the President devised how to haue every Apunish- mans othes numbred, and at night for every othe to haue wearing. a Cann of water powred downe his sleeue, with which every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarce heare an othe in a weeke. For he who scornes and makes but tests of cursings, and his othe, He doth contemne, not man but God ; nor God, nor man, but both. By this, let no man thinke that the President and these Gentlemen spent their times as common Wood haggers at felling of trees, or such other like labours ; or that they were pressed to it as hirelings, or common slaues ; for what they did, after they were but once a little invred, it seemed and some conceited it, onely as a pleasure and recreation : yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary Gentleman would doe more \j. 1*7.] in a day then 100 of the rest that must be prest to it by sM^Mea compulsion ; but twentie good workemen had beene better theJTioo. then them all. 44-0 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. n r R. Wyffin, J. Abbot. 6' |_W. Phittiplace, A. TodkiU. [1608] The Chkka- hamania's forced to contribution. A bad reward for well-doing. A good Taverne in Virginia. Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the Fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President returning from amongst the woods, seeing the time consumed and no provision gotten, (and the Ship lay idle at a great charge and did nothing) presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order to the Councell to send Lieutenant Percie after him with the next barge that arrived at the Fort ; two Barges he had himselfe and 18 men, but arriving at Chickahamania, that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and inso- lency as they could expresse. The President perceiuing it was Powhatans policy to starue vs, told them he came not so much for their Come, as to revenge his imprison- ment, and the death of his men murthered by them ; and so landing his men and readie to charge them, they im- mediately fled : and presently after sent their Ambassadors with corne, fish, foule, and what they had to make their peace ; (their Corne being that yeare but bad) they com- plained extreamely of their owne wants, yet fraughted our Boats with an hundred Bushels of Corne, and in like manner Lieutenant Percies that not long after arrived, and having done the best they could to content vs, we parted good friends, and returned to lames towne. Though this much contented the Company (that feared nothing more then starving), yet some so envied his good successe, that they rather desired to hazzard a starving, then his paines should proue so much more effectuall then theirs. Some proiects there were invented by Newport and Rat[c]liffe, not onely to haue deposed him, but to haue kept him out of the Fort ; for that being President, he would leaue his place and the Fort without their consents : but their homes were so much too short to effect it, as they themselues more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe. All this time our old Taverne made as much of all them that had either money or ware as could be desired : by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I meane the souldiers, saylers, and Salvages) as there was tenne times more care to maintaine their damnable and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things [70] Ed.byw.stomonds.-j lib ^ wftfo fa second supply in Virginia. 441 that were necessary. Neither was it a small policy in [1608] Newport and the Marriners to report in England we had such [/. 128.] plentie, and bring vs so many men without victuals, when ^bad trade they had so many private Factors in the Fort, that within masters and six or seauen weeks, of two or three hundred Axes, Chissels, saylers' Hows, and Pick-axes, scarce twentie could be found : and for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any thing they could steale from their fellowes, was vendible; they knew as well (and as secretly) how to convey them to trade with the Salvages for Furres, Baskets, Mussaneeks, young Beasts, or such like Commodities, as exchange them with the Saylers for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke, Aqua vitce, Beere, Bisket, Oatmeale, and Oyle : and then fayne all was sent them from their friends. And though Virginia affoorded no Furres for the Store, yet one Master in one voyage hath got so many by this indirect meanes, as he confessed to haue scld in England for 30/. Those are the S: int-seeming Worthies of Virgina (that haue notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and wages) ; but now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented. None hath beene in Virginia, that hath observed anything, which knowes not this to be true : and yet the losse, the scorne, the misery, and shame, was the poore Officers, Gen- tlemen, and carelesse Governours, who were all thus bought and sold ; the adventurers cousened, and the action over- throwne by their false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let all men iudge, how this businesse could prosper, being thus abused by such pilfring occasions. And had not Captaine Newport cryed Peccavi, the President would haue discharged the ship, and caused him to haue stayed one yeare in Virginia,to learne to speake of his owne experience. Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace Master to Werowocomoco, where he found the Salvages more voyageta* readie to fight then trade : but his vigilancy was such as ZZ™°'* prevented their proiects, and by the meanes of Namontack, [he] got three or foure hogsheads of Corne ; and as much Pocones, which is a red roote, which then was esteemed an excellent Dye. Captaine Newport being dispatched, with the tryals of Pitch, Tarre, Glasse, Frankincense, Sope ashes ; with 442 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [J-t! Smith. 1608. [1608] that Clapboord and Waynscot that could be provided \p. 129.] met with Master Scrivener at poynt Comfort, and so re- turned for England, We remaining were about two hundred. 1" The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer and Councell of Virginia from Captaine Smith, then President in V 1 r g i n i a . Right Honorable, &c. Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our minds are so set vpon faction, and idle conceits in diuiding the Country without your consents, and that we feed You but with ifs and ands, hopes, and some few proof es ; as if we would keepe the mystery of the businesse to our selues : and that we must expresly follow your instructions sent by Captaine Newport : the charge of whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand pounds, the which \p. 928.] if we cannot defray by the Ships returne, we are like to remain as banished men. To these particulars I humbly intreat your Pardons if I offend you with my rude A nswer. For our factions, vnlesse you would haue me run away and leaue the Country, I cannot prevent them : because I do make many stay that would els fly any whether. For the idle Letter sent [?by Captain Newport's ship in April 1608, p. 389] to my Lord of Salisbury, by the President [Ratcliffe] and his confe- derals, for diuiding the Country &c. What it was I know not, for you saw no hand [71] of mine to it ; nor euer dream't I of any such matter. That we feed you with hopes, &c. Though I be no scholer, I am past a schoole-boy ; and I desire but to know, what either you, and these here, doe know but that I haue learned to tell you by the continuall hazard of my life. I haue not concealed from you any thing I know ; but I feare some cause you to beleeue much more then is true. Expresly to follow your directions by CaptaineNewport, though they be performed, I was directly against it ; but according to our Commission, I was content to be overruled by the maior part of the Councell, I feare to the hazard of vs all ; which now is generally confessed when it is too late. Onely Captaine Ed* byjuiy TeSG ^IB- 3- W7'^ ^e second supply in Virginia. 443 Winne and Captaine Waldo / haue sworne of the Councell, [1608] and Crowned Powhatan according to your instructions. Forjhe charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds, we haue not receiued the value of an hundred pounds. And for the quartred Boat to be borne by the Souldiers over the Falles, Newport had 120 of the best men he could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes, one might haue carried her in a bag ; but as she is, flue hundred cannot, to a navigable place aboue the Falles. And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of gold, or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh : at our Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. But during this great discovery of thirtie mylcs, {which might as well haue beene done by one man, and much more, for the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they had the Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that remained with me to seme the Fort. In their absence I followed the new begun workes of Pitch and Tarre, Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord ; whereof some small quantities we haue sent you. But if you rightly con- sider, what an infinite toyle it is in Russia and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught els, and though there be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient Common- wealths, which many an hundred yeares haue vsed it ; yet thousands of those poore people can scarce get necessaries to Hue, but from hand to mouth. And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week as will fraught you a ship, or as much as you please ; you must not expect from vs any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable soules, that are scarce able to get wherewith to Hue, and defend our selues against the inconstant Salvages : finding but here and there a tree fit for the purpose, and want all things els the Russians haue. For the Coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you sent him such presents, I know not ; but this giue me leaue to tell you, I feare they will be the confusion of vs all ere we heave from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Salvages harvest was newly gathered, and we going to buy it; our owne not being halfe sufficient for so great a number. As for the two ships loading of Come Newport promised to pro- vide vs from Powhatan, he brought vs but four eteene Bushels; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sicke 444 TJie Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [J't! Smith. [608. [1608] and neare famished. From your Ship we had not provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and we are more then two hundred to Hue vpon this : the one halfe sicke, the other little better. For the Saylers (I confesse) they daily make good cheare, but our dyet is a little meale and water, and not sufficient of that. Though there be fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts in the woods, their bounds are so larget they so wilde, and we so weake and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine Newport we much suspect to be the Authour of those inventions. Now that you should know, I haue made you as great a dis- covery as he, for lesse charge then he spendeth you every meale ; / haue sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed [72] Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit them, as you may see at large. Also two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good Iron ore at the least ; so devided, as by their notes yon may see in what places I found them. The Souldiers say many of your officers maintaine their families out of that you send vs : and that Newport hath an hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every master you haue yet sent can find the way as well as he, so that an hundred pound might be spared, which is more then we haue all, that helps to pay him wages. Captaine Rat[c]liffe is now called Sicklemore, a poore counterfeited Imposture. I haue sent you him home, least the company should cut his throat. What he is, now every one can tell you : if he and Archer returne againe, they are sufficient to keepe vs alwayes in factions. When you send againe I intreat you rather send but thirty Carpenters, husbandmen, gar diners, fisher men, blacksmiths, masons, and diggers vp of trees, roots, well provided ; then a thousand of such as we haue : for except wee be able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most will consume with want of necessaries before they can be made good for any thing. Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the vn~ necessary wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so long lingering and staying here {for notwithstanding his boasting to leaue vs victuals for 12 moneths; though we had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and but a pinte of Come a day for a man, we were constrained to giue him three hogsheads of that to viciuall him homeward) or yet to send into Germany or Poleland/or glasse-men and the rest, till we be able to sustains Eel. by W. Simmonds.-] 1612-1624.J Lib. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 445 our seines, and relieue them when they come. It were better to giue fine hundred pound a tun for those grosse Commodities in Denmarke, then send for them hither, till more necessary things be provided. For in over-toyling our weake and vnskilfull bodies, to satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever recover our selues from one Supply to another. And I humbly intreat you hereafter, let vs know what we should receiue, and not stand to the Saylers courtesie to leaue vs what they please ; els you may charge vs with what you will, but we not you with any thing. These are the causes that haue kept vs in Virginia, from laying such a foundation, that ere this might haue given much better content and satisfaction ; but as yet you must not looke for any profitable retumes : so I humbly rest. [1608] The Names of those in this Supply, were these : t>- »«•] with their Proceedings and Accidents. Captaine Peter Winne, Captaine Richard Waldo, were appoynted to be of the Councell. Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La VVarre. Thomas Graues. N George Burton. Raleigh Chroshaw. Thomas Abbay. Gabriel Beadle. William Dowman. . John Beadle. Thomas Maxes. -*-» G Iohn Russell. Michael Lowick. (L) O William Russell. Master Hunt. Iohn Cuderington. Thomas Forrest. William Sambage. f3 Iohn Dauxe. Henry Leigh. Henry Philpot. Thomas Phelps. Harmon Harrison. Iohn Prat. — rv? Daniel Tucker. Iohn Clarke. Si Henry Collings. Ieffrey Shortridge. S-'2 03 t^ Hugh Wolleston. Dionis Oconor. Iohn Hoidt. Hugh Winne. g f Thomas Norton. Dauid ap Hugh. H.S George Yarington. , Thomas Bradley. [73T 446 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lia 3. [w.^uripESViSdwiL [1608] John Burr as. c Nicholas Hancock. Thomas Lavander. B Walker. Henry Bell. Williams. Master Powell. - 0> Flond. David Ellis. u M or ley. Thomas Gibson. j Rose. Thomas Dawse. \ £* Scot. Thomas Mallard. §2 Hardwyn. William Taylcr. •a* Milman. Thomas Fox. M Hilliard. Mistresse Forrest. and Anne Burras her mai C/3 CD >> o tion. [/>. 130.] eight Dutch men and Poles, with some others, to the number of seaventie persons, &c. Nandsa- These poore conclusions so affrighted vs all with famine, tTc^tHbu?1 that the President provided for Nandsamund, and tooke with him Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener, then returning from Captaine Newport. These people also long denied him not onely the 400 Baskets of Come they promised [p. 432], but any trade at all ; (excusing themselues they had spent most they had ; and were commanded by Powhatan to keepe that they had, and not to let vs come into their river) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce. Vpon the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and shot not an Arrow ; the first house we came to we set on fire, which when they perceiued, they desired we would make no more spoyle, and they would giue vs halfe they had : how they collected it I know not, but before night they loaded our three Boats. And so we returned to our quarter some foure myles downe the River, which was onely the open woods vnder the lay of a hill, where all the ground was covered with snow, and hard frozen; the snow we digged away and made a great fire in the place; when the ground was well dryed, we turned away the fire ; and covering the place with a mat, there we lay very warme. To keepe vs from the winde we made a shade of another Mat ; as the winde turned we turned our shade : and when the ground grew cold we remoued the fire. And thus many a cold winter night haue wee laine in this miserable manner, yet those Ed.byw.simmonds:-| LlB ^ wM t/ie second supply in Virginia. 447 that most commonly went vpon all those occasions, were [1608] alwayes in health, lusty, and fat. For sparing them this yeare,the next yeare they promised to plant purposely for vs ; and so we returned to lames towne. About this time there was a marriage betwixt John The first Lay don and Anne Burr as ; which was the first marriage ?S«£.m we had in Virginia. Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine Waldo with two Barges. From Chawopoweanock, and all parts thereabouts, all the people were fled, as being iealous of our intents ; till we discovered the river and people of #"^2* Apamatuck ; where we found not much : that they had we equally divided ; but gaue them copper and such things as contented them in consideration. Master Scrivener and Lieutenant Percie went also abroad, but could find nothing. The President seeing the procrastinating of time, was no course to Hue, resolved with Captaine Waldo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but the vnwillingnesse of Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener (for some private respect, plotted in England to ruine Captaine Smith) [^.460], did their best to hinder their proiect. But the President whom no perswasions could perswade to starue, being invited by Powhatan to come vnto him : and if he would send him but men to build him a house, giue him a gryndstone, fiftie swords, some peeces, a cock and a hen, with much copper and beads, he would load his Ship with Corne. The President not ignorant of his devises and subtiltie,yet vnwilling to neglect any opportunitie, presently sent three Dutch-men and two English ; having so small allowance, [that] few were able to doe any thing to purpose : knowing there needed no better a Castle to effect this proiect, tooke order with Captaine Waldo to second him, if need required. Scrivener he left his substitute, and set forth with the Pin- nace, two Barges, and fortie six men, which onely were such as voluntarily offered themselues for his Iourney, the which \J 131-] by reason of Master Scriveners illsuccesse, was censured very desperate: they all knowingSm^/t would not returne emptie, if it were to be had ; howsoever, it caused many of those that he had appointed, to find excuses to stay behinde. [74] I4^> The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w.pwttiJSS A: Todkill. [1608-9] [/». 13a] CHAPTER VIII. Captaine Smiths loumey to Pamavnkee sjj^He twentie-nine of December [1608] he set forward for Werowocomoco : his Company were these ; In the Discovery Barge himself e. Robert Behethland. Nathanael Graucs. John Russell. Raleigh Chrashow. Michael Sicklemore. Richard W or ley. Anas Todkill. William Lone. William Bentley. Jeffrey Shortridgc. Edward Pising. William Ward. u o C/2 In the Pinnace. Lieutenant Percie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland. Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre. William Phittiplace, Captaine of the Pinnace. Michael Phittiplace. Ieffrey Abbot, Ser- ieant. William Tankard. George Yarington. lames Browne. Edward Brinton. George Burton. Thomas Coe. a U o DO U o 10 Ionas Profit, Master. Robert Ford, Clarke of the Councell. Iohn Dods, Souldier. Henry Powell, Souldier. Thomas Gipson, David Ellis, Nathanael Peacock, Saylers ; Iohn Prat, George Acrig, lames Read, Nicholas Hancock, lames Watkins, Thomas Lambert, foure Dutch-men, and Richard Salvage were sent by land before, to build the house for Powhatan against our Arrivall. This company being victualled but for three or foure dayes, lodged the first night at Warraskoyack, where the President tooke sufficient provision. This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan ; but perceiuing he could not prevaile, he advised in this manner. Ed. by w. s^monds.-j LIB ^ witjz fa secon(i suppiy in Virginia. 449 Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to vse you [1608-9] kindly : but trust him not, and be sure he haue no JJjJjJg^f oportunitie to seize on your Armes ; for he hath sent warras- for you onely to cut your throats. ioyack' The Captaine thanking him for his good counsell : yet the better to try his loue, desired guides to Chawwonock ; for he would send a present to that King, to bind him his friend. To performe this iourney was sent Master Sicklemore, a very valiant, honest, and a painefull Souldier : with him two guides, and directions how to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse. Then we departed thence, the President assuring the King [of his] perpetuall loue ; and left with him Samuel Collier his Page to learne the Language. So this Kings deeds by sacred Oath adiurd. More wary proues, and circumspect by ods : Fearing at least his double forfeiture ; To offend his friends, and sin against his Gods. The next night [30 Dec. 1608], being lodged at Kecoughtan; rientie of six or seaven dayes the extreame winde, rayne, frost and victua s' snow caused vs to keepe Christmas [31 Dec. 1608 — 6 Jan. 1609] among the Salvages, where we were never more merry, nor fed on more plentie of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wild-foule, and good bread; nor never had better fires in England, then in the dry smoaky houses of Kecoughtan. But departing thence, when we found no houses we were not curious in any weather to lye three or foure nights together vnder the trees by a fire, as formerly is sayd [p. 446] . 148 Fouie* An hundred fortie eight foules the President, Anthony \iiltt*1 Bagnall, and Serieant Pising did kill at three shoots. shootes. At Kiskiack the frost and contrary winds forced vs three or foure dayes also (to suppresse the insolency of those \J- 133O proud Salvages) to quarter in their houses, yet guard our Barge, and cause them [to] giue vs what we wanted ; though we were but twelue and himselfe, yet we never wanted shelter where we found any houses. The 12 of Ianuary [1609] we arrived at Werowocomoco, where the river was frozen neare halfe a myle from the shore; but to neglect [75] no time, the President with his Barge so far had approached by breaking the ice, as the ebbe left him 2Q 450 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [ R. Wyffin, J. Abbot. W. I'hittiplace, A. Todkill. [1609] Captaine Smiths discourse to Fowhatan. [/• 134-1 Powhatan* reply and flattery. amongst those oasie shoules, yet rather then to lye there frozen to death, by his owne example he taught them to march neere middle deepe, a flight shot through this muddy frozen oase. When the Barge floated, he ap- poynted two or three to returne her aboord the Pinnace. Where for want of water, in melting the ice, they made fresh water, for the river there was salt. But in this march Master Russell, (whom none could perswade to stay behinde) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heauie, so over- toyled himselfe as the rest had much adoe (ere he got ashore) to regaine life into his dead benummed spirits. Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to Pow- hatan for provision ; who sent vs plentie of bread, Turkies, and Venison. The next day [13 Jan.] having feasted vs after his ordinary manner,he began to aske vs when we would be gone: fayning he sent not for vs, neither had he any come; and his people much lesse: yetforfortieswordshewouldprocurevsfortieBaskets. The President shewing him the men there present that brought him the message and conditions, asked Powhatan how itchancedhebecamesoforgetfull;thereattheKingconcluded the matter with a merry laughter, asking for our Commo- dities, but none he liked without gunnes and swords, valuing a Basket of Come more precious then a Basket of Copper ; saying he could rate [eat] his Come, but not the Copper. Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtill Salvage, began to deale with him after this manner. Powhatan, though I had many courses to haue made my pro- vision, yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all to satisfieyour desire : and to testifie my hue, I sent you my men for your building, neglecting mine owne. What your people had, you haue engrossed, forbidding them our trade : and now you thinke by consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfill your strange demands. As for swords and gunnes, I told you long agoe I had none to spare ; and you must know those I haue can keepe me from want : yet steale or wrong you I will not, nor dissolue that friendship we haue mutually promised, except you constrainc me by our bad vsage. The King having attentively listned to this Discourse, promised that both he and his Country would spare him what he could, the which within two dayes they should receiue. Yet EuVbyw.simmonds.-| LlB ^ with the second supply inV\xgm\2i. 451 Captaine Smith, sayth the King, some doubt I haue of your [1609] comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to relieueyou as I would : for many doe informe me, your comming hither is not for trade, but to invade my people, and possesse my Country, who dare not come to bring you come, seeing you thus armed with your men. To free vs of this feare, leaue aboord your weapons, for here they are needlesse, we being all friends, and for ever Powhatans. With many such discourses, they spent the day; quarter- ing that night in the Kings houses. The next day [14 Jan.] he renewed his building, which hee little intended should proceede. For the Dutch-men finding his plentie, and knowing our want; and perceiving his preparations to surprise vs, little thinking we could escape both him and famine ; (to obtaine his favour) revealed to him so much as they knew of our estates and proiects, and how to prevent them. One of them being of so great a spirit, iudgement, and resolution; and a hireling that was certaine of his wages for his labour, and ever well vsed both he and his Countrymen; that the President knew not whom better to trust: and not knowing any fitter for that imploy- ment, he sent him as a spy to discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting his honestie, nor could ever be certaine of his villa[i]ny till neare halfe a yeare after [p. 467]. Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country, we [/• »3f.l wrangled out of the King ten quarters of Corne for a copper Kettell, the which the President perceiving him much to affect, valued it at a much greater rate ; but in regard of his scarcity he would accept it, provided we should haue as much more the next yeare, or els the Country of Monacan. Wherewith each seemed well contented, and Powhatan began to expostulate the difference of Peace and Warre after this manner. Captaine Smith, you may vnderstand that I having seene ^JJ^JJ the death of all my people thrice, and not any one lining of those peace and three generations but my selfe ; I know the difference of Peace and Warre better then any in my Country. But now I am old and ere long must die, my brethren [76J , namely Opitcha- pam, Opechancanough, and Kekataugh, my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly each others successors. I wish their experience no lesse then mine, and your loue to them no 452 Tfie Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. PhuriK^-r^ikS. [1609] lesse then mine to you. But this bruit from Nandsamund, that you are come to destroy my Country, so much affrighteth all my people as they dare not visit you. What will it availe you to take that by force you may quickly haue by hue, or to destroy them that provide you food. What can you get by warre, when we can hide our provisions and fly to the woods ? whereby you m ust famish by wronging vs your friends. A nd why are you thus iealous of our hues seeing vs vnarmed, and both doe, and are will- ing still to feede you, with that you cannot get but by our labours ? Thinke you I am so simple, not to know it is better to eate good meate, lye well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children, laugh and be merry with you, haue copper, hatchets, or what I want being your friend : then be forced to flie from all, to lie cold in the woods, feede vpon A comes, rootes, and such trash; and be so hunted by you, that I can neither rest, eate, nor sleepe ; but my tyred men must watch, and if a twig but breake, every one cryeth there commeth Captaine Smith : then must I fly I know not whether : and thus with miserable feare, end my \p. 136.] miserable life, leaning my pleasures to such youths as you, which through your rash vnaduisednesse may quickly as miserably end, for want of that, you never know where to finde. Let this therefore assure you of our loues, and every yeere our friendly trade shall furnish you with Come; and now also, if you would come in friendly manner to see vs, and not thus with your guns and swords as to invade your foes. wine ^° ^ls subtill discourse, the President thus replyed. Reply. Seeing you will not rightly conceiue of our words, we striue to make you know our thoughts by our deeds; the vow I made you of my loue, both my selfe and my men haue kept. As for your promise I find it euery day violated by some of your sub- jects : yet we finding your loue and kindenesse, our custome is so far from being vngratefull, that for your sake onely, we haue curbed our thirsting desire of revenge ; els had they knowne as well the crueltie we vse to our enemies, as our true loue and courtesie to our friends. And I thinke your iudgement suffi- cient to conceiue, as well by the adventures we haue vndertaken, as by the advantage we haue (by our A rmes) of yours : that had we intended you any hurt, long ere this we could haue effected it. Your people comming to lames Towne are entertained with their Bowes and A rrowes without any exceptions ; we esteeming it with you as it is with vs, to weare our armes as our apparell. As Ed. by W. Simmonds."] 1612-1624.J Lib. 3. with the second supply z/z Virginia. 453 for the danger of our enemies, in such war res consist our chief est pleasure : for your riches we haue no vse : as for the hiding your provision, or by your flying to the woods, we shall not so vnad- visedly starue as you conclude, your friendly care in that behalf e is needlesse, for we haue a rule to finde beyond your knowledge. Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade. But the King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard [not] dispersed, nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his minde once more in this manner. Captaine Smith, / neuer vse any Werowance so kindely as your selfe, yet from you I receiue the least kindnesse of any. Captaine Newport gaue me swords, copper, cloathes, a bed, towels, or what I desired ; euer taking what I offered him, and would send away his gunnes when I intreated him : none doth deny to lye [lay] at my feet, or refuse to doe, what I desire, but onely you ; of whom I can haue nothing but what you regard not, and yet you will haue whatso euer you demand. Captaine New- port you call father, and so you call me ; but I see for all vs both you will doe what you list, and we must both seeke to con- tent you. But if you intend so friendly as you say, send hence your amies, that I may beleeue you; for you see the loue I beare you, doth cause me thus nakedly to forget my selfe. Stnith seeing this Salvage but trifle the time to cut his throat, procured the Salvages to breake the ice, that his Boate might come to fetch his corne and him ; and gaue order for more men to come on shore, to surprise the King, with whom also he but trifled the time till his men were landed : and to keepe him from suspicion, entertained the time with this reply. Powhatan you must know, as I haue but one God, I honour but one King ; and I Hue not here as your subiect, but as your friend to pleasure you with what I can. By the gifts you bestow on me, you gaine more then by trade : yet woiddyou visit mee as I doe you, you should know it is not our custome, to sell our curtesies as a vendible commodity. Bring all your [77] countrey with you for your guard, I will not dislike it as being ouer iealous. But to content you, to morrow I will leaue my Amies, and trust to your promise. I call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will loue you : but the small care you- haue of such a childe caused my men to perswade me to looke to my selfe. By this time Powhatan hauing knowledge his men were [1609] [/• 137-1 Powhatans importunity to haue vs vnarmed to betray vs. Captaine Smiths discourse to delay time, till he found oportunity to surprise the King. [The last time Smith sees Pow- hatan.] 454 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w.ii*«&^mE [1609] ready; whilest the ice was a breaking, with his luggage ^t^ftu* women an^ children, fled. Yet to auoyd suspicion, left murdered two or three of the women talking with the Captaine, *■**■ whilest hee secretly ran away, and that his men secretly beset the house. Which being presently discouered to [>-i38.] Captaine Smith, with his pistoll, sword, and target hee made such a passage among these naked Diuels ; that at his first shoot, they next him tumbled one ouer another, and the rest quickly fled some one way, some another : so that without any hurt, onely accompanied with Iohn Russell, hee obtained the corps du guard. When they perceiued him so well escaped, and with his eighteene men (for he had no more with him a shore), to the vttermost of their skill they sought excuses to dissemble the matter: andPowhatan to excuse his flight and the sudden a chaine of comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a great brace- STok'toine *et anc* a cname of pearle,by an ancient Oratour that bespoke fora present, vs to this purpose ; perceiuing euen then from our Pinnace, a Barge and men departing and comming vnto vs. Captaine Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your gunnes, and knowing when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent these numbers but to guard his come from stealing, that might happen without your knowledge : now though some bee hurt by your misprision, yet Powhatan is your friend and so will for euer continue. Now since the ice is open, he would haue you send away your corne; and if you would haue his company, send away also your gunnes, which so affrighteth his people, that they dare not come to you as hee promised they should. Pretending Then hauing prouided baskets for our men to carry our men iMded come to the boats, they kindly offered their seruice to guard we^edts' our Armes, that none should steale them. A great many t^mdoit they were of goodly well proportioned fellowes, as grim as Diuels ; yet [at] the very sight of cocking our matches, and being to let fly, a few wordes caused them to leaue their bowes and arrowes to our guard, and beare downe our corne on their backes ; wee needed not importune them to make dispatch. But our Barges being left on the oase by the ebbe, caused vs stay till the next high-water; so that wee returned againe to our old quarter. Powhatan and his Dutch-men brusting with desire to haue Ed. by w. simmonds."] LlB ^ w^ fa seconcl supply in Virginia. 455 the head of Captaine Smith ; for if they could but kill him, [1609] they thought all was theirs, neglected not any opportunity to effect his purpose. The Indians with all the merry sports they could deuise, spent the time till night : then they all returned to Powhatan, who all this time was making ready his forces to surprise the house and him at supper. Notwithstanding the eternall all-seeing God did preuent him, and by a strange meanes. For Pocahontas his dearest ^^M iewell and daughter, in that darke night came through the hwfSE* irksome woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should urn «.to be sent vs by and by: but Powhatan and all the power he could make, would after come kill vs all, if they that brought it could not kill vs with our owne weapons when we were at supper. Therefore if we would Hue, shee wished vs pre- sently to bee gone. Such things as shee delighted in, he would haue giuen her : but with the teares running downe her cheekes, shee said shee durst not be seene to haue any : for if Powhatan should know it, she were but dead, and so shee ranne away by her selfe as she came. Within lesse than an houre came eight or ten lusty fellowes, with great platters of venison and other victuall, very impor- tunate to haue vs put out our matches (whose smoake made them sicke) and sit down to our victuall. But the Captaine made them taste euery dish, which done hee sent some of them backe to Powhatan, to bid him make haste for hee was prepared for his comming. As for them hee knew they came to betray him at his supper: but hee would prevent them and all their other intended villanies : so that they might be gone. Not long after came more mes- sengers, to see what newes ; not long after them, others. Thus wee spent the night as vigilantly as they, till it was high-water, yet seemed to the saluages [78] as friendly as they to vs : and that wee were so desirous to giue Powha- tan content, as hee requested, wee did leaue him Edward Brynton to kill him foule, and the Dutch-men to finish his house ; thinking at our returne from Pamavnkee the frost would be gone, and then we might finde a better oppor- tunity if necessity did occasion it, little dreaming yet of the Dutch-mens treachery, whose humorwell su[i]tedthisverse: 7s any free, that may not Hue as freely as he list ? Let vs Hue so, then w'are as free, and bruitish as the best. Winn* 456 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. PhutSVi^kut ("390 CHAPTER IX. How wee escaped surprising at Pamavnkee. E had no sooner set sayle but Powhatan returned, and sent Adam and. Francis {two stout Dutch-men [pp. 467, 487]) to lames towne : who faining to Captaine Winnethat all things were well, and that Captaine Smith had vse of their armes, wherefore they requested new (the which were giuen them). They told him their comming was for some extraordinary tooles, and shift of apparell ; by which colourable excuse they obtained sixe or seauen more to their confederacie, such expert theeues, that presently furnished them with a great many swords, pike- heads, peeces, shot, powder and such like : Saluages they had at hand to carry it away; and the next day they returned vnsuspected, leauing their confederates to follow, and in the interim to convay them such things as they could : for which seruice they should Hue with Powhatan as his chiefe affected, free from those miseries that would happen [to] the Colony. The Dutch Samuel their other consort Powhatan kept for their pledge, thensarunages whose diligence had prouided them three hundred of their with Ames, kinde 0f hatchets ; the rest fifty swords, eight peeces, and eight pikes. Brynton and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so diligent to accommodate the Saluages with weapons, attempted to haue gotten to lames towne; but they were apprehended, and expected euer when to be put to death. Within two or three dayes, we arriued at Pamavnkee, the King as many dayes entertained vs with feasting and much mirth. And the day appointed to beginne our trade, the President, Lieutenant Percie, Master West, Master Russell, Master Behethland, Master Crashaw, Master Powell, Master Ford, and some others to the number of fifteene, went vp to Opechancanonghs house a quarter of a mile from the riuer ; where wee found nothing but a lame fellow and a boy : and all the houses round about of all things abandoned. lA»4o.j Not long wee stayed ere the King arriued, and after him came diuerse of his people loaden with bowes and arrowes : but such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at Ed.byw.s;mmonds.-| lib^ with the second supply z# Virginia. 457 Smiths Speech to Opechan- canough. such a value, as our Captaine began with the King after [1609] this manner. Opechancanough, the great hue you prof esse with your tongue, seemes meere deceit by your actions. Last yeere you kindly fraughted our ship : but now you haue inuited mee to starue with hunger : you know my want, and I your plenty ; of which by some meanes I must haue part : remember it is fit for Kings to keepe their promise. Here are my commodities, whereof take your choice; the rest I will proportion fit bargains for your people. The King seemed kindly to accept his offer, and the better to colour his proiect, sold vs what they had to our owne con- tent ; promising the next day, more company, better prouided. The Barges and Pinnace being committed to the charge of Master Phetiplace ; the President [the next day] with his old fifteene marched vp to the Kings house : where wee found foure or hue men newly arriued, each with a great basket. Not long after came the King, who with a strained cheer- 7«>. Sai- fulnesse held vs with discourse what paines he had taken to Slf EngS. keep his promise ; till Master Russell brought vs in newes that \™s but we were all betrayed : for at least seuen hundred Saluages well armed, had inuironed [79] the house, and beset the fields. The King coniecturing what Russell related, wee could well perceiue how the extremity of his feare bewrayed his intent : whereat some of our company seeming dismaied with the thought of such a multitude ; the Captaine encouraged vs to this effect. Worthy Countrey-men, were the mischiefes of my seeming f^("to friends no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared his were they as many more : if you dare doe, but as I. But this Company- is my torment, that if I escape them, our malicious Councell with their open mouthed Minions, will make me such a peace- breaker {in their opinions in England) as will breake my necke. I could wish those here, that make these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherein I pray you aid mee with your opinions. Should wee beginne with them and surprise the King, we cannot keepe him and defend well our selues. If wee should each kill our man, and so proceed with all in the house ; the rest will all fly : then shall wee get no more then the bodies that are slaine, and so starue for victuall. As for their fury it is the least danger ; for well you know, being [>. mi] 458 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. phhtjac^xtdkut [1609] Smiths offer to Opechan- canough. Opechanca- nought deuice to betray Smith. [/• X42.] Smith taketh tht King prisoner. alone assaulted with two or three hundred of them, I made them by the helpe of God compound to saue my life. A nd wee are sixteene, and they but seauen hundred at the most; and assure your selues, God will so assist vs, that if you dare stand but to discharge your pieces, the very smoake will bee sufficient to affright them. Yet howsoeuer, let vs fight like men, and not die like sheepe : for by that meanes you know God hath oft deliuered mee, and so I trust will now. But first, I will deale with them, to bring it to passe wee may fight for something, and draw them to it by con- ditions. If you like this motion, promise me you will be valiant. The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute whatsoeuer hee attempted or die ; whereupon the Captaine in plaine tearmes told the King this. J see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I fear e it not. As yet your men and mine haue done no harme, but by our direction. Take therefore your Amies, you see mine, my body shall bee as naked as yours : the Isle in your riuer is a fit place, if you be contented : and the conquerour (of vs two) shall be Lord and Master ouer all our men. If you haue not enough, take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will ; so euery one bring a basket of come, against all which I will stake the value in copper : you see I haue but fifteene, and our game shall be, the Conquerour take all. The King being guarded with forty or fifty of his chiefe men, seemed kindly to appease Smiths suspicion of vnkind- nesse, by a great present at the doore, they intreated him to receiue. This was to draw him out of the doore, where the bait was guarded with at least two hundred men, and thirty lying vnder a great tree (that lay thwart as a barri- cado) each his arrow nocked ready to shoot. The President commanded one [evidently a soldier] to go see what kind of deceit this was, and to receiue the present; but hee refused to doe it; yet the Gentlemen and all the rest were importunate to goe, but he would not permit them, being vexed at that Coward : and commanded Lieutenant Percie, Master West, and the rest to make good the house ; Master Powell and Master Behethland he commanded to guard the doore; and in such a rage snatched the King by his long locke in the middest of his men, with his Pistoll readiebent against his brest. Thus he led the trembling King, neare dead with feare amongst all his people : who delivering the Captaine Ed. by w. simmonds.-| LlB ^ witjt fa seC0nd supply in Virginia. 459 his Vambrace, Bow, and Arrowes, all his men were easily [1609] intreated to cast downe their Armes, little dreaming any durst in that manner haue vsed their King : who then to escape himselfe bestowed his presents in good sadnesse. And causing a great many of them come before him vnarmed, holding the King by the hayre (as is sayd), he spake to them to this effect. I see (you Pamavnkeesj the great desire you haue to kill me, Smiths and my long suffering your iniuries hath imboldened you to fo^Ta- this presumption. The cause I haue forborne your insolencies, n*™*"*- is the promise I made you (before the God I serue) to be your friend, till you giue me iust cause to be your enemy. If I keepe this vow, my God will keepe me, you cannot hurt me; if I breake it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow to shed one drop of bloud of any of my men, or steale the least of these Beads, or Copper, I spume here before you with my foot ; you shall see I will not cease revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can heare where to finde one of [80] your Nation that will not deny the name of Pamavnk. / am not now at Rassaweak halfe drowned with myre, where you tooke me prisoner ; yet then for keeping your promise and your good vsage and saving my life, I so affect you, that your denyals of your trechery doe halfe perswade me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you ayme at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You promised to fraught my Ship ere I departed, and so you shall ; or I meane to load her with your dead carcasses : yet if as friends you will !/■ x43-i come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you giue me the first occasion ; and your King shall be free and be my friend, for I am not come to hurt him or any of you. Vpon this, away went their Bowes and Arrowes ; and men, ti» women, and children brought in their Commodities : two or dissemble three houres they so thronged about the President and so theirintcnt overwearied him, as he retyred himselfe to rest, leauing Master Behethland and Master Powellto receiuetheir presents. But some Salvages perceiuing him fast asleepe, and the guard somewhat carelesly dispersed, fortie or fiftie of their choise men each with a club or an English sword in his hand, began to enter the house with two or hundred others, that pressed to second them. The noyse and hast they made in, did so shake the house they awoke him from his sleepe ; and being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, [he] betooke him 460 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w.PhutiK^T^S: [1609] strait to his sword and Target; Master Crashaw and some others charged in like manner ; whereat they quickly thronged faster backe than before forward. The house thus cleansed, the King and some of his auncients we kept yet Their excuse with him, who with a long Oration, excused this intrusion. and recon- r i i • • diement. The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse, the companie againe renewing their presents with their best provisions, and whatsoever he gaue them they seemed therewith well contented. Now in the meane while, since our departure, this hapned at our Fort. 5 Master Master Scrivener having receiued Letters from England to scrivener make himselfe either Ccesar or nothing, he began to decline with°a skiff, in his affection to Captaine Smith [p. 447], that ever regarded him as himselfe ; and was willing to crosse the surprising of Powhatan. Some certaine daies after the Presidents depar- ture, he would needs goe visit the Isle of Hogs, and tooke with himCaptaineP7fl/rfo(though the President had appointed him to be ready to second his occasions) with Master A nthony Gosnoll and eight others ; but so violent was the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the Boat sunke, but where or how none doth know. The Skiff was much over-loaden, and would scarce haue liued in that extreame tempest had she beene empty: but by no perswasion he could be diverted, though both Waldo and an hundred others doubted as it hapned. fA M4-J The Salvages were the first that found their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect their proiects. To advertise the President of this heavie newes, none could be found would vndertake it, but the Iorney was often refused of all in the Fort, vntill Master Richard Wyffin vnder- Master tooke alone the performance thereof. In this Iourney he d2j£e was incountred with many dangers and difficulties in all iourney. parts as he passed. As for that night he lodged with Powhatan, [at Werowocomoco, see pp. 456, 463] perceiuing such preparation for warre, not finding the President there: he did assure himselfe some mischiefe was intended. Pocahontas hid him for a time, and sent them who pursued him the cleane contrary way to seeke him ; but by her meanes and extraordinry bribes and much trouble in three dayes [? 19-22 Jan. 1609] travell, at length he found be trecher- ous. Ed.byw.simmonds.-j LlB ^ with the second supply inWxgim-a.. 461 vs in the middest of these turmoyles [apparently about 22 [1609] Jan. 1609, *•*•• ow ^ ^JV Smith had seized Opechancanough]. This vnhappy newes the President swore him to conceale from the company, and so dissembling his sorrow with the best countenances he could, when the night approched [he] went safely aboord with all his Souldiers; leauing Opechan- canough at libertie, according to his promise, the better to haue Powhatan in his returne. Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death Powhatan of his men, if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine h^men'to Smith : that the next day, they appointed all the countrey should come to trade vnarmed : yet vnwilling to be trecherous, but that they were constrained, hating fighting with him almost as ill as hanging, such feare they had of bad successe. The next morning, the Sunne had not long appeared, but the fields appeared covered with people and Baskets, to tempt vs on shore : but nothing was to be had without his presence, nor they would not indure the sight of a gun. [81] When the President saw them begin to depart, being The third vnwilling to loose such a bootie, he so well contrived the bSrayU0 Pinnace and his Barges with Ambuscadoes, as onely with Lieutenant Percie, Master West, and Master Russell, with their Armes [he] went on shore ; others he appointed vnarmed toreceiuewhat was brought. The Salvages flocked before him in heapes, and the banke serving as a trench for a retreat, he drew them fayre open to his Ambuscado's. For he not being to be perswaded to goe [and] visit their King, the King knowing the most of them [to be] vnarmed, came to visit him with two or three hundred men, in the forme of two halfe Moones ; and with some twentie men, and many women loaden with painted Baskets. But when they approached somewhat neare vs, their women and [p-ns-i children fled. For when they had environed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought their purpose sure, yet so trembled with feare as they were scarse able to nock their Arrowes : Smith standing, with his three men ready bent, beholding them till they were within danger of our Ambuscado's ; who vpon the word discovered them- selues, and he retyred to the Barge. Which the Salvages 462 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. ^SSSbS& [1609] no sooner perceived, then away they fled, esteeming their heeles for their best advantage. That night we sent Master Chrashaw, and Master Ford [evidently in a barge], to lames towne to Captaine Winne. In thewaybetweene Werowocomoco and the Fort, they met foure or hue of the Dutch-mens Confederates going to Powhatan : the which to excuse those Gentlemens suspition of their run- ningto the Salvages, returnedto the Fort andthere continued. The Salvages hearing our Barge goe downe the river in the night, were so terribly affrayde, that we sent for more men (we having so much threatned their ruine, and the Achayneof rasing of their houses, boats, and wires [weirs]), that the tPoe3bfalnet next ^av ^e King sent our Captaine a chayne of Pearle, Peac«. to alter his purpose and stay his men : promising though they wanted themselues, to fraught our ship and bring it aboord to avoyd suspition : so that, hue or six dayes after, from all parts of the Country within ten or twelue myles, in the extreame frost and snow, they brought vs provision on their naked backes. The Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their poysoneS: art and poyson beene sufficient, the President, with Master punched?" West, and some others had beene poysoned ; it made them sicke, but expelled it selfe. Wecuttanow, a stout young fellow, knowing he was suspected for bringing this present of poyson, with fortie or fiftie of his chiefe companions (seeing the President but with a few men at Potavncak) so proudly braued it, as though he expected to incounter a revenge. Which the President perceiving, in the midst of his company, did not onely beate, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe. Wherevpon all of them fled into the woods, thinking they had done a great matter to haue so well escaped : and the townsmen remaining [/. 146.] presently fraughted our Barge to be rid of our companies, framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow, (being sonne to their chiefe King, but [excepting] Powhatan) and told vs if we would shew tnem him that brought the poyson, they would deliver him to vs to punish as we pleased. Men may thinke it strange there should be such a stirrc for a little come, but had it beene gold with more ease wee might haue got it; and had it wanted, the whole Colony had Ed.byw.simmonds.j lib 3 with the second supply in\\x-i49,i57, now that power resteth wholly in my selfe : you must obey this and 473"] now for a Law, that he that will not worke shall not eate {except by sichiesse he be disabled :) for the labours of thirtie or fortie honest and industrious men shall not be consumed to maintaine an hundred and fiftie idle loyterers. And though you presume the authoritie here is but a shadow, and that I (/. 150.] dare not touch the Hues of any but my owne must answer it : the Letters patents shall each weeke be read to you, whose Contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you there- fore without contempt seeke to obserue these orders set downe, for there are now no more Counselors to protect you, nor curbe my endevours. Therefore he that ojfendeth, let him assuredly expect his due punishment. He made also a Table [notice board], as a publicke memoriall of every mans deserts, to incourage the good, and with shame to spurre on the rest to amendment. By this many became very industrious, yet more by punish- ment performed their businesse; for all were so tasked, that there was no excuse could prevaile to deceiue him. Yet the Dutch-mens consorts so closely convayed them Ed.byw.simmonds.-j LlB .3. with the second supply in Virginia. 467 powder, shot, swords, and tooles, that though we could [1609] find the defect, we could not finde by whom, till it was too late. All this time [Feb -Mar. 1609] the Dutch men remaining The Dutch- with Powhatan (who kindly entertained them to instruct ^muSer the Salvages the vse of our Armes), and their consorts not §2£jne following them as they expected ; to know the cause, they sent Francis their companion [p. 447, 456], a stout young fellow, disguised like a Salvage, to the Glasse-house, a place in the woods neare a myle from lames Towne ; where was their Randezvous for all their vnsuspected villany. Fortie men they procured to lie in Ambuscado for Captaine Smith, who no sooner heard of this Dutch-man, but he sent to apprehend him (but he was gone) : yet to crosse his returne to Powhatan, the Captaine presently dispatched 20. [84] shot after him; himselfe returning from the Glasse-house alone. By the way he incountred the King of Paspahegh, a most strong stout Salvage, whose perswasions not being able to perswade him to his Ambush, seeing him onely armed but with a faucheon, attempted to haue shot him, but the smith President prevented his shoot by grapling with him, and Kilf*ofhe the Salvage as well prevented him for drawing his p**tatugk faucheon, and perforce bore him into the River to haue pnsoner* drowned him. Long they strugled in the water, till the President got such hold on his throat, he had neare [>.i5t.l strangled the King; but having drawne his faucheon to cut off his head, seeing how pittifully he begged his life, he led him prisoner to lames Towne, and put him in chaynes. The Dutch-man ere long was also brought in, whose villa[i]ny though all this time it was suspected, yet he fayned such a formall excuse, that for want of language Captaine Winne vnderstood him not rightly, and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to saue their Hues they were constrained to accommodate [him with] his armes, of whom he extreamely complained to haue detained them perforce, and that he made this escape with the hazard of his life, and meant not to haue returned, but was onely walking in the woods to gather Walnuts. Yet for all this faire tale, there was so small appearance of truth, and [also] the plaine confession of Pasbahegh of 468 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" w.i£nEl!. L Hon. G. Percy! (1609] his trechery, [that] he went by the heeles: Smith pur- posing to regaine the Dutch-men, by the saving his [i.e., Paspahegb's] life. The poore Salvage did his best by his daily messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutch-men would not returne, neither did Powhatan stay them ; and to bring them fiftie myles [from Orapaks] on his mens backes they were not able. Daily this Kings wiues, children, and people came to visit him with presents, which he liberally bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they had in the Presidents promise: but the King finding his guard negli- gent, though fettered yet escaped. Captaine Winne thinking to pursue him found such troupes of Salvages to hinder his passage, as they exchanged many vollies of shot for flights of Arrowes. SSa** Captaine Smith hearing of this, in returning to the Fort taketh two tooke two Salvages prisoners, called Kemps and Tussore, the pSerl two most exact villaines in all the Country. With these he sent Captaine Winne and fiftie choise men, and Lieutenant Percie, to haue regained the King, and revenged this iniury. And so [he] had done, if they had followed his directions, or beene advised with those two villaines, that would haue betrayed both King and kindred for a peece of Copper : but he trifling away the night, the Salvages the next morning by the rising of the Sunne, braved him to come ashore to \A 153.] fight. A good time both sides let fly at other, but we heard of no hurt ; onely they tooke two Canowes, burnt the Kings house, and so returned to lames towne. The President fearing those Bravado's would but in- courage the Salvages, began againe himselfe to try his conclusions; whereby six or seauen were slaine, [and] as many made prisoners. He burnt their houses, tooke their Boats, with all their fishing wires [weirs], and planted some of them at lames towne for his owne vse, and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged himselfe of all them [that] had iniured him. But in his iourney passing by Paspahegh towards Chicka- hamania, the Salvages did their best to draw him to their Ambuscadoes ; but seeing him regardlesly passe their Country, all shewed themselues in their bravest manner. Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib ^ w^ ffa second supply in Virginia. 469 To try their valours he could not but let fly ; and ere he [1609] could land, they no sconer knew him, but they threw downe Jhe^ ^ their armes and desired peace. Their Orator was a lustie des.yreges young fellow called Okaning, whose worthy discourse Peace* deserveth to be remembred. And thus it was : Captaine Smith, my Master is here present in the company, {JJ**"* thinking it Captaine Winne, and not you, (of him he in- Oration. tended to haue beene revenged) having never offended him. If he hath offended you in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes swim, the foules fly, and the very beasts striue to escape the snare and Hue. Then blame not him being a man. He would intreat you remember, you being a prisoner, what paines he tooke to saue your life [pp. 16, 396]. If since he hath iniured you, he was compelled to it: but howsoeuer,you haue revenged it with our too great losse. We perceiue and well know you intend to destroy vs, that are here to intreat and desire your friendship; and to enioy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you shall participate: otherwise you will haue the worse by our absence, for we can plant any where, [85] though with more labour, and we know you cannot Hue if you want our harvest, and that relief e we bring you. If you promise vs peace, we will beleeue you; if you proceed in revenge, we will abandon the Country. Vpon these tearmes the President promised them peace, IP- 153-1 till they did vs iniury, vpon condition they should bring in provision. Thus all departed good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Countrey [4 Oct. 1609]. Arriving at lames Towne, complaint was made to the President, that the Chickahamanians, who all this while continued trade and seemed our friends, by colour thereof were the onely theeues. And amongst other things a Pistoll being stolne and the theefe fled, there was appre- hended two proper young fellowes, that were brothers, knowne to be his confederates. Now to regaine this Pistoll, the one was imprisoned, the other was sent to returne the Pistoll againe within twelue houres, or his brother to be hanged. Yet the President pittyingthe poore naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent himvictuall and some Char-coale for a fire. LoolS Ere midnight his brother returned with the Pistoll, but JJ/^'d the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smoothered with revered. 470 The Discoveries and Accident sy Lib. 3. [" w.T^nSrd! L Hon. G. Percy. [1609] the smoake he had made, and so pittiously burnt, that wee found him dead. The other most lamentably beway[l]ed his death, and broke forth into such bitter agonies, that the President to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they would not steale, he would make him aliue againe : but he little thought he could be recovered. Yet we doing our best with Aqua vita and Vineger, it pleased God to restore him againe to life ; but so drunke and affrighted, that he seemed Lunaticke : the which as much tormented and grieued the other, as before to see him dead. Of which maladie vpon promise of their good behaviour, the President promised to recover him : and so caused him to be layd by a fire to sleepe ; who in the morning having well slept, had recovered his perfect senses, and then being dressed of his burning, and each a peece of Copper giuen them, they went away so well contented, that this was spread among all the Salvages Tor a miracle, that Captaine Smith could make a man aliue that was dead. Another ingenuous Salvage of Powhatans, having gotten a great bag of Powder, and the backe of an Armour, at Werowocomoco amongst a many of his companions, to shew his extraordinary skill, he did dry it on the backe as he had seene the Souldiers at lames Towne. But he dryed it so long, they peeping over it to see his skill, it tooke fire, and blew him to death, and one or two more; and the rest [were] so scorched, they had little pleasure to meddle any more with powder. These and many other such pretty Accidents, so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan, and all his people, that [/. «54-i from all parts with presents they desired peace ; returning many stolne things which we never demanded nor thought of : and after that, those that were taken stealing, both Powhatan and his people haue sent them backe to lames towne, to receiue their punishment ; and all the Country became absoluteflvl as free for vs, as for themselues. Two or three Salvages slaine in drying Powder. ^r Ed.byw.shnmonds.j lib#^ wjth the second supply zW Virginia. 471 CHAPTER XI. What was done in three moneths having Victualls, The Store devoured by Rats, how we lined three moneths of such naturall fruits as the Country affoorded. Ow we so quietly followed our businesse, that in [1609] three moneths [Feb. — April 1609] wee made three or foure Last of Tarre, Pitch, and Sope ashes ; produced a tryall of Glasse ; made a Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water, which till then was wanting ; built some twentie houses ; re-covered our Church : provided Nets and W[e]ires for fishing ; and to stop the disorders of our disorderly theeues, and the Salvages, built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle, kept by a Garrison to entertaine [86] the Saluages trade, and none to passe nor repasse Saluage nor Christian without the presidents order. Thirtie or forty Acres of ground we digged and planted. Of three sowes in eighteene moneths, increased 60 and od Piggs. And neere 500. chickings brought vp themselues without hau- ing any meat giuen them : but the Hogs were transported to Hog. Isle : where also we built ablock-house with a garison to giue vs notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they made Clapbord and waynscot, and cut downe trees. We built also a fort for a retreat neere a conuenient Riuer vpon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assalted and easie to be defended ; but ere it was finished this defect caused a stay. In searching our casked corne [April 1609], we found it fju-emiue halfe rotten, and the rest so consumed with so many by Rats, thousands of Rats that increased so fast, but the [i] re originall [/. 155-1 was from the ships, as we knew not how to keepe that little we had. This did driue vs all to our wits end, for there was nothing in the country but what nature afforded. Vntill this time Kemps and Tassore were fettered prisoners, and did double taske and taught vs how to order and plant our fields: whom now for want of victuall we set at liberty, but so well they liked our companies they did not desire to goe from us. Bread made of dried Sturgeon. 472 The Discoveries and Accidents ; Lib. 3. [" w.i^nSS LHon.G. Percy. [1609] And to expresse their loues, for 16. dayes continuance, the Countrie people brought vs (when least) 100. a day, of Squirrils, Turkyes, Deere and other wilde beasts. But this want of corne occasioned the end of all our works, it being worke sufficient to provide victuall. 60. or 80. with Ensigne Laxon was sent downe the riuer to Hue vpon Oysters, and 20. with liutenant Percy to try for fishing at Poynt Comfort : but in six weekes they would not agree once to cast out the net, he being sicke and burnt sore with Gunpouder. Master West with as many went vp to the falls, but nothing could be found but a few Acornes ; of that in store euery man had their equall proportion. Till this present, by the hazard and indeuours of some thirtie or fortie, this whole Colony had ever beene fed. We had more Sturgeon, then could be deuoured by Dog and Man, of which the industrious by drying and pounding, mingled with Caviare, Sorell and other whole- some hearbes would make bread and good meate : others would gather as much Tockwhogh roots in a day as would make them bread a weeke, so that of those wilde fruites, and what we caught, we liued very well in regard of such a diet. But such was the strange condition of some 150, that had they not beene forced nolens, volens, perforce to gather and prepare their victuall they would all haue starued or haue eaten one another. Of those wild fruits the Salvages often brought vs, and for that the President would not full- fill the vnreasonable desire of those distracted Gluttonous Loyterers, to sell not only our kettells, hows, tooles, and Iron, nay swords, pieces, and the very Ordnance and howses, might they haue prevayled to haue beene but Idle : for those Saluage fruites, they would haue had imparted all to the [/. 156.] Saluages, especially for one basket of Corne they heard of to be at Powhatans [his house at Orapaks], fifty myles from our Fort. Though he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie their humors ; yet to haue had the other halfe, they would haue sould their soules, though not sufficient to haue kept them a weeke. Thousands were the[i]re exclamations, sugges- tions and deuises, to force him to those base inventions to haue made it an occasion to abandon the Country. Want perforce constrained him to indure their exclaiming follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer [p. 168] a most The[i]re desire to destroy themselues. Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib# 3 wz^ tfc second supply in Virginia. 473 crafty fellow and his ancient Maligner, whom he worthily [1609] punished, and with the rest he argued the case in this maner. Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or The so many to be so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to order for starue you, or that Powhatan at this present hath come for the drones* himself e, much lesse for you ; or that I would not haue it, if I knew where it were to be had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as now I see a great many; yet it shal not so passionate me, but I will doe my best for my most maligner. But dreame no longer of this vaine hope from Powhatan, not [nor] that I will longer forbeare to force you from your Idlenesses and punish you if you rayle. But if I finde any more runners for Newfoundland with the Pinnace, let him assuredly looke to ar[r]iue at the Gallows. You cannot deny but that by the hazard of my life many a time I haue saued yours, when {might your owne wills haue preuailed) you [87] would haue starued ; and will doe still whether I will or noe ; But I protest by that God that made me, since necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your selues those fruites the earth doth yeeld,you shall not onely gather for your selues, but those that are sicke. As yet I neuer had more from the store then the worst of you : and all my English extraordinary prouision that I haue, you shall see me diuide it amongst the sick. And this Saluage trash you so scornfully repine at; being put in your mouthes your stomackes can disgest : if you would haue better, you should haue brought it ; and therefore I will take a course you shall prouide what is to be had. The sick shall not starue, but equally share of all our labours ; and he that gathereth not every day as much as I doe, the next day ^ lS7.] shall be set beyond the riuer, and be banished from the Fort as a drone, till he amend his conditions or starue- But some would say with Seneca. I know those things thou sayst are true good Nurse, But fury forceth me to follow worse. My minde is hurried headlong vp and downe : Desiring better counsell, yet finds none. This order many murmured was very cruell, but it Butseuen caused the most part so well [to] bestirre themselues, that fnn^J1^ of 200. (except they were drowned) there died not past seuen : jJ^JJ-Jj. As for Captaine Winne and Master Leigh they were dead i 474 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.Tank£3". L Hon. G. Percy. [1609] ere this want hapned, and the rest dyed not for want of such as preserued the rest. Many were billetted amongst the Saluages, whereby we knew all their passages, fields and habitations, how to gather and vse the[i]re fruits as well as themselues; for they did know wee had such a commanding power at lames towne they durst not wrong vs of a pin. Th« So well those poore Salvages vsed vs that were thus returner billetted, that diuers of the Souldiers ran away to search fugume*. Kemps and Tassore our old prisoners. Glad were these Salvages to haue such an oportunity to testifie their loue vnto vs, for in stead of entertaining them, and such things as they had stollen, with all their great Offers, and promises they made them how to reuenge their iniuryes vpon Captaine Smith ; Kemps first made himselfe sport, in shewing his countrie men (by them) how he was vsed, feeding them with this law, who would not work must not eat, till they were neere starued indeede, continually threatning to beate them to death : neither could they get from him, till hee and his consorts brought them perforce to our Captaine, that so well contented him and punished them, as many others that intended also to follow them, were rather contented to labour at home, then aduenture to hue idlely amongst the Salvages ; (of whom there was more hope to make better Christians and good subiects, then the one halfe of those that counterfeited themselues both.) For so affraide was al those kings and the better sort of the people to displease vs, that some of the baser sort that we haue extreamly hurt and punished for the[ijre villanies would hire vs, [that] we should not tell it to their kings, or countrymen ; who would also repunish them, and yet returne them to lames towne to content the President, for a testimony of their loues. (A 158.) Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke ; but ffkuvto f°und little hope and lesse certaintie of them [that] were kmeTto' left by Sir Walter Raleigh. The riuer, he saw was not "JtSr"* great, the people few, the countrey most[ly] over growne with pynes, where there did grow here and there straglingly Pemminaw, we call silke grasse. But by the riuer the ground was good, and exceeding furtill. Ed.byw.shnmonds.-j lib#3# with the second supply inV'xxgxmz. 475 Master Nathanael powell and Anas Todhill were also by [1609] the Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to Master search them there: but nothing could they learne but Comejto they were all dead. SiLw. This honest proper good promise-keeping king, of all the rest did euer best affect vs, and though to his false Gods he was very zealous, yet he would confesse our God as much exceeded his as our Gunns did his Bow and Arrowes, often sending our President many presents, to pray to his God for raine or his corne would perish, for his Gods were angry. Three dayes iorney theyconducted [88] them through the woods, into a high country towards the Southwest : where they saw here and there a little corne field, by some little spring or smal brooke, but no riuer they could see : the people in all respects like the rest, except the [i] re language: they Hue most[ly] vpon rootes, fruites and wilde beasts; and trade with them towards the sea and the fatter countryes for dryed fish and corne, for [with] skins. All this time to recouer the Dutch-men and one Bentley t^ another fugitiue, we imployed one William Volday, a protects. Zwitzar by birth, with Pardons and promises to regaine them. Little we then suspected this double villaine of any villa[i]ny ; who plainly taught vs, in the most trust was the greatest treason ; for this wicked hypocrite, by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd conditions of his cursed country men, (hauing this oportunity by his imployment to regaine them) conuayed them euery thing they desired to effect their proiects, to distroy the Colony. With much deuotion they expected the Spaniard, to whom they intended good seruice, or any other that would but carry them from vs. But to begin with the first oportunity ; they seeing necessitie thus inforced vs to disperse our selues, importuned Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not onely distroy our Hoggs, fire our towne, and betray our Pinnace ; but bring to his seruice and subiection the most of our company. With this plot they had acquainted many Discontents, and many were agreed to their Deuilish practise. But one Thomas Douse, and Thomas Mallard (whose christian hearts relented at such an vnchristian act) voluntarily reuealed it to Captaine Dutch 476 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. r W. Tankard. Hon. G. Percy. [1609] Smith, who caused them to conceale it, perswading Douse and Mallard to proceed in their confed[e]racie: onely to bring the irrecla[i]mable Dutch men and the inconstant [A 159 1 Salvages in such a maner amongst such Ambuscado's as he had prepared, that not many of them should returne from ouv Peninsula [i.e., of James Town]. But this bru[i]te comming to the eares of the impatient multitude they so importuned the President to cut off those Dutch men, as amongst many that offred to cut Two their throats before the face of Powhatan, the first was wnttoThe Lieutenant Percy, and Master lohn Cuderington, two Germans. Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as could possibly be found. But the President had occasion of other imploiment for them, and gaue way to Master Wyffin and Sarieant [p. 508.] Ieffrey Abbot, to goe and stab them or shoot them. But the Dutch men made such excuses, accusing Volday whom they supposed had reuealed their proiect, as Abbot would not ; yet Wyffing would, perceiuing it but deceit. The King vnderstanding of this their imployment, sent presently his messengers to Captaine Smith to signifie it was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder his men from executing his command : nor did he nor would he maintaine them or any, to occasion his displeasure. The first But whilst this businesse was in hand, Arriued [10 July SSamf 1609, see p. xcvi] one Captaine Argall, and Master Thomas Argaii. Sedan t sent by Master Cornelius to truck with the Colony, and fish for Sturgeon, with a ship well furnished with wine and much other good provision. Though it was not sent vs, our necessities was such as inforced vs to take it. He brought vs newes of a great supply and preparation for the Lord La Warre, with letters that much taxed our President for his hard dealing with the Salvages, and not returning the shippes fraughted. Notwithstanding we kept this ship till the fleete arriued [11-18 August 1609]. True it is Argall lost his voyage, but we reuictualled him, and sent him for England, with a true relation of the causes of our defailments, and how imposible it was to returne that wealth they expected, or obserue the[i]re instructions to indure the Salvages insolencies, or doe any thing to any purpose, except they would send vs men and meanes that could produce that they so much desired : Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 477 otherwises all they did was lost, and could not but come [1609] to confusion. The villany of Volday we still dissembled. Adam vpon his pardon came home, but Samuell still stayed with Powhatan to heare further of their estates by this supply. Now all their plots Smith so well vnderstood, they were his best advantages to secure vs from any trechery, [that] could be done by them or the Salvages : which with facility he could revenge when he would, because all those countreyes more feared him then Powhatan, and hee had such parties with all his bordering neighbours : and many of the rest for loue or feare would haue done any thing he would haue them, vpon any commotion, [89] though these fugitiues had done all they could to perswade Powhatan, [that] King lames would kill Smith, for vsing him and his people so vnkindly. By this you may see for all those crosses, trecheries, Note these and dissentions, how hee wrestled and overcame (without VSnce*. bloudshed) all that happened : also what good was done ; how few dyed ; what food the Countrey naturally affoord- eth ; what small cause there is men should starue, or be murthered by the Salvages, that haue discretion to mannage them with courage and industrie. The two first yeares, though by his adventures, he had oft brought the Salvages to a tractable trade ; yet you see how the envious authoritie ever crossed him, and frustrated his best endevours. But it wrought in him that experience and estimation amongst the Salvages, as otherwise it had bin impossible, he had ever effected that he did. Notwithstanding the many miserable, yet generous and worthy adventures, he had oft and long endured in the wide world ; yet in this case he was againe to learne his Lecture k>- i6o-i by experience. Which with thus much adoe having obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when he had but onely learned how to begin. And though he left those vnknowne difficulties (made easie and familiar) to his vnlawfull successors, (who onely by liuing in lames Towne, presumed to know more then all the world could direct them :) Now though they had all his Souldiers, with a tripple power, and twice tripple better 478 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.T*nErf. LHon. G. Percy. [1609] meanes ; by what they haue done in his absence, the world may see what they would haue done in his presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions : it doth iustly proue, what cause he had to send them for England [pp. 408, 411, 444]; and that he was neither factious, mutinous, nor dishonest. But they haue made it more plaine since his returne for England ; having his absolute authoritie freely in their power, with all the advantages and opportunitie that his labours had effected. As I am sorry their actions haue made it so manifest, so I am vnwilling to say what reason doth compell me, but onely to make apparant the truth, least I should seeme partiall, reasonlesse, and malicious. a «*J CHAPTER XII. The Arrivall of the third Supply. O redresse those jarres and ill proceedings, the Treasurer, Councell, and Company of Virginia, not finding that returne and profit they ex- pected; and them ingaged there, not having meanes to subsist of themselues ; made meanes to his Maiestie, to call in their Commission, and take a new in their owne names, as in their owne publication, 1610. you may reade at large. Having thus annihilated the old by vertue of a Com- mission made to the right Honourable, Sir Thomas West, Lord de la Warre, to be Generall of Virginia ; Sir Thomas Gates, his Lieutenant ; Sir George Somers, Admirall ; Sir Thomas Dale, high Marshall ; Sir Fardinando Wain-man, Generall of the Horse ; and so all other offices to many other worthy Gentlemen, for their Hues : (though not any of them had ever beene in Virginia, except Captaine Newport, who was also by Patent made vice-Admirall :) those noble Gentlemen drew in such great summes of money, that they sent Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captaine Newport with nine shippes, and fiue hundred people : who [Gates, Somers, and Newport] had each of them a Commission, who first arrived to call in the old [Commission], without the knowledge or consent of them that had endured all Ed byW'Sx6T-i624:] Lib. 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 479 those former dangers to beat the path, not any regard [1609] [being] had at all of them. All things being ready, because those three Captaines oculd not agree for place, it was concluded they should goe all in one ship, so all their three Commissions were in that Ship with them, called the Sea-Venture. They set sayle from England in May 1609. AsmallCatchperishedatSeainaHericano: the Admirall 1609. [Hag-ship] with an hundred and fiftie men, with the two f^[^omas Knights, and their new Commission, their Bils of Loading, Treasurer, with all manner of directions, and the most part of their provision, arrived not. With the other [90] seaven Ships as Captaines arrived Th« l<>s.se of Rat[c]liffe, whose right name (as is sayd [p. 444]) was lr£ima" Sicklemore, Martin, and Archer ,with Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine King, Captaine Davis, and divers Gentlemen of good meanes, and great parentage. But the first [i.e., Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer] as they had beene troublesome at Sea, began againe to marre all ashore : for though (as is said) they were formerly sent for England [pp. 105, 107, 408, 411, 444], yet now returning againe, graced by the titles of Captaines of the passengers, seeing the Admirall wanting, and great probabilitie of her losse, strengthened themselues with those new companies, sc exclaiming against Captaine Smith, that they mortally hated him ere ever they saw him. Who vnderstanding by his Scouts [of] the arrivall of such a Fleet, little dreaming of any such supply, supposed them Spanyards. But he quickly so determined and ordered our affaires, as we little feared their Arrivall, nor the successe of our incounter ; nor were the Salvages any way negligent {/. 162.] for the most part, to ayd and assist vs with their best power. Had it so beene we had beene happy; for we would The not haue trusted them but as our foes, where [as] receiuing offir*?fighi them as our Countreymen and friends, they did what they ^fir™' could to murther our President, to surprise the Store, the Fort, and our lodgings, to vsurpe the government, and make vs all their servants and slaues, till they could consume vs and our remembrance ; and rather indeed to supplant vs then supply vs, as master William Box an honest r/.so*. Gentleman in this voyage thus relateth. 480 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. V w.'*.k!S3: L Hon.' G. Fercy. [1609] In the tayle of a Hericano wee were separated from the Admirall, which although it was but the remainder of that Storme, there is seldome any such in England, or those Northerne parts of Europe. Some lost their Masts, some their Sayles blowne from their Yards ; the Seas so over-raking our Ships, much of our prouision was spoyled, our Fleet separated, and our men sicke, and many dyed : and in this miserable estate we arrived in Virginia. But in this Storme, When ratling Thunder ran along the Clouds ; Did not the Saylers poore, and Masters proud A terror feele as strucke with feare of God ? Did not their trembling ioynts then dread his rod ? Least for foide deeds and black mouth? d blasphemies , The ru[e]full time be come that vengeance cryes. Mutinies. To a thousand mischiefes those lewd Captaines [Ratcliffe &c] led this lewd company, wherein were many vnruly Gal- lants packed thither by their friends to escape ill destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the government, sometimes to one, the next day to another ; to day the old Commission must rule, to morrow the new, the next day neither; in fine they would rule all, or ruine all: yet in charitie we must endure them thus to destroy vs ; or by correcting their follies, haue brought the worlds censure vpon vs to be guiltie of their blouds. Happie had we beene had they never arrived, and we for ever abandoned, and as we were left to our fortunes : for on earth, for the number, was never more confusion, or misery, then their factions occasioned. The President seeing the desire those Braues had to rule ; seeing how his authoritie was so vnexpectedly changed, would willingly haue left all, and haue returned for England. But seeing there was small hope this new Commission would arriue, longer he would not suffer those factious spirits to proceede. It would be too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible ; should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and practices, he daily escaped amongst this factious crew ; the chiefe whereof he quickly layd by the heeles, till his leasure £d.byw.s^m,nonds.-] LIB> j with the third supply inV'vcgmia.. 481 The plant- ing [of] Nandsa- tnund. better served to doe them iustice : and to take away all [1609] occasions of further mischiefe, Master Percie had his request granted to returne for England, being very sicke; and Master West with an hundred and twentie of the best he could chuse, he sent to the Falles ; Martin with neare as many to Nandsamund, with their due proportions of all provisions according to th[e]ir numbers. [91J Now the Presidents yeare being neare expired, he made Captaine Martin President, to follow the order for the elec- tion of a President every yeare : but he knowing his owne insufficiency, and the companies vntowardnesse and little regard of him within three houres after resigned, it againe \p. 163.] to Captaine Smith; and at Nandsamund thus proceeded. The people being contributes vsed him kindly; yet such The breach was his iealous feare, in the midst of their mirth, he did sur- JK prise this poore naked King, with his Monuments, houses, Salvaees- and the Isle he inhabited, and there fortified himselfe; but so apparantly distracted with feare, as imboldened the Salvages to assault him, kill his men, release their King, gather and carry away a thousand bushels of Corne, he not once offering to intercept them ; but sent to the President, then at the Falles, for thirtie good shot ; which from lames Towne immediately was sent him. But he so well imployed them they did iust nothing, but returned com- plaining of his tendernesse : yet he came away with them to lames Towne, leauing his company to their fortunes. Here I cannot omit the courage of George Forrest, that had seauenteene Arrowes sticking in him, and one shot through him, yet liued sixe or seauen dayes, as if he had small hurt ; then for want of Chirurgery dyed. Master West having seated his men by the Falles, pre- sently returned to reuisit lames Towne : the President followed him to see that company seated ; met him by the way, wondering at his so quicke returne ; and found his company planted so inconsiderately, in a place not onely subiect to the rivers invndation, but round invironed with many intollerable inconueniences. For remedie whereof he presently sent to Powhatan to jjjjj^'gj sell him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him copper. °' against the Monacans. And these should be his Conditions 3* 482 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.t^w. L Hon. G. Percy. R. Pots, uikard. Percy. [1609] [He] (with his people) to resigne him the Fort and houses, andall that Countrey for a proportion of Copper; that all stealing offenders should be sent him, there to re- ceiue their punishment; that every house as aCustome should pay him aBushell of Corne for an inch square of Copper, and a proportion of Pocones, as a yearely tribute to King lames for their protection, as a dutie; what else they could spare to barter at their best discretions. Mutinies. But both this excellent place and those good Conditions did those furies refuse ; contemning both him, his kinde care and authoritie. So much they depended on the Lord Generals new Commission, as they regarded none : the worst they could doe to shew their spights they did; supposing all the Monacans Country, gold; and none should come there but whom they pleased. I doe more then wonder to thinke how onely with hue men, he either durst or would adventure as he did, (knowing how greedie [p. 164.] they were of his bloud) to land amongst them, and commit to imprisonment all the Chieftaines of those mutinies, till SeSelS" by tnen* multitudes being an hundred and twentie they hundred and forced him to retyre : yet in that interim he surprised one of their Boates, wherewith he returned to their ship, where in deed was their prouision ; which also he tooke, and well it chanced he found the Marriners so tractable and constant, or there had beene small possibilitie he had ever escaped. There were divers other of better reason and experience, that from their first landing, hearing the generall good report of his old Souldiers, and seeing with their eyes his actions so well mannaged with discretion, as Captaine Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine Fitz lames. Master William Powell, Master Partridge, Master White, and divers others, when they perceiued the malice of Rat[c\liffe and Archer, and their faction, left their companies, and ever rested his faithfull friends. Breach of But the worst was that the poore Salvages, that daily iheCsaWages brought in their contribution to the President, that attheFalle*- disorderly company so tormented those poore soules, by stealing their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking their houses and keeping some prisoners ; that they daily complained to Captaine Smith, he had brought Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib# 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 483 them for Protectors, worse enemies then the Monacans [1609] themselues : which though till then, for his loue they had endured, they desired pardon if hereafter they defended themselues ; since he would not correct them, as they had long expected he would. So [92] much they impor- tuned him to punish their misdemeanors, as they offered (if he would leade them) to fight for him against them. But having spent nine dayes [Aug -Sept. 1609] in seeking to reclaime them ; shewing them how much they did abuse themselues with these great guilded hopes of the South Sea Mines, commodities, or victories, they so madly conceived; then seeing nothing would prevaile, he set sayle for lames Towne. Thus oft we see from small greene wounds, and from a little griefe, A greater sore and sicknesse growes, then will admit relief e : For thus themselues they did beguile, and with the rest play'd theefe. Now no sooner was the Ship vnder sayle, but the £nthealt Salvages assaulted those hundred and twentie in their Fort, Salvages finding some stragling abroad in the woods: they slew many, and so affrighted the rest, as their prisoners escaped, and ^- l6s] they safely retyred, with the swords and cloakes of those they had slaine. But ere wee had sayled halfe a league, our ship grounding, gaue vs once more libertie to summon them to a parley ; where we found them all so strangely amazed with this poore silly assault of twelue Saluages, that they submitted themselues vpon any tearmes to the Presidents mercy; who presently put by the heeles sixe or seauen of the chiefe offenders. The rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in that Salvage Fort, readie built, and prettily fortified with poles and barkes of trees, sufficient to haue defended them from all the Salvages in Virginia, dry houses for lodgings, and neere two hundred acres of ground ready to be planted, and no place we knew so strong, so pleasant and delightfull in ?^e0fant- Virginia for which we called it Non-such. Non-such. The Salvages also hee presently appeased, redeliuering |^ ^ to either party their former losses. appeased. 484 [1609] The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.i5;£SS! Lllon. G. Percy. Thus all were friends. New officers appointed to command, and the President againe ready to depart. At that instant arriued Captaine West, whose gentle nature, by the perswasions and compassion of those mutinous prisoners (alledging they had onely done this for his honor) was so much abused, that to regaine their old hopes, new turboyles did arise. For they a-shore being possessed of all the[i]re victuall, munition, and euery thing, grew to that height in their former factions, as the President left them to their fortunes : they returned againe to the open ayre at Wests Fort, abandoning Non-such, and he to lames towne with his best expedition. Captaine But this hapned him in that Iourney. Sleeping in his bbwne vp Boate, (for the ship was returned two daies before) acci- withpowder- dentallie, one fired his powder-bag, which tore the flesh from his body and thighes, nine or ten inches square in a most pittifull manner ; but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his cloaths he leaped over-board into the deepe river, where ere they could recouer him he was neere drowned. In this estate without either Chirurgian, or Chirurgery he was to goe [by water] neere an hundred myles. Arriving at lames towne, causing all things to be prepared for peace or warres [and] to obtaine provision. Whilest those things were Tpvovi<\mg,Rat[c]liffeyA rcJier, and the rest of their Confederates, being to come to their trials ; their guiltie consciences fearing a iust reward for their deserts, seeing the President vnable to stand, and neere bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had plotted to haue murdered" him in his bed. But his heart did faile him that should haue giuen fire to that mercilesse Pistoll. So not finding that course to be the best, they ioyned together to vsurpe the government, thereby to escape their punishment. The President had notice of their proiects, the which to withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him but per- mit them to take their heads that would resist his command, Ihy?S ve* ne would not suffer them ; but sent for the Masters of the couSre ships, and tooke order with them for his returne for England. and hisey Seeing there was neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery in Commit ^ port tQ cure j1£s ilur^ and the ship to depart the next [A 166.] A bloudy intent. Ed. by w. s«nmonds.j lib 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 485 day [about 13 Sept 1609, seep. 486], his Commission to be [1609] suppressed he knew not why, himselfe and souldiers to be rewarded he knew not how, and a [93] new commission granted they knew not to whom (the which disabled that authority he had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies as they did :) besides so grievous were his wounds, and so cruell his torments (few expecting he could Hue) nor was hee able to follow his busines to regaine what they had lost, suppresse those factions', and range the countries for provision as he intended ; and well he knew in those affaires his owne actions andpresence was as requisit as his directions, which now could not be: he went presently abroad, resoluing there to appoint them governours, and to take order for the mutine[e]rs ; but he could finde none hee thought fit for it, would accept it. In the meane time, seeing him gone, they perswaded Master Percy to stay, who was then to goe for England, and be their President. Within lesse then an houre was this mutation begun and concluded. For when the Company vnderstood Smith would leaue them, and saw the rest in Armes called Presidents and Councellors, divers began to fawne on those new commanders, that now bent all their wits to get him [to] resigne them his Commission : who after much adoe and many bitterrepulses ; [p. 167.] that their confusion (which he tould them was at their elbowes) should not be attributed to him, for leauing the Colony without a Commission, he was not vnwilling they should steale it, but never would he giue it to such as they. And thus, Strange violent forces drew vs on vnwilling : Reason perswading 'gainst our loues rebelling. We saw and knew the better, ah curse accurst ! That notwithstanding we imbrace the worst. But had that vnhappie blast not hapned, he would quickly haue qualified the heate of those humors and factions, had the ships but once left them and vs to our fortunes ; and haue made that provision from among the Salvages, as we neitherfeared Spanyard, Salvage, nor famine; nor would haue left Virginia, nor our lawfull authoritie, but at as deare a price as we had bought it, and payd for it. What shall I say, but thus we left [lost] him, that in 486 The Discoveiies and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" w !*„£?£ LHon. G. Percy. L1609] all his proceedings, made Iustice his first guide, and ex- perience his second, even hating basenesse, sloath, pride, and indignitie, more then any dangers ; that neuer allowed more for himselfe, then his souldiers with him; that vpon no danger would send them where he would not lead them himselfe ; that would never see vs want, what he either had, or could by any meanes get vs ; that would rather want then borrow, or starue then not pay; that loued action more then words, and hated falshood and covetousnesse worse then death ; whose adventures were our Hues, and whose losse our deaths. Leaving vs thus with three ships, seaven boats, com- modities readie to trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten weeks provision in the store, foure hundred nintie and od persons, twentie-foure Peeces of Ordnance, three hundred Muskets Snaphances and Firelockes ; Shot Powder and Match sufficient; Curats Pikes Swords and Morrio[n]s,more then men; the Salvages, their language, and habitations well knowne to an hundred well trayned and expert Souldiers ; Nets for fishing; Tooles of all sorts to worke ; apparell to supply our wants ; six Mares and a Horse ; fiue or sixe hun- dred Swine ; as many Hennes and Chickens ; some Goats ; some sheepe. What was brought or bred there, remained. But they, regarding nothing but from hand to mouth, did consume that wee had, tooke care for nothing but to perfect some colourable complaints against Captaine Smith. For effecting whereof three weekes longer [i.e., from about 13 y. 168.] Sept, to 4 Oct. 1609, seep.xcxiii] they stayed the Ships, till they could produce them. That time and charge might much better haue beene spent, but it su[i]ted well with the rest of their discretions. Besides lames towne that was strongly Pallizadoed, containing some fiftie or sixtie houses, he left fiue or sixe other severall Forts and Plantations : though they were not so sumptuous as our successors expected, they were better then they provided any for vs. All this time we had but one Carpenter in the Countrey, and three others [94] that could doe little, but desired to be learners ; two Blacksmiths ; two saylers ; and those we write labourers were for most part footmen, and such as they that were Adventurers brought to attend them, or such as they Ed. by w. s«jmonds.-j lib ^ w^h ffa third supply in Virginia. 487 could perswade to goe with them, that neuer did know [1609] what a dayes worke was: except the Dutch-men and Poles, and some dozen other. For all the rest were poore Gentle- men, Trad[e]smen, Serving-men, libertines, and such like, ten times more fit to spoyle a Common-wealth, then either begin one, or but helpe to maintaine one. For when neither the feare of God, nor the law, nor shame, nor displeasure of their friends could rule them here [in England], there is small hope ever to bring one in twentie of them ever to be good there [in Virginia] . Notwithstanding, I confesse divers amongst them, had better mindes and grew much more industrious then was expected : yet ten good workemen would haue r/A 6^.930.] done more substantiall worke in a day, then ten of them in a weeke. Therefore men may rather wonder how we could doe so much, then vse vs so badly because we did no more, but leaue those examples to make others beware; and the fruits of all, we know not for whom. But to see the justice of God vpon these Dutch-men ; J\eh*nds Valdo before spoke of, made a shift to get for England, DutcA-mm. where perswading the Merchants what rich Mines he had found, and great service he would doe them, was very well rewarded, and returned with the Lord LaWarre[June 1610]: but being found a meere Impostor, he dyed most miserably. Adam and Francis his two consorts were fled againe [in the winter 1609-10] to Powhatan, to whom they promised at the arrivall of my Lord [June 1610], what wonders they would doe, would he suffer them but to goe to him. But the King seeing they would be gone, replyed ; You that would haue betrayed Captaine Smith to mee, will certainely betray me to this great Lord for your peace : so caused his men to beat out their braines. To conclude, the greatest honour that ever belonged to the greatest Monarkes, was the inlarging their Dominions, and erecting Common-weales. Yet howsoever any of them haue attributed to themselues, the Conquerors of the world : there is more of the world never heard of them, then ever any of them all had in subiection : for the Medes, Persians, and Assyrians, never Conquered all Asia; nor the Grecians but part of Europe and Asia. The Romans indeed had a great part of both, as well as Affrica : but as for all 488 The Discoveries and Accidents. Ltb. 3. [" W.T^S5! LHon. G. Percy. [1609] the Northerne parts of Europe and i4s/a, the interior Southern and Westerne parts of Affrica, all America and T^rra incognita, they were all ignorant : nor is our know- ledge yet but superficiall. That their beginnings, ending, and limitations were proportioned by the Almightie is most evident : but to consider of what small meanes many of them haue begun is wonderfull. For some write that even Rome her selfe, during the Raigne of Romulus, exceeded not the number of a thousand houses. And Carthage grew so great a Potentate, that at first was but incirculed in the thongs of a Bulls skinne, as to fight with Rome for the Empire of the world. Yea Venice at this time the admira- tion of the earth, was at first but a Marish, inhabited by poore Fishermen. And likewise Ninivie, Thebes, Babylon, Debts, Troy, Athens, Mycena and Sparta, grew from small beginnings to be most famous States, though now they retaine little more then a naked name. Now this our yong Common-wealth in Virginia, as you haue read once con- sisted but of 38 persons [p. 402], and in two yeares increased but to 200. yet by this small meanes so highly was approved the Plantation in Virginia, as how many Lords, with worthy Knights, and braue Gentlemen pretended [intended] to see it, and some did ; and now after the expence of fifteene yeares more [1609-1624], and such massie summes of men and money, grow they disanimated ? If we truely consider our Proceedings with the Spanyards, and the rest, we haue no reason to despayre, for with so small charge, they never had either greater Discoveries, with such certaine tryals of more severall Commodities, then in this short time hath beene returned from Virginia, and by much lesse meanes. i/>. 240-142, New England was brought out of obscuritie, and affoorded as6-»59-] fraught for neare 200 sayle of ships, where there is now erected a braue Plantation [the settlement of the Pilgrim 1/. 749] Fathers at New Plymouth], For the happines of Summer Isles, they are no lesse then either, and yet those haue had a far lesse, and a more difficult beginning, then either Rome, Carthage, or Venice, Written by Richard Pots, Clarke of the Councell, William Tankard, and G. P. [95] The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, S° the Summer Isles. The two intercalated pages, 95 and 96. A reprint of Co mp lim entary Ve rses. 490 [It will be convenient here to deal with the bibliographical myth, that Sig. O, being pages 97 to 104, was suppressed in all copies. Smith, in his Prospectus of 1623, p. cxxvi, estimated the matter of the General History ; as " composed in [i.e., written to fill] less than eighty sheets," which, at four pages to the folio, or eight pages to the signature, equals 320 pp. The actual printed text occupies 12 un numbered, and 240 pages, wrongly numbered after p. 96 ; or 252 printed//, in all : that is, nearly a fourth less than the original estimate. The explanation of this is very simple, and is due to the acuteness of H. Stevens, Esq., F.S.A. The manuscript had passed the licenser by the 12 July 1624 (as the entry at Stationers' Hall,/. 274, proves) ; and it being desired to print it with all possible speed, it was given out to two out of the twenty to twenty-five printing houses then existing in London : the " copy " being roughly divided between them. This is confirmed by the variation of the initial letters, and of the style of the headings, on and after/. 105 of the original edition, from those before that page. If the matter fell short for the latter part of the book, that would make no difference ; but if it fell short in the earlier part, there would be a hiatus : and a hiatus there was, of 10 folio pages. Two of these, the Author filled up with this reprint of Complimentary Verses from the Description of New England, presumably, by then, out of print, beginning with the words on the opposite page. " Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare, that you should not be altogether cloyed with Prose ; such Verses as my worthy Friends bestowed upon New England, I here present you., because with honestie I can neither reiect, nor omit their courtesies." The remaining two sheets or eight pages, which should have made Sig. O, he left simply a gap, without any explanation at all. That the General History was pushed through the press with all possible speed, is hard to prove now : but it seems to be confirmed by the above ; and it is manifest from the Preface of foure Poynts at p. 278, that the History was written to sustain the public interest in the Colonizing movement, after the disgraceful collapse of the London Virginia Company and while its legal dissolution was in progress. " The which losse [ofl/ie Massacre on 22 March 1622] to repaire the company did what they could, till they had consumed all their stocke [capital] as is said ; then they broke [became bankrupt], not making any account, nor giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters, Adventurers, nor any ; whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate businesse to a few that lost not by it. So that his Maiesty recalled their Commission [June 1624]." />. 931. In the original edition of 1624, the Fourth Book has, by an error of the second printer, not got Lib. 4 in the headline. We have inserted it in the present edition, for the sake of uniformity.] Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare, that you should not be altogether cloyed with Prose ; such Verses as my worthy Friends bestowed vpon New- England, i" here present you, because with honestie I can neither reiect, nor omit their courtesies. In the deserued Honour of the Author, & au] Captaine Iohn Smith, and his Worke. Amn'd Envie is a sp'rite, that ever haunts [1616] Beasts, mis-nam'd Men ; Cowards, or Ignorants. But, onely such shee followes, whose deare WORTH (Maugre her malice) sets their glory forth. If this faire Overture, then, take not ; It Is Envie's spight {deare friend) in men of wit ; Or Feare, lest morsels, which our mouths possesse, Might fall from thence; or else, tis Sottishnesse. If either ; (I hope neither) thee they raise ; Thy * Letters are as Letters in thy praise ; * Hindered Who, by their vice, improue (when they reprooue) Thy vertue ; so, in hate, procure thee Loue. Then, On firme Worth : this Monument I frame ; Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame. Iohn Davies, Heref; 492 [Reprint of Complimentary Ferses. J,Ndsm5! 1616. b».,8x,! To his worthy Captaine the Author. [1C16] ^^J^^Ha^ which wee call the subiect of all Storie, Is Truth : which in this Worke of thine giues glorie To all that thou hast done. Then, scorne the spight Of Envie ; which doth no mans Merits right. My sword may helpe the rest : my Pen no more Can doe, but this ; Fane said enough before. Your sometime Souldier, /. Codrinton, now Tempi er. fAi82.i To my Worthy Friend and Cosen, Captaine lohn Smith. T over-ioyes my heart, when as thy Words Of these designes, with deeds I doe compare. Here is a Booke, such worthy truth affords, None should the due desert thereof impare : Sith thou, the man, deserving of these Ages, Much paine hast ta'en for this our Kingdomes good, In Climes vnknowne, *Mongst Turks and Salvages, T'inlarge our bounds ; though with thy losse of blood. Hence damn'd Detraction : stand not in our way, Envie, it selfe, will not the Truth gainesay. N. Smith. R. Crashaw, M. Phettiplace. W. Phettiplace, R. Wiffing. 1616. Reprint of Complimentary Verses.~] 493 In the deserved Honour of my honest and worthy Captaine, lohn Smith, and his Worke. Aptaine and friend ; when I pervse thy Booke (With Iudgements eyes) into my heart / looke: And there I finde (what sometimes Albion knew) A Souldier, to his Countries-honour, true. Some fight for wealth ; and some for emptie praise ; But thou alone thy Countries Fame to raise. [96] With due discretion, and vnda[u]nted heart, / (oft) so well haue seene thee act thy Part In deepest plunge of hard extreamitie, As fore H the troups of proudest foes to flie. Though men of greater Ranke and lesse desert Would Pish away thy Praise, it can not start From the true Owner : for, all good mens tongues Shall keepe the same. To them that Part belongs. If, then, Wit, Courage, and Successe should get Thee Fame ; the Muse for that is in thy debt : A part whereof (least able though I be) Thus here I doe disburse, to honor Thee. Raleigh Crashaw. IA 184.] [1616] Michael Phettiplace, Wil: Phettiplace, \t.*%\ and Richard Wiffing, Gentlemen, and Souldiers vnder Captaine Smiths command : In his deserved honour for his Worke, and Worth. Hy may not wee in this Worke haue our Mite, That had our share in each black day and night, When thou Virginia foild'st, yet kepfst vnstaind ; And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchaind. 494 [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. w.phet^ce. 1016. [1616] Thou all alone this Salvage sterne didst take, Pamavnkees King wee saw thee captiue make A mong seauen hundred of his stoutest men, To murther thee and vs resolved ; when Fast by the hayre thou ledst this Salvage grimt Thy Pistoll at his breast to governe him : Which did infuse such awe in all the rest (Sith their drad Soveraigne thou had'st so distrest) That thou and wee (poore sixteene) safe retired Vnto our helplesse Ships. Thou (thus admir'd) Didst make proud Powhatan, his subiects send To lames his Towne, thy censure to attend: And all Virginia's Lords, and pettie Kings, Awyd by thy vertuc, crouch, and Presents brings To gaine thy grace ; so dreaded thou hast beenc : And yet a heart more milde is seldome seene; So, making Valour Vertue, really ; Who hast nought in thee counterfeit, or site ; If in the sleight be not the truest Art, That makes men famoused for f aire desert. Who saith of thee, this sauors of vaine-gloriet Mistakes both thee and vs, and this true Storic. If it be ill in Thee, so well to doe ; Then, is ill in Vs, to praise thee too. But, if the first be well done ; it is well, To say it doth (if so it doth) excell. Praise is the guerdon of each deare desert Making the praised act the praised part With more alacritie ; Honours Spurre is Praise ; Without which, it (regardlesse) soone decaies. And for this paines of thine wee praise thee rather, That future Times may know who was the father Of that rare Worke (New England) which may bring, Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King. [105 The Generall Historic of Virginia, New England, &* the Summer Isles. The Fourth Book. 1624. The History of Virginia, 1609-1624. This History of Virginia from the departure of Captain Smith from James town, on 4 October 1609, to the dissolution of the London Virginia Company, in June 1624 ; is in nothing like the detail of the previous part of this Volume. It should be supplemented by a study of the Works specified on/, cxxxiii. The Fovrth Booke. TO MAKE PLAINE THE TRVE PROCEEDINGS OF THE HISTORIE for 1609. we must follow the examinations of Doctor Simons, and two learned Orations published by the Companie ; with the rela- tion of the Right Honourable the Lord De la Ware. What happened in the first gouernment after the alteration, in the time of Captaine George Piercie their Gouernour. HEday before fcOct. 1609] Captaine Stow*/* [1609] returned [4 Oct. 1609, see pp. 167, 170] for England with the ships, Captaine [A «t»J Dauis arriued in a small Pinace, with some sixteene proper men more : To these were added a company from lames towne, vnder the command of Captaine Iohn Sickelmore alias Rat [cjliffe, to inhabit Point Comfort. Captaine Martin and Captaine West, hauing lost their boats and neere halfe their men among the Saluages, were returned to lames towne; for the 1609 Saluages no sooner vnderstood Smith was gone, but they 11 reuolted, and did spoile and murther all they incountered. 32 The plant ing Point Comfort. 49$ The gouernment resigned to Lib. 4. [Rev- W>5S3£ [1609] Now wee were all constrained to Hue onely on that Smith had onely for his owne Companie, for the rest had consumed their proportions. And now they had twentie Presidents with all their appurtenances: Master Piercie, our new Pre- sident, was so sicke hee could neither goe nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Captaine West and Captaine Sickel- more, each with a small ship and thirtie or fortie men well appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore vpon the confidence of Powhatan, with about thirtie others as carelesse as himselfe ; were all slaine ; onely Jeffrey Short- (/o8i45' ™dge escaped; and Pokahontas the Kings daughter saued a boy called Henry Spilman [pp. 172, 503, 528, 586, 606J, that liued many yeeres after, by her meanes, amongst the Patawomekes. Powhatan still, as he found meanes, cut off their Boats, denied them trade : so that Captaine West set saile for England. Now we all found the losse of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest maligners could now curse his losse: as for corne prouision and contribution from the Saluages, we had nothing but mortall wounds, with clubs and arrowes ; as for our Hogs, Hens, Goats, Sheepe, Horse, or what liued, our commanders, officers and Saluages daily consumed them, some small proportions sometimes we tasted, till all was deuoured; then swords, armes, pieces, or any thing, wee traded with the Saluages, whose cruell fingers were so oft imbrewed in our blouds, that what by their crueltie, our Gouernours indiscretion, and the losse of our ships, of fiue hundred within six moneths after Captaine Smiths departure [Oct. 1609 — Mar. 1610], there remained not past sixtie men, women and children, most miserable and poore creatures ; and those were preserued for the most part, by roots, herbes, acornes, walnuts, berries, now and then a little fish : they that had startch in these extremities, made no small vse of it ; yea, euen the very skinnes of our horses. Nay, so great was our famine, that a Saluage we slew and buried, the poorer sort tooke him vp againe and eat him ; and so did diuers [106] one another boyled and stewed with roots and herbs : And one amongst the rest Ed,byjuiyS"6t'] LlB- 4- Sir Thomas Gates, 1610. 499 did kill his wife, powdered [salted] her, and had eaten part [1609-10] of her before it was knowne ; for which hee was executed, as hee well deserued: now whether shee was better roasted, boyled or carbonado'd, I know not ; but of such a dish as powdered wife I neuer heard of. This was that time, which still to this day [1624] we [The called the staruing time ; it were too vile to say, and Time!]ng scarce to be beleeued, what we endured : but the occasion was our owne, for want of prouidence industrie and gouern- ment, and not the barrennesse and defect of the Countrie, as is generally supposed ; for till then in three yeeres, for the numbers were landed vs, we had neuer from England prouision sufficient for six moneths, though it seemed by the bils of loading sufficient was sent vs, such a glutton is the Sea, and such good fellowes the Mariners ; we as little tasted of the great proportion sent vs, as they of our want and miseries, yet notwithstanding they euer ouer- swayed and ruled the businesse, though we endured all that is said, and chiefly liued on what this good Countrie naturally afforded. Yet had wee beene euen in Paradice it selfe with these Gouernours, it would not haue beene much better withe vs ; yet there was amongst vs, who had they had the gouernment as Captaine Smith appointed, but that they could not maintaine it, would surely haue kept vs from those extremities of miseries. This in ten daies more, would haue supplanted vs all with death. But God that would not this Countrie should be [*if*l vnplanted, sent Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sommers Jfh|i"riua11 with one hundred and fiftie people most happily preserued Thomas by the Bermudas to preserue vs [21 May 1610] : strange it is to say how miraculously they were preserued in a leaking ship, as at large you may reade in the insuing Historie of those Hands [p. 635]. J& 500 The government deuolued to Lib. 4. [ W. Box. T- !_? June i6ix. 1610. [1610] lames towne abandoned. T/ie gouernment resigned to Sir Thomas Gates, 1 6 10. Hen these two Noble Knights did see our miseries, being but strangers in that Countrie, and could vnderstand no more of the cause, but by coniecture of our clamours and com- plaints, of accusing and excusing one another : They embarked vs with themselues, with the best meanes they could, and abandoning lames towne [7 June 1610], set saile for England : whereby you may see the euent of the gouern- ment of the former Commanders [Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer] left to themselues; although they had liued there many yeeres, as formerly hath beene spoken (who hindred now their proceedings, Captaine Smith being gone). At noone they fell to the He of Hogs, and the next morning [8 June] to Mulbery point, at what time they descried the Long-boat of the Lord la Ware ; for God would not haue it so abandoned. For this honourable Lord, then Gouer- nour of the Countrie, met them with three ships exceedingly well furnished with all necessaries fitting; who againe returned them to the abandoned lames towne. Out of t/ie obseruations of William Simmons Doctor of Diuinitie. The arriuall of the Lord la Ware. Ifi. 171.] The gouernment devalued to the Lord la Ware. ,Is Lordship arriued the ninth of Iune 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Captaine Houlcroft, Captaine Lawson, and diuers other Gentlemen of sort ; the tenth he came vp with his fleet, went on shore, heard a Sermon, read his Com- mission, and entred into consultation for the good of the Colonie : in which secret counsell we will a little leaue them, that we may duly obserue the reuealed counsell of God. Hee that shall but turne vp his eie, and behold the byjiiys^:] Lib. 4. the Lord la Ware. 501 tangled canopie of heauen, or shall but cast downe his eie, [1610] idconsiderthe embroydered carpet of the earth, and withall rail marke how the heauens heare the earth, and the earth le Corne and Oile, and they relieue the necessities of man, iat man will acknowledge Gods infinite [107] prouidence. lut hee that shall further obserue, how God inclineth all :asuall euents to worke the necessary helpe of his Saints, lust needs adore the Lords infinite goodnesse. Neuer had any people more iust cause, to cast them- jelues at the very foot-stoole of God, and to reuerence his lercie, than this distressed Colonie; for if God had not :nt Sir Thomas Gates from the Bermudas, within foure daies iey had almost beene famished ; if God had not directed the heart of that noble Knight to saue the Fort from fiering at their shipping [embarkation], for many were very importunate to haue burnt it, they had beene destitute of a present harbour and succour : if they had abandoned the Fort any longer time, and had not so soone returned, questionlesse the Indians would haue destroied the Fort, which had beene the meanes of our safeties amongst them and a terror. If they had set saile sooner, and had lanched into the vast Ocean ; who would haue promised they should haue incountered the Fleet of the Lord la Ware : especially when they made for Newfound land, as they intended; a course contrarie to ourNauie approaching. If the Lord la Ware had not brought with him a yeeres prouision, what comfort would those poore soules haue receiued, to haue beene relanded to a second distruction ? This was the arme of the Lord of Hosts, who would haue his people passe the red Sea and Wildernesse, and then to possesse the land of Canaan : It was diuinely spoken of Heathen Socrates, If God for man be carefull, why should man bee ouer-distrustfull ? for he hath so tempered the contrary qualities of the Elements, That neither cold things want heat, nor moist things dry, Nor sad things spirits, to quicken them thereby, Yet make they music all content of contrarietie, Which conquer 'd, knits them in such links together. They doe produce euen all this whatsoeuer. The Lord Gouernour, after mature deliberation, deliuered 502 The gouernment deuolued to Lib. 4. [?Jl^®°*; [1610] some few words to the Companie, laying iust blame vpon them, for their haughtie vanities and sluggish idlenesse, earnestly intreating them to amend those desperate follies lest hee should be compelled to draw the sword of Iustice and to cut off such delinquents, which he had rather draw to the shedding of his vitall bloud, to protect them from iniuries ; heartning them with relation of that store hee had brought with him, constituting officers of all conditions, to rule ouerthem, allotting euery man his particular place, to watch vigilantly, and worke painfully. This Oration and direction being receiued with a generall applause, you might shortly behold the idle and restie diseases of a diuided multitude, by the vnitie and authoritie of this gouernment to be substantially cured. Those that knew not the way to goodnesse before, but cherished singularitie and faction, can now chalke out the path of all respectiue dutie and seruice : euery man endeuoureth to outstrip other in diligence : the French preparing to plant the Vines, the English labouring in the Woods and grounds ; euery man knoweth his charge, and dischargeth the same with alacritie. Neither let any man be discouraged, by the relation of their daily labour (as though the sap of their bodies should bee spent for other mens profit) the setled times of work- ing, to effect all themselues, or as the Aduenturers need [Divine scr- desire, required no more paines than from six of the clocke i!S.aInd m tne rnorning, vntill ten, and from two in the afternoone, 4 /•>*.] till foure ; at both which times they are prouided of spirituall and corporall reliefe. First, they enter into the Church, 1/-957-] anc* make their praiers vnto God; next they returne to their houses and receiue their proportion of food. Nor should it bee conceiued that this businesse excludeth Gentlemen, whose breeding neuer knew what a daies labour meant : for though they cannot digge, vse the Spade, nor practice the Axe, yet may the staied spirits of any condition, finde how to imploy the force of knowledge, the exercise of counsell, the operation and power of theii best breeding and qualities. 1/957] The houses which are built, are as warme and defensiue against wind and [108] weather, as if they were tiled and slated, being couered aboue with strong boards, and some Ed. by J. Smith.") T tt» Julyi624.J L-IB' the Lord la Ware. 503 Sir Gtorge Sommers returne to the Bermudas. matted round with Indian mats. Our forces are now such as [1610] are able to tame the furie and trecherie of the Saluages: Our Forts assure the Inhabitants, and frustrate all assaylants. And to leaue no discouragement in the heart of any, who personally shall enter into this great action, I [i.e., W. Box] will communicate a double comfort ; first, Sir George Sommers, that worthy Admirall hath vndertaken a dangerous aduenture for the good of the Colonic Vpon the 15. [or 19,^. 639] of Iune [1610], accompanied withCaptaine Samuel A r gall, hee returned in two Pinaces vnto the Bermudas, promising (if by any meanes God will open a way to that Hand of Rocks) that he would soone returne with six moneths prouision of flesh ; with much crosse weather at last hee there safely arriued, but Captaine Argall was forced backe againe to lames towne : whom the Lord De la Ware not long after sent to the Riuer of Pata- womeke, to trade for Corne ; where finding [in Sept. 1610] [/-17a-] an English boy, one Henry Spilman [pp. 172, 498, 528, 586, 606], a young Gentleman well descended, by those people preserued from the furie of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good vsage of those kinde Saluages, that they fraughted his ship with Corne, wherewith he returned to lames towne. The other comfort is, that the Lord la Ware hath built The two new Forts, the one called Fort Henry, the other Fort &« Xf«r, Charles, in honour of our most noble Prince, and hopefull brother, vpon a pleasant plaine, and neare a little Riuilet they call Southampton Riuer ; they stand in a wholsome aire, hauing plentie of Springs of sweet water, they command a great circuit of ground, containing Wood, Pasture and Marsh, with apt places for Vines, Corne and Gardens ; in which Forts it is resolued, that all those that come out of England, shall be at their first landing quartered, that the wearisomnesse of the Sea may bee refreshed in this pleasing part of the Countrie. And Sir Thomas Gates hee sent for England[i$ July 1610]. But to correct some iniuries of the Paspahegs, he sent Captaine Pearcie, Master Stacy, and fiftie or threescore shot : where the Saluages flying, they burnt their houses, tooke the Queene and her children prisoners, whom not long after they slew. The fertilitie of the soile, the temperature of the climate U : 0 and Fort b Charlit. 504 The government of the Lord la. Ware. Lib. 4. [?j™e'S£ [1611] the forme of gouernment, the condition of our people, their daily inuocating of the Name of God being thus expressed; why should the successe, by the rules of mortall iudgement, bee disparaged ? why should not the rich haruest of our hopes be seasonably expected ? I dare say, that the resolution of Cczsar in France, the designes of Alexander, the discoueries of Hernando Cortes in the West, and of Emanuel King of Portugal in the East, were not encouraged vpon so firme grounds of state and possibilitie. But his Lordship being at the fal[ljes, the Saluages assaulted his troopes and slew three or foure of his men. Not long after, his Honour growing very sicke, he returned for England the 28. of March [161 1] ; in the ship were about hue and fiftie men, but ere we arriued at Fyall, fortie of vs were neare sicke to death, of the Scuruie, Callenture, and other diseases : the Gouernour, being an English-man, kindly vsed vs, but small reliefe we could get but Oranges, of which we had plenty ; whereby within eight daies wee recouered, and all were well and strong by that they came into England. Written by William Box. The Counsell of Virginia finding the smalnesse of that returne which they hoped should haue defrayed the charge of a new supply, entred into a deep consultation, whether it were fit to enter into a new Contribution, or in time to send for them home and giue ouer the action, and there- fore they adiured Sir Thomas Gates to deale plainly with them, who with a solemne and a sacred oath replyed, That all things before reported were true : and that all men know that wee stand at the deuotion of politicke Princes and States, who for their proper vtilitie, deuise all courses to grind our Merchants, and by all pretences to confiscate their goods, and to draw from vs all manner of gaine by their inquisitiue inuentions; when in Virginia, a fewyeeres labour by planting and husbandry, will furnish all [109] our defects with honour and securitie. Out of a Declaration published by the Counsell, 16 10. The Relation cf the Lord In The gouernment left againe to ieu. Captaine George Piercie, and the returne of the Lord la Ware, with his Relation to the Councell. Y Lords, now by accident returned from [1611] my charge at Virginia, contrary either sfr ?*«»«* to my owne desire, or other mens ex- Treasurer, pectations, who spare not to censure me, in point of dutie, and to discourse and question the reason, though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne ; I am forced out of a willing- nesse to satisfie euery man, to deliuer vnto your Lordships xw<£c and the rest of this assemblie, in what state I haue liued euer since my arriuall to the Colonie, what hath beene the iust cause of my sudden departure, and on what tearmes I haue left the same : the rather because I perceiue, that since my comming into England, such a coldnesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Aduenturers, that some of them seeke to withdraw their payments, by which the action must be supported, making this my returne colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and vniust protraction: which that you may the better vnderstand, I was welcomed to lames towne by a violent ague ; being cured of it, within three weekes after I began to be distempered with other grieuous sicknesses which successiuely and seuerally as- sailed me, for besides a relapse into the former disease, which with much more violence held me more than a moneth, and brought me to greater weaknesse ; the flux surprised mee, and kept me manydaies; then the crampe assaulted my weake body with strong paines ; and after, the gout : all those drew me to that weaknesse, being vnable to stirre, [that] brought vponme thescuruie; which though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse, yet was it in me an effect of weaknesse, which neuer left me, till I was ready to leave the world. In these extremities I resolued to consult with my 506 The gouernment surrendred to Capt. Piercie. [Lor ji*^"; [1611] friends, who finding nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, my paines likewise daily increasing, gaue me aduice to preferre a hopefull recouerie before an assured ruine ; which must necessarily haue ensued, had I liued but twentie daies longer in Virginia, wanting at thai, instant both food and Physicke fit to remedie such extra- ordinary diseases : wherefore I shipped [2SMar. 1611] my selfe with Doctor Bohun and Captained rgne anc* Sir Thomas Gates shall arriue in Virginia with the extra- Swinesentto ordinarie supply of 100. Kine, and 200. Swine, besides vtreimm. store 0f 0ther prouision, for the maintenance of the Colonie, there will appeare that successe in the action, as shall giue no man cause of distrust, that hath already aduentured, but incourage euery good minde to further so good a worke, as will redound both to the glory of God, to the credit of our [110] nation, and the comfort of all those that haue beene instruments in the furthering of it. Out of the Lord la Wares discourse, published by Author itie, 1 6 1 1 . The gouernment surrendred to Sir 1611. Thomas Dale, who arriued in Virginia the tenth of May, 1 6 1 1 . out of Master Hamors Booke. Efore the Lord la Ware arriued in P-611] England, the Councell and Companie fj„[^mas had dispatched away Sir Thomas Dale Treasurer, with three ships, men, and cattell, and Jfhgirrriua11 all other prouisions necessarie for a rww yeere ; all which arriued well the tenth DaU' of May 1611 : where he found them growing againe to their former estate of penurie, being so improuident as not to put Corne in the ground for their bread ; but trusted to the store, then furnished but with three moneths prouision. His first care therefore was to imploy all hands about setting of Corne, at the two Forts at Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles ; whereby, the season then not [being] fully past, though about the end of May, wee had an indifferent crop of good Corne. This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust ^saration of it committed to his vnder-Ofncers, to lames towne he *oblvld,aD hastened, where most of the companie were at their daily and vsuall works, bowling in the streets : these hee imployed about necessarie workes, as felling of Timber, repayring their houses ready to fall on their heads, and prouiding pales, posts and railes, to impale his purposed new towne, which by reason of his ignorance, being but newly arriued, hee had not resolued where to seat. Therefore to better his knowledge, with one hundred men he spent some time in viewing the Riuer new towne. 508 The gouernment surrendered to Sir T '. Dale. [l8j;2^J; [1611] of Nansanwnd, in despight of the Indians then our enemies ; then our owne Riuer to the Fal[ljes, where vpon a high land, inuironed with the maine Riuer, some twelue miles from the Fal[l]es, by Arsahattock, he resolued to plant his new towne. It was no small trouble to reduce his people so timely to good order, being of so ill a condition, as may well witnesse his seueritie and strict imprinted booke of Articles, then needfull with all extremitie to be executed; now much mitigated : so as if his Lawes had not beene so strictly executed, I see not how the vtter subuersion of the Colonie should haue beene preuented, witnesse Webbes and Prices designe the first yeere, since that of Abbots and others, more dangerous than the former. Here I entreat your patience for an Apologie, though not a pardon. This Jeffrey Abbots, how euer this Author censures him, and the Gouernour executes him ; I know he had long serued both in Ireland and Netherlands. Here hee was a Sargeant of my Companie, and I neuer saw [#. 108, 131, in Virginia, a more sufficient Souldier, lesse turbulent, 159, 4». 44, a better wjtj more hardy or industrious, nor any more forward to cut off them that sought to abandon the Countrie, or wrong the Colonie; how ingratefully those deserts might bee rewarded, enuied or neglected, or his farre inferiors preferred to ouer-top him, I know not : but such occasions might moue a Saint, much more a man, to an vnaduised passionate impatience, but how euer, it seemes he hath beene punished for his offences, that was neuer rewarded for his deserts. miufn7e[s] And euen tn^s Summer Cole and Kitchins plot with three suppressed, more, bending their course to Ocanahowan, hue daies iourney from vs, where they report are Spaniards inhabiting. These were cut off by the Saluages, hired by vs to hunt them home to receiue their deserts. So as Sir Thomas Dale hath not beene so tyrannous nor seuere by the halfe, as there was occasion, and iust cause for it ; and though the manner was not vsuall, wee were rather to haue regard to those, whom we would haue terrified and made fearefull to commit the like offences, than to the offenders iustly condemned : foramongst them so hardned in Ed' byjuiySG The gouernment returned to Sir T. Gates. 509 euill, the feare of a cruell painfull and vnusuall death more [1611} restraines them, than death it selfe. This much I haue pro- ceeded of his endeuours, vntill the comming of Sir Thomas Gates, in preparing himselfe to proceed as he intended. [Ill] Now in England againe, to second this noble Knight, the Counsell and Companie with all possible expedition prepared for Sir Thomas Gates six tall ships, with three hundred men, and one hundred Kine and other Cattell, with munition and all other manner of prouision that could be thought needfull ; and about the first or second of August, 1 61 1. [they] arriued safely at lames towne. The gouernment returned againe to Sir Thomas Gates, 161 1. Hese worthy Knights being met, after their ™fu^°nfd welcoming salutations, Sir Thomas Dale sir r/iomai acquainted him what he had done, and what he intended : which designe Sir Thomas Gates well approuing, furnished him with three hundred and fiftie men, such as himselfe made choice of. In the beginning of September, 1611. hee set saile, and arriued where hee intended to build his new towne : within ten or twelue daies he had inuironed it with a pale, and in honour of our noble Prince Henry, called it Henrico. The next worke he did, was building at each corner of the Towne a high commanding Watch-house, a Church, and Store-houses : which finished, hee began to thinke vpon conuenient houses for himselfe and men, which, with all possible speed hee could, he effected, to the great content of his companie, and all the Colonic This towne is situated vpon a necke of a plaine rising Thebmid. land, three parts inuironed with the maine Riuer, the Enrico. necke of land well impaled, makes it like an He ; it hath three streets of well framed houses, a handsome Church, and the foundation of a better laid (to bee built of Bricke), besides Store-houses, Watch-houses, and such like. Vpon the verge of the Riuer there are fiue houses, wherein liue the honester sort of people, as Farmers in England, and they keepe continuall centinell for the townes securitie. 510 The gouernment returned to Lib. 4. [l8^; Hamor. une 1614. [1611] About two miles from the towne, into the Maine, is another pale, neere two miles in length, from Riuer to Riuer, guarded with seuerall Commanders, with a good quantitie of Corne-ground impailed, sufficiently secured to maintaine more than I suppose will come this three yeeres. On the other side of the Riuer, for the securitie of the towne, is intended to be impaled for the securitie of our Hogs, about two miles and a halfe, by the name of Hope in Faith, and Coxendale, secured by fiue of our manner of Forts, which are but Palisadoes, called Charitic Fort, Mount Malado (a guest house [hospital] for sicke people) a high seat and wholsome aire, Elisabeth Fort, and Fort Patience : And here hath Master Whitaker chosen his Par- sonage, impaled a faire framed Parsonage, and one hundred acres called Rocke hall, but these are not halfe finished. Thejwiiding About Christmas following, in this same yeere 1611. in mmimt. regard of the iniurie done vs by them of Apamatuck, Sir Thomas Dale, without the losse of any, except some few Saluages, tooke it and their Come, being but fiue miles by land from Henrico : and considering how commodious it might be for vs, resolued to possesse and plant it, and at the instant called it the new Bermudas ; whereunto hee hath laid out and annexed to the belonging freedome and corporation for euer, many miles of Champian and Woodland ground in seuerall hundreds, as the vpper and nether hundreds, Roch- dale hundred, West Sherly hundred, and Digs his hundred. In the nether hundred he first began to plant, for there is the most Corne-ground, and with a pale of two miles, cut ouer from Riuer to Riuer, whereby we haue secured eight English miles in compasse : vpon which circuit, within halfe a mile of each other, are many faire houses already built ; besides particular mens houses neere to the number of fiftie. Rochdale, by a crosse pale welnigh foure miles long, is also planted with houses along the pale, in which hundred our Hogs and Cattell haue twentie miles circuit to graze in securely. The building of the Citie is referred till our haruest [1612] be in, which he intends to make a retreat against any forraigne enemie. About fiftie miles from these is lames towne, vpon a fertill peninsula, which although [112] formerly scandaled Ed byjiiys"62t4.j Lib. 4. Sir Thomas Gates. 5 1 1 for an vnhealthfull aire, wee finde it as healthfull as any [1611-12] other part of the Countrie ; it hath two rowes of houses of framed timber, and some of them two stories and a garret higher, three large Store-houses ioined together in length, and hee hath newly strongly impaled the towne. This He, and much ground about it, is much inhabited. VoKecoughtan we accounted it fortie miles, where they Hue well with halfe that allowance the rest haue from the store, because of the extraordinarie quantitie of Fish, Fowle and Deere ; as you may reade at large in the Discoueries of Captaine Smith. And thus I haue truly related vnto you the present estate of that small part of Virginia wee frequent and possesse. Since there was a ship fraughted with prouision, and 1612- fortie men ; and another since then with the like number ^SJtk"1"1 and prouision, to stay twelue moneths in the Countrie, with Treasurer- Captaine Argall, which was sent not long after. After Captaine hee had recreated and refreshed his Companie, hee was amCLu. sent to the Riuer Patawomeake, to trade for Corne : the Saluages about vs hauing small quarter, but friends and foes as they found aduantage and opportunitie. But to conclude our peace, thus it happened. Captaine Argall, hauing entred into a great acquaintance with Iapazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smiths, and so to all our Nation, euer since hee discouered the Countrie: h[e]ard by him there was Pocahontas, whom Captaine Smiths Relations intituleth the Numparell of Virginia [pp. 38, 169], and though she had beene many times a preseruer of him and the whole Colonie, yet till this accident shee was neuer seene at lames towne since his departure [^Oct. 1609]. Being at Patawomeke, as it seemes, thinking her selfe vnknowne, was easily by her friend Iapazaws perswaded to goe abroad with him and his wife to see the ship : for Captaine Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle to bring her but to him, promising no way to hurt her, but keepe her till they could conclude a peace with her father; the Saluage for this Copper Kettle would haue done any thing, it seemed by the Relation. For though she had seene and beene in many ships, yet ^^ktH/ai hee caused his wife to faine how desirous she was to see was taken one, that hee offered to beat her for her importunitie, tiH pr,soner• 512 How Pocahontas was taken prisoner. Lib. 4. [R. Hamor. 18 June 1614. [1613] letter of June 1613 (in Purchas iv., 1764, Ed. 1625), it would appear that Pocahontas was captured in the beginning of April 1613.] Seuen English returned from Powhatan prisoners. she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would goe with her, hee was content : and thus they betraied the poore innocent Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly feasted in the Cabbin. Iapazaws treading oft on the Captaines foot, to remember he had done his part ; the Captaine when he saw his time, perswaded Pocahontas to the Gun-roome, faining to haue some conference with Iapazaws, which was onely that she should not perceiue hee was any way guiltie of her captiuitie : so sending for her againe, hee told her before her friends, she must goe with him, and compound peace betwixt her Countrie and vs, before she euer should see Powhatan ; whereat the old lew and his wife began to howle and crie as fast as Pocahontas, that vpon the Captaines faire perswasions, by degrees paci- fying her selte, and Iapazaws and his wife, with the Kettle and other toies, went merrily on shore ; and shee to lames towne. A messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that his daughter Pocahontas he loued so dearely, he must ransome with our men, swords, peeces, tooles, &c. hee trecherously had stolne. This vnwelcome newes much troubled Powhatan, because hee loued both his daughter and our commodities well, yet it was three moneths after [July 1613] ere hee returned vs any answer : then by the perswasion of the Councell, he returned seuen of our men, with each of them an vnseruice- able Musket, and sent vs word, that when wee would deliuer his daughter, hee would make vs satisfaction for all iniuries done vs, and giue vs fiue hundred bushels of Corne, and for euer be friends with vs. That he sent, we receiued in part of payment, and returned him this answer: That his daughter should be well vsed ; but we could not beleeue the rest of our armes were either lost or stolne from him, and therefore till hee sent them, we would keepe his daughter. This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we heard no more from him for a [113] long time after : when with Captaine Argals ship, and some other vessels belong- ing to the Colonie ; Sir Thomas Dale, with a hundred and fiftie men well appointed, went vp into his owne Riuer, to his chiefe habitation, with his daughter. Ed'bVuiyST624.*] LlB- 4- sir Thomas Gates 513 With many scornfull brauado's they affronted vs, [1613] proudly demanding Why wee came thither ; our reply was, Wee had brought his daughter, and to receiue the ransome for her that was promised, or to haue it perforce. They nothing dismayed thereat, told vs, We were wel- come if wee came to fight, for they were prouided for vs : but aduised vs, if wee loued our Hues to retire ; else they would vse vs as they had done Captaine Ratcliffe : We [/• cm.] told them, Wee would presently haue a better answer; but we were no sooner within shot of the shore than they let flie their Arrowes among vs in the ship. Being thus iustly prouoked, wee presently manned our a man she: Boats, went on shore, burned all their houses, and spoiled forlhead. all they had we could finde; and so the next day proceeded higher vp the Riuer, where they demanded Why wee burnt their houses, and wee, Why they shot at vs : They replyed, it was some stragling Saluage, with many other excuses, they intended no hurt, but were our friends : We told them, Wee came not to hurt them, but visit them as friends also. Vpon this we concluded a peace, and forthwith they dispatched messengers to Powhatan ; whose answer, they told vs, wee must expect foure and twentie houres ere the messengers could returne : Then they told vs, our men were runne away for feare we would hang them, yet Powhatans men were runne after them ; as for our Swords and Peeces, they should be brought vs the next day, which was only but to delay time; for the next day they came not. Then we went higher, to a house of Powhatans, called Matchot, where we saw about foure hundred men well appointed ; here they dared vs to come on shore, which wee did ; no shew of feare they made at all, nor offered to resist our landing, but walking boldly vp and downe amongst vs, demanded to conferre with our Captaine, of his comming in that manner, and to haue truce till they could but once more send to their King to know his pleasure, which if it were not agreeable to their expectation, then they would fight with vs, and defend their owne as they could. Which was but onely to deferre the time, to carrie away their prouision ; yet wee pro- 33 514 The gouernment returned to Sir T . Gates. Lib. 4. [ R "^^ sonnes come to see Pocahontas. [1613-14] mised them truce till the next day at noone, and then if they would fight with vs, they should know when we would begin by our Drums and Trumpets. Two of Vpon this promise, two of Powhatans sonnes came vnto Powhatan* vs ^0 see their sister : at whose sight, seeing her well, though they heard to the contrane, they much reioiced, promising they would perswade her father to redeeme her, and for euer be friends with vs. And vpon this, the two brethren went aboord with vs ; and we sent Master Iohn Rolfe and Master Sparkes to Powhatan, to acquaint him with the businesse : kindly they were entertained, but not admitted [to] the presence of Powhatan, but they spoke with Opechancanough, his brother and successor ; hee promised to doe the best he could to Powhatan, all might be well. So it being Aprill [1613], and time to prepare our ground and set our Corne, we returned to lames Towne, promising the forbearance of their performing their promise, till the next haruest. maria e of Long before this, Master Iohn Rolfe, an honest Gentle- p^lahotuas man, and of good behauiour, had beene in loue with Poca- /oAn^o/fe. hontas, and she with him : which thing at that instant I 1613 made knowne to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from him, sw Thomas wherein hee intreated his aduice, and she acquainted her Tourer, brother with it, which resolution Sir Thomas Dale well approued: the bru[i]te of this mariage came soone to the knowledge of Powhatan, a thing acceptable to him, as appeared by his sudden consent, for within ten daies he sent Opachisco, an old Vncle of hers, and two of his sons, to see the manner of the mariage, and to doe in that behalfe what they were requested, for the confirmation thereof, as his deputie ; which was accordingly done about the first of Aprill [1614]. And euer since wee haue had friendly trade and commerce, as well with Powhatan himselfe, as all his subiects. [114] friendship. JamaitT Besides this, by the meanes of Powhatan, we became in league with our next neighbours, the Chicahamanias, a lustie and a daring people, free of themselues. These people, so soone as they heard of or peace with Pow- hatan, sent two messengers with presents to Sir Thomas Articles of Peace. ^•^juiyT^'.] Lib. 4. The Articles of peace. 515 Dale, and offered them his [him their] seruice, excusing all [1614] former iniuries, hereafter they would euer be King lames his subiects, and relinquish the name of Chickahamania, to be called Tassautessus, as they call vs ; and Sir Thomas Dale the[i]reGouernour, as the Kings Deputie; onely they desired to be gouerned by their owne Lawes, which is eight of their Elders as his substitutes. This offer he kindly accepted, and appointed the day hee would come to visit them. When the appointed day came, Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall with fiftie men well appointed, went to Chickahamania, where wee found the people expecting our comming ; they vsed vs kindly, and the next morning sate in counsell, to conclude their peace vpon these conditions: First, they should for euer bee called Englishmen, and bee true subiects to King lames and his Deputies. Secondly, neither to kill nor detaine any of our men, nor cattell, but bring them home. Thirdly, to bee alwaies ready to furnish vs with three hundred men, against the Spaniards or any. Fourthly, they shall not enter our townes, but send word they are new Englishmen. Fiftly, that euery fighting man, at the beginning of haruest, shall bring to our store two bushels of Come, for tribute, for which they shall receiue so many Hatchets. Lastly, the eight chief e men should see all this performed, or receiue the punishment themselues : for their diligence they should haue a red coat, a copper chaine, and King lames his picture, and be accounted his Noblemen. All this they concluded with a generall assent, and a great shout to confirme it : then one of the old men began an Oration, bending his speech first to the old men, then to the young, and then to the women and children, to make them vnderstand how strictly they were to obserue these conditions, and we would defend them from the furie of Powhatan, or any enemie whatsoeuer, and furnish them with Copper, Beads, and Hatchets : but all this was rather for feare Powhatan and we, being so linked together, would bring them againe to his subiection ; the which to preuent, they did rather chuse to be protected by vs, than tormented by him, whom they held a Tyrant. And thus wee returned againe to lames towne. 516 TJie government left to Lib. 4. [R ,U*S£ [1613-14] When our people were fed out of the common store, and SubCTtuf1 laDoured iointly together, glad was he could slip from his in the labour, or slumber ouer his taske he cared not how, nay, planters. ^e most honest among them would hardly take so much true paines in a weeke, as now for themselues they will doe in a day : neither cared they for the increase, pre- suming that howsoeuer the haruest prospered, the generall store must maintaine them, so that wee reaped not so much Corne from the labours of thirtie, as now three or foure doe prouide for themselues. To preuent which, Sir Thomas Dale hath allotted euery man three Acres of cleare ground, in the nature of Farmes, except the Bermudas [p. 510] : who are exempted, but for one moneths seruice in the yeere, which must neither bee in seed-time, nor haruest; for which doing, no other dutie they pay yeerely to the store, but two barrels and a halfe of Corne. Ensigne From all those Farmers (whereof the first was William fimFanncr Spence, an honest, valiant, and an industrious man, and hath mvirginia. continued from 1607. to this present [1614]) from those is expected such a contribution to the store, as wee shall neither want for our selues, nor to entertaine our sup- plies ; for the rest, they are to worke eleuen moneths for the store, and hath one moneth onely allowed them to get prouision to keepe them for twelue, except two bushels of Corne they haue out of the store. If those can Hue so, why should any feare staruing ; and it were much better to denie them passage that would not, ere they come, bee content to ingage themselues to those conditions: for onely from the slothfull and idle [115] drones, and none else, hath sprung the manifold imputations, Virginia inno- cently hath vndergone ; and therefore I would deter such from comming here, that cannot well brooke labour, except they will vndergoe much punishment and penurie, if they escape the skuruie : but for the industrious, there is reward sufficient, and if any thinke there is nothing but bread, I referre you to his [Smith's] relations that discouered the Countrie first. M,bVui|?£;3 LiB- 4- Sir Thomas Dale. 5i7 The gouemment left to Sir Thomas Dale, vpon Sir Thomas Gates returne for England. Ir Thomas Dale vnderstanding there was a plan- tation of Frenchmen in the north part of Vir- ginia, about the degrees of 45. sent Captaine Argall to Port Royall and Sancta Crux; where finding the Frenchmen abroad dispersed in the Woods, [he] surprized their Ship and Pinnace, which was but newly come from France, wherein was much good apparel and other prouision, which he brought to lames towne : but the men escaped, and liued among the Saluages of those Countries. It pleased Sir Thomas Dale, before my returne to Eng- land, because I would be able to speake somewhat of my owne knowledge, to giue mee leaue to visit Powhatan and his Court : being prouided, I had Thomas Saluage with mee, for my Interpreter ; with him and two Saluages for guides, I went from the Bermuda [£.510] in the morning, and came to Matchot the next night, where the King lay vpon the Riuer of Pamavnke. His entertainment was strange to me, the boy he knew well, and told him ; My child, I gaue you leaue [pp. cii-ciii, 27, 31, 37, 102], being my boy, to goe see your friends, and these foure yeeres [1610-1614] I haue not seene you, nor heard of my owne man Namoutack I sent to England [pp. 31, 102, 124 ; he had been murdered by another Indian at the Bermuda Islands in 1610, see p. 638], though many ships since haue beene returned thence. Hauing done with him, hee began with mee, and demanded for the chaine of pearle he sent his brother Sir Thomas Dale at his first arriuall, which was a token betwixt them, when euer hee should send a messenger from him- selfe to him, he should weare that chaine about his necke, since the peace was concluded, otherwaies he was to binde him and send him home. It is true Sir Thomas Dale had sent him such word, and gaue his Page order to giue it me, but he forgot it, and till this present I neuer heard of it, yet I replyed I did know there was such an order, but that was when vpon a sudden he should haue occasion to send [1614] Captaine A rgals voyage to Port RoyalL 1614. Sir Thomax Smith Treasurer. Master Hamars Journey to Powhatan. 5 1 8 William Parkers recouerie Lib. 4. [R- Hamor. 1615- [1614] an Englishman without an Indian Guide ; but if his owne people should conduct his messenger, as two of his did me who knew my message, it was sufficient ; with which answer he was contented, and so conducted vs to his house, where was a guard of two hundred Bow-men that alwaies attend his person. The first thing he did, he offered me a pipe of Tobacco, then asked mee how his brother Sir Thomas Dale did, and his daughter, and vnknowne sonne, and how they liued, loued and liked ; I told him his brother was well, and his daughter so contented, she would not Hue againe with him ; whereat he laughed, and demanded the cause of my comming : I told him my message was priuate, and I was to deliuer it onely to himselfe and Papaschicher, one of my * guides that was acquainted with it ; instantly he com- manded all out of the house, but onely his two Queenes, that alwaies sit by him, and bade me speake on. misa e to * to^ ^im, Dy my Interpreter, Sir Thomas Dale hath Powhatan sent you two pieces of Copper, hue strings of white and blue Beads, fiue woodden Combes, ten Fish- hookes, a paire of Kniues, and that when you would send for it, hee would giue you a Grind-stone ; all this pleased him : but then I told him his brother Dale, hearing of the fame of his youngest daughter, desiring in any case he would send her by me vnto him, in testimonie of his loue, as well for that he intended to marry her, as the desire her sister had to see her, because being now one people, and hee desirous for euer to dwell in his Countrie, he conceiued there could not be a truer assurance of peace and friendship, than in such a naturall band of an vnited vnion. [116] I needed not entreat his answer by his oft interrupting mee in my speech, and presently with much grauitie he thus replyed. Powhatan* \ gladly accept your salute of loue and peace, which while I Hue, I shall exactly keepe ; his pledges thereof I receiue with no lesse thanks, although they are not so ample as formerly he had receiued: but for my daughter, I haue sold her within this few daies to a great Werowance, for two bushels of Rawrenoke, three daies iournie from me. I Ed byjuiyn?624.] Lib. 4. from among the Saluages. 519 I replyed, I knew his greatnesse in restoring the [1614] Rawrenoke, might call her againe to gratifie his brother, and the rather, because she was but twelue yeeres old, assuring him, besides the band of peace, hee should haue for her, three times the worth of the Rawrenoke, in Beads, Copper, Hatchets, &c. His answer was, he loued his daughter as his life, and though hee had many children, hee delighted in none so much as shee, whom if he should not often behold, he could not possibly Hue, which she liuing with vs he could not do, hauing resolued vpon no termes to put himselfe into our hands, or come amongst vs; therefore desired me to vrge him no further, but returne his brother this answer: That I desire no former assurance of his friendship than the promise hee hath made, from me he hath a pledge, one of my daughters, which so long as she Hues shall be sufficient, when she dies, he shall haue another: I hold it not a brotherly part to desire to bereaue me of my two children at once. Farther, tell him though hehad no pledge at all, hee need not distrust any iniurie from me or my people ; there haue beene too many of his men and mine slaine, and by my occa- sion there shall neuer be more, (I which haue power to performe it, haue said it) although I should haue iust cause, for I am now old, and would gladly end my daies in peace ; if you offer me iniurie, my countrie is large enough to goe from you : Thus much I hope will satisfie my brother. Now because you are wearie, and I sleepie, wee will thus end. So commanding vs victuall and lodging, we rested that night, and the next morning he came to visit vs, and kindly conducted vs to the best cheere hee had. William Parker. Hile I here remained, by chance came an wunam Englishman, whom there had beene surprized Scoured three yeeres agoe [1611] at Fort Henry, grown e so like, both in complexion and habit like a Sal- uage, I knew him not, but by his tongue : hee desired mee to procure his libertie, which I intended, and so farre vrged 5 20 [Extracts from letters from Virginia, *jf S3E 1615. [1614] Powhatan, that he grew discontented, and told mee, You haue one of my daughters, and I am content : but you cannot see one of your men with mee, but you must haue him away, or breake friendship ; if you must needs haue him, you shall goe home without guides, and if any euill befall you, thanke your selues. I told him I would, but if I returned not well, hee must expect a reuenge ; and his brother might haue iust cause to suspect him. So in passion he left me till supper, and then gaue me such as hee had with a cheerefull countenance: About midnight he awaked vs, and promised in the morning my returne with Parker ; but I must remember his brother to send him ten great pieces of Copper, a Shauing-knife, a Frowe, a Grind-stone, a Net, Fish-hookes, and such toies ; which lest I should forget, he caused me [to] write in a table-booke he had; how euer he got it, it was a faire one, I desired hee would giue it me ; he told me, no, it did him much good in shewing to strangers, yet in the morning when we departed, hauing furnished vs well with prouision, he gaue each of vs a Bucks skin as well dressed as could be, and sent two more to his sonne and daughter : And so we returned to lames towne. Written by Master Ralph Hamor and Iohn Rolph. Haue read the substance of this relation, in a Letter written by Sir Thomas Dale, another by Master W hitakcr y&nd a third by M aster Iohn Rolfe ; how carefull they were to instruct her in Chris- tianity, and how capable and desirous shee was thereof, after she hadbeene some time thus tutored, shee neuerhad desire to goe to her father, nor could well endure the society of her owne nation : the true affection she constantly bare her husband was much, and the strange apparitions and violent passions he endured for her loue, as he deeply protested, was wonderful [117], and she openly renounced her countries idolatry, confessed the faith of Christ, and was baptized. But either the coldnesse of the aduenturers, or the bad vsage of that was collected, or both, caused this worthy Knight [Sir Thomas Dale] to write thus. Ed" byiuiys^4.' Extracts from letters from Virginia.'] 521 Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen [1614] ingage themselues, and thereby intermedling herein, haue caused a number of soules transport themselues, and be transported hither ? Why should they, I say, relinquish this so glorious an action : for if their ends be to build God a Church, they ought to perseuere ; if otherwise, yet their honour ingageth them to be constant ; howsoeuer they stand affected, here is enough to content them. These are the things [which] haue animated me to stay a little season from them, I am bound in conscience to returne vnto ; leauing all contenting pleasures and mundall delights, to reside here with much turmoile, which I will rather doe than see Gods glory diminished, my King and Country dishonoured, and these poore soules I haue in charge reuiued, which would quickly happen if I should leaue them ; so few I haue with me fit to command or manage the businesse : Master Whitaker their Preacher complaineth, and much museth, that so few of our English Ministers, that were so hot against the surplice and subscription come hether, where neither is spoken of. Doe they not wilfully hide their talents, or keepe themselues at home, for feare of losing a few pleasures ; be there not any among them of Moses his minde, and of the Apostles, that forsooke all to follow Christ, but I refer them to the Iudge of all hearts, and to the King that shall reward euery one according to his talent. From Virginia, Iune 18. 16 14. The businesse being brought to this perfection, Cap- taine Argall returned for England, in the latter end of Iune, 1614. ariuing in England, and bringing this good tidings to the Councell and company by the assistances of Sir Thomas Gates, that also had returned from Virginia but the March before [1614]; it was presently concluded, that to supply this good successe with all expedition, the standing Lottery should be drawne with all diligent conueniency, and that posterity may remember vpon occasion to vse the like according to the declaration, I thinke it not amisse to remember thus much. The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery published by the Counsel/. T is apparent to the world, by how many former Proclamations, we manifested our intents, to haue drawn out the great standing Lottery long before this, which not falling out as we desired, and others expected whose monies are aduentured therein, we thought good therefore for the auoiding all vniust and sinister con- structions, to resolue the doubts of all indifferent minded, in three speciall points for their better satisfaction. But ere I goe any farther, let vs remember there was a running Lottery vsed a long time in Saint Pauls Church- yard, where this stood, that brought into the Treasury good summes of mony dayly, though the Lot was but small. Now for the points, the first is, for as much as the Aduenturers came in so slackly for the yeere past, without preiudice to the generality ; in losing the blankes and prises, we were forced to petition to the honourable Lords, who out of their noble care to further this Plantation, haue recommended their Letsenters to the Countries, Cities, and good townes in England, which we hope by [adjding in their voluntary Aduenturers, will sufficiently supply vs. The second for satisfaction to all honest well affected minds, is, that though this expectation answer not our hopes, yet wee haue not failed in our Christian care, the **A?353 Lib. 4. Z^ Zotory. 523 good of that Colony, to whom we haue lately sent two [1616] sundry supplies, and were they but now supplied with more hands, wee should soone resolue the diuision of the Country by Lot, and so lessen the generall charge. The third is our constant resolution, that seeing our credits are so farre ingaged [118] to the honourable Lords and the whole State, for the drawing this great Lottery, (A cxxv.j which we intend shall be without delay, the 26. of Iune next [1616], desiring all such as haue vndertaken with bookes to solicit their friends, that they will not with-hold their monies till the last moneth be expired, lest we be vn- willingly forced to proportion a lesse value and number of our Blankes and Prises which hereafter followeth. Welcomes. Crownes. O him that first shall be drawne out with a blanke, 100 To the second, 50 To the third, 25 To him that euery day during the drawing of this Lottery, shall bee first drawne out with a blanke, 10 Prizes. Crownes. 1 Great Prize of 4500 2 Great Prizes, each of 2000 4 Great Prizes, each of 1000 6 Great Prizes, each of 500 10 Prizes, each of 300 20 Prizes, each of 200 100 Prizes, each of 100 200 Prizes, each of 50 400 Prizes, each of 20 1000 Prizes, each of 10 1000 Prizes, each of 8 1000 Prizes, each of 6 4000 Prizes, each of 4 1000 Prizes, each of 3 1000 Prizes, each of 2 524 The Lottery. Lib. 4. [EdbVulys^h4: Rewards. Crownes. *§0 him that shall be last drawne out with a blanke, 25 To him that putteth in the greatest Lot, vnder one name, 400 To him that putteth in the second greatest number, 300 To him that putteth in the third greatest number, 200 To him that putteth in the fourth greatest number, 100 If diuers be of equall number, their rewards are to be diuided proportionally. Addition of new Rewards. Crownes. He blanke that shall bee drawne out next before the great Prize shall haue 25 The blanke that shall be drawne out next after the said great Prize 25 The blancks that shall be drawne out immediatly before the two next great Prizes, shall haue each of them 20 The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall haue 20 The seuerall blankes next before the foure great Prizes [of 1000 crowns each], each shall haue 15 The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall haue 15 The seuerall blankes next before the six great Prizes [of 500 crowns each], each shall haue 10 The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall haue 10 [119 The prizes, welcomes, and rewards, shall be payed in ready Mony, Plate, or other goods reasonably rated ; if any dislike of the plate or goods, he shall haue mony, abating only the tenth part, except in small prizes of ten Crownes or vnder. The mony for the Aduenturers is to be paied to Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, and Treasurer for Virginia, or Bd-byjuiyT625: Arrival of a Spanish skip in Virginia.'] 525 ! such Officers as he shall apoint in City or Country, vnder [1616] the common seale of the company for the receit thereof. All prizes, welcomes and rewards drawne where euer they dwell, shall of the Treasurer haue present pay, and whosoeuer vnder one name or poesie payeth three pound in eady money, shall receiue six shillings and eight pence, or a siluer spoone of that value at his choice. About this time it chanced a Spanish ship, beat too and fh^-n1!;h againe before point Comfort, and at last sent a shore their Virginia. boat, as desirous of a Pilot. Captaine lames Dauis the gouernor, immediatly gaue them one : but he was no sooner in the boat, but a way they went with him, leauing three of their companions behind them ; this sudden accident occasioned some distrust, and a strict examina- tion of those three thus left, yet with as good vsage as our estate could afford them. They only confessed, hauing lost their Admirall, accident had forced them into those parts; and two of them were Captaines, and in chiefe authority in the fleet : thus they liued till one of them was found to be an Englishman, and had been the Spaniards Pilot for England in [i5]88. and hauing here induced some male-contents, to beleeue his proiects, to run away with a small barke, which was [who were] apprehended, some exe- cuted, and he expecting but the Hangmans curtesie, directly confessed that two or three Spanish ships was at Sea, purposely to discouer the estate of the Colony : but their Commission was not to be opened till they arriued in the Bay, so that of any thing more he was vtterly ignorant. One of the Spaniards at last dyed ; the other was sent for England, but this reprieued, till Sir Thomas Dale hanged him at Sea in his voyage homeward : the English Pilot they carried for Spaine, whom after a long time imprison- ment, with much su[i]te was returned for England. Whilstthosethingswere effecting, Sir Thomas Dale, hauing 1616. setled to his thinking all things in good order, made choice s^lfJ/l°max of one Master George Yearly, to be Deputy-Gouernour in Treasurer. his absence, and so returned for England; accompanied with Pocahontas the Kings Daughter, and Master Rolfe her [/As29,s33.l husband : and arriued at Plimmoth the 12. of June. 1616. [1616] A degres- sion. The gouernment left to Captaine Yearly. Ow a little to commentary vpon all these proceedings, let me leaue but this as a caueat by the way ; if the alteration of gouernment hath subuerted great Empires, how dangerous is it then in the infancy of a common-weale ? The multiplicity of Gouernors is a great damage to any State ; but vncertaine daily changes are burdensome, because their entertain- ments are chargeable, and many will make hay whilst the sunne doth shine, how euer it shall faire with the generality. This deare bought Land with so much bloud and cost, hath onely made some few rich, and all the rest losers. But it was intended at the first, the first vndertakers should be first preferred and rewarded, and the first aduenturers satisfied, and they of all the rest are the most neglected ; and those that neuer aduentured a groat, neuer see the Country, nor euer did any seruice for it, imploied in their places, adorned with their deserts, and inriched with their mines : and when they are fed fat, then in commeth others so leane as they were, who through their omnipotency doth as much. Thus what one Officer doth, another vndoth, only ayming at their owne ends; thinking all the world derides his dignity, [who] cannot fill his Coffers being in authority with any thing. Euery man hath his minde free, but he can neuer be a true member to that estate, that to enrich himselfe beggers Ed' bYuiySS;:] Lib. 4. The gouernment left to Capt. Yearly. 527 [120J all the Countrie. Which bad cou*ise, there are [1616] many yet in this noble plantation, whose true honour and worth as much scornes it, as the others loues it ; for the Nobilitie and Gentrie, there is scarce any of them expects my thing but the prosperitie of the action : and there are some Merchants and others, I am confidently perswaded, loe take more care and paines, nay, and at their continual! ^reat charge, than they could be hired to for the loue of loney ; so honestly regarding the generall good of this great /orke, they would hold it worse than sacrilege, to wrong it >ut a shilling, or extort vpon the common souldier a penny. But to the purpose, and to follow the Historic Master George Yearly now inuested Deputie Gouernour The >y Sir Thomas Dale, applied himselfe for the most part If "capS n planting Tobacco, as the most present commoditie they Yearley- :ould deuise for a present gaine, so that euery man be- :ooke himselfe to the best place he could for the purpose : low though Sir Thomas Dale had caused such an abun- lance of corne to be planted, that euery man had sufficient, fet the supplies were sent vs, came so vnfurnished, as quickly eased vs of our superfluitie. To relieue their necessities, he sent to the Chichahamanias for the tribute Corne Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall lad conditioned for with them : But such a bad answer they returned him, that hee drew together one hundred of lis best shot, with whom he went to Chickahamania ; the )eople in some places vsed him indifferently, but in most )laces with much scorne and contempt, telling him he was but Sir Thomas Dales man, and they had payed his Master according to condition, but to giue any to him they had no such order, neither would they obey him as they had done his Master; after he had told them his authoritie, and that he had the same power to enforce :hem that Dale had, they dared him to come on shore to fight, presuming more of his not daring, than their owne valours. Yearly seeing their insolencies, made no great diffi- cultie to goe on shore at Ozinies, and they as little to incounter him : but marching from thence towards Mamanahunt, they put themselues in the same order they 528 Thegouernmentof ^C^. Yearly. Lib. 4. [w*<^l3K£2£ [1616] see vs, lead by their Captaine Kissanacomen, Gouernour of Ozinies, and so marched close along by vs,each as threatning other who should first begin. But that night we quartered against Mamanahunt, and they passed the Riuer. The next day we followed them ; there are few places in Virginia had then more plaine ground together, nor more plentie of Corne, which although it was but newly gathered, yet they had hid it in the woods where we could not finde it : a good time we spent thus in arguing the cause, the Saluages without feare standing in troupes amongst vs, seeming as if their countenances had beene sufficient to dafu]nt vs : what other practises they had I know not ; but to preuent the worst, our Captaine caused vs all to make ready, and vpon the word, to let flie among them, where he appointed : others also he commanded to seize on them they could for prisoners ; all which being done according to our direction, the Captaine Twdue gaue the word, and wee presently discharged, where twelue Sainef" lay, some dead, the rest for life sprawling on the ground, goners twelue more we tooke prisoners, two whereof were brothers, taken, and two of their eight Elders, the one tooke by Sergeant concluded. Boothe, the other by Robert a Polonian. Neere one hundred bushels of Corne we had for their ransomes, which was promised the Souldiers for a reward, but it was not performed : now Opechankanough had agreed with our Captaine for the subiecting of those people, that neither hee nor Powhatan could euer bring to their obedi- ence ; and that he should make no peace with them without his aduice : in our returne by Ozinies with our prisoners wee met Opechankanough, who with much adoe, fained with what paines hee had procured their peace, the which to requite, they called him the King of Ozinies, and brought him from all parts many presents of Beads, Copper, and such trash as they had. Here as at many other times wee were beholding to Cap- taine Henry Spilman our Interpreter, a Gentleman [that J had liued long time in this Countrie, and sometimes a prisoner among the Saluages [pp. ci-cxiv, 172, 498, 503, 586, 606] ; and done much good seruice, though but badly rewarded. From hence we ma relit towards lames towne, we had three [121] Boats loaded with Corne and other luggage; the one of Ed- by/uiyT624.] Lib. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. 529 I them being more willing to be at lames towne with the [1616-7] newes than the other, was ouerset, and eleuen men cast ^"|^en away with the Boat, Corne and all their prouision. Not- withstanding this put all the rest of the Saluages in that feare, especially in regard of the great league we had with Opechankanough, that we followed our labours quietly, and in such securitie that diuers saluages of other Nations, I daily frequented vs with what prouisions they could get, and would guide our men on hunting, and oft hunt for vs themselues. Captaine Yearly had a Saluage or two so a bad well trained vp to their peeces, they were as expert as any £S«,«J2]. of the English, and one hee kept purposely to kill him fowle. There were diuers others had Saluages in like manner for their men. Thus we liued together, as if wee had beene one people, all the time Captaine Yearley staied with us, but such grudges and discontents daily increased among our selues, that vpon the arriuall of Captaine Argall, sent by the Councell and Companie to bee our Gouernour, Captaine Yearley returned for England in the yeere 1617. From the writings of Captaine Nathaniel Powell, William Cantrill, Sergeant Boothe, Edward Gurganey. instructions During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, Pocahontas daughter to Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master I dim Rolfe her husband and his friends, [w]as taught to speake such English as might well bee vnderstood, well instructed in Christianitie, and was become very formall and ciuill after our English manner; shee had also by him a childe which she loued most dearely, and the Treasurer and Company tooke order both for the maintenance of her and it, besides there were diuers persons of great ranke and qualitie had beene very kinde to her ; and before she arriued at London, Captaine Smith to deserue her former courtesies, made her qualities knowne to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie and her Court, and writ a little booke to this effect to the Queene : An abstract whereof followeth. 34 To the most high and vertuous Princesse, Queene Anne of Great Brittanie. Most admired Queene, [1616] t^ggC^^Sf7He loue I beare my God, my King and 1 Countrie, hath so oft emboldened mee in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honestie doth constraine mee [toj presume thus farre beyond my selfe, to present your Maiestie this short dis- course : if ingratitude be a deadly poyson to all honest vertues, I must bee guiltie of that crime if I should omit any meanes to bee thankfull. So it is, That some ten yeeres agoe [i.e., Jan. 1608] being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by the power of Powhatan their chiefe King, I receiued from this great Saluage exceeding great courtesie, especially from his sonne Nantaquaus, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit, I euer saw in a Saluage, and his sister Pocahontas, the Kings most deare and wel-beloued daughter, being but a childe of twelue or thirteene yeeres of age [therefore Smith,in June 161 6, estimated Pocahontas to have been born in 1595, or 1596; and consequently, in 1616, to be 21 or zoyears old : but in June 1608, he looked upon her as a child of 10 years of age (p. 38), or born in 1598; which would make her only 18 in 16 16. But that she was the older of these two estimates , is evident from the inscription A relation to Queene Anne, of Pocahontas. jinfTe'SG Lib. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. 531 on her picture; which is further confirmed by the text [1616] at p. 169], whose compassionate pitifull heart, of my desperate estate, gaue me much cause to respect her : \j>. cxxxvi.] I being the first Christian this proud King and his grim attendants euer saw: and thus inthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes to preuent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some six weeks [or rather about three weeks, Smith was altogether away from James town, from 10 Dec. 1607 to 8 Jan. 1608, i.e., four complete weeks and portions of two others : see pp. lxxxv-vi] fatting amongst those Saluage Courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines to saue mine ; and not onely that, but so preuailed with her father, that I was safely con- ducted to lames towne : where I found about eight and thirtie miserable poore and sicke creatures, to keepe possession of all those large territories of Vir- ginia ; such was the weaknesse of this poore Common- wealth, as had the Saluages not fed vs, we directly had starued. And this reliefe, most gracious Queene, was commonly brought vs by this [122] Lady Pocahontas. Notwithstanding all these passages, when inconstant Fortune turned our peace to warre, this tender Virgin would still not spare to dare to visit vs, and by her our iarres haue beene oft appeased, and our wants still supplyed ; were it the policie of her father thus to imploy her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinarie affection to our Nation, I know not: but of this I am sure; when her father with the vtmost of his policie and power, sought to surprize mee [at Werowocomoco, about 15 Jan. 1609, see pp. 138, 455], hauing but eighteene with mee, the darke night could not affright her from comming through the irkesome woods, and with watered eies gaue me intelligence, with her best aduice to escape his furie ; which had hee knowne, hee had surely slaine her. lames towne with her wild traine she as freely 532 Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. Lib. 4. \j^ Smith, une 1616. [1616] frequented, as her fathers habitation ; and during the time of two or three yeeres [1608-9], sne next vnder God, was still the instrument to preserue this Colonie from death, famine and vtter confusion ; which if in those times, [it] had once beene dissolued, Virginia might haue line [lain] as it was at our first arriuall to this day. Since then, this businesse hauing beene turned and varied by many accidents from that I left it at [on 4 Oct. 1609, see p. 497]: it is most certaine, after a long and troublesome warre after my departure, betwixt her father and our Colonie ; all which time shee was not heard of. [/. 5"l About two yeeres after [April 1613] shee her selfe was taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres longer, the Colonie by that meanes was relieued, peace concluded ; and at last reiecting her [/ Sx4.] barbarous condition, [she] was maried [1 April 1614] to an English Gentleman, with whom at this present she is in England ; the first Christian euer of that Nation, the first Virginian euer spake English, or had a childe in mariage by an Englishman : a matter surely, if my meaning bee truly considered and well vnderstood, worthy a Princes vnderstanding. Thus, most gracious Lady, I haue related to your Maiestie, what at your best leasure our approued Histories will account you at large, and done in the time of your Maiesties life ; and howeuer this might bee presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart, as yet I neuer begged any thing of the state, or any : and it is my want of abilitie and her exceeding desert ; your birth, meanes and authoritie ; hir birth, vertue, want and simplicitie, doth make mee thus bold, humbly to beseech your Maiestie to take this knowledge of her, though it be from one so vnworthy to be the reporter, as my selfe, her husbands estate not being able to make her fit to attend your Maiestie. The most and least I can doe, is to tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as my selfe, and the rather being of so great a spirit, how euer her stature [Pocahontas was therefore not a tall woman] : if junfTele.] Lib. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. 533 she should not be well receiued, seeing this Kingdome may [1616] rightly haue a Kingdome by her meanes ; her present loue to vs and Christianitie might turne to such scorne and furie, as to diuert all this good to the worst of euill : where[as] rinding so great a Queene should doe her some honour more than she can imagine, for being so kinde to your seruants an subiects, would so rauish her v/ith content, as endeare her dearest bloud to effect that, your Maiestie and all the Kings honest subiects most earnestly desire. And so I humbly kisse your gracious hands. Being about this time preparing to set saile for New- Pocahontas England, I could not stay to doe her that seruice I desired, £»S° and she well deserued ; but hearing shee was at Branford Sptaine with diuers of my friends, I went to see her. After a Smith> modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented ; and in that humour her husband, with diuers others, we all left her two or three houres, repenting my selfe to haue writ she could speake English. But not long after, she began to talke, and remembred mee well what courtesies shee had done : saying, You did promise Powhatan what was yours should bee his, and he the like to you ; you called him father being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I doe you : which though I would haue excused, -I durst not allow of that title, because she was a Kings daughter ; with a well set countenance she said, Were you not afraid to come into my fathers Countrie, and caused feare in him and all his people (but mee), and feare you here I should call you father; I [123] tell you then I will, and you shall call mee childe, and so I will bee for euer and euer your Countrieman. They did tell vs alwaies you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth [on 12 June 1616, p. 525]; yet Powhatan did command ™J%"^' Vttamatomakktn to seeke you, and know the truth, ualtionsoT" because your Countriemen will lie much. havsage. 534 Concerning the Princess Pocahontas. Lib 4. [j J Smith, line 1616. [1616-7] This Saluage, one of Powhatans Councell, being amongst them held an vnderstanding fellow ; the King purposely sent him, as they say, to number the people here, and informe him well what wee were and our state. Arriuing at Plimoth, according to his directions, he got a long sticke, whereon by notches hee did thinke to haue kept the num- ber of all the men hee could see, but he was quickly wearie of that taske. Comming to London, where by chance I met him, hauing renewed our acquaintance, where many were desirous to heare and see his behauiour, hee told me Powhatan did bid him to finde me out, to shew him our God, the King, Queene, and Prince, I so much had told them of. Concerning God, I told him the best I could, the King I heard he had seene, and the rest hee should see when he would ; he denied euer to haue seene the King, till by circumstances he was satisfied he had : Then he replyed very sadly, You gaue Powhatan a white Dog, which Powhatan fed as himselfe ; but your King gaue me nothing, and I am better than your white Dog. Pocahontas her enter- tainment with the Queene. The small time I staid in London, diuers Courtiers and others, my acquaintances, hath gone with mee to see her, that generally concluded, they did thinke God had a great hand in her conuersion, and they haue seene many English Ladies worse fauoured, proportioned, and behauioured ; and as since I haue heard, it pleased both the King and Queenes Maiestie honourably to esteeme her, accom- panied with that honourable Lady the Lady De la Ware, and that honourable Lord her husband, and diuers other persons of good qualities, both publikely at the maskes and otherwise, to her great satisfaction and content, which doubtlesse she would haue deserued, had she liued to arriue in Virginia, §8 The gouernment deuolued to iei7. Captaine Samuel Argall, 1617. L^||§>f He Treasurer, Councell and Companie, [1617] hauing well furnished Captaine Samuel |ir T%°mas A rgall, the Lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca, Treasurer, with her husband and others, in the good ship called the George ; it pleased God at Grauesend to take this young The death Lady to his mercie, where shee made f0££t not more sorrow for her vnexpected death, than ioy to the beholders to heare and see her make so religious and godly an end. Her little childe Thomas Rolfe therefore was left at Plimoth with Sir Lewis Stukly, that desired the keeping of it. Captaine Hamar his vice-Admirall was gone before, but hee found him at Plimoth. In March they set saile 1617. and in May he arriued at lames towne, where hee was kindly entertained by Captaine Yearley and his Companie in a martiall order, whose right hand file was led by an Indian. In lames towne he found but fiue or six houses, the Church downe, the Palizado's broken, the Bridge in pieces, the Well of fresh water spoiled ; the Store-house they vsed for the Church ; the market-place, and streets, and all other spare places planted with Tobacco : the Saluages as frequent in their houses as themselues, whereby they were become expert in our armes, and had a great many in their custodie and possession ; the Colonie dispersed all about, planting Tobacco. 536 The gouernment of LIB. 4. L J. Rolfe. [1617-8] Captaine Argall not liking those proceedings, altered them agreeable to his owne minde, taking the best order he could for repairing those defects which did exceedingly trouble vs ; we were constrained euery yeere to build and repaire our old Cottages, which were alwaies a decaying in all places of the Countrie : yea, the very Courts of Guard built by Sir Thomas Daley was ready to fall, and the Palizado's not sufficient to keepe out Hogs. Their number of people were about 400. but not past 200. fit for husbandry and tillage : we found there in all one hundred twentie eight cattell, and fourescore and eight Goats, besides innumerable numbers of Swine, and good [124] plentie of Corne in some places, yet the next yeere [1618] the Captaine sent out a Frigat and a Pinnace, that brought vs neere six hundred bushels more, which did greatly relieue the whole Colonic For from the tenants wee seldome had aboue foure hundred bushels of rent Corne to the store, and there was not remaining of the Companies companie, past foure and fiftie men women and Children. This yeere hauing planted our fields, came a great drought ; and such a cruell storme of haile, which did such spoile both to the Corne and Tobacco, that wee reaped but small profit : the Magazine that came in the George, being fiue moneths in her passage, proued very badly conditioned; but ere she arriued, we had gathered and made vp our Tobacco, the best at three shillings the pound, the rest at eighteene pence. To supply vs, the Councell and Company with all pos- sible care and diligence, furnished a good ship of some two hundred and fiftie tunne, with two hundred people and the Lord la Ware. They set saile in Aprill [1618], and tooke their course by the westerne lies, where the Gouer- nour of the He of Saint Michael receiued the Lord la Ware, and honourably feasted him, with all the content hee could giue him. Going from thence, they were long troubled with con- trary winds, in which time many of them fell very sicke ; thirtie died, one of which number was that most honourable Lord Gouernour the Lord la Ware, whose most noble and generous disposition is well knowne to 1000. [f 600] bushels of Corne from the Saluages. 1618. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. The death of the Lord la Ware. EdbyjJuiyST6lS:] LlB- 4- Captaine Samuel Argall. 537 his great cost, had beene most forward in this businesse [1618] for his Countries good. Yet this tender state of Virginia was not growne to that maturitie, to maintaine such state and pleasure as was fit for such a personage, with so braue and great attendance : for some small number of aduentrous Gentlemen to make discoueries, and lie in Garrison ready vpon any occasion to keepe in feare the inconstant Saluages, nothing were more requisite ; but to haue more to wait and play than worke, or more commanders and officers than industrious labourers was not so necessarie. For in Virginia, a plaine Souldier that can vse a Pick-axe and spade, is better than fiue Knights, although they were Knights that could breake a Lance : for men of great place, not inured to those incounters, when they finde things not su ijtable, grow many times so discontented, they forget themselues, and oft become so carelesse, that a dis- contented melancholy brings them to much sorrow, and to others much miserie. At last they stood in for the coast of New-England; ^EJSIr, where they met a small Frenchman [i.e., a ship], rich of ^-e Beuers and other Furres. Though wee had here but Engla,td- small knowledge of the coast nor countrie ; yet they tooke such an abundance of Fish and Fowle, and so well refreshed themselues there with wood and water, as by the helpe of God thereby, hauing beene at Sea sixteene weekes [April-August 1618], [they] got to Virginia, who without this reliefe had beene in great danger to perish. The French-men made them such a feast, with such an abundance of varietie of Fish, Fowle and Fruits, as they all admired, and little expected that wild wildernesse could affoord such wonderfull abundance of plentie. In this ship came about two hundred men, but very little prouision : and the ship called the Treasurer came in againe not long after with fortie passengers. The Lord la Wares ship lying in Virginia three moneths [Aug. — Nov. 1618], wee victualled her with threescore bushels of Corne, and eight Hogsheads of flesh, besides other victuall she spent whilest they tarried there : this ship brought vs aduice that great multitudes were a preparing in England to bee sent, and relied much vpon that victuall 538 Gouernement of Capt. Samuel Argall. Lib. 4. [sjAR^e. [1618] Richard Killingbeck and foure other murdered by the Saluages. Their Church and Store-house. Far/ax, three children and two boyes also murdered. they should finde here: whereupon our Captaine [Argall} called a Councell, and writ to the Councell here in England the estate of the Colonie, and what a great miserie would insue, if they sent not prouision as well as people ; and what they did suffer for want of skilfull husbandmen, and meanes to set their Ploughs on worke : hauing as good ground as any man can desire, and about fortie Bulls and Oxen; but they wanted men to bring them to labour, and Irons for the Ploughs, and harnesse for the Cattell. Some thirtie or fortie acres wee had sowne with one Plough, but it stood so long on the ground before it was reaped, it was most[ly] shaken ; and the rest spoiled with the [125] Cattell and Rats in the Barne, but no better Corne could bee for the quantitie. Richard Killingbeck being with the Captaine [Argall] at Kekoughtan, desired leaue to returne to his wife at Charles hundred, hee went to lames towne by water, there he got foure more to goe with him by land, but it proued that he intended to goe trade with the Indies [Indians] of Chicka- hamania: where making shewof the great quantitie of trucke they had, which the Saluages perceiuing, partly for their trucke, partly for reuenge of some friends they pretended should haue beene slaine by Captaine Yearley ; one of them with an English peece shot Killingbeck dead, the other Saluages assaulted the rest and slew them, stripped them, and tooke what they had. But fearing this murther would come to light, and might cause them to suffer for it, would now proceed to the perfection of villanie ; for presently they robbed their Machacomocko house of the towne, stole all the Indian treasure thereout, and fled into the woods, as other Indians related. On Sunday following, one Farfax that dwelt a mile from the towne, going to Church, left his wife and three small children safe at home, as he thought, and a young youth : she supposing praier to be done, left the children, and went to meet her husband ; presently after came three or foure of those fugitiue Saluages, entred the house, and slew a boy and three children : and also another youth that stole out of the Church in praier time, meeting them, was like- wise murdered. Of this disaster the Captaine [Argall] sent to Opechan- Ed. by J. Smith."] July 1624.J Lib. 4. A relation from Master I. Rolfe. 539 kanough for satisfaction, but he excused the matter, as altogether ignorant of it ; at the same time the Saluages that were robbed were complaining to Opechankanough, and much feared the English would bee reuenged on them : so that Opechankanough sent to Captaine Argall, to assure him the peace should neuer be broken by him, desiring that he would not reuenge the iniurie of those fugitiues vpon the innocent people of that towne; which towne he should haue, and sent him a basket of earth, as possession giuen of it, and promised, so soone as possibly they could catch these robbers, to send him their heads for satisfaction, but he neuer performed it. Samuel Argall, lohn Rolfe. [1618] A relation from Master lohn Rolfe, Iune 15, 161 8. Oncerning the state of our new Common-wealth, it is somewhat bettered, for we haue sufficient to content our selues, though not in such abun- dance as is vainly reported in England. Powhatan died this last Aprill [1618], yet the Indians continue in peace. Itopatin his second brother succeeds him, and both hee and Opechankanough haue confirmed our former league. On the eleuenth of May, about ten of the clocke in the night, happened a most fearefull tempest, but it continued not past halfe an houre, which powred downe hailestones eight or nine inches about, that none durst goe out of their doores, and though it tore the barke and leaues of the trees, yet wee finde not they hurt either man or beast ; it fell onely about lames towne, for but a mile to the East, and twentie to the West there was no haile at all. Thus in peace euery man followed his building and planting without any accidents worthy of note. Some priuate differences happened betwixt Captaine Bruster and Captaine Argall, and Captaine Argall and the Companie here in England ; but of them I am not fully informed, neither are they here for any vse, and therefore vnfit to be remembred. In December [1617] one Captaine Stallings, an old planter Po-whatam death. Haile- stones eight inches about. 54Q The gouernment of Lib. 4. [j. Rolfe. 1618. [1617-9] in those parts, being imployed by them of the West countrie for a fishing voyage in New-England, fell foule of a French- man [i.e., ship] whom hee tooke, leauing his ovvne ship to returne for England, himselfe with a small companie remained in the French barke, some small time after vpon the coast, and thence returned to winter in Virginia. L126] 1619. JVaras~ koyock planted. The gouernment surrendred to Sir George Yearley. Or to begin with the yeere of our Lord, 1619. there arriued a little Pinnace priuatly from England about Easter [Easier Sunday 0. S. was 28 Mar. in 1619] for Captained rga//; who taking order for his affaires, within foure or flue daies returned in her, and left for his Deputy, Captaine Nathaniel Powell. On the eighteenth of Aprill, which was but ten or twelue daies after, arriued Sir George Yearley, by whom we vnder- stood Sir Edwin Sand[y]s was chosen Treasurer, and Master Iohn Farrar his Deputy ; and what great supplies was a preparing to be sent vs, which did rauish vs so much with ioy and content, we thought our selues now fully satisfied for our long toile and labours, and as happy men as any in the world. Notwithstanding, such an accident hapned Captaine Stallings, [that] the next day his ship was cast away, and he not long after slaine in a priuate quarrell. Sir George Yearly to beginne his gouernment, added to be of his councell, Captaine Francis West, Captaine Nathaniel Powell, Master Iohn Pory, Master Iohn Rolfe, and Master William Wick[h]am, and Master Samuel Macocke, and propounded to haue a generall assembly with all expedition. Vpon the twelfth of this Moneth [April 1619], came in a Pinnace of Captaine Bargraues ; and on the seuenteenth [April 1619] Captaine Lownes, and one Master Euans, who intended to plant themselues at Waraskoyack : but now Ophechankanough will not come at vs, that causes vs [to] suspect his former promises. In May [1619J came in the Margaret of Bristoll, with foure and thirty men, all well and in health ; and also many deuout gifts : and we were much troubled in examining some scan- Ed. by J. Smith. "1 T TT> , July 1624 J A'IB- 4- Sir George Yearley. 54i dalous letters sent into England, to disgrace this Country [1619] with barrennesse, to discourage the aduenturers, and so bring it and vs to ruine and confusion. Notwithstanding, we finde by them of best experience, an industrious man not other waies imploied, may well tend foure akers of Corne, and 1000. plants of Tobacco; and where they say an aker will yeeld but three or foure barrels, we haue ordin- a barren arily foure or flue, but of new ground six, seuen, and eight, account and a barrell of Pease and Beanes, which we esteeme as buSeis. good as two of Corne, which is after thirty or forty bushels an aker, so that one man may prouide Corne for fiue; and apparell for two by the profit of his Tobacco. They say also English Wheat will yeeld but sixteene bushels an aker, and we haue reaped thirty : besides to manure the Land, no place hath more white and blew Marble [? marl]tha.n here, had we but Carpenters to build and make Carts and Ploughs, and skilfull men that know how to vse them, and traine vp our cattell to draw them ; which though we indeuour to effect, yet our want of experience brings but little to per- fection but planting Tobaco. And yet of that, many are so couetous to haue much, they make little good; besides there are so many sofisticating Tobaco-mungers in England^ were it neuer so bad, they would sell it for Verinas, and the trash that remaineth should be Virginia-, such deuilish bad mindes we know some of our owne Country-men doe beare, not onely to the businesse, but also to our mother England her selfe ; could they or durst they as freely defame her. The 25. of June [1619] came in the Triall with Corne and Cattell all in safety, which tooke from vs cleerely all feare of famine ; then our gouernour and councell caused Bur- gesses to be chosen in all places, and met at a generall Sneof Assembly, where all matters were debated [that were] Parlament- thought expedient for the good of the Colony, and Captaine Ward was sent to Monahigan in new England, to fish in May, and returned the latter end of May, but to small purpose, for they wanted Salt. The George also was sent to New-found-land with the Cape Merchant: there she bought fish, that defraied her charges, and made a good voyage in seuen weekes. About the last of August [1619] came in a dutch man of warre that sold vs twenty Negars [this was the first intro- 542 A relation from Lib. 4. p'*^; [1619] duction of Negro slavery into Virginia] : and Iapazous King of Patawomeck, came to lames towne, to desire two ships to come trade in his Riuer, for a more plentifull yeere of Come had not beene in a long time, yet very contagious, and by the trechery of one Poide, in a manner turned heathen, wee [127] were very iealous the Saluages would surprize vs. Foure The Gouernours haue bounded foure Corporations ; corporations ^j^ js me Companies, the Vniuersity, the Gouernours and Gleabe land : Ensigne Wil. Spencer, and Thomas Barret a Sergeant, with some others of the ancient Planters being set free, weare the first farmers that went forth ; and haue chosen places to their content : so that now knowing their owne land, they striue who should exceed in building and planting. The fourth of Nouember [1619], the Bona noua came in with all her people lusty and well ; not long after one Master Dirmer sent out by some of Plimoth for New- England, arriued in a Barke of fiue tunnes, and returned the next Spring. Notwithstanding the ill rumours of the vnwholsomnesse of lames towne, the new commers that were planted at old Paspaheghe, [a] little more then a mile from it, had their healths better then any in the Country. captaine In December [1619J, Captaine Ward returned from wpiou. Patawomeck, the people there dealt falsly with him, so that hee tooke 800. bushels of Come from them perforce. Captaine Woddiffe of Bristol came in not long after, with all his people lusty and in health : and we had two par- ticular Gouernours sent vs, vnder the titles of Deputies to the Company, the one to haue charge of the Colledge Lands, the other of the Companies. Now you are tovnderstand,that because there haue beene many complaints against the Gouernors, Captaines, and Officers in Virginia: for buying and selling men and boies, or to bee set ouerfrom one to another for a yeerely rent, was held in England a thing most intolerable ; or that the tenants or lawfull seruants should be put from their places, or abridged their Couenants, was so odious, that the very report thereof brought a great scandall to the generall action. The Councell in England did send many good and worthy in- structions for the amending [of] those abuses, and appointed Ed-by/uiyT<£:] Lib. 4. Master Iohn Rolfe. 543 a hundred men should at the Companies charge be allotted and prouided to serue and attend the Gouernour during the time of his gouernment, which number he was to make good at his departure, and leaue to his Successor in like lanner; fifty to the Deputy-Gouernour of the College land, tnd fifty to the Deputy of the Companies land, fifty to the treasurer, to the Secretary fiue and twenty, and more to^the larshall and Cape merchant ; which they are also to leaue to their successors; and likewise to euery particular Officer such a competency, as he might Hue well in his Office, without oppressing any vnder their charge : which good law I pray God it be well obserued, and then we may truly >ay in Virginia, we are the most happy people in the world. By me Iohn Rolfe. [1619] Here went this yeere by the Companies records, JsiSu«amd 11. ships, and 1216. persons to be thus disposed men.lpsai on : Tenants for the Gouernors land fourescore, besides fifty sent the former spring; for the Companies land a hundred and thirty, for the College a hundred, for the Glebe land fifty, young women to make wiues ninety, seruants for publike seruice fifty, and fifty more whose labours were to bring vp thirty of the infidels children : the rest were sent to priuate Plantations. Two persons vnknowne haue giuen faire Plate and Gifts sIuen Ornaments for two Communion Tables, the one at the College, the other at the Church of Mistris Mary Robinson, who towards the foundation gaue two hundred pound. And another vnknowne person sent to the Treasurer fiue hundred and fifty pounds, for the bringing vp of the saluage children in Christianity. Master Nicholas Farrar deceased, hath by his Will giuen three hundred pounds to the College, to be paid when there shall be ten young Saluages placed in it, in the meane time foure and twenty pound [i.e., the interest on £300 at the then rate of £6 per cent.] yeerely to bee distributed vnto three discreet and godly young men in the Colony, to bring vp three wilde young infidels in some good course of life. Also there were granted eleuen Pattents, vpon condition to ^J*^ transport people and cattle to increase the Plantations. [128] tEmrnM A French man [i.e. , a French ship\ cast away at Gunrda- lupo. A desperat Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre, and a small English ship, at the He of Dominica^ going to Virginia^ by Captaine Anthojiy Chester. I Airing taken our iourney towards Virginia in the beginning of February, a ship called the Margaret and Iohn, of one hundred and sixty tuns, eight Iron Peeces and a Falcon, with eightie Passengers besides Sailers ; After many tempests and foule weather, about the foureteenth of March [1620] we were in thirteene degrees and an halfe of Northerly latitude, where we descried a ship at hull ; it being but a faire gale of wind, we edged towards her to see what she was, but she presently set saile, and ran vs quickly out of sight. This made vs keepe our course for Mettalina, and the next day passing Dominica, we came to an anchor at Guardalupo, to take in fresh water. Six French-men there cast away sixteene moneths agoe [? Nov. 1618] came aboord vs; they told vs a Spanish man of Warre but seuen daies before was seeking his consort, and this was she we descried at hull. At Metiis we intended to refresh our selues, hauing beene eleuen weeks [Feb. — April 1620] pestered in this vnwholsome ship ; but there we found two tall ships with the Hollanders colours ; but necessitie forcing vs on shore, we anchored faire by them, and in friendly manner sent to Ed' byjuiy TeS.'] Lib. 4. A desperat Sea-fight at Dominica. 545 ha[i]le them : but seeing they were Spaniards, retiring to our [1620] ship, they sent such a volley of shot after vs, that shot the JJ*^ . Boat, split the Oares, and [shot] some thorow the clothes, begin!*'' * yet not a man hurt ; and then followed with their great Ordnance, that many times ouer-racked our ship, which being so cumbred with the Passengers prouisions, our Ordnance was not well fitted, nor any thing as it should haue beene. But perceiuing what they were, we fitted our selues the best we could to preuent a mischiefe. Seeing them warp themselues to windward, we thought it not good to be boorded on both sides at an anchor; we intended to set The vice- saile, but that the Vice-Admirall battered so hard our star- ^irsdl boord side, that we fell to our businesse, and answered ^JJ^J their vnkindnesse with such faire shot from a Demiculuer- water, ing, that shot her betweene wind and water, whereby she was glad to leaue vs and her Admirall together. Comming faire by our quarter, he tooke in his Holland flag, and put forth his Spanish colours, and so ha[i]led vs. We quietly and quickly answered him, both what wee were, and whither bound ; relating the effect of our Com- mission, and the cause of our comming thither for water, and not to annoy any of the King oiSpaines Subiects,nor any. She commanded vs amaine for the King of Spaine. We replied with inlarging the particulars what friends both the Kings our Masters were ; and as we would doe no wrong, we would take none. They commanded vs aboord to shew our Commission ; which we refused, but if they would send their Boat to vs willingly they should see it. But for answer they made ^*£?nna two great shot at vs, with a volley of small shot, which fighteir caused vs to leaue the decks ; then with many ill words they laid vs aboord, which caused vs to raise our maine saile, and giue the word to our small shot which lay close and ready, that paid them in such sort, they quickly retired. The fight continued halfe an houre, as if we had beene inuironed with fire and smoke, vntill they discouered the waste of our ship naked, where they brauely boorded vs loofe for loofe, hasting with pikes and swords to enter; but it pleased God so to direct our Captaine, and encourage our men with valour, that our pikes being formerly placed 35 546 A desperat Sea-fight Lib. 4. ["-^^ [1620] vnder our halfe deck, and certaine shot lying close for that purpose vnder the Port holes, encountred them so rudely, that their fury was not onely rebated, but their hastinesse intercepted, and their whole company beaten backe. Many of our men were hurt, but I am sure they had two for one. In the end they were violently repulsed, vntill they were reinforced to charge [129] againe by their commands, who standing vpon their honors, thought it a great indignity to be so affronted, which caused a second charge, and that answered with a second beating backe : whereat the Cap- taine grew inraged, and constrained them to come on againe afresh, which they did so effectually, that question- lesse it had wrought an alteration, if the God that tosseth Monarchies, and teareth Mountaines, had not taught vs to tosse our Pikes with prosperous euents, and powred out a volley of small shot amongst them, whereby that Sjtain. valiant Commander was slaine, and many of his Souldiers turn*. dropped downe likewise on the top of the hatches. This we saw with our eies, and reioyced with it at our hearts, so that we might perceiue good successe comming on, our Captaine presently tooke aduantage of their dis- comfiture, though with much comiseration of that resolute Captaine, and not onely plied them againe with our Ordnance, but had more shot vnder the Pikes, which was bestowed to good purpose, and amazed our enemies with the suddennesse. a worthy Amongst the rest, one Lucas, our Carpenters Mate, must ISm. not be forgotten, who perceiuing a way how to annoy them ; As they were thus puzled and in a confusion, drew out a Minion vnder the halfe decke, and there bent it vpon them in such a manner, that when it was fired, the cases of stones and peeces of Iron fell vpon them so thick, as cleared the decke, and slew many; and in short time we saw few assailants, but such as crept from place to place couertly from the fury of our shot, which now was thicker than theirs : for although as far as we may commend our enemies, they had done something worthy of commenda- tions; yet either wanting men, or being ouertaken with the vnlooked for valour of our men, they now began to shrinke, and giue vs leaue to be wanton with our aduantage. Yet we could onely vse but foure peece of Ordnances, ^'^juiy^l;:] Lib. 4. at the He of Dominica. 547 but they serued the turne as well as all the rest : for [1620] she was shot so oft betweene wind and water, we saw they were willing to leaue vs, but by reason she was fast in the latch of our cable, which in haste of weighing our anchor hung aloofe, she could not cleare her selfe as she wrought to doe, till one cut the Cable with an axe, and was slaine by freeing vs. Hauing beene aboord vs two houres and an halfe, seeing her selfe cleere, all the shot wee had, plaied on both sides, which lasted till we were out of shot ; then we discouered the Vice-Admirall com- ming to her assistance, who began a farre off to ply vs with their Ordnances, and put vs in minde we had another worke in hand. Whereupon we separated the dead and hurt bodies, and manned the ship with the rest, and were so well incouraged wee waifed them amaine. The Admirall stood aloofe off, and the other would not come within Falcon shot, where she lay battering vs till shee receiued another paiment from a Demiculuering, which made her beare with the shore for smooth water to mend her leakes. The next morning they both came vp againe with vs, as if they had determined to deuour vs at once, but it seemed it was but a brauado, though they forsooke not our quarter for a time within Musket shot ; yet all the night onely they kept vs company, but made not a shot. During which time we had leasure to prouide vs better than before : but God bethanked they made onely but a shew of another assault, ere suddenly the Vice-admirall fell a starne, and the other lay shaking in the wind, and so they both left vs. The fight continued six houres, and was the more Theeuent vnwelcome, because we were so ill prouided, and had no ofthefight intent to fight, nor giue occasion to disturbe them. As for the losse of men, if Religion had not taught vs what by the prouidence of God is brought to passe, yet daily experience might informe vs, of the dangers of wars, and perils at sea, by stormes tempests, shipwracks, en- counters with Pirats, meeting with enemies, crosse winds, long voiages, vnknowne shores, barbarous Nations, and an hundred inconueniences, of which humane pollicies are not capable, nor mens coniectures apprehensiue. 548 A desperat Sea-fight at Dominica. Lib, 4TEd. by J. Smith. July 1634. [1620] t/.5°6.] We lost Doctor Bohun, a worthy valiant Gentleman, (a long time brought vp amongst the most learned Surgeons and Physitions in Netherlands, and this his second iourney to Virginia :) and seuen slaine out right ; two died shortly of their wounds; sixteene was shot, whose limbs [130] God be thanked was recouered without maime, and [they are] now setled in Virginia. How many they lost we know not, but we saw a great many lie on the decks, and their skuppers runne with bloud. They were about three hundred tunnes apeece, [and] each [of] sixteene or twentie Brasse-peeces. Captaine Chester, who in this fight had behaued himselfe like a most vigilant, resolute, and a couragious souldier, as also our honest and valiant Master, did still so comfort and incourage vs by all the meanes they could. At last, to all our great contents, we arriued in Virginia^ and from thence returned safely to England, The Names of the Aduenturers for Virginia^ Alphabetically set downe, according to a printed Booke, set out by the Treasurer and Councell in this present yeere, 1620. Edward Allen. Edmund A lien Esquire. John Allen. Thomas Allen. William A tkinson, Esquire. Richard Ashcroft, Nicholas Andrews. Iohn Andrews the elder, Iohn A ndrews the younger. lames Ascough. Giles Allington, Morris A bbot. Ambrose Asten. lames Askew. Ir William A liffe. Sir Roger Aston. Sir Anthony Ashley. Sir Iohn A kland. Sir Anthonie Aucher, Sir Robert Askwith. Doctor Francis A nthony. Charles Anthony. Anthony Abdey. Iohn Arundell, Esquire, [1620] B Edward, Earle of Bedford, lames, Lord Bishop of Bathe and Wells. Sir Francis Barrington. Sir Morice Barkley. Sir Iohn Benet. Sir Thomas Beamont. Sir A mias Bamfield, Sir Iohn Bourcher* 55o [1620] The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. 4. [EdbyjJ]ys^. Sir Edmund Bowyer. Iohn Baker. Sir Thomas Bladder, Iohn Bustoridge. Sir George Bolles. Francis Burley. Sir John Bingley. William Browne. Sir Thomas Button. Robert Barker. Sir Henry Beddingfield. Samuel Bumham. Companie of Barbers - Sur- Edward Barkley. geons. William Bennet. Companie of Bakers, Captaine Edward Brewster. Richard Banister. Thomas Brocket. Iohn Bancks. Iohn Bullock. Miles Bancks. George Bache. Thomas Barber. Thomas Bayly. William Bonham. William Barkley. lames Bryerley. George Butler. William Barners. Timothie Bathurst. Anthony Barners, Esquire. George Burton. William Brewster. Thomas Bret. Richard Brooke. Captaine Iohn Brough. Hugh Brooker, Esquire. Thomas Baker. A mbrose Brewsey. Iohn Blunt. Iohn Brooke. Thomas Bayly. Matthew Bromridge. Richard and Edward Blunt. Christopher Brooke, Esquire. Mineon Burrell. Martin Bond. Richard Blackmore. Gabriel Beadle. William Beck. Iohn Beadle. Beniamin Brand. Dauid Borne. Iohn Busbridge. Edward Barnes. William Burrell. Iohn Badger. William Barret. Edmund Branduell. Francis Baldwin. Robert Bowyer, Esquire. Edward Barber. Robert Bateman. Humphrey Basse. Thomas Britton. Robert Bell. Nicholas Benson. [131] Matthew Bromrick. Edward Bishop. Iohn Beaumont. Peter Burgoney. George Barkley. Thomas Burgoney. Peter Bartle. Robert Burgoney. Thomas Bretton. Christopher Baron. Iohn Blount. Peter Benson. Arthur Bromfeld Esquire. Ed. by J. Smith."] July 1624.J Lib. 4. The names of the Aduenturers. 551 William Berbloke. Charles Beck. George, Lord Archbishop of Canterburie. William Lord Cranborne, now Earle of Salisburie. William, Lord Compton, now Earle of North-hampton. William Lord Cauendish, now Earle of Deuonshire. Richard, Earle of Clanricard. Sir William Cauendish now Lord Cauendish. Gray, Lord Chandos, Sir Henry Cary. Sir George Caluert. Sir Lionell Cranfield. Sir Edward Cecill. Sir Robert Cotten. Sir Oliuer Cromwell. Sir Anthony Cope. Sir Walter Cope. Sir Edward Carr. Sir Thomas Conisbie. Sir George Cary. Sir Edward Conwey. Sir Walter Chute. Sir Edward Culpeper. Sir Henry Cary, Captaine. Sir William Crauen. Sir Walter Couert. Sir George Coppin. Sir George Chute. Sir Thomas Couentry. Sir Iohn Cutts. Lady Cary. Company of Cloth-workers. Citie of Chichester. Robert Chamberlaine. Richard Chamberlaine. Francis Couill. William Coyse, Esquire. A braham Chamberlaine. Thomas Carpenter. Anthony Crew. Richard Cox. William Crosley. lames Chatfeild. Richard Caswell. Iohn Cornelis. Randall Carter. Executors of Randall Carter* William Canning. Edward Carue, Esquire. Thomas Cannon, Esquire. Richard Champion. Rawley Crashaw. Henry Collins. Henry Cromwell. Iohn Cooper. Richard Cooper. [132] Iohn Casson. Thomas Colthurst. Allen Cotten. Edward Cage. Abraham Carthwright. Robert Coppin. Thomas Cenock. Iohn Clapham. Thomas Church. William Carpenter, Laurence Campe. lames Cambell. Christopher Cletheroe. Matthew Cooper. George Chamber. Captaine Iohn Cooke. Captaine Thomas Conwey, Esquire [1620] 552 The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. 4. [^ byjJiysS£5; [1620] Edward Culpeper, Esquire. Master William Crashaw. Abraham Colmer. Iohn Culpeper. Edmund Colbey. Richard Cooper. Robert Creswell. Iohn Cage, Esquire. Matthew Caue. William Crowe. Abraham Carpenter. Iohn Crowe. Thomas Cordell. Richard Connock, Esquire. William Compton. William Chester. Thomas Couel. Richard Carmarden, Esquire. William and Paul Canning. Henry Cromwell, Esquire. Simon Codrington. Clement Chichley. lames Cullemore. William Cantrell. Richard Earle of Dorset. Edward Lord Denny. Sir Iohn Digbie, now Lord Digbie. Sir Iohn Doderidge. Sir Drew Drewry the elder. Sir Thomas Dennis. Sir Robert Drewry. Sir Iohn Dauers. Sir Dudley Digs. Sir Marmaduke Dovrel. Sir Thomas Dale. Sir Thomas Denton. Companie of Drapers. Thomas Bond, Esquire. Dauid Bent, Esquire. Com[p]anie of Dyers. Towne of Douer. Master Richard Deane, Al- derman. Henry Dawkes. Edward Dichfield. William Dunne. Iohn Dauis. Matthew Dequester. Philip Durdent. Abraham Dawes. Iohn Dike. Thomas Draper. Lancelot Dauis. Rowley Dawsey. William Dobson Esquire. Anthony Dyot, Esquire. Auery Dranfield. Roger Dye. Iohn Downes. Iohn Drake. Iohn Delbridge. Beniamin Decroe. Thomas Dyke. Ieffery Duppa. Daniel Darnelly. Sara Draper. Clement and Henry Dawk- ney. Thomas, Earle of Exeter. Sir Thomas Euer field. Sir Francis Egiock. Sir Robert Edolph. Iohn Eldred, Esquire. William Euans. Ed. byjf. Smith.-! T T1J Jilyi624j ^IB* 4. The names of the Aduenturers. 553 Richard, Euans. Hugh Euans. Ralph Ewens, Esquire. Iohn Elkin. John Elkin. Robert Euelin. Nicholas Exton. Iohn Exton. George Ether idge. Sir Moyle Finch. Sir Henry Fanshaw. Sir Thomas Freake. Sir Peter Fretchuile. [133] Sir William Fleetwood. Sir Henry Fane. Company of Fishmongers. Iohn Fletcher. Iohn Farmer. Martin Freeman, Esquire. Ralph Freeman. William and Ralph Free- man. Michael Fetiplace. William Fettiplace. Thomas Forrest. Edward Fleetwood, Esquire. William Felgate. William Field. Nicholas Ferrar, Iohn Farrar. Giles Francis. Edward Fawcet. Richard Farrington* Iohn Francklin. Richard Frith. Iohn Feme. George Farmer. Thomas Francis. Iohn Fenner. Nicholas Fuller, Esquire. Thomas Foxall. William Fleet. Peter Franck, Esquire. Richard Fishbome. William Faldoe. Iohn Fletcher, and Company. William Ferrars. Lady Elizabeth Gray. Sir Iohn Gray. Sir William Godolfine. Sir Thomas Gates. Sir William Gee. Sir Richard Grobham. Sir William Gar aw ay. Sir Francis Goodwin. Sir George Goring. Sir Thomas Grantham. Company of Grocers. Company of Goldsmiths. Company of Girdlers. Iohn Geering. Iohn Gardiner. Richard Gardiner* Iohn Gilbert. Thomas Graue. Iohn Gray. Nicholas Griece. Richard Goddard. Thomas Gipps. Peter Gates. Thomas Gibbs Esquire, Laurence Greene. William Greenwell. Robert Garset. Robert Gore. [1620] 554 The names of the Aduenturers. TTB i rEd. by J. Smith. [1620] Thomas Gouge. Francis Glanuile, Esquire. H Henry, Earle of Huntington. Lord Theophilus H award, L. Walden. Sir Iohn Harrington, L. Harington. Sir Iohn Hollis, now Lord Hautein. Sir Thomas Holecroft. Sir William Harris. Sir Thomas Hareflect. Sir George Haiward. Sir VVarwicke Heale. Sir Baptist Hicks. Sir Iohn Hanham. Sir Thomas Horwell. Sir Thomas Hewit. Sir William Herrick. Sir Eustace Hart. Sir Pory Huntley. Sir Arthur Harris. Sir Edward Heron. Sir Perseuall Hart. Sir Ferdinando Heiborne. Sir Lawrence Hide. Master Hugh Hamersley, A U derman. Master Richard Heron, Al- derman, Richard Humble, Esquire. Master Richard Hackleuit. Edward Harrison. George Holeman. Robert Hill. Griffin Hinton, Iohn Hawkins. William Hancocke. Iohn Harper. George Hawger. Iohn Holt. Iohn Huntley. Ieremy Heiden. Ralph Hamer. Ralph Hamer, Iunior. Iohn Hodgeson. Iohn Hanford. Thomas Harris. [134] Richard Howell. Thomas Henshaw. Leonard Harwood. Tristram Hill. Francis Haselridge. Tobias Hinson. Peter Heightley. George Hawkenson. Thomas Hackshaw. Charles Hawkens. Iohn Hodgis. William Holland, Robert Hartley. Gregory Herst. Thomas Hodgis. William Hodgis. Roger Harris. Iohn Harris. M. Iohn Haiward. lames Haiward. Nicholas Hide, Esquire, Iohn Hare, Esquire. William Hackwell, Esquire. Gressam Hoogan. Humfrey Hanford m William Haselden. Nicholas Hooker. Doctor Anthony Hunion. Iohn Hodsale. George Hooker. Anthony Hinton. Ed* b5juiy TeSjQ Lib. 4. The names of the Aduenturers. 555 Iohn Hogsell. Thomas Hampton. William Hicks. William Holiland. Ralph Harison. Harman Harison. I Sir Thomas Iermyn. Sir Robert Johnson. Sir Arthur Ingram. Sir Francis I ones. Company of Ironmongers. Company of Inholders. Company of Imbroyderers. Bailiffes of Ipswich. Henry Iackson. Richard Ironside. M. Robert Iohnson Alderman. Thomas I ones. William Iobson. Thomas Iohnson. Thomas Iadwine, Iohn Iosua. George Isam. Philip Iacobson. Peter Iacobson. Thomas Iuxson Senior. lames Iewell. Gabriel Iaques. Walter Iobson. Edward lames. Zachary Iones, Esquire. Anthony Irbye, Esquire. William I-anson. Humfrey Iobson. Sir Valentine Knightley. Sir Robert Killegrew, Sir Charles Kelke. Sir Iohn Kaile. Richard Kirrill. Iohn Kirrill. Ra[l]ph King. Henry Kent. Towne of Kings lynne. Iohn Kettleby, Esquire. Walter Kirkham, Esquire* Henry Earle of Lincolne. Robert, L. Lisle, now Earls of Leicester. Thomas, Lord Laware. Sir Francis Leigh. Sir Richard Lowlace. Sir William Litton. Sir Iohn Lewson. Sir William Lower. Sir Samuel Leonard. Sir Samson Leonard. Company of Lethersellers, Thomas Laughton. William Lewson. Peter Latham. Peter Van Lore. Henry Leigh. Thomas Leuar. Christofer Landman* Morris Lewellin. Edward Lewis. Edward Lewkin. Peter Lodge. Thomas Layer. Thomas Lawson. Francis Lodge. [135] Iohn Langley. Dauid Loide. [1620] 556 The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. ., TEd. by J. Smith, 4- L July 16,4. [16201 John Leuitt. Thomas Fox and Luke Lodge. Captaine Richard Linley. Arnold Lulls. William Lawrence. Iohn Landman. Nicholas Lichfield, Nicholas Leate. Gedeon de Laune. M Philip Earle of Montgomerie. Doctor George Mountaine, now Lord Bishop of Lincolne. William Lord Mounteagle, now Lord Morley. Sir Thomas Mansell. Sir Thomas Mildmay. Sir William Maynard. Sir Humfrey May. Sir Peter Manhood, Sir Iohn Merrick. Sir George More. Sir Robert Mansell. Sir Arthur Mannering, Sir Dauid Murrey. Sir Edward Michelborn. Sir Thomas Middleton. Sir Robert Miller. Sir Caualiero Maicott. Doctor lames Meddus. Richard Martin, Esquire. Company of Mercers. Company of Merchant Taylors. Otho Mowdite. Captaine Iohn Martin. Arthur Mouse. Adrian More. Thomas Mountford. Thomas Morris. Ralph Moorton. Francis Mapes. Richard Maplesden. lames Monger. Peter Monsell. Robert Middleton Thomas Maile. Iohn Martin. Iosias Maude. Richard Morton. George Mason. Thomas Maddock. Richard Moore. Nicholas Moone. Alfonsus van Medkerk. Captaine Henry Meoles. Philip Mutes. Thomas Mayall. Humfrey Marret. Iaruis Mundz. Robert Mildmay. William Millet. Richard Morer. Iohn Miller. Thomas Martin. Iohn Middleton. Francis Middleton. N Dudly, Lord North. Francis, Lord N orris. Sir Henry Neuill of Bark' shire. Thomas Nicols. Christopher Nicols. William Nicols. George Newce. Ioseph Newberow. Christopher Newgate M,byj{iySfe5.'] Lib. 4. The names of the Aduenturers. 557 Thomas Norincott. Ionathan Nuttall. Thomas Norton. William Oxenbridge, Esquire. Robert Offley. Francis Oliuer. William, Earle of Pembroke. William, Lord Paget. Iohn, Lord Petre. George Percy, Esquire, Sir Christofer Parkins. Sir Amias Preston. Sir Nicholas Parker. Sir William Poole. Sir Stephen Powell. Sir Henry Peyton. Sir lames Perrot. Sir Iohn Pettus. Sir Robert Payne. William Payne. Iohn Payne. Edward Parkins. Edward Parkins his widow. [136] Aden Perkins. Thomas Perkin. Richard Partridge. William Palmer. Miles Palmer. Robert Parkhurst. Richard Perciuall, Esquire. Richard Poyntell. George Pretty. George Pit. Allen Percy. A braham Peirce. Edmund Peirce. Phenice Pet. Thomas Philips. Henry Philpot. Master George Procter. Robert Penington. Peter Peate. Iohn Prat. William Powell. Edmund Peashall. Captaine William Proude. Henry Price. Nicholas Pewriffe. Thomas Pelham. Richard Piggot. Iohn Pawlet, Esquire. Robert Pory. Richard Paulson. William Quicke. [1620] R Sir Robert Rich, now Earle of Warwicke. Sir Thomas Row. Sir Henry Rainsford. Sir William Romney. Sir Iohn Ratcliffe. Sir Steuen Ridlesdon. Sir William Russell. Master Edward Rotheram, Alderman. Robert Rich. Tedder Roberts. Henry Robinson. Iohn Russell. Richard Rogers. 55» The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. A TEd. by J. Smith. 4* L July 1624. [1620] Arthur Robinson. Robert Robinson. Millicent Ramsden. John Robinson. George Robins. Nichalas Rainton. Henry Rolffe. Iohn Reignolds. Elias Roberts. Henry Reignolds, Esquire. William Roscarrocke, Esquire. Humfrey Raymell. Richard Robins. Henry, Earle of Southampton. Thomas, Earle of Suffolke. Edward Semer, Earle of Hartford. Robert, Earle of Salisbury. Mary, Countesse of Shrews- bury. Edmund, Lord Shejfeld. Robert, Lord Spencer. Iohn, Lord Stanhope. Sir Iohn Saint-Iohn. Sir Thomas Smith. Sir Iohn Samms. Sir Iohn Smith. Sir Edwin Sandys. Sir Samuel Sandys. Sir Steuen Some. Sir Ra[l]ph Shelton. Sir Thomas Stewkley. Sir William Saint-Iohn. Sir William Smith. Sir Richard Smith. Sir Martin Stuteuill. Sir Nicolas Salter. Doctor Matthew Sutcliffe Exeter. Captaine Iohn Smith. Thomas Sandys, Esquire. Henry Sandys, Esquire. George Sandys, Esquire. Company of Skinners. Company of Salters. Company of Stationers. Iohn Stokley. Richard S taper. Robert Singleton. Thomas Shipton. Cleophas Smith. Richard Strongtharm. Hildebrand Spruson. Matthew Scriuener. Othowell Smith. George Scot. Hewet S tapers. [137] lames Swift. Richard Stratford. Edmund Smith. Robert Smith. Matthias Springham. Richard Smith. Edward Smith. Ionathan Smith. Humfrey Smith. Iohn Smith. George Swinhow. Ioseph Some. William Sheckley. Iohn Southick. Henry Shelley. Walter Shelley. Richard Snarsborow. George Stone. Hugh Shepley. William Strachey. Vrion Spencer. oj Ed' byjuiy 3s£:] ^1B- 4* The names of the Aduenturers. 559 Iohn Scarpe. Thomas Scott. William Sharpe. Steuen Sparrow. Thomas Stokes. Richard Shepard. Henry Spranger. William Stonnard. Steuen Sad. Iohn Stockley. Thomas Steuens. Matthew Shepard. Thomas Sherwell. William Seabright, Esquire. Nicholas Sherwell. Augustine Steward. Thomas Stile. Abraham Speckhard. Edmund Scot. Francis Smalman. Gregory Sprint, Esquire. Thomas Stacey. William Sandbatch. Augustine Stuard, Esquire. Sir William Twisden. Sir William Throckmorton. Sir Nicholas Tufton. Sir Iohn Treuer. Sir Thomas Tracy. George Thorpe, Esquire. Doctor William Turner. The Trinity house. Richard Turner, Iohn Tauerner. Daniel Tucker. Charles Towler. William Tayler. Leonard Townson. Richard Tomlins. Francis Tate, Esquire. Andrew Troughton. George Tucker. Henry Timberlake. William Tucker. Lewis Tite. Robert Thornton. Sir Horatio Vers. Sir Walter Vaughan. Henry Vincent. Richard Venne. Christopher Vertue. Iohn Vassell. Arthur Venne. W Henry Bishop of Worcester. Francis West, Esquire. Sir Ralph Winwood. Sir Iohn Wentworth. Sir William Waad. Sir Robert Wroth. Sir Perciual Willoby. Sir Charles Wilmott. Sir Iohn Wats. Sir Hugh Worrell. Sir Edward Waterhouse. Sir Thomas Wilsford. Sir Richard Williamson. Sir Iohn Wolstenholm. Sir Thomas Walsingham. Sir Thomas Watson. Sir Thomas Wilson. Sir Iohn Weld. Mistris Katharine West, now Lady Conway. [1620] 560 The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. 4. LEd. by J. Smith. July 1624. L1620] Iohn Wroth, Esquire. Captaine Maria Winckfield, Esquire. Thomas Webb. Rice Webb. Edward Webb. Sands Webb. Felix Wilson. Thomas White. Richard Wiffen. [138] William Williamson. Humfrey Westwood. Hugh Willeston. Thomas Wheatley. William Wattey. William Webster, lames White. Edmund Winne. Iohn West. Iohn Wright. Edward Wooller. Thomas Walker. Iohn Wooller. Iohn Westrow. Edward Welch. Nathaniel Waad. Richard Widowes. Dauid W ater house , Esquire. Captaine Owen Winne. Randall Wetwood. George Wilmer, Esquire. Edward Wilkes. Leonard White. Andrew Willmer, Clement Willmer, George Walker. William Welbie. Francis Whistler. Thomas Wells. Captaine Thomas Winne. Iohn Whittingham. Thomas Wheeler. William Willet. Deuereux Woogam. Iohn Walker. Thomas Wood. Iohn Willet. Nicholas Wheeler, Thomas Wale. William Wilston. Iohn Waller. William Ward. William Willeston. Iohn Water. Thomas Warr, Esquire, Dauid Wiffen. Garret Weston. Sir George Yeardley, now Gouernour of Virginia. William Yong. Simon Yeomans. Edward, Lord Zouch, Iohn Zouch, Esquire, ^^Ip' Hat most generous and most honour- [1620-1] able Lord, the Earle of Southampton, being pleased to take vpon him the title of Treasurer, and Master Iohn Farrar his Deputy, with such instruc- tions as were necessary, and admoni- tions to all Officers to take heede of extortion, ingrosing commodities, fore- stalling of markets, especially to haue a vigilant care, the familiarity of the Saluages liuing amongst them made them not [a] way to betray or surprize them, for the building of Guest-houses [hospitals] to relieue the weake in, and that they did wonder in all this time they had made no dis- coueries, nor knew no more then the very place whereon they did inhabit, nor yet could euer see any returne for all this continuall charge and trouble ; therefore they sent to be added to the Councell seuen Gentlemen, namely Master Thorp, Captaine Nuce, Master Tracy, Captaine Middleton, Captaine Blount, Master Iohn Pountas, and Master Harwood, with men, munition, and all things thought fitting; but they write from Virginia, many of the Ships were so pestred with diseased people, and throngedtogether in their passage, there was much sicknesse and a great mortality, wherefore they desired rather a few able sufficient men well prouided, then great multitudes. And because there were few accidents of note, but priuate aduertisements by letters, we will conclude this yeere, and proceed to the next. Collected out of the C ounce Is letters for Virginia. The instructions and aduertisements for this yeere were 1621. both from England and Virginia, much like the last : only 36 ' 562 [Extracts from Letters from Virginia. Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624. [1621] The Earle of South- hampton Treasurer. Master John Farrar Deputy. The elec- tion of Sir Francis Wyat Gouernour for Vir- ginia, Notes worthy obseruation. A degres- whereas before they had euer a suspicion of Opechan- kanough, and all the rest of the Saluages, they had an eye ouer him more then any ; but now they all write so confidently of their assured peace with the Saluages, there is now no more feare nor danger either of their power or trechery ; so that euery man planteth himselfe where he pleaseth, and followeth his businesse securely. But the time of Sir George Yearley being neere expired, the Councel here [139] made choise of a worthy young Gentleman Sir Francis Wyat to succeed him, whom they forthwith furnished and prouided, as they had done his Pre- decessors, with all the necessary instructions all these times had acquainted them, for the conuersion of the Saluages ; the suppressing of planting Tobacco, and planting of Corne ; not depending continually to be supplied by the Saluages, but in case of necessity to trade with them, whom long ere this, it hath beene promised and expected should haue beene fed and relieued by the English, not the English by them ; and carefully to redresse all the complaints of the needlesse mortality of their people : and by all diligence seeke to send something home to satisfie the Aduenturers, that all this time had only liued vpon hopes, [and] grew so weary and discouraged, that it must now be substance that must maintaine their proceedings, and not letters, excuses and promises ; seeing they could get so much and such great estates for themselues, as to spend after the rate of 100. pounds, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. nay some 2000. or 3000. pounds yearely, that were not worth so many pence when they went to Virginia, can scarce containe themselues either in diet, apparell, gaming, and all manner of such superfluity, within a lesse compasse than our curious, costly, and consuming Gallants here in England, which c?nnot possibly be there supported, but either by oppressing the Comminalty there, or deceiuingthe generality here (or both). Extracted out of the C ounce Is Letters for Virginia. From Virginia, by the relations of the Chieftains there, and many I haue conferred with, that came from thence hither; I haue much admired to heare of the incredible pleasure, profit and plenty this Plantation doth abound ^'^/ni^S] LlB- 4- Master Stockams Relation. 563 in, and yet could neuer heare of any returne but Tobacco : [1621] but it hath oft amazed me to vnderstand how strangely the Saluages hath beene taught the vse of our armes, and imploied in hunting and fowling with our fowling peeces ; and our men rooting in the ground about Tobacco like Swine. Besides, that the Saluages that doe little but continually exercise their bow and arrowes, should dwell and lie so familiarly amongst our men that practised little but the Spade ; being so farre asunder, and in such small parties dispersed, and neither Fort, exercise of armes vsed, Ordnances mounted, Courts of guard, nor any preparation nor prouision to preuent a forraine enemy, much more the Saluages howsoeuer : for the Saluages vncertaine confor- mity I doe not wonder; but for their constancy and conuersion, I am and euer haue beene of the opinion of Master Ionas Stockam a Minister in Virginia, who euen at this time, when all things were so prosperous, and the Saluages at the point of conuersion, against all their Gouernours and Councels opinions, writ to the Councell and Company in England to this effect. May 28 [1621]. E that haue left our natiue country to soiourne fj^SLu in a strange land, some idle spectators, who relation, either cowardly dare not, or couetously will not aduenture either their purses or persons in so commendable a worke ; others supporting Atlas of this ilmost vnsupportable burdens as your selues, without whose assistance this Virginia Firmament (in which some) and I hope in short time will shine many more glorious Starres, though there be many Italiannated and Spaniolized Englishmen enuies our prosperities, and by all their ignominious scandals they can deuise seekes to dishearten what they can, those that are willing to further this glorious enterprize, to such I wish according to the decree of Darius, that whosoeuer is an enemy to our peace, and seeketh either by getting monipolicall paten[t]s, or by forging vniust tales to hinder our welfare, that his house were pulled downe, and a paire of gallowes made of the wood, and he hanged on them in the place. 564 Tht gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat. Lib. 4. [Rw;8Ji£iy JSJ: [1621] As for those lasie seruants, who had rather stand all day idle, than worke, though but an houre in this Vine- yard ; and spend their substance riotously, than cast the superfluity of their wealth into your Treasury : I leaue them, as they are, to the eternall Iudge of the world. But you, right worthy, that hath aduentured so freely; I [140] will not examine, if it were for the glory of God, or your desire of gaine, which, it maybe, you expect should flow vnto you with a full tide ; for the conuersion of the Saluages : I wonder you vse not the meanes, I confesse you say well to haue them conuerted by faire meanes, but they scorne to acknowledge it ; as for the gifts bestowed on them they deuoure them, and so they would the giuers if they could : and though they haue endeuoured by all the meanes they could by kindnesse to conuert them, they finde nothing from them but derision and ridiculous answers. We haue sent boies amongst them to learne their Language, but they returne worse than they went ; but I am no Statesman, nor loue I to meddle with any thing but my Bookes, but I can finde no probability by this course to draw them to goodnesse : and I am perswaded if Mars and Minerua goe hand in hand, they will effect more good in an houre, then those verball Mercurians in their Hues ; and till their Priests and Ancients haue their throats cut, there is no hope to bring them to conuersion. The gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat. Bout October [1621] arriued Sir Francis Wyat, with Master George Sand\y]s [the poet] appointed Treasurer, Master Dauison Secretary, Doctor Pot the Physician, and Master Cloyburne the Surgian ; but much [of the] prouision was very badly conditioned, nay the Hogs would not eat that Come they brought, which was a great cause of their sicknesse and mortality ; and what- soeuer is said against the Virginia Corne, they finde it doth better nourish than any prouision is sent thither. The Sailers still they complaine are much to blame for im- besling the prouisions sent to priuate men, killing of Swino, and disorderly trucking ; for which some order would be taken. In them nine Ships that went with Sir Francis Wyat Ed,bVu'i|T. not in giuing him a Boy, nor Corne though they had plentie, nor Moutapass (a fugitiue called Robert Marcum, that had liued 5. yeeres [1616-1621] amongst those northerlynations) : which heecunninglyansweredbyexcuses. Womanato it seemes, was guiltlesse of this falshood, because hee staied alone when the rest were gone. I asked him if he desired to bee great and rich ; he answered, They were things all men aspired vnto : which I told him he should be, if he would follow my counsell, so he gaue me two tokens, which being returned by a messenger, should suffice to make him confident the messenger could not abuse vs. Some things being stolne from vs, he tooke such order that they were presently restored, then we interchanged presents : in all things hee much admired our discretions, and gaue vs a guide that hee called brother, to conduct vs vp the Riuer: by the way we met with diuers that stil tould vs of Marcum : and though it was in October [162 1], we found the Countrie very hot, and their Corne gathered before ours at lames towne. The next day, wewent to Paccamaganant, andtheydirected vs to Assacomoco, where their King Cassatowap had an old Ed,byjuiys^4.'] Lib. 4. The trecherie of Namanicus. 569 quarrell with Ensigne Saluage, but now seeming reconciled, [1621 went with vs, with another Werowance, towards Mattapa- ™*herie nient, where they perswaded vs ashore vpon the point of a otNammu thicket ; but supposing it some trecherie, we returned to our cut' boat : farre we had not gone from the shore, but a multitude of Saluages sallied out of the wood, with all the ill words and signes of hostilitie they could. When wee saw plainly their bad intent, wee set the two Werowances at libertie,that all this while had line [lain] in the Cabbin, as not taking any notice of their villanie, because we would conuert them by courtesie. Leauing them as we found them, very ciuill and subtill ; wee returned the same way wee came to the laughing Kings on the Easterne shore, who told vs plainly, Namanicus would also haue allured him into his Countrie, vnder colour of trade, to cut his throat. Hee told vs also Opechancanough had imployed Onianimo to kill Saluage ; because he brought the trade from him to the Easterne shore, and some disgrace hee had done his sonne and some thirteene of his people before one hundred of those Easterlings [Indians on the eastern shore of Chesapeake Bay], in rescuing Thomas Graues whom they would haue slaine : where hee and three more did challenge the thirteene Pamavnkes to fight, but they durst not ; so that all those Easterlings so derided them, that they came there no more. This Thomas Saluage, it is sixteene yeeres[Y.£., 1608-1624] JJ^'" since he went to Virginia, being a boy [He arrived with good Captain Newport on 8 Jan. 1608, see pp. 100, 102, 108], hee sermce" was left with Powhatan for Namontacke, to learne the [>-ptO language : and as this Author [J. Pory] affirmeth, with much honestie and good successe hath serued the publike without any publike recompence, yet had an arrow shot through his body in their seruice. This laughing King at Accomack, tels vs the land is not two daies iourny ouer in the broadest place, but in some places a man may goe in halfe a day, betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean, where inhabit many people ; so that by the narrownesse of the Land there is not many Deere, but most abundance of Fish and Fowle. Kiptop[ek]e his brother rules as his Lieutenant, who seeing his younger brother more affected by the people than himselfe, freely 5 jo Captaine Each sent to build a Fort. Lib. 4. [J- fgj* r1621-2] resigned him the moitie of his Countrie, applying himselfe onely to husbandry and hunting, yet nothing neglected in his degree ; nor is hee carelesse of any thing concernes the state, but as a vigilant and faithfull Counceller, as hee is an affectionated [143] Brother, bearing the greater burden in gouernment, though the lesser honour: where cleane contrary they on the Westerne shore, the younger beares the charge, and the elder the dignitie. Those are the best husbands [providers] of any Saluages we know: for they prouide Corne to serue them all the yeare, yet spare ; and the other not for halfe the yeare, yet want. They are the most ciuill and tractable people we haue met with; and by little sticks will keepe as iust an account of their promises, as by a tally. In their manages they obserue a large distance, as well in affinitie as consanguinitie ; nor doe [//• 77. 373] they vse that deuilish custome in making black Boyes. There may be on this shore about two thousand people : they on the West would inuade them, but that they want Boats to crosse the Bay ; and so would diuers other Nations, were they not protected by vs. A few of the Westerly Runnagados had conspired against the laughing King: but fearing their treason was discouered, fled to Smiths lies, where they made a massacre of Deere and Hogges ; and thence to Rickakfke, betwixt Cissapeack and Nanscwiund, where they now are seated vnder the command of Itoyatin. • And so I returned to lames Towne, where I found the gouernment rendred [Oct. 1621] to Sir Francis Wyat. In February [1622] also he trauelled to the South Riuer Chawonock, some sixtie miles ouer land ; which he found to be a very fruitfull and pleasant Country, yeelding two haruests in a yeare, and found much of the Silke grasse formerly spoken of, was kindly vsed by the people, and so returned. Captaine Each sent to build a Fort to secure the Countrey. T was no small content to all the Aduenturers to heare of the safe ariuall of all those ships and companies, which was thought sufficient to haue made a Plantation of themselues : and ld,byj£iy?624.] Lib. 4. Captaine Each sent to build a Fort. 571 againe to second them, was sent Captaine Each in the [1622] Abigale, a ship of three or foure hundred tunnes, who hath gjrJJJr vndertaken to make a Block-house amongst the Oyster banks, that shall secure the Riuer. The furnishing him with Instruments, cost three hundred pounds ; but the whole charge and the ships returne, will be neere two thousand pounds. In her went Captaine Barwicke with fiue and twentie men for the building ships and Boats, Fiueand and not other waies to be imploied : and also a selected onfyto sem number to build the East Indie Schoole, but as yet from and^ats* Virginia little returnes but priuate mens Tobacco, and faire promises of plentie of Iron, Silke, Wine, and many other good and rich commodities, besides the speedy conuersion of the Saluages, that at first were much dis- couraged from liuing amongst them, when they were debarred the vse of their peeces ; therefore it was disputed as a matter of State, whether such as would Hue amongst them should vse them or not, as a bait to allure them ; or at least such as should bee called to the knowledge of Christ. But because it was a great trouble for all causes to be brought to lames Towne for a triall, Courts were appointed in conuenient places to releeue them : but as they can make no Lawes in Virginia till they be ratified here ; so they thinke it but reason, none should bee inacted here without their consents, because they onely feele them, and must Hue vnder them. Still they complaine for want of Corne, but what must be had by Trade, and how vnwilling any Officer when he leaueth his place, is to make good his number of men to his Successor, but many of them during their times to help themselues, vndoes the Company : for the seruants you allow them, or such as they hire, they plant on their priuate Lands, not vpon that belongeth to their office, which crop alwaies exceeds yours, besides those which are your tenants to halfes, are forced to row them vp and downe, whereby both you and they lose more then halfe. Nor are those officers the ablest or best deseruing, but make their experience vpon the companies cost, and your land lies vnmanured to any purpose, and will yeeld as little profit to your next new officers. [144] [1622] The death oiNem ... tanoiu, writ by Master Wimp. The massacre vpon the two and twentieth of March [1622]. y He Prologue to this Tragedy, is sup- posed was occasioned by Nemattanow, otherwise called lack of the Feather, because hee commonly was most strangely adorned with them ; and for his courage and policy, was accounted amongst the Saluages their chiefe Captaine, and immortall from any hurt could bee done him by theEnglish. This Captaine comming to one Morgans house [in March 1622], knowing he had many commodities that hee desired, perswaded Morgan togoe with him to Pamau[n]ke to trucke, but the Saluage murdered him by the way ; and after two or three daies returned againe to Morgans house, where he found two youths his Seruants, who asked for their Master : lack replied directly he was dead ; the Boyes suspecting as it was, by seeing him weare his Cap, would haue had him to Master Thorp : But lack so moued their patience, they shot him ; so he fell to the ground, [they] put him in a Boat to haue him before the Gouernor, then seuen or eight miles from them. But by the way lack finding the pangs of death vpon him, desired of the Boyes two things : the one was, that they would not make it knowne hee was slaine with a bullet ; the other, to bury him amongst the English. At the losse of this Saluage, Opechankanough much grieued and repined, with great threats of reuenge ; but the English returned him such terrible answers, that he cunningly dissembled his intent, with the greatest signes Ed.byj.smith.-j LlB# 4> A relation of the massacre. 573 he could of loue and peace: yet within fourteene daies [1622] after he acted what followeth. Sir Francis Wyat at his arriuall [Oct. 1621] was aduer- ^urityJ tised, he found the Countrey setled in such a firme peace, ^^ as most men there thought sure and vnuiolable, not onely in regard of their promises, but of a necessitie. The poore weake Saluages being euery way bettered by vs, and safely sheltred and defended, whereby wee might freely follow our businesse : and such was the conceit of this conceited peace, as that there was seldome or neuer a sword, and seldomer a peece [used], except for a Deere or Fowle; by which assurances the most plantations were placed straglingly and scatteringly, as a choice veine of rich ground inuited them, and further from neighbours the better. Their houses [were] generally open to the Saluages, who were alwaies friendly fed at their tables, and lodged in their bed-chambers; which made the way plaine to effect their intents, and the conuersionof the Saluages as they supposed. Hauing occasion to send to Opechankanough about the middle of March, hee vsed the Messenger well, and told him he held the peace so firme, the sky should fall or he dissolued it ; yet such was the treachery of those people, when they had contriued our destruction, euen but two daies before the massacre, they guided our men with much kindnesse thorow the woods, and one Browne that liued among them to learne the language, they sent home to his Master. Yea, they borrowed our Boats to transport themselues ouer the Riuer, to consult on the deuillish murder that insued, and of our vtter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the meanes of one of themselues conuerted to Christianitie) preuented ; and as well on the Friday morning that fatall day, being the two and The manna twentieth of March [1622], as also in the euening before, as at other times they came vnarmed into our houses, with Deere, Turkies, Fish, Fruits, and other prouisions to sell vs : yea in some places sat downe at breakfast with our people, whom immediatly with their owne tooles they slew most barbarously, not sparing either age or sex, man woman or childe ; so sudden in their execution, that massacre. 574 A relation of the massacre. Lib. 4. [ ? [1622] few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction. In which manner also they slew many of our people at seuerall works in the fields, well knowing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in regard of their familiaritie with vs, for the effecting that great master-peece of worke their conuersion : and by this meanes fell that fatall morning vnder the bloudy and barbarous hands of that perfidious [145] and inhumane people, three hundred forty seuen men, women and children ; most[l]y by their owne weapons; and not being content with their Hues, they fell againe vpon the dead bodies, making as well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling their dead carkases into many peeces,and carrying some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph. Their Neither yet did these beasts spare those amongst the crudty. rest wejj knowne vnt0 them, from whom they had daily receiued many benefits; but spightfully also massacred them without any remorse or pitie : being in this more fell then Lions and Dragons, as Histories record, which haue preserued their Benefactors ; such is the force of good deeds, though done to cruell beasts, to take humanitie vpon them, but these miscreants put on a more vnnaturall brutishnesse then beasts, as by those instances may appeare. ?M«urdcr That worthy religious Gentleman Master George Thorp, TActf'* Deputie to the College lands, sometimes one of his Ma- iesties Pensioners, and in command one of the principall in Virginia; did so truly effect [affect] their conuersion, that whosoeuer vnder him did them the least displeasure, were punished seuerely. He thought nothing too deare for them, he neuer denied them any thing ; in so much that when they complained that our Mastiues did feare them, he to content them in all things, caused some of them to be killed in their presence, to the great displeasure of the owners, and would haue had all the rest guelt to make them the milder, might he haue had his will. The King dwelling but in a Cottage, he built him a faire house after the English fashion : in which he tooke such pleasure, especially in the locke and key, which he so admired, as locking and vnlocking his doore a hundred times a day, he thought no deuice in the world comparable to it. Ed. by J. Smith. 1 1622.J Lib. 4. A relation of the massacre. 575 Thus insinuating himselfe into this Kings fauour for his religious purpose, he conferred oft with him about Re- ligion, as many other in this former Discourse had done : and this Pagan confessed to him (as he did to them) our God was better then theirs, and seemed to be much pleased with that Discourse, and of his company, and to requite all those courtesies ; yet this viperous brood did, as the sequell shewed, not onely murder him, but with such spight and scorne abused his dead corps as is vn- fitting to be heard with ciuill eares. One thing I cannot omit, that when this good Gentleman vpon his fatall houre, was warned by his man, who perceiuing some treachery intended by those hell-hounds, to looke to him- selfe, and withall ran away for feare he should be appre- hended, and so saued his owne life ; yet his Master out of his good meaning was so void of suspition and full of con- fidence, they had slaine him, or he could or would beleeue they would hurt him. [1622] Captaine Nathaniel Powell one of the first Planters, a valiant Souldier, and not any in the Countrey better knowne amongst them; yet such was the error of an ouer- conceited power and prosperitie, and their simplicities, they not onely slew him and his family, but butcher-like hagled their bodies, and cut off his head, to expresse their vttermost height of cruelty. Another of the old company of Captaine Smithy called Nathaniel Causie, being cruelly wounded, and the Saluages about him, with an axe did cleaue one of their heads, whereby the rest fled and he escaped : for they hurt not any that did either fight or stand vpon their guard. In one place, where there was but two men that had warning of it, [they] defended the house against sixty or more that assaulted it. Master Baldwine at Warraskoyack, his wife being so wounded, she lay for dead ; yet by his oft discharging of his peece, [he] saued her, his house, himselfe, and diuers others. At the same time they came to one Master H arisons house, neere halfe a mile from Baldwines, where was Master Thomas Hamer with six men, and eighteene or nineteene women and children. Here the Saluages with many presents and faire perswasions, fained they came for Captaine Ralfe The slaughter of Captaine Powell. [>. 885.] A Saluage slaine. Master Baldwines escape. Master Thomas Hamer with 33 escapeth. 576 A relation of the massacre. Lib. 4. [ t [1622] Earner to go to their King, then hunting in the woods : presently they sent to him, but he not comming as they expected, [they] set fire of a Tobacco-house, and then came to tell them in the dwelling house of it to quench it ; all the men ran towards it but Master Hamer, not suspecting any thing, whom [146] the Saluages pursued, [and] shot them full of arrowes, then beat out their braines. Hamer hauing finished a letter hee was a writing, followed after to see what was the matter, but quickly they shot an arrow in his back, which caused him returne and barricado vp the doores, whereupon the Saluages set fire on the house. Harisons Boy finding hisMasters peece loaded, discharged it at randome, at which bare report the Saluages all fled, Baldwin still discharging his peece, and Master Hamer with two and twentie persons thereby got to his house, leauing their owne burning. In like manner, they had fired Lieutenant Basse his house, with all the rest there about, slaine the people, and so left that Plantation. Captaine Captaine Hamer all this while not knowing any thing, Hamer comming to his Brother that had sent for him to go hunt SS/Sir witn tne King, meeting the Saluages chasing some, [who] yet escaped, retired to his new house then a building, from whence he came ; there onely with spades, axes, and brickbats, he defended himselfe and his Company till the Saluages departed. Not long after, the Master from the ship had sent six Musketiers, with which he recouered their Merchants store-house, where he armed ten more ; and so with thirtie more vnarmed workmen, found his Brother and the rest at Baldwins. Now seeing all they had was burnt and consumed, they repaired to lames Towne with their best expedition ; yet not far from Martins hundred, where seuenty three were slaine, was a little house and a small family, that heard not of any of this till two daies after. All those, and many others whom they haue as mali- ciously murdered, sought the good of those poore brutes, that thus despising Gods mercies, must needs now as mis- creants be corrected by Iustice : to which leauing them, I will knit together the thred of this discourse. Ed. by j. smith. j Lib. 4. A relation of the massacre. 577 At the time of the massacre, there were three or foure ships [1622J in lames Riuer, and one in the next; and daily more to come Jhe in, as there did within foureteene daies after; one of which auempuo they indeuoured to haue surprised : yet were the hearts of shiJT*** the English euer stupid, and auerted from beleeuing any thing might weaken their hopes, to win them by kinde vsage to Christianitie. But diuers write from thence, that Almighty God hath his great worke in this Tragedy, and will thereout draw honor and glory to his name, and a more flourishing estate and safetie to themselues, and with more speed to conuert the Saluage children to himselfe, since he so miraculously hath preserued the English ; there being yet, God be praised, eleuen parts of twelue [*'.£., 347 X 11=3817] re- maining, whose carelesse neglect of their owne safeties, seemes to haue beene the greatest cause of their destruc- tions : yet you see, God by a conuerted Saluage that disclosed the plot, saued the rest, and the Pinnace then in Pamavnkes Riuer, whereof (say they) though our sinnes made vs vnworthy of so glorious a conuersion, yet his infinite wisdome can neuerthelesse bring it to passe, and in good time, by such meanes as we thinke most vnlikely: for in the deliuery of them that suruiue, no mans particular carefulnesse saued one person, but the meere goodnesse of God him- selfe, freely and miraculously preseruing whom he pleased. The Letters of Master George Sand[y]s, a worthy Gentle- man, and many others besides them returned, brought vs this vnwelcome newes, that hath beene heard at large in publike Court, that the Indians and they liued as one Nation : yet by a generall combination in one day plotted to subuert the whole Colony, and at one instant, though our seuerall Plantations were one hundred and fortie miles vp on [the] Riuer on both sides. But for the better vnderstanding of all things, you must remember these wilde naked natiues Hue not in great numbers together; but dispersed, commonly in thirtie, fortie, fiftie, or sixtie in a company. Some places haue two hundred, few places more, but many lesse ; yet they had all warning giuen them one from another in all their habitations, though farre asunder, to meet at the day and houre appointed for our destruction at al our seueraJ 37 578 How Pace discouered the massacre. Lib. 4. [ ? [1622] Six of the Councell How it was rouealed. l>. 567O Memoran- Plantations ; some directed to one place, some to another, all to be done at the time appointed, which they did accordingly. Some entring their houses vnder colour of trading, so tooke their [147] aduantage ; others drawing vs abroad vnder faire pretences; and the rest suddenly falling vpon those that were at their labours. Six of the counsell suffered vnder this treason, and the slaughter had beene vniuersall, if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian, who lying in the house of one Pace, was vrged by another Indian his Brother, that lay with him the night before, to kill Pace, as he should doe Perry which was his friend, being so commanded from their King : telling him also how the next day the execution should be finished. Perrys Indian presently arose and reueales it to Pace, that vsed him as his sonne ; and thus them that escaped was saued by this one conuerted Infidell. And though three hundred fortie seuen were slaine, yet thousands of ours were by the meanes of this alone thus preserued; for which Gods name be praised for euer and euer. Pace vpon this, securing his house, before day rowed to lames Towne, and told the Gouernor of it, whereby they were preuented, and at such other Plantations as possibly intelligence could be giuen : and where they saw vs vpon our guard, at the sight of a peece they ranne away ; but the rest were most[ly] slaine, their houses burnt, such Armes and Munition as they found they tooke away, and some cattell also they destroied. Since, wee finde Opechankanough the last yeare [162 1] had practised with a King on the Easterne shore, to furnish him with a kind of poison, which onely growes in his Country to poison vs. But of this bloudy acte neuer griefe and shame possessed any people more then themselues, to be thus butchered by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand the presenting of a staffe in manner 01 a peece, nor an vncharged peece in the hands of a woman. (But I must tell those Authors, though some might be thus cowardly, there were many of them had better spirits.) Thus haue you heard the particulars of this massacre, which in those respects some say will be good for the Plantation, because now we haue iust cause to destroy JSi622:] The manner how the Spaniard gets his wealth. 579 them by all meanes possible : but I thinke it had beene [1622] much better it had neuer happened, for they haue giuen /s an hundred times as iust occasions long agoe to subiect them, (and I wonder I can heare of none but Master Stockam and Master Whitaker of my opinion.) Moreouer, where before we were troubled in cleering the ground of great Timber, which was to them of small vse : now we may take their owne plaine fields and Habitations, which are the pleasantest places in the Countrey. Besides, the Deere, Turkies, and other Beasts and Fowles will exceed- ingly increase if we beat the Saluages out of the Countrey: for at all times of the yeare they neuer spare Male nor Female, old nor young, egges nor birds, fat nor leane, in season or out of season ; with them all is one. The like they did in our Swine and Goats, for they haue vsed to kill eight in tenne more then we, or else the wood would most plentifully abound with victuall ; besides it is more easie to ciuilize them by conquest then faire meanes ; for the one may be made at once, but their ciuilizing will require a long time and much industry. The manner how to suppresse them is so often related and approued, I omit it here : And you haue twenty examples of the Spaniards how they got the West-Indies, and forced the treacherous and rebellious Infidels to doe all manner of drudgery worke and slauery for them, them- selues liuing like Souldiers vpon the fruits of their labours. This will make vs more circumspect, and be an example to posteritie : (But I say, this might as well haue beene §JgJBB put in practise sixteene yeares agoe [1606] as now [1622J.) Thus vpon this Anuill shall wee now beat our selues an Armour of proofe hereafter to defend vs against such incursions, and euer hereafter make vs more circumspect : but to helpe to repaire this losse, besides his Maiesties bounty in Armes [that] he gaue the Company out of the His Tower, and diuers other Honorable persons haue renewed gift!" their aduentures, we must not omit the Honorable Citie of London, to whose endlesse praise wee may speake it, are fu7^sets now [1622] setting forward one hundred persons: and diuers others at their owne costs are a repairing; and all [148] good men doe thinke neuer the worse of the businesse for all these disasters. A lament- too ol appro aed. 580 The manner how the Spaniard gets his wealth. [J- s™6'£; [1622] What growing state was there euer in the world which had not the like ? Rome grew by oppression, and rose vpon the backe of her enemies : and the Spaniards haue had many of those counterbuffes, more than we. Colum- bus, vpon his returne from the West-Indies into Spaine, hauing left his people with the Indies, in peace and promise of good vsage amongst them, at his returne backe found not one of them liuing, but all treacherously slaine by the Saluages. After this againe, when the Spanish Colonies were increased to great numbers, the Indians from whom the Spaniards for trucking stuffe vsed to haue all their corne, generally conspired together to plant no more at all, intending thereby to famish them ; themselues liuing in the meane time vpon Cassaua, a root to make bread, onely then knowne to themselues. This plot of theirs by Te the Spaniards ouersight, that foolishly depended vpon strangers for their bread, tooke such effect, and brought them to such misery by the rage of famine, that they spared no vncleane nor loathsome beast, no not the poisonous and hideous Serpents, but eat them vp also, deuouring one death to saue them from another ; and by this meanes their whole Colony well-neere surfeted, sickned and died miserably. And when they had againe recouered this losse, by their incontinency an infinite number of them died on the Indian disease, we call the French Pox, which at first being a strange and an vn- knowne malady, was deadly vpon whomsoeuer it lighted. Then had they a little flea called Nigua, which got betweene the skinne and the flesh before they were aware, and there bred and multiplied, making swellings and putrifactions, to the decay and losse of many of their bodily members. Againe, diuers times they were neere vndone by their ambition, faction, and malice of the Commanders. Colum- bus, to whom they were also much beholden, was sent with his Brother in chaines into Spaine ; and some other great Commanders killed and murdered one another. Pizzaro was killed by Almagros sonne, and him Vasco beheaded ; which Vasco was taken by Blasco, and Blasco was likewise taken by Pizzaros Brother: And thus by their couetous and spightfull quarrels, they were euer shaking the maine pillars of their Common-weale. J. Smith."] 1622. J Lib. 4. [Therefore let us not be discouraged^ 581 These and many more mischiefes and calamities hapned [1622] them, more then euer did to vs, and at one time being euen at the last gaspe, had two ships not arriued with supplies as they did, they were so disheartned, they were a leauing the Countrey : yet we see for all those miseries they haue attained to their ends at last, as is manifest to all the world, both with honour, power, and wealth ; and whereas before few could be hired to goe to inhabit there, now with great su[i]te they must obtaine it; but where there was no honesty, nor equity, nor sanctitie, nor veritie, nor pietie, Note this nor good ciuilitie in such a Countrey, certainly there can conclusion- bee no stabilitie. Therefore let vs not be discouraged, but rather animated by those conclusions, seeing we are so well assured of the goodnesse and commodities [that] may bee had in Virginia ; nor is it to be much doubted there is any want of Mines of most sorts, no not of the richest, as is well knowne to some yet liuing that can make it manifest when time shall serue : and yet to thinke that gold and siluer Mines are in a country otherwise most rich and fruitfull, or the greatest wealth in a Plantation, is but a popular error ; as is that opinion likewise, that the gold and siluer is now the greatest wealth of the West Indies at this present. True it is indeed, that in the first conquest the Spaniards How the got great and mighty store of treasure from the Natiues, riSTthdr* which they in long space had heaped together; and in ^eeawest those times the Indians shewed them entire and rich Indie* Mines, which now by the relations of them that haue beene there, are exceedingly wasted, so that now the charge of getting those Metals is growne excessiue, besides the consuming the Hues of many by their pestilent smoke and vapours in digging and refining them, so that all things considered, the cleere gaines of those metals, the Kings part defraied, to the Aduenturers is but small, and nothing neere so much as vulgarly is imagined. And were it not [149] for other rich Commodities there that inrich them, those of the Contraction House were neuer able to subsist by the Mines onely ; for the greatest part of their Commodities are partly naturall, and partly transported from other parts of the world, and planted in the West- Indies, as in their mighty wealth of Sugar canes, being 582 The number of people that were slaine. Lib. 4. [EdbyJ- Smith. 162a. [1622] first transported from the Canaries ; and in Ginger and other things brought out of the East-Indies, in their Cochanele, Indicos, Cotton, and their infinite store of Hides, Quick-siluer, Allum, Woad, Brasill woods, Dies, Paints, Tobacco, Gums, Balmes, Oiles, Medicinals and Perfumes, Sassaparilla, and many other physicall drugs : These are the meanes whereby they raise that mighty charge of drawing out their gold and siluer to the great and cleare reuenue of their King. Now seeing the most of those commodities, or as vsefull, may be had in Virginia by the same meanes, as I haue formerly said ; let vs with all speed take the priority of time, where also may be had the priority of place, in chusing the best seats of the Country; which now by vanquishing the saluages, is like to offer a more faire and ample choice of fruitfull habitations, then hitherto our gentlenesse and faire comportments could attaine vnto. The numbers that were slaine in those seuerall Plantations. T Captaine Berkleys Plantation, himselfe and 21. others, seated at the Falling- Crick, 66. miles from lames City. 22 2 Master Thomas Sheffelds Plantation, some three miles from the Falling-Crick, himselfe and 12. others. 13 3 At Henrico Hand, about two miles from Sheffelds Plantation. 6 4 Slaine of the College people, twenty miles from Henrico. *7 5 At Charles City, and of Captaine Smiths men. 5 6 At the next adioyning Plantation. 8 7 At William Farrars house. 10 8 At Brickley hundred, fifty miles from Charles City, Master Thorp and 10 Ed.byj.smith.-| lib> ^ The number of people that were slaine. 583 9 At Westouer, a mile from Brickley, 2 [1622] 10 At Master Iohn Wests Plantation. 2 11 At Captaine Nathaniel Wests Plantation. 2 12 At Lieutenant Gibs his Plantation. 12 13 At Richard Owens house, himselfe and 6 14 At Master Owen Macars house, himselfe and 3 15 At Martins hundred, seuen miles from lames City. 73 16 At another place. 7 17 At Edward Bonits Plantation. 50 18 At Master Watershis house, himselfe [seep. 591] and 4 19 At Apamatucks Riuer, at Master Perce his Planta- tion, flue miles from the College. 4 20 At Master Macocks Diuident, Captaine Samuel Macock and 4 21 At Flower da hundred, Sir George Yearleys Planta- tion. 6 22 On the other side opposite to it. 7 23 At Master Swinhows house, himselfe and 7 24 At Master William Bickars house, himselfe and 4 25 At Weanock, of Sir George Yearleys people. 21 26 At Powel Brooke, Captaine Nathaniel Powelt and 12 27 At South-hampton hundred. 5 28 At Martin Brandons hundred. 7 29 At Captaine Henry Spilmans house. 2 30 At Ensigne Spences house. 5 31 At Master Thomas Perse his house by Mulbery He, himselfe and 4 The whole number 347. [150] VA »*»»•) Men in this taking bettered with affliction, Better attend, and mind, and marke Religion, For then true voyces issue from their hearts, Then speake they what they thinke in inmost parts, The truth remaines, they cast off fained A rts. *$* 584 Gookins and Iordens resolutions. Lib. 4. [EdbyJs^ iHis lamentable and so vnexpected a disaster caused them all beleeue the opinion of Master Stockam, and draue them all to their wits end. It was twenty or thirty daies ere they could resolue what to doe, but at last it was concluded, all the petty Plantations should be abandoned, and drawne onely to make good hue or six places, where all their labours now for the most part must redound to the Lords of those Lands where they were resident. Now for want of Boats, it was impossible vpon such a sudden to bring also their cattle, and many other things, which with much time, charge and labour they had then in possession with them ; all which for the most part at their departure was burnt, ruined and destroyed by the Saluages. Gookins m& Only Master Gookins at Nuports-newes would not obey rewhufon. the Commanders command in that, though hee had scarce fiue and thirty of all sorts [i.e., ages &c.~) with him, yet he thought himselfe sufficient against what could happen, and so did to his great credit and the content of his Aduen- turers. Master Samuel Iorden gathered together but a few of the straglers about him at Beggers-bush, where he fortified and liued in despight of the enemy. Nay, Mistrisse Proctor, a proper, ciuill, modest Gentlewoman did the like, till perforce the English Officers forced her and all them with her to goe with them, or they would fire her house themselues ; as the Saluages did when they were gone, in whose despight they had kept it and what they had, a moneth or three weekes after the Massacre ; which was to their hearts a griefe beyond comparison, to lose all they had in that manner, onely to secure others pleasures. The opinion Now here in England it was thought, all those remainders snutW1** might presently haue beene reduced into fifties or hundreds in places most conuenient with what they had, hauing such strong houses as they reported they had, which with small labour might haue beene made inuincible Castles against all the Saluages in the Land : and then presently raised a com- pany, as a running Armie to torment the Barbarous and Ed.byj.smith.-j lib< 4. [Captain Smith's opinion] 585 secure the rest, and so haue had all that Country betwixt [1622] the Riuers of Powhatan and Pamavuke to range and sustaine them ; especially all the territories of Kecoughtan, Chiskact and Paspahege, from Ozenies to that branch of Pamavuke, comming from Youghtanund, which strait of land is not past 4. or 5. miles, to haue made a peninsula much bigger then the Summer lies, inuironed with the broadest parts of those two maine Riuers, which for plenty of such things as Virginia affords is not to be exceeded, and were it well manured, more then sufficient for ten thousand men. This, were it well vnderstood, cannot but be thought better then to bring hue or six hundred to lodge and Hue on that, which before would not well receiue and main- taine a hundred, planting little or nothing, but spend that they haue vpon hopes out of England, one euill begetting another, till the disease is past cure. Therefore it is impossible but such courses must produce most fearefull miseries and extreme extremities ; if it proue otherwise, I should be exceeding glad. I confesse I am somewhat too bold to censure other [/>.6©o] mens actions being not present, but they haue done as much of me ; yea many here in England that were neuer there, and also many there that knowes little more then their Plantations, but as they are informed : and this doth touch the glory of God, the honour of my Country, and the publike good so much, for which there hath beene so many faire pretences, that I hope none will be angry for speaking my opinion ; seeing the old Prouerbe doth allow losers leaue to speake, and Du Bartas saith, Euen as the wind the angry Ocean moues, Wane hunteth Wane, and Billow Billow shoues, [151] So doe all Nations iustell each the other, And so one people doe pursue another, And scarce a second hath the first vnhoused, Before a third him thence againe haue roused* «p> 586 Captaine Nuses Relation. Lib. 4. [EdbyJs^ [1622] f^Q$yQ\ Mongst the multitude of these seuerall Relations, The y£JnbL&2 it appeares Captaine Nuse seeing many of the of°capuiCnee SrcffeE&MB difficulties to ensue, caused as much Come to num. ife«2N57« be planted as he could at Elizabeths city, and though some destroyed that they had set, fearing it would serue the Saluages for Ambuscadoes, trusting to releefe by trade, or from England (which hath euer beene one cause of our miseries, for from England wee haue not had much : and for trading, euery one hath not Ships, Shalops, Interpreters, men and prouisions to performe it ; and those that haue,vse them onely for their owne priuate gaine, not the publike good), so that our beginning this yeere doth cause many to distrust the euent of the next. Here wee will leaue Captaine Nuse for a while, lamenting the death of Captaine Norton, a valiant industrious Gentle- man, adorned with many good qualities, besides Physicke and Chirurgery, which for the publike good he freely imparted to all gratis, but most bountifully to the poore ; and let vs speake a little of Captaine Croshaw amongst the midst of those broiles in the Riuer of Patawomeke. Captaine Being [in Mar. 1622] in a small Barke called the Elizabeth, his't^ge vnder the command of Captaine Spilman, at Cekacawone, a Xw£k. Saluage stole aboord them, and told them of the Massacre; [/>. 173, and that Opechancanough had plotted with his King and %l' SI'] Countrey to betray them also, which they refused : but them of Wighcocomoco at the mouth of the riuer had vndertaken it. Vpon this Spilman went thither, but the Saluages seeing his men so vigilant and well armed, they suspected them- selues discouered, and to colour their guilt, the better to delude him, so contented his desire in trade, his Pinnace was neere fraught ; but seeing no more to be had, Croshaw went to Patawotfiek, where he intended to stay and trade for himselfe, by reason of the long acquaintance he had with this King that so earnestly entreated him now to be his friend, his countenancer, his Captaine and director against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks, and Moyoans his mortall enemies. Of this oportunity Croshaw was glad, as well to satisfie Ed. by j. smity LlB. 4. [Arrival of the news in England.] 587 his owne desire in some other purpose he had, as to keepe [1622] the King as an opposite to Opechancanough, and adhere him vnto vs, or at least make him an instrument against our enemies ; so onely Elis Hill stayed with him, and the [/. 59^] Pinnace returned to Elizabeths City ; here shall they rest also a little, till we see how this newes was entertained in England. It was no small griefe to the Councell and Company, to Theamuaii vnderstand of such a supposed impossible losse, as that so Seisin many should fall by the hands of men so contemptible ; Eneland- and yet hauing such warnings, especially by the death of Nemattanow, whom the Saluages did thinke was shot-free, as he had perswaded them, hauing so long escaped so many dangers without any hurt. But now to leape out of this labyrinth of melancholy, all this did not so discourage the noble aduenturers, nor diuers others still to vndertake new seuerall Plantations ; but that diuers ships were dispatched away, for their supplies and assistance thought sufficient. Yet Captaine Smith did intreat and moue them to put in practise his old offer ; seeing now it was time to vse both it and him, how slenderly heretofore both had beene regarded, and because it is not impertinent to the businesse, it is not much amisse to remember what it was. [152] g""^JJ*gs. fmmm IIH ^^S^t^^ Ttie protect and offer of Captaine Iohn Smith, to the Right Honourable and Right Worshipfull Company [of] Virginia. F you please I may be transported with a hundred Souldiers and thirty Sailers by the next Michaelmas [1622J, with vic- tuall, munition, and such necessary pro- uision ; by Gods assistance, we would endeuour to inforce the Saluages to leaue their Country, or bring them in that feare and subiection that euery man should follow their businesse securely. Whereas now halfe their times and labours are spent in watching and warding, onely to defend, but altogether vnable to suppresse the Saluages : because euery man now being for himselfe will be vnwilling to be drawne from their particular labours, to be made as pack-horses for all the rest, without any certainty of some better reward and preferment then I can vnderstand any there can or will yet giue them. These I would imploy onely in ranging the Countries, and tormenting the Saluages, and that they should be as a running Army till this were affected ; and then settle themselues in some such conuenient place, that should euer remaine a garison of that strength, ready vpon any occasion against the Saluages, or any other for the defence of the Countrey, and to see all the English well armed, and instruct them their vse. h*$£] Lib. 4. The protect of Captaine John Smith. 589 But I would haue a Barke of one hundred tunnes, and [1622] meanes to build sixe or seuen Shalops, to transport them where there should bee occasion. Towards the charge, because it is for the generall good, and what by the massacre and other accidents, Virginia is disparaged, and many men and their purses much dis- couraged, howeuer a great many doe hasten to goe, think- ing to bee next heires to all the former losses, I feare they will not finde all things as they doe imagine ; therefore leauing those gilded conceits, and diue into the true estate of the Colony ; I thinke if his Maiestie were truly informed of their necessitie, and the benefit of this proiect, he would be pleased to giue the custome [custom-house dues] of Virginia ; and the Planters also according to their abilities would adde thereto such a contribution, as would be fit to maintaine this garison till they be able to subsist, or cause some such other collections to be made, as may put it with all expedition in practice : otherwise it is much to be doubted, there will neither come custome, nor any thing from thence to England within these few yeares. Now if this should be thought an imploiment more fit for ancient Souldiers there bred, then such new commers as may goe with me ; you may please to leaue that to my discretion, to accept or refuse such voluntaries, that will hazard their fortunes in the trialls of these euents, and discharge such of my company that had rather labour the ground then subdue their enemies : what releefe I should haue from your Colony I would satisfie, and spare them (when I could) the like courtesie. Notwithstanding these doubts, I hope to feede them as well as defend them, and yet discouer you more land vnknowne then they all yet know, if you will grant me such priuiledges as of necessity must be vsed. For against any enemy we must be ready to execute the best [that] can be deuised by your state there, but not that they shall either take away my men, or any thing else to imploy as they please by vertue of their authority : and in that I haue done somewhat for New-England as well as Virginia, so I would desire liberty and authority to make the best vse I can of my best experiences, within the limits of those two Patents, and to bring them both in one 590 The Companies answer. Lib. 4. [J- Smith. 162a. [1622] Map, and the Countries betwixt thern, giuing alwaies that respect to the Gouernors and gouernment, as an English- man doth in Scotland, or a Scotchman in England, or as the regiments in the Low- countries doe to the Gouernors of the Townes and Cities where they are billited, or in Garrison, where though they Hue with them, and are as their [153] seruants to defend them, yet not to be disposed on at their pleasure, but as the Prince and State doth command them. And for my owne paines in particular I aske not any thing but what I can produce from the proper labour of the Saluages. Their Answer. Slier ^19|d8§ Cannot say, it was generally for the Company, for being published in their Court, the most that heard it liked exceeding well of the motion, and some would haue been very large Aduen- turers in it, especially Sir John Brookes and Master Dauid Wyffin, but there were such diuisions amongst them, I could obtaine no answer but this, the charge would be too great ; their stocke was decayed, and they did thinke the [/•955O Planters should doe that of themselues if I could finde meanes to effect it ; they did thinke I might haue leaue of the Company, prouided they might haue halfe the pillage, but I thinke there are not many will much striue for that imploiment, for except it be a little Corne at some time of the yeere is to be had, I would not giue twenty pound for all the pillage is to be got amongst the Saluages in twenty yeeres : but because they supposed I spake only for my owne ends, it were good those vnderstand[ing] proui- dents for the Companies good they so much talke of, were sent thither to make triall of their profound wisdomes and long experiences. ?th?lanner About this time also was propounded a proposition con- saii^y cerning a Sallery of flue and twenty thousand pounds to be raised out of Tobacco, as a yeerely pension to bee paid to certaine Officers for the erecting a new office, concern- ing the sole importation of Tobacco, besides his Maiesties custome, fraught, and all other charges. To nominate £dbyjuiysTS:] Lib. 4. {Captain Crashaw at Patawomek.] 591 1 the vndertakers, fauourers and opposers, with their argu- [1622-3] ments (pro) and (con) would bee too tedious and needlesse being so publikely knowne ; the which to establish, spent a good part of that yeere, and the beginning of the next. This made many thinke wonders of Virginia, to pay such pensions extraordinary to a few here that were neuer there, and also in what state and pompe some Chieftaines and diuers of their associates Hue in Virginia ; and yet no money to maintaine a Garrison, pay poore men their wages, nor yet hue and twenty pence to all the Adven- turers here, and very little to the most part of the Planters there, bred such differences in opinion it was dissolued. Ow let vs returne to Captaine Croshaw at Captaine Patawomek, where he had not beene long ere staTest™ Opechancanough sent two baskets of beads to SS*. this King, to kill him and his man, assuring JjJJjJ^ him of the Massacre he had made, and that before the tA 587.] end of two Moones there should not be an Englishman in all their Countries : this fearefull message the King told this Captaine, who replied, he had seene both the cowardise and trechery of Opechancanough sufficiently tried by Captaine Smith [pp. 142, 459], therefore his threats he feared not, nor for his fauour cared, but would nakedly fight with him or any of his with their owne swords ; if he were slaine, he would leaue a letter for his Country men to know, the fault was his owne, not the Kings. Two daies the King deliberated vpon an answer, at last told him the English were his friends, and the Saluage Emperour Opitchapam, now called Toyatan, was his brother ; therefore there should be no bloud shed be- twixt them : for hee returned the Presents, willing the Pamavukes to come no more in his Country, lest the English, though against his will, should doe them any mischiefe. Not long after, a Boat going abroad to seeke out some The escape releefe amongst the Plantations, by Nuports-newes met andhu'™ such ill weather, [that] though the men were saued they wife# lost their boat, which the storme and waues cast vpon the shore of Nandsamund : where Edward Waters [pp. 583, 638, 592 The arriuall of Captaine Lib. 4. TEd.by \. Smith L July 1624. [1622] The arriuall of Captaine Havtar at Patawo- rmk*. Croshawt Fort and plot for trade. 640, 660] one of the three that first stayed in Summer lies and found the great peece of Amber-greece, dwelling in Virginia at this Massacre, [154] hee and his wife these Nandsamunds kept Prisoners till it chanced they found this Boat ; at which purchase they so reioyced, according to their custome of triumph, with songs, dances and inuocations. They were so busied, that Waters and his wife found oppor- tunity to get secretly into their Canow, and so crossed the Riuer to Kecoughtan, which is nine or ten miles : whereat the English no lesse wondred and reioyced, then the Saluages were madded with discontent. Thus you may see how many desperate dangers some men escape, when others die that haue all things at their pleasure. All men thinking Captaine Croshaw dead, Captaine Hamer arriuing with a Ship and a Pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly entertained both by him [Crashaw] and the King; that Don Hamar told the King he came for Corne ; the King replied hee had none, but the Nacotchtanks and their con- federats had, which were enemies both to him and them ; if they would fetch it, he would giue them 40. or 50 choise Bow-men to conduct and assist them. Those Saluages, with some of the English, they sent ; who so well played their parts, they slew 18. of the Nacotchtanks, some write but 4. and some they had a long skirmish with them ; where the Patawomeks were so eager of reuenge, they driue them not onely out of their towne, but all out of sight through the woods, thus taking what they liked, and spoil- ing the rest, they retired to Patawomek : where they left Captaine Croshaw, with foure men more, the rest set saile for lames towne. Captaine Croshaw now with hue men and himselfe found night and day so many Alarums, he retired into such a conuenient place, that with the helpe of the Saluages, hee had quickly fortified himselfe against all those wilde enemies. Captaine Nuse his Pinnace meeting Hamar by the way, vnderstanding all this, came to see Captaine Croshaw: after their best enterchanges of courtesies, Croshaw writ to Nuse the estate of the place where he was, but vnderstanding by them the poore estate of the Colony, offered if they would send him but a bold Ed ' ^/u'lyTeS:] Lib. 4. Hamar to Patawomek. 593 Shallop, with men, armes and prouision for trade, the next [1622] Haruest he would prouide them Corne sufficient, but as yet it being but the latter end of Iune [1622], there was little or none in all the Country. This being made knowne to the Gouernour and the rest, ^^^n they sent Captaine Madyson with a ship and pinnace, and sent to some six and thirtie men : those Croshaw a good time taught «,S£*. the vse of their armes, but receiuing a letter from Boyse [/. 599-1 his Wife, a prisoner with nineteene more at Pamavuke, to vse meanes to the Gouernour for their libertie; So hee dealt with this King, hee got first two of his great men to goe with him to lames towne, and eight daies after to send foure of his counsell to Pamavuke, there to stay till he sent one of his two to them, to perswade Opachankanough to send two of his with two of the Patawomekes, to treat about those prisoners, and the rest should remaine their hostage at Pamavuke. But the Commanders, at lames towne, it seemes, liked not of it, and so sent the Patawomekes backe againe to their owne Countrie, and Captaine Croshaw to his owne habitation. All this time we haue forgot Captaine Nuse, where we Jhe™dv* left him but newly acquainted with the Massacre, calling captaine all his next adioyning dispersed neighbours together, he Nus* regarded not the pestring his owne house, nor any thing to releeue them, and with all speed entrenched himselfe, mounted three peece of Ordnance, so that within 14. daies, he was strong enough to defend himselfe from all the Saluages, yet when victuall grew scant, some that would forrage without order, which he punished, neere occasioned a mutiny. Notwithstanding, he behaued himselfe so fatherly and kindly to them all, they built two houses for them he daily expected from England, a faire Well of fresh water mantled with bricke, because the Riuer and Cricks are there brackish or salt ; in all which things he plaied the Sawyer, Carpenter, Dauber, Laborer, or any thing ; wherein though his courage and heart were steeled, he found his body was not made of Iron, for hee had many sicknesses, and at last a Dropsie, no lesse griefe to him- selfe, then sorrow to his Wife and all vnder his gouern- 38 594 Sir George Yearleys Lib. 4. [Ed- byjJiysT^ [1622] ment. These crosses and losses were [155] no small increasers of his malady, nor the thus abandoning our Plantations, the losse of our Haruest, and also Tobacco which was as our money ; the Vineyard our Vineyetours had brought to a good forwardnesse, bruised and destroyed with Deere, and all things ere they came to perfection, with weeds, disorderly persons or wild beasts ; so that as we are I cannot perceiue but the next yeere [1623] will be worse, being still tormented with pride and flattery, idlenesse and couetousnesse, as though they had vowed heere to keepe their Court with all the pestilent vices in the world for their attendants, inchanted with a conceited statelinesse, euen in the very bottome of miserable senselesnesse. c»pujne Shortly after, Sir George Yearly and Captaine William s^lieJ. 3' Powel, tooke each of them a company of well disposed Gentlemen and others to seeke their enemies. Yearley ranging the shore of Weanock, could see nothing but their old houses which he burnt, and so went home : Powel searching another part, found them all fled but three he met by chance, whose heads hee cut off, burnt their houses, and so returned ; for the Saluages are so light and swift, though wee see them (being so loaded with armour) they haue much aduantage of vs though they be cowards. The| jpinion I confesse this is true, and it may cause some suppose smitt™* they are grown inuincible : but will any goe to catch a Hare with a Taber and a Pipe ? for who knowes not though there be monsters both of men and beasts, fish and fowle, yet the greatest, the strongest, the wildest, cruellest, fiercest and cunningest, by reason, art and vigilancy, courage and industry hath beene slaine, subiected or made tame : and those are still but Saluages as they were, onely growne more bold by our owne simplicities, and still will be worse and worse till they be tormented with a con- tinuall pursuit, and not with lying inclosed within Palizados, or affrighting them out of your sights, thinking they haue done well, [that] can but defend themselues: and to doe this to any purpose, will require both charge, patience and experience. But to their proceedings. ^•^jiy8*^] Lib. 4. tourney to Accomack. 595 About the latter end of Iune [1622], Sir George Yearley [1622] accompanied with the Councell, and a number of the fjjj^f* greatest Gallants in the Land, stayed three or four daies bomMyto with Captaine Nuset he making his moane to a chiefe man Accomack- amongst them for want of prouision for his Company, the great Commander replied hee should turne them to his greene Corne, which would make them plumpe and fat : these fields being so neere the Fort, were better regarded and preserued then the rest, but the great mans command, as we call them, were quickly obeied, for though it was scarce halfe growne either to the greatnesse or goodnesse, theydeuoured it greene though it did them small good. Sir George with his company went to Accomack to his new Plantation, where he staied neere six weekes : some Corne he brought home ; but as he aduentured for himselfe, he accordingly enioyed the benefit. Some pet[t]y Magazines [Victualling ships] came this Summer, but either the restraint by Proclamation, or want of Boats, or both, caused few but the Chieftaines to be little better by them. So long as Captaine Nuse had any thing we had part ; Captaine but now all being spent, and the people forced to Hue vpon iUSS^11 Oisters and Crabs, they became so faint no worke could be done ; and where the Law was, no worke, no meat, now the case is altered, to no meat, no worke : some small quantity of Milke and Rice the Captaine had of his owne, and that he would distribute gratis as he saw occasion; I say gratis, for I know no place else, but it was sold for ready paiment. Those eares of Corne that had escaped till August, though not ripe by reason of the late planting, the very Dogs did repaire to the Corne fields to seeke them as the men till they were hanged : and this I protest before God is true that I haue related, not to flatter Nuse, nor condemne any, but all the time I haue liued in Virginia, I haue not seene nor heard that any Commander hath taken such continuall paines for the publike, or done so little good for himselfe ; and his vertuous wife was no lesse charitable and com- passionate according to her power. For my owne part, although I found neither Mulberies planted, houses built, [156] men nor victuall prouided, as the honourable Aduenturers did promise mee in England ; yet at my owne charge, hauing made these preparations, and the silke- Patawomek. 596 The kindnesse of the Lib. 4. [EdbyjJulysS^; L1622] Wormes ready to be couered, all was lost, but my poore life andchildren,bythe Massacre, thewhich as God in his mercy* did preserue, I continually pray we may spend to his glory. &iresaE ^e 9* of September [1622], we had an alarum, and two men at their labours slaine ; the Captaine [Nuse], though extreme sicke, sallied forth, but the Saluages lay hid in the Corne fields all night, where they destroyed all they could, and killed two men more. Much mischiefe they did to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone defended his house though his men were sicke and could doe nothing, and this was our first assault since the Massacre. ifSte^fthe About this time Captaine Madyson passed by vs, hauing King of taken Prisoners, the King of Patawomek, his sonne, and two more, and thus it happened. Madyson not liking so well to Hue amongst the Saluages as Croshaw did, built him a strong house within the Fort, so that they were not so sociable as before, nor did they much like Poole the Interpre[te]r. Many Alarums theyhad,but sawnoenemies: Madyson before his building went to Moyaones, where hee got prouisionfor a moneth, and was promised much more ; so he returned to Patawomek and built this house, and was well vsed by the Saluages. Now by the foure great men the King sent to Pamavuke for the redemption of the Prisoners, Madyson sent them a letter, but they could neither deliuer it nor see them : so long they stayed that the King grew doubtfull of their bad vsage, that hee swore by the Skyes, if they returned not well, he would haue warres with Opechankanough so long as he had any thing. At this time two of Madysons men rannefrom him, to finde them he sent Master John Vpton and three more with an Indian guide to Nazatica, where they heard they were. At this place was a King beat out of his Country by the Necosts, enemies to the Patawomeks ; this expulsed King though he professed much loue to the Patawomeks, yet hee loued not the King because he would not helpe him to reuenge his iniuries, but to our Interpreter Poole hee pro- tested great loue, promising if any treason were, he would reueale it ; our guide conducted this Bandyto with them vp to Patawomek and there kept him ; our Fugitiues we found the Patawomeks had taken and brought home, and the foure great men returned from Pamavuke. Ed,b7uiyS;:] LlB- 4- XiHg of Patawomek. 597 Not long after, this expulsed King desired priuate [1622] conference with Poole, vrging him to sweare by his God neuer to reueale what hee would tell him, Poole promised he would not ; then quoth this King, those great men that went to Pamavuke, went not as you suppose they pretended, but to contract with Opechankanongh how to kill you all here, and these are their plots. First, they will procure halfe of you to goe a fishing Aj£luages to their furthest towne, and there set vpon them, and P icy* cut off the rest; if that faile, they will faine a place where are many strangers [that] would trade their Furres, where they will perswade halfe of you to goe trade, and there murder you and kill them at home ; and if this faile also, then they will make Alarums two nights together, to tire you out with watching, and then set vpon you, yet of all this, said he, there is none acquainted but the King and the great Coniurer. This being made known to the Captain, we all stood Madho-% more punctually vpon our guard, at which the Saluages King Lid wondering, desired to know the cause; we told them we ^s3°-or expected some assault from the Pamavukes, whereat they seemed contented ; and the next day the King went on hunting with two of our men, and the other a fishing and abroad as before, till our Shallop returned from lames towne with the two Saluages sent home with Captaine Croshaw : by those the Gouernour sent to Madyson, that this King should send him twelue of his great men ; word of this was sent to the King at another towne where he was, who not comming presently with the Messenger, Madyson conceited hee regarded not the message, and intended as he supposed the same treason. The next morning the King comming home, being sent for, he came to the Captaine and brought him a dish of their daintiest fruit ; then the Captaine fained his returne to lames towne, the [157] King told him he might if he would, but desired not to leaue him destitute of aid, hauing so many enemies about him ; the Captaine told him he would leaue a guard, but intreated his answer concerning the twelue great men for the Gouernour ; the King replied, his enemies lay so about him he could not spare them ; then the Captaine desired his sonne and one other ; my sonne, 598 The proceedings of the Lib. 4. [Ed- by,iiys^ [1622] said the King, is gone abroad about businesse, but the other you desire you shall haue, and that other sits by him, but that man refused to goe, whereupon Madyson went forth and locked the doore, leauing the King, his sonne, and foure Saluages, and flue English men in the strong house, and setting vpon the towne with the rest of his men, slew thirty or forty men, women and children. The Kingdemanding the cause, Poole told him the treason, crying out to intreat the Captaine cease from such cruelty : but hauing slaine and made flye all in the towne, hee returned, taxing the poore King of treason, who denied to the death not to know of any such matter, but said, This is some plot of them that told it, onely to kill mee for being your friend. Then Madyson willed him, to command none of his men should shoot at him as he went aboord, which he presently did, and it was performed : so Madyson departed, leading the King, his sonne, and two more to his ship, promising when all his men were shipped, he should returne at libertie ; The King notwithstanding he brought them to lames towne, where Ktathberty. thev iav some daies, and after were sent home by Captaine Hamer, that tooke Corne for their ransome, and after set saile for New found Land. But, alas the cause of this was onely this They vnderstood, nor knew what was amisse. a digression Euer since the beginning of these Plantations, it hath beene supposed the King of Spaine would inuade them, or our English Papists indeuour to dissolue them. But neither all the Counsels of Spaine, nor Papists in the world could haue deuised a better course to bring them all to ruine, then thus to abuse their friends, nor could there euer haue beene a better plot, to haue ouerthrowne Opechankanough then Captaine Croshaws, had it beene fully managed with expedition. But it seemes God is angry to see Virginia made a stage where nothing but murder and indiscretion contends for victory. Their Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer ofSTolhS [1622] little was done, but securing themselues and planting piamutions. Tobacco, which passes there as current Siluer, and by the Ed. by J. Smith.-] TTR . July 1624.J ^IB- 4* Plantations in Virginia. 599 surpriseth Nandta- tHUtid. oft turning and winding it, some grow rich, but many [1622] poore : notwithstanding ten or twelue ships or more hath arriued there since the massacre [22 Mar.], although it was Christmas [1622] ere any returned [i.e., to England], and that returne greatly reuiued all mens longing expectation here in England: for they brought newes, that notwith- standing their extreme sicknesse many were recouered, and finding [found] the Saluages did not much trouble them, except it were sometimes some disorderly straglers they cut off. To lull them the better in securitie, they sought no reuenge till their Corne was ripe, then they drew together three hundred of the best Souldiers they could, that would leaue their priuate businesse, and aduenture themselues amongst the Saluages to surprise their Corne, vnder the conduct of Sir George Yearley, being imbarked in conuenient shipping, and all things necessary for the enterprise ; they went first to Nandsamund, where the people set fire on their owne houses, and spoiled what they could, and then fled with what they could carry ; so that the English did make no slaughter amongst them for reuenge. Their Corne fields being newly gathered, they surprized all they found, burnt the houses [that] remained vnburnt, and so departed. Quartering about Kecoughtan, after the Watch was set, Samuell Collyer one of the most ancientest Planters, and very well acquainted with their language and habitation, [#-94.449-] humors and conditions, and Gouernor of a Towne, when the Watch was set, going the round, vnfortunately by a Centinell that discharged his peece, was slaine. [158] Thence they sailed to Pamavuke, the chiefe seat of Opechankanough, the contriuer of the massacre : the Sal- uages seemed exceeding fearefull, promising to bring them Sara, and the rest of the English yet liuing, with all the l/- 393-1 Amies, and what they had to restore, much desiring peace, and to giue them any satisfaction they could. Many such deuices they fained to procrastinate the time ten or twelu* daies, till they had got away their Corne from all the other places vp the Riuer, but that where the English kept their quarter : at last, when they saw all those promises were but delusions, they seised on all the Corne there was, set fire on their houses : and in following the Saluages that fled Samutll Collytr They surprise Pamavukt 6oo How to bring the Lib. 4. [j&^SJ; [1622] before them, some few of those naked Deuils had that spirit, they lay in ambuscado, and as our men marched discharged some shot out of English peeces, and hurt some of them flying at their pleasures where they listed, burning their empty houses before them as they went, to make them- selues sport : so they escaped, and Sir George returned with Corne, where for our paines we had three bushels apeece, but we were enioyned before we had it, to pay ten shillings the bushell for fraught and other charges. Thus by this meanes the Saluages are like as they report, to endure no small misery this Winter, and that some of our men are returned to their former Plantations. The opinion What other passages or impediments hapned in their smttL 'ne proceedings, that they were not fully reuenged of the Saluages before they returned, I know not; nor could [I] euer heare more, but that they supposed they slew two, and how it was impossible for any men to doe more then they did : yet worthy Ferdinando Courtus had scarce three hundred Spaniards to conquer the great Citie of Mexico, where thousands of Saluages dwelled in strong houses. But because they were a ciuilised people, had wealth, and those meere Barbarians as wilde as beasts haue nothing ; I intreat your patience to tell you my opinion : which if it be Gods pleasure I shall not Hue to put in practice, yet it [/• 585-1 may be hereafter vsefull for some ; but howsoeuer I hope not hurtfull to any, and this it is. How to Had these three hundred men beene at my disposing, I aShe1 would haue sent first one hundred to Captaine Rawley vtrTmT"1 Chroshaw to Patawomek, with some small Ordnance for the Fort, the which but with daily exercising them, would haue struck that loue and admiration into the Patawomeks, and terror and amazement into his enemies, which are not farre off, and most seated vpon the other side the Riuer, they would willingly haue beene friends, or haue giuen any composition they could, before they would be tormented with such a visible feare. Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity constraines those to a kinde of constancy because of their enemies, and neither my selfe that first found them, /ulyT&ij LIB- 4. Saluages vnder subiection. 601 Captaine Argall, Chroshaw, nor Hamar, neuer found them- [16221 selues in fifteene yeares trials [1608-1623] : nor is it likely now they would haue so hostaged theirmen, suffer the build- ing of a Fort, and their women and children amongst them, had they intended any villany ; but suppose they had, who would haue desired a better aduantage then such an aduertisement, to haue prepared the Fort for such an assault, and surely it must be a poore Fort they could hurt, much more take, if there were but hue men in it [that] durst discharge a peece : Therefore a man not well knowing their conditions, may be as wel too iealous as too carelesse. Such another Lope Skonce would I haue had at Onaw- manient, and one hundred men more to haue made such another at A tquacke vpon the Riuer of Toppahanock, which is not past thirteene miles distant from Onawmanient: each of which twelue men would keepe, as well as twelue thousand, and spare all the rest to bee imploied as there should be occasion. And all this with these numbers might easily haue beene done, if not by courtesie, yet by compulsion, especially at that time of September when all their fruits were ripe, their beasts fat, and infinite numbers of wilde Fowle began to repaire to euery creeke, that men if they would doe any thing, could not want victuall. This done, there remained yet one hundred who should haue done the like at Ozinieke, vpon the Riuer of Chickaha- tnania, not past six [159] miles from the chiefe habitations of Opechankanough. These small Forts had beene cause sufficient to cause all the Inhabitants of each of those Riuers to looke to themselues. Then hauing so many Ships, Barks, and Boats in Virginia as there was at that present, with what facility might you haue landed two hundred and twentie men, if you had but onely fiue or six Boats in one night ; forty to range the branch of Mattapanyent, fortie more that of Youghtanund, and fortie more to keepe their randiuous oXPamavuke it selfe. All which places lie so neere, they might heare from each other within foure or fiue houres ; and not any of those small parties, if there were any valour, discretion, or industry in them, but as sufficient as foure thousand, to force them all to contribution, or take or spoile all they had. For hauing thus so many conuenient randeuous to releeue each other, 602 The arriuall of Lib. 4. [j;J; s™*- [1622] though all the whole Countries had beene our enemies, where could they rest, but in the depth of Winter we might burne all the houses vpon all those Riuers in two or three daies? Then without fires they could not liue, which they could not so hide but wee should finde, and quickly lj tire them with watching and warding, they would be so weary of their liues, as either fly [from] all their Countries, or giue all they had to be released of such an hourely misery. Nowif but a small number of the Saluages would assist vs, as there is no question but diuers of them would ; And to suppose they could not be drawne to such faction, were to beleeue they are more vertuous then many Christians, and the best gouerned people in the world. All the Pamavukes might haue beene dispatched as well in a moneth as a yeare, and then to haue dealt with any other enemies at our pleasure, and yet made all this toile and danger but a recreation. If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with my selfe I found sufficient, to goe where I would adaies, and surprise a house with the people, if not a whole towne, in a night, or incounter all the power they could make, as M&m*. a whole Army, as formerly at large hath beene related: And it seemes by these small parties last amongst them, by Captaine Crashow, Hatnar, and Madyson, they are not growne to that excellency in policy and courage but they might bee encountred, and their wiues and children appre- hended. I know I shall bee taxed for writing so much of my selfe : but I care not much, because the iudiciall know there are few such Souldiers as are my examples, haue writ their owne actions, nor know I who will or can tell my intents better then my selfe. Some againe finde as much fault with the Company for medling with so many Plantations together, because they that haue many Irons in the fire some must burne ; but I thinke no if they haue men enow know how to worke them, but howsoeuer, it were better some burne then haue none at all. The King of Spaine regards but how many power- full Kingdomes he keepes vnder his obedience, and for the Saluage Countries he hath subiected, they are more then 458.] Ed* byjuiys?6£:] Lib. 4. Captaine Butler into Virginia. 603 enow for a good Cosmographer to nominate, and is three [1622-3] Mole-hills so much to vs ; and so many Empires so little for him ? For my owne part, I cannot chuse but grieue, that the actions of an Englishman should be inferior to any, and that the command of England should not be as great as any Monarchy that euerwas since the world began, I meane not as a Tyrant to torment all Christendome, but to suppresse her disturbers, and conquer her enemies. For the great Romans got into their hand The whole worlds compasse, both by Sea and Land, Or any seas, or heauen, or earth extended, A nd yet that Nation could not be contented. Much about this time, arriued a small Barke of Barnes- Tfh^rJ2„J table, which had beene at the Summer lies, and in her %utur*™d. Captaine Nathaniel Butler, who hauing beene Gouernour dents.01" there three yeares, and his Commission expired, he tooke the opportunity of this ship to see Virginia [p. 685]. At lames Towne he was kindly entertained [160] by Sit Francis Wyat the Gouernour. After he had rested there fourteene daies, he fell vp with his ship to the Riuer of Chickahamania, where meeting Captaine William Powell, ioyning together such forces as they had to the number of eighty, they set vpon the Chickahamanians, that fearefully fled, suffering the English to spoile all they had, not daring to resist them. Thus he returned to lames towne, where hee staied a moneth, at Kecoughtan as much more, and so returned for England [Feb. 1623]. But riding at Kecoughtan, Master Iohn Argent, sonne to ^fJJJJJJ^ Doctor Argent, a young Gentleman that went with Cap- of Master taine Butler from England to this place, Michael Fuller, %$£.'"* William Gany, Cornelius May, and one other going ashore with some goods late in a faire euening, such a sudden gust did arise, that driue [drove] them thwart the Riuer, in that place at least three orfoure miles in bredth, where the shore was so shallow at a low water, and the Boat beating vpon the Sands, they left her, wading neere halfe a mile, and oft vp to the chin. So well it hapned, Master Argent had put his Bandileir of powder in his hat, which next God 604 A strange deliuerance of M. Argent. Lib. 4. [Ed" by/uiy T^ [1623] Was all their presentations : for it being February [1623], and the ground so cold, their bodies became so benumbed, they were not able to strike fire with a Steele and a stone hee had in his pocket ; the stone they lost twice, and thus those poore soules groping in the darke, it was Master Argents chance to finde it, and with a few withered leaues, reeds, and brush, make a small fire, being vpon the Chisapeaks shore, their mortall enemies, great was their feare to be discouered. The ioyfull morning appearing, they found their Boat and goods driue[n] ashore, not farre from them, but so split shee was vnseruiceable : but so much was the frost, their clothes did freeze vpon their backs, for they durst not make any great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloudy Saluages might discry them, so that one of them died the next day ; and the next night, digging a graue in the Sands with their hands, buried him. In this bodily feare they liued and fasted two daies and nights, then two of them went into the Land to seeke fresh water ; the others to the Boat to get some meale and oyle. Argent and his Comrado found a Canow, in which they resolued to aduenture to their ship, but shee was a drift in the Riuer before they returned. Thus frustrate of all hopes, Captaine Butlerthe third night rangingthe shore in his Boat to seeke them, discharged his Muskets ; but they supposing it some Saluages [that] had got some English peeces, they grew more perplexed then euer: so he returned and lost his labour. The fourth day they vnloaded their Boat, and stopping her leakes with their handkerchiefes, and other rags, two rowing, and two bailing out the water; but farre they went not ere the water grew vpon them so fast, and they so tired, they thought themselues happy to be on shore againe, though they perceiued the Indians were not farre off by their fires. Thus at the very period of despaire, Fuller vndertooke to sit a stride vpon a little peece of an old Canow; so well it pleased God the wind and tide serued, by padling with his hands and feet in the water, beyond all expec- tation God so guided him three or foure houres vpon this boord, [that] he arriued at their ship, where they no lesse Ed,byjJui^4.*] Lib. 4. A strange deliverance of M. Argent. 605 amazed, then he tired they tooke him in. Presently as [1622-3] he had concluded with his Companions, he caused them discharge a peece of Ordnance if he escaped : which gaue no lesse comfort to Master A rgent and the rest, then terror to those Plantations that heard it, (being late) at such an vnexpected alarum ; but after, with warme clothes and a little strong water, they had a little recouered him, such was his courage and care of his distressed friends, he returned that night againe with Master Felgate to conduct him to them : and so giuing thanks to God for so hopelesse a deliuerance, it pleased his Diuine power, both they and their prouision came safely aboord, but Fuller they doubt will neuer recouer his benumbed legs and thighes. Now before Butlers arriuall in England, many hard speeches were rumored against him for so leauing his charge, before he receiued order from the Company. Diuers againe of his Souldiers as highly commended him, for his good government, [161] art, iudgement and industry. But to make the misery of Virginia appeare that it might be reformed in time, how all those Cities, Townes, Corporations, Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries of Mulberies, Glasse-houses, Iron forges, Guest-houses, Silke-wormes, Colleges, the Companies great estate, and that plenty some doe speake of here, are rather things in words and paper then in effect, with diuers reasons of the causes of those defects ; if it were false, his blame nor shame could not be too much : but if there bee such defects in the gouernment, and distresse in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath beene too long concealed, and requireth rather reformation then disputation : but howeuer, it were not amisse to pro- uide for the worst, for the best will help it selfe. Notwith- standing, it was apprehended so hardly, and examined with that passion, that the bru[i]te thereof was spread abroad with that expedition, it did more hurt then the massacre ; and the fault of all now by the vulgar rumour, must be attri- buted to the vnwholesomnesse of the ayre, and barrennesse of the Countrey : as though all England were naught, because the Fens and Marshes are vnhealthy ; or barren, because some will lie vnder windowes and starue in Cheap- side, rot in Goales, die in the street, high-waies, or any ivomek* 606 Captaine Spilman left in Patawomek. Lib. 4. [Ed- by^ ;££ [1623] where, and vse a thousand deuices to maintaine them- selues in those miseries, rather then take any paines to liue as they may by honest labour, and a great part of such like are the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion of those defailements. 1623. In the latter end of this last yeare, or the beginning of Jsoufh!* tn^s» Captaine Henrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath TnSSTrer ^ue(* m tnose Countries thirteene or fourteene yeares HoT™" [1609-1622, see pp. 172, 498, 503, 528, 606], one of the best gjjjj Interpreters in the Land, being furnished with a Barke wm left fa and six and twentie men, hee was sent to trucke in the ?«*.merof Riuer of Patawomek, where he had liued a long time amongst the Saluages. Whether hee presumed too much vpon his acquaintance amongst them, or they sought to be reuenged of any for the slaughter made amongst them by the English so lately [p. 598], or hee sought to betray them, or they him, are all seueral relations, but it seemes but imaginary : for they [who] returned, report they left him ashore about Patawomek, but the name of the place they knew not, with one and twentie men, being but hue in the Barke. The Saluages, ere they suspected any thing, boorded them with their Canowes, and entred so fast, the English were amazed, till a Sailer gaue lire to a peece of Ordnance onely at randome ; at the report whereof, the Saluages leapt ouer-boord, so distracted with feare, they left their Canowes and swum a shore ; and presently after they heard a great bru[i]te amongst the Saluages a shore, and saw a mans head throwne downe the banke. Whereupon they weighed Anchor and returned home, but how he was surprised or slaine, is vncertaine. Thus things proceed and vary not a iot, Whether we know them, or we know them not. & A particular of such necessaries as either priuate families, or single persons, shall haue cause to prouide to goe to Virginia, whereby greater numbers may in part conceiue the better how to prouide for themselues. Apparell. Monmoth Cap 3 falling bands. 3 shirts, i Waste-coat, i suit of Canuase i suit of Frize. i suit of Cloth. 3 paire of Irish stockings. 4s. 4 paire of shooes. 8s. 8d. 1 paire of garters. lod. 1 dozen of points. [162] 3d. 1 paire of Canuas [1623] is. lod. is. 3d. 75. 2S. 7s. 1 OS. 15s. 6d. 2d. 6d. sheets. 7 ells of Canuas to make a bed and boulster, to be 8s. filled in Virginia, seruing for two men. ells of course Can- uas to make a bed at Sea for two men. 1 course rug at sea for two men. 8s. 5*- 6s. Apparrell for one man, and so after the rate for more. ll. [i.e.. for one man.] 608 Such things as men ought to provide Lib. 4. [Ed"by/U*iy Smith. 1624. [1623] Victuall for a whole year e for a man, and so after the rate for more. 8 bushels of meale. 2/. 2 bushels of pease. 6s. 2 bushels of Ote- meale. 1 gallon of Aqua- vita. 1 gallon of oyle. 2 gallons of Vine ger. gs. 2s. 6d. 3s. 6d. 2S. 3*- 3*- A rmes for a man ; but if halfe your men be armed it is well, so all haue swords and peeces. I Armor compleat, light. 17s. 1 long peece fiue foot and a halfe, neere Musket bore. 1/. 2s. 1 Sword. 5s. 1 Belt. is. 1 Bandilier. is. 6d. 20 pound of powder. 18s. 60 pound of shot or Lead, Pistoll and Goose shot. 5s. 3/. 9s. 6d. Toolcs for a family of six per sons, and so after the rate for more. 5 broad howes at 2s. a peece. 5 narrow howes at i6d. a peece 2 broad axes at 3s. Sd. a peece. 5 felling axes at i8d. a peece 2 Steele handsawes at i6d. a peece. 2 two handsawes at 5s. a peece. 1 whipsaw, set and filed; with box, file and wrest. 2 hammers I2d. a peece. 3 shouels at iSd. a peece. 2 spades at iSd. a peece. 2 Augers at 6d. peece 6 Chissels at 6d. a peece. 2 Percers stocked [at] \d. a peece. 3Gimbletsat2^.apeece. 2 Hatchets at 21^. a peece. 2 frowes to cleaue pale i8d. each. 2 hand Bills 20^. a peece. 1 Grindstone. Nailes of all sorts to the value of 2/ 2 Pickaxes. 1 os. 6s. U. ys. 4d. ys. 6d. 2s. 8d. 1 os. I OS. 2S. 4s. 6d. 3*- IS. 3S. 6d. 3s. 6d. 35. 3s. ^d. 4s. 35. 61. 2S. 8d. Ed" by/uiy?624.] Lib. 4. when they goe to Virginia. 609 Houshold implements for a family and six persons, and so for more or lesse after the rate. Iron pot. Kettell. large Frying-pan. Gridiron. Skellets. Spit. Platters, dishes, spoones of wood. 78. 6s. 2s. 6d. is. 6d. 5*- 2S. 4s. il. 8s. For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit, and at Sea for six men. 12s. 6d. So the full charge after this rate for each person, will amount to about the summe of 12I. 10s. lod. The passage of each man is 61. The fraught of these pro- uisions for a man, will be about halfe a tun, which is il. 105. So the whole charge will amount to about 20I. [1623] Now if the number be great ; [not only] Nets, Hooks, and Lines, but Cheese, Bacon, Kine and Goats must be added. And this is the vsuall proportion the Virginia Company doe bestow vpon their Tenents they send. 39 [1624] The causes of our first A briefe relation written by Captaine Smith to his Maiesties Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia^ concerning some aspersions against it. [Onourable Gentlemen, for so many faire and Nauigable Riuers so neere adioyn- ing, and piercing thorow so faire a naturall Land, free from any inunda- tions, or large Fenny vnwholsome Marshes, I haue not seene, read, nor heard of: And for the building of Cities, Townes, and Wharfage, if they will vse the meanes, where there is no more ebbe nor floud, Nature in few places affoords any so conuenient. For salt Marshes or Quagmires, [163] in this tract of lames Towne Riuer I know very few ; some small Marshes and Swamps there are, but more profitable than hurtfull : and I thinke there is more low Marsh ground betwixt Eriffe and Chelsey, then Kecoughton and the Falls, which is about one hundred and eighty miles by the course of the Riuer. Being enioyned by our Commission not to vnplant nor wrong the Saluages, because the channell was so neere the shore, where now is lames Towne, then a thick groue of i trees; wee cut them downe, where the Saluages pretending as much kindnesse as could bee, they hurt and slew one and twenty of vs in two houres. At this time our diet was for most part water and bran, and three ounces of little J's?624.] Lib. 4. Of the Commodities of the Countrey. 61 i better stuffe in bread for fiue men a meale ; and thus we [1607-8] liued neere three moneths : our lodgings vnder boughes of trees, the Saluages being our enemies, whom we neither knew nor vnderstood; occasions I thinke sufficient to make men sicke and die. Necessity thus did inforce me with eight or nine, to try I"1?8,- conclusions amongst the Saluages, that we got prouision mVL in which recouered the rest|being most sicke. Six weeks [see £1HM' p. 531] I was led captiue by those Barbarians, though some of my men were slaine, and the rest fled ; yet it pleased God to make their great Kings daughter the means to returne me safe to lames towne, and releeue our wants : and then [8 Jan. 1608] our Common-wealth was in all eight and thirty, the remainder of one hundred and fiue. Being supplied with one hundred and twenty, with twelue JhJJjjJJjf. men in a boat of three tuns, I spent fourteene weeks finesse in [2 June — 21 July, and 24 July — 7 Sept. 1608] those large countrey waters; the contents of the way of my boat protracted by the skale of proportion, was about three thousand miles, besides the Riuer we dwell vpon : where no Christian knowne euer was, and our diet for the most part what we could finde, yet but one died. The Saluages being acquainted, that by command from gj^* England we durst not hurt them, were much imboldned ; became that famine and their insolencies did force me to breake sublected- our Commission and instructions ; cause Powhatan [to] fly his Countrey, and take the King of Pamavnke Prisoner ; and also to keepe the King of Paspahegh in shackels, and put his men to double taskes in chaines, till nine and thirty of their Kings paied vs contribution, and the offending Sal- uages sent to lames towne to punish at our owne discre- tions : in the two last yeares [Oct. 1607 — Oct. 1609] I staied there, I had not a man slaine. All those conclusions being not able to preuent the bad P°^wfeh euents of pride and idlenesse, hauing receiued another natural supply of seuentie, we were about two hundred in all, but cSS^* not twentie work-men : In following the strict directions from England to doe that was impossible at that time; So it hapned, that neither wee nor they had any thing to eat but what the Countrey afforded naturally ; yet of eightie who liued vpon Oysters in Iune and Iuly [1609], with a 6 1 2 Of the Commodities of the Countrey. Lib. 4. [J Sl^*; [1608-9] pint of corne a week for a man lying vnder trees, and 120 for the most part liuing vpon Sturgion, which was dried til we pounded it to powder for meale, yet in ten weeks [1 May — 10 July 1609] but seuen died. ^ioofeof the it is true, we had of Tooles, Armes, and Munition suffi- wemumed. cient, some Aquavita, Vineger, Meale, Pease, and Ote- meale, but in two yeares and a halfe not sufficient for six moneths ; though by the bils of loading the proportions sent vs, would well haue contented vs : notwithstanding we sent home ample proofes of Pitch, Tar, Sope Ashes, Wainskot, Clapboord, Silke grasse, Iron Ore, some Sturgion and Glasse, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, and blacke Walnut; crowned Powhatan; sought the Monacans Countrey, according to the instructions sent vs, but they caused vs [to] neglect more necessary workes: they had better haue giuen for Pitch and Sope ashes one hundred pound a tun in Denmarke : Wee also maintained fiue or six seuerall Plantations. what we lames towne being burnt [Jan. 1608], wee rebuilt it and three Forts more: besidesthe Church and Store-house,we had \p- 957.] about fortie or fiftie seuerall houses to keepe vs warme and dry, inuironed with a palizado of foureteene or fifteene foot, and each as much as three or foure men could carrie. We digged a faire Well of fresh water in the Fort, where wee had three Bulwarks, foure and twentie peece[s] of Ordnance [164] (of Culuering, Demiculuering, Sacar and Falcon), and most well mounted vpon conuenient plat-formes: [and] planted one hundred acres of Corne. We had but six ships to transport and supply vs, and but two hundred seuenty seuen men, boies, and women : by whose labours Virginia being brought to this kinde of perfection, the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by this small meanes ; yet because we had done no more, they called in our Commission, tooke a new in their owne names, and appointed vs neere as many offices and Officers as I had Souldiers, that neither knew vs nor wee them, without our consents or knowledge. Since [by 1624], there haue gone more then one hundred ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thousand people. Now if you please to compare what hath beene spent, J'ST<524'.] The reason why Capt. Smith left the Countrey. 613 sent, discouered, and done this fifteene yeares [1609-1624], [1608- by that we did in the three first yeares : and [that] euery 1624] Gouernor that hath beene there since, giue you but such an account as this, you may easily finde what hath beene the cause of those disasters in Virginia. Then came [about 10 July 1609] in Ca-ptame A r gall, and Master Sedan, in a ship of Master Cornelius, to fish for Sturgion; who had such good prouision,we contracted with them for it, whereby we were better furnished then euer. Not long after came in seuen ships [11 — 14 August 1609], with about three hundred people ; but rather to supplant vs then supply vs : their Admirall with their authoritie being cast away in the Bermudas, very angry they were we had made no better prouisionfor them. Seuen or eight weekes [11 Aug. — 4 Oct. 1609] we withstood the invndations of these disorderly humors, till I was neere blowne to death with Gun-powder, which occasioned me to returne for England. In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas [viz., on Oct. 4, see How 1 left p. xcviii] , I left the Countrey, as is formerly related , with three tr£ ships, seuen Boats, Commodities to trade, haruest newly gathered, eight weeks prouision of Corne and Meale, about fiue hundred persons, three hundred Muskets, shot powder and match with armes for more men then we had. The Saluages their language and habitation well knowne to two hundred expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing, tooles of all sorts, apparell to supply their wants : six Mares and a Horse, fiue or six hundred Swine, many more Powltry, what was brought or bred, but [except] victuall, there remained. Hauing spent some fiue yeares [1604-1609], and more My charge then fiue hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and neere as much more about New England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares [1603-1624] I haue here and there not spared any thing according to my abilitie, nor the best aduice I could, to perswade how those strange miracles of misery might haue beene preuented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must insue, but few would beleeue me till now too deerely they haue paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I haue rather left 6 14 The reason why Capt. Smith left the Countrey. [J- Smith. 1634. [1624] all then vndertake impossibilities, or any more such costly Myrtwwd. taskes at such chargeable rates: for in neither of those two Countries haue I one foot of Land, nor the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor euer any content or satisfaction at all. And though I see ordinarily those two Countries shared before me by them that neither haue them nor knowes them, but by my descriptions : Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to heare and see those contentions and diuisions which will hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not found, as they haue hindred many hun- dreds, who would haue beene there ere now, and makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre. For the Books and Maps I haue made, I will thanke him that will shew me so much for so little recompence ; and beare with their errors till I haue done better. For the materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to affirme them both there and here, vpon such grounds as I haue propounded : which is to haue but fifteene hundred men to subdue againe the Saluages, fortifie the Countrey, discouer that yet vnknowne, and both defend and feed their Colony, which I most humbly refer to his Maiesties most iudiciall iudgement, and the most honourable Lords of his [165] Priuy Councill, you his trusty and well-beloued Commis- sioners, and the Honourable company of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England and Sommer-I lands. Out of these Obseruations it pleased his Maiesties Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia , to desire my answer to these seuen Questions. Quest, i. W^iWVfS^M Hat conceiue you is the cause the Plantation hath prospered no better since you left it in so good a forwardnesse ? Answ. Idlenesse and care- lesnesse brought all I did in three yeeres, in six moneths to nothing ; and of fiue hundred I left, scarce threescore remained ; and had Sir Thomas Gates not got from the Bermudas, I thinke they had beene all dead before they could be supplied. Quest. 2. What conceiue you should be the cause, though the Country be good, there comes nothing but Tobacco ? Answ The oft altering of Gouernours it seemes causes euery man [to] make vse of his time, and because Corne was stinted at two shillings six pence the bushell, and Tobacco at three shillings the pound; and they value a mans labour a yeere worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not worth ten pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with all things: now make a mans labour in Corne worth three- score pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound a man, then shall they haue Corne sufficient to entertaine all commers, and [1624] 616 Answer to the Commissioners Questions. Lib. 4. [JS?j£; [1624] keepe their people in health to doe any thing; but till then, there will be little or nothing to any purpose. Quest. 3. What conceiue you to haue beene the cause of the Massacre, and had the Saluages had the vse of any peeces in your time, or when, or by whom they were taught ? Answ. The cause of the Massacre was the want of marshall discipline; and because they would haue all the English had by destroying those they found so carelesly secure, that they were not prouided to defend themselues against any enemy; being so dispersed as they were. In my time, though Captaine Nuport furnished them with swords by truck, and many fugitiues did the like, and some Peeces they got accidentally : yet I got the most of them againe ; and it was death to him that should shew a Saluage the vse of a Peece. Since, I vnderstand, they became so good shot, they were imployed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by the English. Quest. 4. What charge thinke you would haue setled the gouernment both for defence and planting when you left it ? Answ. Twenty thousand pound would haue hyred good labourers and mechanicall men, and haue furnished them [/>• 487 930. with cattle and all necessaries ; and 100. of them would haue done more then a thousand of those that went : though the Lord Law are, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary ; but when they had tried, they confessed their error. Quest. 5. What conceiue you would be the remedy and the charge ? Answ. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of labourers and necessaries for them, that they may be there by next Michaelmas [1624], the which to doe well will stand you in fiue thousand pound : but if his Maiesty would please to lend two of his Ships to transport them, lesse would serue ; besides the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage all men. Quest. 6. What thinke you are the defects of the gouernment both here and there ? Answ. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers there, makes such delaies by questions and formalitie, that as much time is spent in complement as in action ; [166] besides, some are so desirous to imploy their ships, hauing J'ST<524-] Lib. 4. Answer to the Commissioners Questions. 617 six pounds for euery Passenger, and three pounds for euery [1624] tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may now better be procured then one at the first, when the common 6tocke defrayed all fraughts, wages, prouisions and Maga- zines, whereby the Ships are so pestred, as occasions much sicknesse, diseases and mortality: for though all the Pas- sengers die they are sure of their fraught ; and then all must be satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses and hopes. As for the letters of aduice from hence, and their answers thence, they are so well written, men would be- leeue there were no great doubt of the performance, and that all things were wel, to which error here they haue beene euer much subiect ; and there not to beleeue, or not to releeue the true and poore estate of that Colony, whose fruits were commonly spent before they were ripe, and this losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are not sensible of the losse of their aduentures, and so they thinke, or will not take notice ; but it is so with all men. But howsoeuer they thinke or dispose of all things at their pleasure, I am sure not my selfe onely, but a thousand others haue not onely spent the most of their estates, but the most part haue lost their Hues and all, onely but to make way for the triall of more new conclusions : and he that now will aduenture but twelue pounds ten shillings, shall haue better respect and as much fauour then he that sixteene yeere agoe [in 1609] aduentured as much, except he haue money as the other hath ; but though he haue aduen- tured fiue hundred pound, and spent there neuer so much time, if hee haue no more and [be] not able to begin a family of himselfe, all is lost by order of Court. But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of one purse, till those new deuices haue consumed both mony and purse ; for at first there were but six Patentees, now more then a thousand; then but thirteene Counsailors, now not lesse then an hundred : I speake not of all, for there are some both honourable and honest, but of those Officers which did they manage their owne estates no better then the affaires of Virginia, they would quickly fall to decay so well as it. But this is most euident, few Officers in England it hath caused to turne Banquerupts, nor for all their complaints would [they] leaue their places; neither 6 1 8 Answer to the Commissioners Questions. Lib. 4. [J- s™65£; [1624] yet any of their Officers there, nor few of the rest but they would be at home. But fewer Aduenturers here will aduen- ture any more till they see the businesse better established, although there be some so wilfully improuident they care for nothing but to get thither, and then if their friends be dead, or want themselues, they die or Hue but poorely for want of necessaries, and to thinke the old Planters can releeue them were too much simplicity ; for who here in England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers, haue they neuer so much ; much lesse in Virginia where they want for themselues. Now the generall complaint saith, that pride, couetousnesse, extortion and oppression in a few that ingrosses all, then sell all againe to the com- minalty at what rate they please (yea euen men, women and children for who will giue most), occasions no small mischiefe amongst the Planters. As for the Company, or those that doe transport them, prouided of necessaries, God forbid but they should receiue their charges againe with aduantage, or that masters there should not haue the same priuilege ouer their seruants as here : but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or threescore pounds, whom the Company hath sent ouer for eight or ten pounds at the most, without regard how they shall be maintained with apparell, meat, drinke and lodging, is odious, and their fruits su[i] table: therefore such merchants it were better they were made such merchandize them- selues, then suffered any longer to vse that trade, and those are defects sufficient to bring a well setled Common-wealth to misery, much more Virginia. Quest. 7. How thinke you it may be rectified ? Answ. If his Maiestie would please to intitle [resume] it to his Crowne, and yearely that both the Gouernours here and there may giue their accounts to you, or some that are not ingaged in the businesse, that the common stocke bee not spent in [167] maintaining one hundred men for the Gouernour, one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the Treasurer, fiue and twenty for the Secretary, and more for the Marshall and other Officers who were neuer there nor aduentured any thing ; but onely preferred by fauour to be Lords ouer them that broke the ice and beat the path, and must teach them what to doe. If any thing happen well, it J"ST the Summer Isles. The Fifth Book. 1624. The General History of the Bermudas. 1593-1623. Captain Smith was never at Bermuda. This part of the Generall Historie therefore is clearly a compilation. Our Author may have made large use of Sloanc MS. 750, in the British Museum ; which has been edited by General Sir J. Henry Lefroy, R.A., C.B., K.C.M.G., for the Hakluyt Society in 1881, under the title of " The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands. Attributed to Captain John Smith : " but clearly he was not the Author of that manuscript, which was written apparently by a Governor previous to Governor Butler ; ? by Governor Tucker. The Fifth Booke. THE GENERALL HISTORIE OF THE BERMVDAS, NOW called the Summer lies, from their beginning in the yeere of our Lord 1593. to this present 1624. with their proceedings, accidents and present estate. Efore we present you the matters of fact, it is fit to offer to your view the Stage whereon they were acted : for as Geo- graphy without History seemeth a carkasse without motion ; so History without Geography, wandreth as a Vagrant without a certaine habitation. Those Hands lie in the huge maine The Ocean, and two hundred leagues from any continent, ofTh^ne! situated in 32. degrees and 25. minutes, of Northerly latitude, and distant from England West South- West, about 3300. miles ; some twenty miles in length, and not past two miles and a halfe in breadth, enuironed with Rocks, which to the North-ward, West-ward, and South- East, extend further then they haue bin yet well dis- 40 [1593- 16231 626 The description of the Summer lies Lib. 5. TJS^ Lsee/. 629. [1593- couered: by reason of those Rocks the Country is naturally 1623] very strong, for there is but two places, and scar[c]e two vnlesse to them who know them well, where shipping may safely come in, and those now are exceeding well fortified, but within is roome to entertaine a royall Fleet : the Rocks in most places appeare at a low water, neither are they much couered at a high, for it ebbs and flowes not past fiue foot ; the shore for most part is a Rocke, so hardened with the sunne, wind and sea, that it is not apt to be worne away with the waues, whose violence is also broke by the Rocks before they can come to the shore. It is very vneuen, distributed into hills and dales ; the mold is of diuers colours, neither clay nor sand, but a meane betweene ; the red which resembleth clay is the worst, the whitest resembling sand and the blackest is good, but the browne betwixt them both which they call white, because there is mingled with it a white meale is the best : vnder the mould two or three foot deep, and sometimes lesse, is a kinde of white hard substance which they call the Rocke : the trees vsually fasten their roots in it ; neither is it indeed rocke or stone, or so hard, though for most part more harder then Chalke ; nor so white, but pumish-like and spungy, easily receiuing and containing much water. In some places Clay is found vnder it, it seemes to be ingendred with raine water, draining through the earth, and drawing with it of his substance vnto a certaine depth where it congeales ; the hardest kinde of it lies vnder the red ground like quarries, as it were thicke slates one vpon another, through which the water hath his passage, so that in such places there is scarce found any fresh water, for all or the most part of the fresh water commeth out of the Sea draining through the sand, or that substance called the Rocke, leauing the salt behinde, it becomes fresh. Sometimes we digged wells of fresh water which we finde in most places, and but three or foure paces from the Sea side, some further, the most part of them would ebbe and flow as the Sea did, and be leuell or little higher then the superficies of the sea : and in some places [there are] very strange, darke and cumbersome Caues. [170] SlferTnd ^e aire ™ most commonly cleere, very temperate, fcItSy.an moist, with a moderate heat, very healthfull and apt for J s^;] Lib. 5. and their naturall Commodities. 627 the generation and nourishing of all things, so as many [1593- things transported from hence yeeld a farre greater increase, 1623] and if it be any liuing thing it becomes fatter and better. By this meanes the country is so replenished with Hens and Turkies, within the space of three or foure yeeres, that many of them being neglected, forsake the houses and become wilde, and so Hue in great abundance ; the like increase there is in Hogs, tame Conies, and other Cattle according to their kindes. There seemes to be a continuall Spring, which is the cause some things come not to that maturity and perfec- tion as were requisite ; and though the trees shed their leaues, yet they are alwaies full of greene. The Corne is the same they haue in Virginia, and the West-Indies : of this and many other things, without plowing or much labour, they haue two Haruests euery yeere. For they set about March, which they gather in Iuly ; and againe in August, which theyreape in December; and little slips of Fig-trees and Vines doe vsually beare fruit within the yeere, and sometimes in lesse ; but we finde not the Grapes as yet come to any perfection : the like fertility it hath in Oranges and Limons, Pomgranates, and other things. Concerning the serenity and beauty of the skie, it may as truly be said of those Ilands as euer it was said of the Rhodes, that there is no one day throughout the 12. moneths, but that in some houre thereof, the sun lookes singularly and cleere vpon them : for the temperature it is beyond all others most admirable; no cold there is beyond an English Aprill, nor heat much greater then an ordinary Iuly in France. So that frost and snow is neuer seene here, nor stinking and infectious mists very seldome ; by reason of the maine Ocean, there is some wind stirring that cooles the aire : the winter they haue obserues the time with ours, but the longest daies and nights are shorter then ours almost by two houres. We found it at first all ouergrowne with weeds, and Trees and plants of seuerall kinds, as many tall and goodly Cedars, Frmts' infinite store of Palmetoes, numbers of Mulberies, wild Oliue-trees store, with diuers others vnknowne both by Pearc. weed 628 The description of the Summer lies Lib. 5. [T* s^ [1593- name and nature, so that as yet they become lost to many 1623] vsefull imployments, which time and industry no doubt will one day discouer. And euen already certaine of the most notorious of them haue gotten them appellations from their apparent effects, as ThePrkkcii The Prickell-peare which growes like a shrub by the ground, with broad thick leaues, all ouer-armed with long and sharpe dangerous thornes, the fruit being in forme not much vnlike a small greene Peare, and on the outside of the same colour, but within bloud red, and exceeding full of iuice ; with graines not much vnlike the Pomgranat, and colouring after its nature. The^poison The poysoned weed is much in shape like our English Iuy, but being but touched, causeth rednesse, itching, and lastly blisters ; the which howsoeuer after a while passe away of themselues without further harme : yet because for the time they are somewhat painfull, it hath got it selfe an ill name, although questionlesse of no ill nature. The^red Hereisalso frequently growing a certaine tall Plant, whose stalke being all ouer couered with a red rinde, is thereupon termed the red weed : the root whereof being soked in any liquor, or but a small quantity of the Iuice drunke alone, procures a very forcible vomit, and yet is generally vsed by the people, and found very effectual against the paines and distempers of the stomacke. The purging A kinde of Wood-bind there is likewise by the Sea very Bcane* commonly to bee found, which runnes vpon trees, twining it selfe like a Vine : the fruit somewhat resembles a Beane, but somewhat flatter, the which any way eaten worketh excellently in the nature of a purge, and though very vehemently, yet without all perill. Thecostiue Contrary to this, another small tree there is, which causeth costiuenesse. There is also a certaine Plant like a bramble bush, which beares a long yellow fruit, hauing the shell very hard, and within it a hard berry, that beaten and taken inwardly purgeth gently. Red Pepper. There is another fruit much like our Barberies, which being beaten or brused betweene the teeth, sets all the mouth on an extreme heat very terrible for the time, to auoid which they are swallowed downe whole, [171] and weed. transported. J- S^;] Lib. 5. and their naturall Commodities. 629 found of the same or better operation then the red Pepper, [1593- and thence borroweth the name. 1623] In the bottome of the Sea there is growing vpon the Rocks J^^l* a large kinde of Plant in the forme of a Vine leafe, but far more spread with veines in colour of a pale red, very strangely interlaced and wouen one into another, which we call the Feather, but the vertue thereof, is altogether vnknowne, but only regarded for the rarity. Now besides these naturall productions, prouidences and *™l**n paines since the Plantation, haue offered diuers other seeds and plants, which the soile hath greedily imbraced and cherished : so that at this present 1623. there are great abund- ance of white, red, and yellow coloured Potatoes, Tobacco, Sugarcanes, Indicos, Parsnips, exceeding large Radishes, the American bread, the Cassado root, the Indian Pumpian, the Water-millon, Musk-millon, and the most delicate Pine- apples, Plantans, andPapawes; also the English Artichoke, Pease, &c. : briefly whatsoeuer else may be expected for the satisfaction either of curiosity, necessity or delight. Neither hath the aire for her part been wanting with Birds, due supplies of many sorts of Fowles, as the gray and white Hearne, the gray and greene Plouer, some wilde Ducks and Malards, Coots and Red-shankes, Sea-wigions, Gray-bitterns, Cormorants, numbers of small Birds like Sparrowes and Robins which haue lately beene destroyed by the wilde Cats, Wood-pickars : very many Crowes, which since this Plantation are kild, the rest fled or seldome seene except in the most vninhabited places, from whence they are obserued to take their flight about sun set, directing their course towards the North-west, which makes many coniecture there are some more Hands not far off that way. Sometimes are also seene Falcons and Iar-falcons, Ospraies, a Bird like a Hobby : but because they come seldome, they are held but as passengers. But aboue all these, most deseruing obseruation and re- spect are those two sorts of Birds, the one for the tune of his voice, the other for the effect, called the Cahow, and Egge- bird: [the latter of] which on the first of May, a day con- Egge-Bird*. stantly obserued, fall a laying infinite store of Eggs neere as big as Hens, vpon certaine small sandie baies especially in 630 The description of the Summer lies Lib. 5. [JS^; [1593- Coupers He ; and although men sit downe amongst them 1623] when hundreds haue bin gathered in a morning, yet there is hath stayed amongst them till they haue gathered as many more: they continue this course till Midsummer, and so tame and feareles, you must thrust them off from their Eggs with your hand. Then they grow so faint with laying, they suffer them to breed and take infinite numbers of their yong to eat, which are very excellent meat. Cahowes. The Cahow is a Bird of the night, for all the day she lies hid in holes in the Rocks, where they and their young are also taken with as much ease as may be : but in the night if you but whoop and hollow, they will light vpon you, that with your hands you may chuse the fat and leaue the leane. Those they haue only in winter : their Eggs are as big as hens, but they are speckled, the other white. Master Norwood hath taken twenty dozen of them in three or foure houres, and since there hath beene such hauocke made of them, they were neere all destroyed, till there was a strict inhibition for their preseruation. th« . The Tropicke bird is white, as large as a Pullet, with one BirTand the onely long Feather in her taile, and is seldome seene far p^bgec-os distant from other of the Tropicks. Another small Bird ments. there is, because she cries Pemblyco they call her so, she is seldome seene in the day but when she sings, as too oft she doth very clamorously ; too true a Prophet she proues of huge winds and boysterous weather. There were a kinde of small Owles in great abundance, but they are now all slaine or fled : some tame Ducks, Geese and Pigeons there are, but the two latter prosper not. ofVermine. Concerning vermine and noisome creatures, there are not many, but onely Rats and Cats there increased since the Plantation, but how they agree together you shall heare hereafter. The Musketas and Flies are also too busie, with a certaine India Bug, called by the Spaniards a Cacarootch, the which creeping into Chests they eat and defile with their ill-sented dung. Also the little Ants in summer time are so troublesome, they are forced to dry their figs vpon high frames, and anoint their feet with tar, wherein they sticke, else they would spoile them all [172] ere they could be drycd. Wormes in the earth also there JS^] Lib. 5. and their natur all Commodities. 631 are but too many, so that to keepe them from destroying R«oqi their Corne and Tobacco, they are forced to worme them "»23J euery morning, which is a great labour, else all would be destroyed. Lizards there were many and very large, but now none ; and it is said they were destroyed by the Cat. Nott. Certaine Spiders also of very large size are found hanging vpon trees, but instead of being any way dangerous as in other places, they are here of a most pleasing aspect, all ouer drest, as it were with Siluer, Gold, and Pearle : and their Webs in the Summer wouen from tree to tree, are generally a perfect raw silke, and that as well in regard of substance as colour; and so strong withall, that diuers Birds bigger than Black-birds, being like Snipes, are often taken and snared in them as a Net. Then what would the Silke-worme doe were shee there to feede vpon the continuall greene Mulbery ? But aboue all the rest of the Elements, the Sea is found FisW most abundantly liberall : hence haue they as much excellent Fish, and as much variety as need be desired. The most of which being vnknowne to our Northerne parts, got there new names, either for their shapes or conditions ; as the large Rocke-fish from his like hew, and haunting amongst the Rocks ; the fat Hog-fish from his swine-like shape and snout, for this is not the old knowne Hog-fish with brussels on his backe ; the delicate Amber- fish from his taste and smell ; Angell-fish, Cony-fish the small yellow taile from that naturall painting ; the great Growper from his odde and strange grunting : some of them yet knowne to the Americans, as the Purgoose, the Cauallo, the Gar-fish, Flying-fish and M orerayes ; the rest are common to other Continents, as the Whale in great numbers, the Sharke, the Pilot-fish, the Sea-Breame, the Oyster and Lobster, with diuers others. Twenty Tortoises haue beene taken in a day, and some of them will affoord halfe a bushell of Egges, and suffice to feed forty men at a meale. And thus haue you briefely epitomized Mother Natures benefits to this little, yet dainty spot of earth ; neither were it ingenuity to conceale wherein shee inclineth to the Stepdame, especially since the particulars are so 632 The description of the Summer lies &c. Lib. 5. p,s2£ [1593- few, as rather requisite Antidotes against idlenesse to 1623] rouse vp industry, then any great cause of much distaste, iwuif1 much lesse despaire : and of those to speake troth, there are ShSTiki. onely two : viz' tne Winds, and the Wormes, especially in the Spring and Autumne ; and thus conditioned as yet we will let rest these small Hands, in the midst of this mightie and maine Ocean, so inuironed on euery side, by infinite numbers of vncertaine scattered Rocks, lying shallowly hid vnder the surface of the water, a league, two, three, foure, or fiue, to Sea, to the which aduantagers added by art, as hereafter you shall heare at large, and finde described in the Map. It may well be concluded to be the most impregnable place in the world; and although the Amber Greece, Pearles, nor Tobacco, are of that quantity and certainty to be relied vpon to gaine wealth ; yet by practise and experience they finde, by Silke, Saffron, Indico, Madar, Sugar-canes, Wine, Oile, and such like, great profit may be expected. Yet were those hopelesse, in regard of their conueniency to nourish and maintaine themselues, and releeue them shall visit them with wood, water, and other necessaries; besides what an eye-sore they are already becommed to them that haue them not [p. 688], and how deare and pretious to them that haue them, I thinke none will deny but they are well worth the keeping : and so we will proceed to the accidents that befell the first finders ; also the proceedings of the first Planters and their successors, Master Norwod, Thomas Sparkes, and diuers others. 633 A brief e relation of the shipwracke 1593. of Henry May. Ow these lies came by the name of [1591-3] Bermudas, or the infinite number of Apposed blacke Hogs, or so fearefull to the world th?,y rre i iiii 1 ti /»t»'t called the that many called them the lie of Deuils, Bermudas. that all men did shun as Hell and perdition ; I will not expostulate, nor trouble your patiences with those vn- certaine antiquities [173] further then thus ; our men found diuers crosses, peeces of Spanish monies here and there. Two or three wracks also they found, by certaine inscriptions to bee some Spanish, some Dutch, some French ; but the greatest rumour is, that a Spanish ship called Bermudas was there cast away, carry- ing Hogges to the West-Indies that swam a shore, and there increased : how the Spaniards escaped is vncertaine : but they say, from that ship those lies were first called Bermudas, which till then for six thousand yeares had beene namelesse. But the first English-man that was euer in them, was one Henry May, a worthy Mariner that went with Captaine Lancaster to the East-Indies 1591. and in their returne by the West-Indies, being in some distresse, [he] sent this Henry May for England by one Mounsier de la Barbotier, to acquaint the Merchants with their estate. The last of Nouember [1591], saith May, we departed from Laguna in Hispaniola, and the seuenteenth of Decem- ber following [1591], we were cast away vpon the North- west of the Bermudas; the Pilots about noone made themselues Southwards of the lies twelue leagues, and demanded of the Captaine their Wine of hight as out of all danger, which they had : but it seemes they were either drunke, or carelesse of their charge ; for through their uegligences a number of good men were cast away. I being but a stranger amongst fiftie and odde French- men, it pleased God to appoint me to be one of them should 634 • 173-1 Hei mihi Virginia quod tarn cito praterit AZstas, A utumnus sequitur, sceuiet inde et hiems ; A t ver perpetuum nascetur, et A nglia lata, Decerpit flores florida terra tuas. In English thus : A las Virginia's Summer so soone past, A utumne succeeds and stormy Winters blast, Yet Englands ioyfull Spring with ioyfidl showers, O Florida, shall bring thy sweetest flowers. A peece of Amber- greece of 80. pound weight. He honour of this resolution belongs principally to Carter : for through his importunity, not to leaue such a place abandoned, Chard and Waters were moued to stay with him, and the rest promised with all the speed they could againe to reuisit them. But the ship once out of sight, those three Lords, the sole inhabitants of all those Ilands, began to erect their little common wealth for a while with brotherly regency, repairing the ground, planting Corne, and such seeds and fruits as they had, building a house, &c. Then making priuy search amongst the creuises and corners of those craggy Rocks, what this maine Ocean since the worlds creation had throwne amongst them ; at last they chanced vpon the greatest peece of Amber-greece was euer seene or heard of in one lumpe, being in weight foure- score pound, besides diuers other small peeces. But now being rich, they grew so proud and ambitious, contempt tooke such [177] place, they fell out for supe- juiy?624. Master Richard More sent to make a Plantation^ 64 1 riority, though but three forlorne men, more then three [1610-12] thousand miles from their natiue Country, and but small hope euer to see it againe. Notwithstanding, they some- times fell from words to blowes about meere trifles : in one of which fights, one of them was bitten with his owne dog, as if the dumbe beast would reproue them of their folly ; at last Chard and Waters, the two greater spirits, must try it out in the field, but Carter wisely stole away their weapons, affecting rather to Hue amongst his enemies, then by being rid of them Hue alone. And thus those miserable men liued full two yeeres [May 1610 — July 1612J, so that all their clothes were neere worne cleane from their backs, and their hopes of any forraine releefe as naked as their bodies. At last they began to recouer their wits, yet jn a fashion perhaps would haue cost them dearer then when they were mad ; for concluding a tripartite peace of their Mata- chin warre, they resolued to frame as good a Boat as they could, and therein to make a desperate attempt for Virginia, or New found Land : but no sooner were they entred into that resolution, but they descried a saile standing in for the shore, though they neither knew what she was, nor what she would, they were so ouer-ioyed ; [that] with all possible speed they went to meet her ; and according to their hearts desire she proued an English- man, whom they safely conducted into their harbour. Now you are to vnderstand, that Captaine Matthew Je°rethe3 Somers, Nephew and heire to Sir George, that returned supplied. with his dead body, though both he and his Company did 161L their vtmost in relating all those passages to their Countrey-menandaduenturers,theirrelationswerebeleeued but as trauellers tales, till it came to be apprehended by some of the Virginia Company, how beneficiall it might be, and helpfull to the Plantation in Virginia : so that some one hundred and twentie of them bought the pretended right of all the Company, and had sent this ship to make a triall; but first they had obtained Letters Patents of the Kings most excellent Maiestie. Sir Thomas Smith was elected Treasurer and Gouernor heere, and Master Richard More to be Gouernor of the lies and Colony there. 4i 642 1612. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. Their differences about the Amber- greece. The first beginning of a Colonie in the Somer lies, vnder the command of Master Richard More, extracted out of a plot of Master Richard Norwood Surueior, and the re- lations of diuers others. Aster More thus found those three men not onely well and lusty, but well stored with diuers sorts of prouisions, as an Acre of Corne ready to be gathered, number of Pumpions and Indian Beanes, many Tortoises ready taken, good store of hogs flesh salted, and made in flitches of Bacon, [which] were very good : and so presently landed his goods and sixty persons towards the beginning of Iuly 1612. vpon the South side of Smiths He. Not long after his arriuall, More hauing some priuate intelligence of this Amber-greece,tooke first Chard in exami- nation, he being one of the three [with] the most masterfull spirit, what Amber-greece, Pearle, Treasure, or other Commodities they had found. Chard no lesse witty then resolute, directly answered ; Not any thing at all but the fruits of the He : what his fellowes had done he knew not, but if they had, he doubted not but to finde it out, and then hee should know it certainly. This he spake onely to win time to sweare his Consorts to secrecy, and he would finde the meanes how they should all returne in that ship with it all for England, otherwise they should be deceiued of all. Till this was effected they thought euery houre an age; now for the better conueiance of it aboord, they acquainted it to Captaine Dauis, master of the ship, and one Master Edwin Kendall, that for their secrecy and transportation should participate with them. Without further ceremony the match was accepted, and absolutely concluded, the plot laid, time and place set downe to haue it aboord. But Carter, were it for feare the Gouernor fed' byjuivS?624.'] Lib. 5. [The planting of the Bermudas.] 643 at last should know of it, to whom so oft they had denied [1612] it; or that the [178] rest should deceiue him, is vncertaine ; but most certaine it is, he reuealed all the plot to Master Move. To get so much wealth he knew would please them in England, though it did displease all his Company ; and to lose such a prize he would not for hazarding a mutiny. So first hee reuealed himselfe to Kendall in faire tearmes, reprouing his dishonesty ; but not being answered accord- ing to his expectation, he committed both Chard and him to person [prison]. The next Sabboath day Dauis comming on shore, More also taxed with very hard language and many threats, to lay him fast also, if he mended not his manners; Dauis for the present replied little, but went with him to the place of praier : but in the midst of diuine seruice he goeth away, commanding all his Sea-men to follow him presently aboord ; where he encourageth them to stand to him like men, and hee would free the Prisoners, haue all the Amber-greece for themselues, and so be gone. The Gouernor hearing of this resolution, prepares with £jj^ J his company to repulse force with force, so that a generall hanging, expectance of a ciuill vnciuill warre possessed euery man; but this threatning gust passed ouer more calmlier then was expected : for Dauis hauing better aduised with him- selfe, repented his rashnesse, and desired a reconcilement with the Gouernor. Peace thus concluded, Kendall was set at libertie ; but Chard was condemned, and vpon the ladder to be hanged for his obstinacy : yet vpon better consideration More repri[e]ued him, but kept him a prisoner all the time he staied in the Country, which was generally thought a very bad reward for his great desert ; and that there was more of this Amber-greece imbeziled, then would haue contented all the finders, that neuer had any consideration at all. The greatest part th[r]ough More [was] thus recouered; yet Dauis and Kendall had so much, either by the ignorance or conniuency of the Gouernors, that arriuing in England, they prepared themselues for a new voiage : at last they two falling out, the Company hauing notice thereof, so tormented them both, they gaue ouer their voiage, and durst not be seene a long time after. 644 Master Richard More Lib. 5. [R-No7XJ: [1612] The Gouernorthus rid of the ship and those discontents, Master remoued his seat from Smiths He to Saint Georges, after he industry in had fitted vp some small Cabbens of Palmata leaues for fortifying j^ w-£e an(j family jn th^t valley where now stands their planting. prime towne called 5. Georges, hee began to apply him- selfe to fortifie the Countrey, and training his men in the exercise of armes. For although he was but a Carpenter, he was an excellent Artist, a good Gunner, very witty and industrious : he built and laid the foundation of eight or nine Forts, called the Kings Castle, Charles Fort, Pembrookes Fort, Smiths Fort, Pa gits Fort, Gates Fort, Warwicks Castle, Saint Katharines Fort, &c. mounting in them all the Ordnance he had, preparing the ground to build Houses, plant Come, and such Fruits as they had. Acontemion Being thus busied, and as the necessitie of the time Mincer required, keeping his men somewhat hard at worke, Governor!6 Master Keath his Minister; were it by the secret prouocation of some drones that grew weary of their taskes, or his affection to popularity is not certaine : But he begins to tax the Gouernor in the Pulpit, hee did grinde the faces of the poore, oppressing his Christian brethren with Pharoahs taxes. More finding this in short time, might breed ill bloud, called the Company together and also the Minister, vrging them plainly, to tell him wherein he had deserued those hard accusations : whereupon, with an vniuersall cry they affirmed the contrary, so that Keath [fell] downe of his knees to aske him forgiuenesse. But Master More kindly tooke him vp, willing him to kneele to God, and hereafter be more modest and charitable in his speeches ; notwithstanding two other discontents so vpbraided More with that doctrine, and stood to main- taine it, he impaneled a Iury, with a great deale of seem- ing much adoe he would hang them being condemned, one of them with the very feare, fell into a dead Palsie; so that the other was set at libertie, and proued after a very good labourer. Twopecces Many conclusions he tried about the Sea-venture, the oTthe^r1 wracke of Sir George Somers, [179] but he got onely for his paines but two peece[s] of Ordnance. Hauing framed a Church of timber, it was blowne downe by a tempest ; so that he built another in a more closer place with Palmeta leaues. Aduenturt. Ed' byjuiys?624:] Lib. 5. sent to make a Plantation. 645 Before this yeere was expired, the aduenterers sent them [1612-3] an aduiso with thirtie Passengers and good prouisions, to Tuhe frst prepare with all expedition for their defence against the suppy* Spaniard, whom they vnderstood ere long would visit them. This occasioned him to keepe all his men together in that He so hard at worke, that wanting libertie to goe abroad for food, liuing onely on that they had, and expected daily to receiue from England, they were so ouer- toiled, [that] many fell sicke, but none died. Very earnest this ship [the Elizabeth] was to haue all the Amber-greece : which Master More perceiuing was the chiefest cause of their comming, and that it was the onely loadstone to draw from England still more supplies ; for all the expresse command sent from the Company, he returned this ship but with the one third part ; so from thence she went to Virginia, and not long after arriued safely in England. But before her returne the Company sent the Martha 1613. with sixtie Passengers more, they arriued in Iune [1613] The second with one Master Bartlet to suruey the Hand, and the estate SLr T^,mas of the Colonie, with expresse command for all the Amber- %££ greece : but More perceiuing him not as he would haue him, and that the Company began to mistrust him, would send no more but another third part : wherewith they returned, leauing a French-man to make triall of the Mulberies for Silke, but he did not bring any thing to perfection ; excusing himselfe, they were not the right Mulberies he expected. About this time they were in hope of a small crop of Tobacco, but it was most spoiled for want of knowledge to vse it. Now in England Master More became amongst the Merchants maruelous[ly] distastfull, for the detaining so long the Amber-greece; which delaies they so much abhorred, they forthwith dispatched the Elizabeth the second time and forty Passengers, much rebuking More for so long detaining the Amber-greece : for the which, hauing now no more colourable excuses, he deliuered it, wherewith the ship went to Virginia, and thence home. In this ship was brought [i.e., to Bermuda] the first Potata £es/er*sneg*f roots ; which flourished exceedingly for a time, till by Potatoes. negligence they were almost lost ; all but two cast-away 646 Master More his accidents and proceedings. f"R. Norwood. ?i6aa. ships, [1613] roots, that so wonderfully haue increased, they are a maine releefe to all the Inhabitants. ?twptempt This ship was not long gone but there came two Spanish Sp^ish ships, sounding with their Boat, which attempted to come in : but from the Kings Castle, Master More made but two shot, which caused them presently depart. Marke here the handy-worke of the diuine prouidence, for they had but three quarters of a barrell of powder, and but one shot more ; and the powder by carelesnesse was tumbled downe vnder the mussels of the two peeces, [which] were discharged, yet not touched with fire when they were discharged. This feare thus past, appeares another much worse, which was the extremity of famine : in this extremity God sent Captaine Daniel Elfrid with a car[a]uell of meale, which a little relieued them ; but brought withall so many Rats, that within two yeeres after neere ruined all. Now though Elfrid had deceiued his friend Fisher of this Caruell in the West-Indies, they reuenged Fishers iniury ; for Elfrid had his passage for England, and they made vse of all he had. Some two moneths after, came in the Blessing with an hundred Passengers ; and two daies after, the Starre with a hundred and fourescore more, amongst which were many Gentlemen, as Master Lower for Marshall, Master Barret, Master Felgate, and diuers others ; but very vnproper for what they vndertooke. Within foureteene daies after, came in the Margaret and two Frygats, and in them one hundred and threescore Passengers ; also Master Bartlet came now expresly to diuide the Country into Tribes, and the Tribes into shares. But Master More finding no mention made of any part for himselfe nor all them with him, as he was promised in England, by no meanes would admit of any diuision, nor suffer his men from finishing their fortifications, which was so necessary, [that] it was his maine ambition to see that accomplished : but such vnkindnesse grew betwixt this Master Bartlet and [180] the Gouernour, that the rude multitude, with all the disdaine they could deuise, caused Bartlpt [to] returne for England as he came. About this time William Millington was drawne into the Sea by a fish, but neuer after euer seene. The neglect of this diuision was very hardly conceited Edbyj{iys^;] Master More his accidents and proceedings. 647 in England, so that Master More grew more and more in [1614] dislike with the company ; notwithstanding he followed 1614. the building of these Forts so earnestly, neglecting planting ^sjjj^ of Corne, till their store was neere all consumed, whereby moruiitie. they became so feeble and weake, some would not, others smTaT"" could not goe abroad to seeke releefe, but starued in their Treasurer, houses, and many that went abroad, through weaknesse were subiect to be suddenly surprized with a disease called the Feauges: which was neither paine nor sicknesse, but as it were the highest degree of weaknesse, depriuing them of power and ability from the execution of any bodily exercises, whether it were working, walking, or what else : being thus taken, if any presently gaue them food many times they straight recouered, yet some after a little rest would bee able to walke ; but if they found not present succour, died. About this time or immediatly before, came in a company £jjjjp of Rauens, which continued amongst them all the time of Rauens this mortality and then departed ; which for any thing knowne, neither before nor since were euer seene or heard of : this with diuers other reasons caused Master More to goe out to Sea, to see if he could discouer any other Hands, but he went not farre ere ill weather forced him backe; and it were a noble aduenture of him [that] would vndertake to make more perfect all the dangers [that] are about the Summer lies. Thus famine and misery caused Gouernour More [to] j^jjjjjjj leaue all his workes, and send them abroad to get what they tog« oneiy could. One hundred and fifty of the most weake and sicke yictuals* he sent to Coupers He, where were such infinite numbers of the Birds called Cahowes, which were so fearlesse they might take so many as they would ; and that admired abundance of fish, that the extremity of their hunger, and their gluttony was such, those heauenly blessings they so consumed and wasted by carelesnesse and surfetting, many of them died vpon those silly Birds that offered themselues to the slaughter : which the Gouernour vnder- standing, caused them for change of aire to be remoued to Port-royall, and a Company of Fishers with a Boat to releeue them with fish. But the Gange grew so lazie the poore weaklings still died ; they that remained killed the Cattle they found in the He, faining the heat caused them to runne into the Sea and so were drowned ; so that the 648 Master More his accidents and p7-oceedings. [ R. Norwood. ? 1622. [1614] Gouernour sent againe for them home, but some obtained leaue still to Hue abroad; one amongst the rest hid himselfe in the Woods, and liued onely on Wilkes and land Crabs, fat and lusty many moneths. But most of them being at Saint Georges, ordinarily was taken one hundred and fifty or two hundred great fishes daily for their food ; for want of hookes and lines, the Smith made hookes of old swords, and lines of old ropes. But finding all those poore Engines also decay, they sent one of the two Frigats last left with them for England, to tell them of this misery. All which was now attributed to Master Mores peruers- nesse, who at first when he got the Amber-Greece had not such a generall applause, but now all the worst could pos- sibly be suggested was too good for him ; yet not knowing for the present how to send a better, they let him con- tinue still, though his time was neere expired: and with all speed sent the Welcome fraught with prouision, where shee well arriued, and proued her selfe as welcome in deed as in name; for all those extremities, Master Lewes Hues writeth, not one of all those threescore that first beganne this Plantation was dead, which shewes it was not impos- sible, but industry might haue preuented a great part of the others sluggish carelesnesse. Asutmiy, This ship much refreshed this miserable Colony, but and^Master faster Mare seeing they sent not for him ; his time being retume. now expired, vnderstanding how badly they reputed him in England, and that his imploiment now was more for their owne ends then any good for himselfe, resolued directly to returne with this ship. Hauing setled all things in the best order he could, [he] left the gouernment to the charge [181] of the counsell of six to succeed each other monethly, till they had further directions from England ; whose names were Captaine Miles Kendall, Captaine John Mansfield, Thomas Knight, Charles Caldycot, Edward Waters, and Christopher Carter, with twelue others for their assistances. More thus taking leaue of those Hands, arriued in England. Much wrangling they had, but at last they con- firmed him according to promise eight shares of Land, and so he was dismissed of his charge, with shew of fauour and much friendship. The rule of the six Gouemors. wib. ^^^CtfffedSff He first thing they did was casting of lots, [1615] who should rule first ; which lot lighted vpon Master Caldicot. This last supply somewhat abated the sir Ttomat extremitie of their miseries, and the t*mui€t. better in that their fortifications being finished, they had the more leasure to goe abroad with that meanes [which] was brought to that purpose to fish. Chard as you haue heard, whom all this while More had kept Prisoner, they set at libertie : now by reason of their former miseries, little or nothing could be done : yet this Gouernor hauing thus concluded his moneth, and prepared a Frigot and two and thirtie men, hee imbarked himselfe with two other of his fellow counsellers; namely Knight and Waters, for the West-Indies, to get Fruits and Plants, Goats, young Cattle, and such like. But this poore vessell, whether through ill weather, or want of Mariners, or both, in stead of the Indies fell with the Canaries ; where taking a poore Portugall, the which they manned with ten of their owne people, as soone after separated from her in a storme, and the next day [it] was taken by a French Pickaroune ; so that the Frigot, out of hope of her prize, makes a second time for the West-Indies, where she no sooner arriued, but [she] foundred in the sea. But the men in their Boat recouered a desolate He, where after some few moneths stay, an English Pyrat tooke them in ; and some of them at last got for England, and, some few yeares after, returned to the Somer lies. Captaine Iohn Mansfield his moneth. HE Frigot thus gone, Captaine Mansfield suc- ceeded. Then was contriued a petition, as from the generalitie, vnto the triumuerat Gouernors ; wherein they supplicated, that by no 650 Capt. Iohn Mansfield his moneth. Lib. 5. [*• Norwood T 1623. [1615] meanes they should resigne the gouernment to any [that] should come from England, vpon what tearmes soeuer, vntill six moneths after the returne of their ship sent to the West-Indies. About this vnwarrantable action, Master Lewes Hues their Preacher was so violent in suppressing it, that such discontents grew betwixt the Gouernors and him, and diuisions among the Company, he was arraigned, condemned, and imprisoned ; but not long detained before released. Then the matter fell so hotly againe to be disputed betwixt him and one Master Keath a Scotch- man, that professed scholarship, that made all the people in a great combustion : much adoe there was, till at last as they sate in the Church and ready to proceed to a iudicary course against Master Hues, suddenly such an extreme gust of wind and weather so ruffled in the trees and Church ; some cried out a miracle ; others, it was but an accident common in those lies, but the noise was so terrible it disolued the assembly : notwithstanding, Master Hues was againe imprisoned, and as suddenly discharged; but those factions were so confused, and their relations so variable, that such vnnecessary circumstances were better omitted then any more disputed. His mans moneth thus ended, begins Master Carter, which was altogether spent in quietnesse; and then Captaine Miles Kendall had the rule, whose moneth was also as quietly spent as his Predecessors. Then Captaine Mansfield begins his second moneth, when the ship called the Edwin arriued with good supplies. About this time diuers Boats going to sea were lost, and some men drowned ; and [182] many of the Company repaired to Master Hues, that there might bee a Councell according to Master Mores order of sixe Gouernours, and twelue Assistants : whereupon grew as many more such silly brawles as before, which at last concluded with as simple a reconciliation. In the in[t]erim happened to a certaine number of priuate persons as miserable and lamentable an accident, as euer was read or heard of, and thus it was : In the month of March [1615], a time most subiect of all Ed'bjuiy3S:] Lib. 5. The deliuerance 0/" Andrew Hilliard. 651 others to such tempests ; on a Friday there went seuen [16151 men in a boat of two or three tunnes, to fish. The morn- £jronder ing being faire, so eager they were of their iourney, some accident went fasting : neither carried they either meat or drinke with them, but a few Palmeta berries: but being at their fishing place some foure leagues from the shoare, such a tempest arose, they were quickly driuen from the sight of land in an ouergrowne Sea, despairing of all hope, onely committing themselues to Gods mercy, let the boat driue which way shee would. On Sunday the storme being somewhat abated, they hoysed saile as they thought towards the Island. In the euening it grew starke calme ; so that being too weake to vse their oares, they lay a drift that night. The next morning Andrew Hilliard (for now all his com- panions were past strength either to helpe him or them- selues), before a small gale of winde, spred his saile againe. On Tuesday one died, whom they threw ouer board. On Wednesday three. And on Thursday at night the sixt[h]. All these but the last were buried by Hilliard in the Sea, for so weake hee was growne hee could not turne him ouer as the rest, whereupon hee stripped him, ripping his belly with his knife, throwing his bowels into the water, hee spread his body abroad tilted open with a sticke, and so lets it lie as a cisterne to receiue some lucky raine- water, and this God sent him presently after, so that in one small shoure hee recouered about foure spoonefuls of raine water to his vnspeakable refreshment ; he also pre- sented neere halfe a pint of blood in a shooe, which he did sparingly drinke of to moist his mouth. Two seuerall daies he fed on his flesh, to the quantity of a pound, on the eleuenth day from his loosing the sight of land, two flying fishes fals in his boat, whose warme iucie blood hee sucked to his great comfort. But within an houre after to his greater comfort you will not doubt, he once againe descried the land, and within foure houres after was cast vpon a rocke neere to Port r©yall, where his boat was presently split in pieces,but himselfe,though extreamly weake, made shift to clamber vp so steepe and high a rocke, as would haue troubled the ablest man in the He to haue done that by day [which] hee did by night. 652 The proceedings 0/" Daniel Tuckar. Lib. 5. [ R. Norwood. ? i6aa. lies. [1615-6] Being thus astride on a rocke, the tumbling Sea had gotten such possession in his braines, that a good while it was before his giddy head would suffer him to venture vpon the forsaking it : towards the morning he craules a shore, and then to his accomplished ioy descernes where hee is, and trauels halfe a day without any refreshment then water ; whereof wisely and temperately he stinted himselfe, otherwise certainly hee had drunke his last. In which case hee attaines a friends house: where at the first they tooke him for a ghost, but at last acknowledged and receiued him with ioy ; his story, after some houres of recouery of strength to tell it, [theyj heard out with admi- ration : he was not long after conueyed to the towne, where he receiued his former health, and was liuing in the yeere 1622. foJJJ5u™th The next newes that happened in this time of ease, was, summer that a merry fellow hauing found some few Dollars against the Flemish wracke, the bruit went currant the treasure was found, and they all made men. Much adoe there was to preuent the purloining of it, before they had it : where after they had tyred themselues with searching, that they found amounted not to aboue twenty pounds starling, which is not vnlike but to be the remainder of some greater store, washed from some wracke not farre from the shore. The company, by the Edwin receiuing newes of the reuels eWn7* [that] were kept in Somer lies, resolued to make choice of a new Gouernour, called Master Daniel Tuckar, that a long time had beene a planter [in] Virginia in the gouernment of Captaine [183] Smith [pp. 129, 145]. All things being furnished for his voyage ; hee set saile in the George, consorted with the Edwin, with many passengers, which being discouered by them in those lies, they supposed them the Frigot sent to the West Indies ; but when they vnderstood what they were, much prepa- ration they made to resist the new Gouernour. Many great ostentations appeared on both sides, but when the quondam Gouernour did see his men for most part forsake him, all was very well and quietly compounded ; and with much kindnesse [they] receiued and welcomed [him] a shore, where his Commission was no sooner read, then they accepted and acknowledged him for their Gouernour. A new Gouernor Gouernment of Captaine Daniel Tuckar. Bout the midst of May [1616] arriued this Gouernor, where finding the Inhabitants both abhorring all exacted labour, as also in a manner disdaining and grudging much to be commanded by him ; it could not but passionate any man liuing. But at last, according to the Virginia order, hee set euery one [that] was with him at Saint Georges, to his taske, to cleere grounds, fell trees, set corne, square timber, plant vines and other fruits brought out of England. These by their taske- Masters by breake a day repaired to the wharfe, from thence to be imployed to the place of their imployment, till nine of the clocke, and then in the after-noone from three till Sunne- set. Beside meat, drinke and cloaths, they had for a time a certaine kinde of brasse money with a hogge on the one side, in memory of the abundance of hogges [that] was found at their first landing. This course thus squared, imitating diuers orders vsed in Virginia by Sir Thomas Dale : he began by them to looke into his instructions giuen by the Company. Whereupon by one Master Richard Norwood a Suruayor, sent ouer for that purpose, in the time of Master Moore, hee began to lay out the eight tribes in the maine, which were to consist of fifty shares to a tribe ; and twenty five acers to euery share. He also began to plant some Colony men, on some of the especiall shares. He swore also certaine of the chiefe men of euery tribe to bee Bailiffes thereof; and [1616] Sir Tkomcu Smith Treasurer. [pp. 149, 466, 502.] Captaine Tuckars proceedings. 654 Fine men in a boat of 3. tuns Lib. 5. [N*ku°r!&£ [1616] appointed as many men as hee was able for all supplied shares. The goods landed in the store houses hee sent from thence, and dispersed it to his workemen in generall : some Boats also began to be builded ; but the pinace called the Thomas [which it was] suspected might make an escape, waslaidvp in adocke,weresheeyet [i624]remaineth. a Bark* In the beginning of the second moneth of his gouernment, westlndL. he directed warrants to all the Bailiffes, for the holding of a generall Assise at Saint Georges, and appointed Master Stokes Lieutenant of the Kings Castle at the Gurnets 0*. 656.1 head. The Edwin [that] came with him, he sent to the West Indies by directions from England, to trade with the natiues, for cattell, corne, plants, and other commodities. A course of great importance, which had it been pursued, would certainly have produced more hopefull effects for the good of the Colony, then all the supplies and Magazines from England hath or will in a long time. The Assises. Presently after her departure, began the Assises, executed by his Deputy. The chiefe matter handled was the hanging one John Wood a French man, for speaking many distastefull and mutinous speeches against the Gouernour, to shew the rest by that example, the power of his authority: which after with his owne hands he so oft executed with a bastinado amongst the poorer sort ; many tearmed it a cruelty, not much lesse then tyranny : but the sequell is more then strange. The strange So it was that flue of them, seeing by no meanes Le menrtn°a they could get passage for England, resolued to vndergoe boat* all hazards but they would make an escape from such ser- uitude. The chiefe manner and plotter of this businesse, was Richard Sanders and his confederates, William Goodwin a ship Carpenter, Thomas Harison a Ioyner, lames Barker a Gentleman, and Henry Picet. These repairing to the Gouernour, and with pleasing insinuations told him, if hee would allow them but [184] things necessary, they would build him a boat of two or three tunnes, with a close decke, [that] should go a fishing [in] all weathers. The Gouernour halfe proud that hee had brought his men to so good a passe, as he concerned, to offer themselues to so necessary a worke; instantly with all willingnesse furnished them with Ed' ^jjiy^:] Lib. 5. sailes ouer the mame Ocean. 655 all things they could desire, and many faire promises to [1616] incourage them to performe it with all expedition. Hauing made choise of a place most fit from molestation, they went forward with that expedition, that in a short time shee was brought to perfection. By this time, the ship that brought the Gouernour, being ready to depart, hee sends a lusty gange to goe [and] fetch his new boat to carry him aboard; but arriuingat the place where she was built, they could heare no more of her, but [that] she was gone the last euening to Sea, to try how shee would saile. Much search and dispute was where this boat should be : but at last they found diuers letters in the cabbins, to this effect, directed to the Gouernour, and other their friends : that their hard and bad vsage was so intollerable, and their hope so smal euer againe to see their Countrey, or be deliuered from such seruitude, they did rather chuse to put themselues to that desperate hazard to goe for England, in which if they miscaried, as it was much to be mis- trusted, their Hues and bloods should be required at their hands [who] was the cause. A compasse Diall Barker had borrowed of Master Hues, to whom he writ that as hee had oft perswaded them to patience, and that God would pay them though none did : hee must now bee contented with the losse of his Diall, with his owne doctrine. Such leasure they found to bee merry when in the eye of reason they were marching into a most certaine ruine. The Gouernour being thus satisfied of their escape, extreamly threatned them no lesse then a hanging, but the stormes of the Ocean they now more feared then him ; good prouision by bartering they had got from the ship, where Goodwin in a brauado told the Mariners, though he could not be permitted to goe with them, yet peraduenture hee might be in England before them : whereat the Master and his Mate laughed merrily. But hauing beene now vnder saile three weekes, the winds so fauoured them, they felt nothing of what they had cause to feare : then a blustering gale blowing in their teeth, put them to much extremity for diuers dayes, then becomming more gentle away they past prosperously some eight or ten dayes more, till meeting a French Piccaroune of whom they desired succour, hee like himselfe tooke from 656 The proceedings of Lib. 5. [NMBr;£f&c! [1616] them what hee liked, leauing them not so much as a crosse-staffe to obserue withall, and so cast them off : their course stiil they continued till their victuall began to fall to the lowest ebbe ; and the very knees of their small vessell were halfe hewed away for fire wood. At last to their infinit ioy they arriued in Ireland, where the Earle of Tomund honorably entertained them, and caused the boat to be hung vp for a Monument ; and well she might, for shee had sailed more then 3300 miles by a right line thorow the maine Sea, without any sight of land : and I thinke since God made the world, the like nauigation was neuer done, nor heard of. This fortunate Sanders going to the East Indies, in the rifling [o£ some ships there tooke, it was his chance to buy an old chest for three or foure shillings ; but because it wanted a key hee repented his bargaine, and would gladly haue sold it againe for lesse. A certaine time it lay tossed to and fro as a thing hee little regarded, but at last hauing little to doe, hee broke it open, where he found a thousand pounds starling, or so much gold as bought him in England a good estate: which leauing with his wife, he returned againe to the East Indies, The George setting saile three dayes after this escape, the Gouernour seazed and confiscated all that those fugitiues left behinde them. Plants from With in a weeke after, returned the Edwin from the indi^f5' West Indies, furnished with figges, pynes, sugar-canes, I/.654.] plantaines, papanes and diuers other plants; which were presently replanted, and since increased into greater numbers : also an Indian and a Negar, and so much ligna vit[ce] as defrayed all the charge. The Gouernor thus busied amongst his plants, making hedges of Figtrees, and Pomgranets, and seuerall diuisions by [185] Palizadoes for the defence of their guarding and keeping their cattell, for in such husbandry qualities he well deserued great commendations. The exploits The Aduenturers to supply him sent with all speed they /wKam could, the Hopewell, a small Barke, but an excellent sailer ; and in her one Captaine Powell an excellent Mariner, and well acquainted in the Indieswherehewastogoe[and] trade, Edby/uiy^h4:] Lib. 5. Captaine Daniel Tuckar. 657 after he had landed his passengers in the Summer lies : but [1616] in his iourney at the Westerne lies meeting a Brasile man, hee liked the suger and passengers sowell, hee man[ne]d the Caruill with his owne men, and continued his course, but bethinking himself how this would be entertained at the Summer lies, hee found such doubts, hee went directly for the West Indies to take time to resolue what to doe. Arriuing there hee met a French rouer, one euery way as cunning as himselfe, but much more trecherous. A great league of kindnesse is soone made betweene them ; vpon confidence whereof, Powell and some of the chiefe with him being inuited aboord him, is easily entised, and in the midst of their cups both hee and his company treacher- ously made prisoners : and thus was forced to giue him their prise, or hang at the yards arme with all his company. Hauing set them a shore, away goes the French man ; Powels ship being but hard by, presently fetcht them all a boord : but finding his victuall neere spent, and no hope at all to recouer his prize, [he] set his Portugales on shore, and set saile for the Summer lies ; where safely arriuing, hee declared the whole passage to the Gouernour, lest some other in telling might make it worse, of which the Gouernour seemed well enough to approue. This Gouernour still spent his time in good husbandry, although some of the snarling sort here in England, whom nothing will please, writ to him hee was fitter to be a Gardiner then a Gouernour: some time he spent in digging of agreat pond, but that workeprouedaltogethervnprofitable. About that time was held the second Assise. The J^£cond greatest matter passed, was a Proclamation against the spoile of Cahowes ; but it came too late, for they were most destroyed before : a platforme [battery] hee caused to be erected by Pagits Fort, where a good Fort were very necessary. Captaine Powell not hauing performed his seruice in the West Indies [that] he conditioned with the Company, is sent thither againe by this Gouernour, and thirteene or fourteene of his best men, furnished with all things necessary. In the meane time the Company vnder- standing, that in Ianuary, February and March, there are many Whales ; for which fishing they sent the Neptune, a 42 neere deuoi with rats. 658 The wonderfull increase Lib. 5. [NMBrutTe0r"a^ [1616-7] tall ship well prouided with euery thing fitting for that pupose. But before she arriued, Captaine Tuckar, who had brought also with him most prouisions for that imploi- ment, sent three good Shalops to try what could be done : but whether it was the swiftnes of the Whale in swim- ming, or the condition of the place, certaine it is for all their labour and hazard, they could kill none, though they strucke many. 1617 To be<;in his second yeere, he called the third Assise, Assise""1 wnere diuers were punished as their faults deserued : three sir Thomas were condemned to die ; two were repri[e]ued, but the third Tourer was nangeci : the next day there was also a leuy for the repairing two Forts ; but that labour tooke not such effect as was intended, for want of good directions. The But the great God of heauen being angry at somewhat neeretrey happened in those proceedings, caused such an increase of silly rats, in the space of two yeeres so to abound, before they regarded them, that they filled not onely those places where they were first landed, but swimming from place to place, spread themselues into all parts of the Countrey, insomuch that there was no Hand but it was pestered with them ; and some fishes haue beene taken with rats in their bellies, which they caught in swimming from He to He : their nests they had almost in euery tree, and in most places their burrowes in the ground like conies : they spared not the fruits of the plants, or trees, nor the very plants themselues, but ate them vp. When they had set their corne, the rats would come by troupes in the night and scratch it out of the ground. If by diligent watch any escaped till it came to earing, it should then very hardly escape them : and they became noysome euen to the very persons of men. They vsed all the diligence they could for the destroying of [186] them, nourishing cats both wilde and tame, for that purpose; they vsed ratsbane, and many times set fire on the woods, that oft ran halfe a mile before it was extinct ; euery man was enioyned to set twelue traps, and some of their owne accord haue set neere an hundred, which they euer visited twice or thrice in a night ; they also trained vp their dogges to hunt them, wherein they became so expert, that a good dog in two or three houres Ed- byjJu'iysT624.] Lib. 5. and confusion of Rats, 659 would kil forty or fifty. Many other deuices they vsed to [1617] destroy them, but could not preuaile, finding them still increasing against them : nay they so deuoured the fruits of the earth, that they were destitute of bread for a yeere or two ; so that when they had it afterwards, they were so wained [weaned] from it, they easily neglected to eat it with their meat. Besides they endeuoured so much for the planting [of] Tobacco for present gaine, that they neglected many things [that] might more haue preuailed for their good ; which caused amongst them much weaknesse and mortality, since the beginning of this vermine. At last it pleased God, but by what meanes it is not a strange well knowne, to take them away; in so much that the $rats!°n wilde cats and many dogs which liued on them, were famished, and many of them leauing the woods, came downe to their houses, and to such places where they vse to garbish their fish, and became tame. Some haue attributed the destruction of them to the encrease of wild cats, but that is not likely they should be so suddenly encreased rather at that time, then foure yeeres before ; and the chiefe occasion of this supposition was, because they saw some companies of them leaue the woods, and slew themselues for want of food. Others by the cold- nesse of winter, which notwithstanding is neuer so great there as with vs in March, except it be in the wind : besides the rats wanted not the fethers of young birds and chickins, which they daily killed, and Palmeta mosse to build themselues warme nests out of the wind, as vsually they did; neither doth it appeare that the cold was so mortall to them, seeing they would ordinarily swimme from place to place, and bee very fat euen in the midst of winter. It remaineth then, that as God doth sometimes effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes, so wee need not doubt, but that in the speedy encrease of this vermine ; as also by the preseruation of so many of them by such weake meanes as they then enioyed, and especially in the so sudden remouall of this great annoy- ance, there was ioyned with and besides the ordinary and manifest meanes, a more mediate and secret worke of God. About this time Henry Long, with seuen others in an extreame storme were cast away, but three of them 660 The adventures of Master Powell. Lib. 5. [A^: [1617] escaped. One of them being asked what hee thought in the worst of that extremity, answered, he thought [of] nothing but gallowes claime thy right : and it seemes God well heard his prayer, and rewarded his ingratitude; for he was handed within halfe a yeere after. In that March [1617] also hue men went to Sea, but as yet was neuer heard of; and three more [were] drowned in a boat. By Hilliards house grew a very faire Cedar, which by a thunder clap was rent almost to small shiuers, and a man [that] stood by him and Samuel Tanton, [was] most fearfully blasted ; yet neither they, the house, nor a little childe : yet a paire of racks in the house was all torne to fitters. The Neptune not long after arriuing to fish for whale, her fortune proued no better then the Gouernours ; yet some are of opinion, profit might be made by them. SmS"™6 ^n ^ay t1^1?] theydiscried foure saile, so that manning Poweihom all their Forts, they stood two daies in Armes, expecting the indies. what they were. at last they founci jt Master Powell returned from the West-Indies in the Hopewell, where missing such trade as he expected, these three Frigots comming in his way, he could not chuse but take them. Meale, Hides and Munition was their lading. Faire weather the Gouernor made with Powell, till he had got all the goods into his owne possession, and then called Powell to a strict account for doing such an vnwarrantable act; much a doe then was betwixt the taker and receiuer: but Powell was glad to be excused to answer it in England, leauing all hee had taken behinde him in the lies. The Neptune also returned with him, but noble Powell lost all his pay and pillage for [187] this yeeres worke. For which the Company sent for to Tuckar, so that he also lost his part as well as Powell. Notwithstanding, the Gouernour by this meanes being strong in shipping, fitted the Caruill with twelue men, (M59i> vnder the command of Edward Waters formerly spoken 648,' 64^.'] of, and sent them to Virginia about such businesse as hee had conceiued. Arriuing there, they obtained some goates, and hogs, and what they could spare, and so returned for the Summer lies ; but whether they could not finde the lies for want of skill, or [were] beaten off by ill weather ; or the ill will they bare the Gouernor, it matters not much : Ed. by J. Smith."] July 1624. J The diuision of the lies by M. R. Norwood. 661 but they bare vp again for Virginia, where they all [1617-8] remained, and would returne no more to Summer lies. The Gouernour thinking to make some vse of the hides, set some that professed themselues Tanners, to make tryall of their skill ; but they lost their labours and spoiled the hides. Also he called another Assise concerning a poore a supposed fellow called Gabriel, for concealing some speeches Master ESby Pollard and Master Rich should vse, tending to the dis- 2dSter reputation of the Gouernour, and his iniustice and cruelties; Rich- which being brought within the compasse of sedition and mutiny, though a yeere agoe : many were called in ques- tion about it, although euery one ordinarily had spoke as much. Yet Gabriel for example sake was condemned to bee hanged ; and was vpon the ladder, but reprieued. The other two Master Pollard, and Master Rich were imprisoned ; but vpon better consideration, the fact appeared so small and ridiculous, vpon their submission they were pardoned, and restored to their places. & The diuision of the Summer lies into Tribes, by Master Richard Norwood, Surueyor. 1618. The diui- sion of the into bes. Sir Thornm Or Smith Treasurer. Ccording to the directions of the Councell and Company, as they had determined by lot, Master Norwood tooke a plot of the He, and ii« diuided it with as much faithfulnes as he J could, assigning to euery Aduenturer his share proportion, as namely, to lay out a large proportion, to bee called the generall land, and imployed for publike vses, as for the maintenance of the Gouernour, Ministers, Commanders of Forts, souldiers, and such like: and to this end was assigned 5. Georges Hand, 5. Dauids Hand, Longbridge Hand, Smiths Hand, Coopers Hand, Cony Hand, Nonesuch Hand, part of the maine, and sundry other small lies. The rest was to be diuided into eight parts, each part to be called a tribe, and to haue his denomina- tion of some principall person that was Aduenturer therein : 662 [ The names and shares of the Adventurers. Mr. Pollard N. Butler, &c. [1618] and accordingly the first Tribe to bee Eastward, was then called Bedfords Tribe, now Hamiltons: the second, Smiths: Tribe the third, Cavendish, now Denonshires : the fourth, Pembrooks : the fift, Pagits : the sixt, Mansils now Warwicks: the seuenth, Southhampton : the eighth, Sand[y]s : m the honours of the Right honorable the Marquis Hamilton, Sir Thomas Smith, the Earle of Deuonshire, the Earle of Pembrooke, the Lord Pagit, the Earle of Warwicke, the Earle of Southhampton, and Sir Edwin Sand[y]s. Againe each of those Tribes were to bee diuided into fifty parts, called shares ; and euery Aduenturer to haue his shares in these tribes as was determined, by casting lots in England, the manner of it appeares by the Map, and more largely by his Booke of the Suruay of the Countrey, which is in the Records of the Colony. And then began this which was before as you haue heard, but as an vnsetled and confused Chaos, to receiue a a disposition, forme, and order, and become indeed a Plantation. [188] The names of the Aduenturers, and their shares in euery Tribe, according to the suruey, and the best information yet ascertained, of any of their alterations. Master Master Master Master Master Master Master Master Hamiltons Tribe. Share[s]. Ames L. Marquis Hamilton] . 6 Sir Edward Harwood. 4 John Delbridge. 3 Iohn Dike 3 Ellis Roberts. 2 Robert Phips. 1 Ralph King. 1 Quicks assignes. 2 William Canni[n]g. 4 William Canni[n]g. 1 Master William Web. 1 Master Iohn Bernards as- signes. 2 Master Elias Roberts Iun. 1 Master Iohn Gearing. 2 Master Cleophas Smith. 2 Robert Earle of Warwick. 4 Master Thomas Couell. 3 Master Greenwels assignes. 1 Master Cley. 1 Master Powlson. 2 Master Iohn Dike. ij Common land for con- ueniency. 25 Master Iohn Dike. ij Ed. by J. Smith. July 1624. The names and shares of the Adventurers^ 663 Master George Thorps as- 2. Smiths Tribe. Shares. Sir Dudley Digs assignes. 2 Master Richard Edwards. 2 Master William Pane. 4 Master Robert Smith. 2 Master George Barkley as- signes. 5 Sir Samuel Sand[y]s. 1 Master A nthony Pennistone. 4 Sir Edwin Sand[y]s. 5 Sir Thomas Smith. 5 Master Richard More. 4 Master Ad[am\ Brumfteld. 2 Master Robert Iohnson A Iderman. 5 Master Iohn Wroth. 3 Master George Smith. 4 3. Deuonshire Tribe. Shares. Master Anthony Penistone. 2 Master Iohn Dike. 1 Master Iohn Dike. 1 Master Iohn Bernards heir es. 2 Robert Earle of Warwick. 2 Master Francis West. 2 William Lord Cavendish. 5 William E arle of Deuonshire 5 Master Edward Luckin. 5 Master Edward Ditchfield. 1 Master Edward Ditchfield. 4 Master William Nicols. 2 Master Edward Ditchfield. 1 Master Iohn Fletcher. 2 Master Gedion Delawne. 2 Master Anthony Pennistone. 3 Master Best. 2 Master Edward Luckin. 2 Master Richard Rogers. 2 Master William Palmer. 4 4. Pembrookes Tribe. Master George Smith. 4 Gleab land. 2 Master Nicholas Hide. 1 Sir Lawrence Hide. 1 Master Thomas Iudwyn. 2 WilliamE arle of Pembroke. 10 Master Richard Edwards. 1 Master Harding. 1 Master Richard Edwards. 1 Master Elias Roberts. 1 Master Richard Edwards. 1 Master Iacobsons assignes. 1 Master Iohn Farrar. 1 Master Nicholas Farrar. 1 Master Nicholas Farrar. 1 Master William Canning. 2 Master Richard Martin. 2, Master Moris Abbot. 2 Master Richard Caswell. 1 Master Richard Caswell. 2 Master William Caswell. 1 Master Richard Edwards. 2 Master Richard Caswell. 1 Master Richard Edwards. 1 Master George Sand[y]s assignes. 2 Master William Paine. 2 5. Pagits Tribe. Master Iohn Chamberlaine. 5 Master Thomas Ayres, and) Master Richard Wiseman.) ^ Master Richard Wiseman. 1 William Lord Pagit. 10 [1618] 664 [The names of the Adventurers ', &c.~\ Lib. 5. r Mr. Pollard, l_N. Butler, &c. [1618] Master William Palmer. Master Bagnell. Master Iohn Bale. Master Wheatley. Master Christopher Barron. Master Iohn Wodall. Master Iohn Wodall. Master Lewis. Master Owen Arthors as- signes. 2 Master George Etheridge. 4 2 Sir William Wade. 1 Master Iohn Bernards heires. 1 6. Warwicks Tribe. Shares. Master Wheatley. 2 Captaine Daniel Tuckar. Master William Felgate. Robert Earle of Waruicke. Master George Smith. Master Samuel Tickner. Master Francis Mevell. Master S[t]ephen Sparrow Master Ioseph Man. Captaine Daniel Tuckar. Master Elias More. Doctor Anthony Hunton. Master Francis Moverill. Master Richard Poulson. Master Mathew Shephard. Master George Tuckar. 2 1 5 5 2 1 1 5 2 1 2 1 1 1 10 Master Ch[arles] Clithcroe. 1 Master George Swinow. 2 Master Richard Tomlings. 1 Master Francis Meverill. 1 Master Iohn Waters. 2 Master Martin Bond. 2 7. Southamptons Tribe. Captaine Daniel Tuckar. 4 Master Iohn Britton. 1 Master Richard Chamber- land. 3 Master Leonard Harwods assignes. 1 Master Iohn Banks. 1 Sir Nathanael Rich. 12 Robert Earle of War- wicke. 3 [189] Master Richard More. 6 Master George Scot. Master Edward Scot. • 6 Master Anthony A bdy. Henry Earle of Southampton. 4 Master Andrew Broumfeld. 2 Master Henry T imbed. 2 Sir Thomas Hewet. 2 Master Perce. 1 Sir Ralph Winwood. 2 8. Sandys Tribe. Shares. M. George Barcklies heires. 5 Sir Edwin Sand[y]s. 5 Master Ierom Hidon. 10 M aster Thomas Millin and | Master Iohn Cuffe. Master Robert Chamberlaine 2 Master Abr. Chamberlaine. 1 Master George Smith. 2 Master Robert Gore. Sir Edward Sackvile. Sir Iohn Dauers. Master Robert Gore. Master Iohn Del bridge. Master Iohn Wroth. Master Iohn Wests heires. Master Richard Chamber- laine. 10 fed' byjuiysT624.] The proceedings of Captaine Daniel Tuckar. 665 Touching the common ground in each Tribe, as also [1618] the ouer-plus, you may finde that at large in the Booke of Surueyes amongst their Records. Now though the Countrey was small, yet they could not conueniently haue beene disposed and well setled, without a true description and a suruey of it ; and againe, euery man being setled where he might constantly abide, they knew their businesse, and fitted their houshold accordingly: then they built no more Cabbens, but sub- stantiall houses ; they cleered their grounds, and planted not onely such things as would yeeld them their fruits in a few moneths, but also such as would affoord them profit within a few yeares, so that in a short time the Countrey began to aspire, and neerely approach vnto that happi- nesse and prosperitie, wherein now it flourisheth, &c. But to follow the History ; vpon the best plot of ground 1618- [that] could be found, the Gouernor preuailed so much with the generalitie, they built a faire house of Cedar : which being done, he appropriated it to himselfe, which occasioned exceeding much distaste. About this time arriued the Diana with a good supply of ™e first men and prouision, and the first Magazin euer seene in agaaI those lies ; which course is not so much commended here, as cursed and abhorred by reason of enhansements of all the Inhabitants there ; six or seuen weeks this ship staied, then hauing towards her fraught thirtie thousand [pounds] weight of Tobacco : which prouing good, and comming to a lucky Market, gave great encouragement to the Aduenturers to goe lustily forward in their Plantation ; and without such successe, there is nothing but grudging and repining. But about the appropriation of this new built house, many bad discontents grew betwixt the oppressed Colony and the Gouernor ; especially betwixt him and the Minister, and Lewes, who would neither be feared with threats nor imprisonment, that their malice continued till they met in England: of which the Minister made the cause soplaine,[that] hee very well and honestly, it seemes, discharged himselfe. Now in those times of these endlesse vnciuill broiles, two desperate men and a proper Gentlewoman got into a 666 Proceedings of Capt. Daniel Tuckar. Lib. 5. [NMBruJef &J [1618] Boat, and thinking to make an escape to Virginia, as £j>ioits appeared by some Letters they left behinde them, were of desperate neuer more heard on. Fugumes. The very next moneth after, the like was attempted by six others, so desirous they were to be rid of their seruitude ; but their plot being discouered by one of their societie, they were apprehended, arraigned, and condemned to be hanged: the next day being led with halters about their neckes to the place of execution, one was hanged, and the rest repri[e]ued. o?1therriua11 ^^e D*ana arriuing well in England, for all the infinite Butting, numbers of complaints, the Tobacco did helpe to sweeten all manner of grieuances; yet it bred a distaste in the opinions of so many, they began to thinke of another Gouernor : but for that time it was so qualified by diuers of his friends, they dispatched away the Blessing, which arriued in the Somer lies. Though their generall Letter was faire and courteous to the Gouernor, yet by the report of the Passengers and diuers particular letters from his friends, it was assured him his cruelty and couetousnesse,forall his paines and industry, was much disliked, nor was he like[ly] to enioy his [190] house, and that land he had planted for himselfe by the ex- treme oppression of the Comminalty. This caused so many ielousies to arise in his conceit, that at last he fully resolued to returne by this ship ; that no sooner set saile for England, then they proceeded to the nomination of a new Gouernor. Many were presented according to the affections of those that were to giue in their voices, but it chiefely rested betwixt one Captaine Southwell, and one Master Nathaniel Butler; where wee will leaue them a while to the con- sideration of the Court and Company. Now Captaine Tuckar hauing instituted Captaine Kendall one of the six Gouernors before spoken of, for his substitute, returned with this ship directly for England ; as well to excuse himselfe of those obiections he suspected, as to get assured him the house and land he had alotted for himselfe, lest it might otherwise be disposed of in his absence. Collected out of their Records by N.B. and the relations of Master Pollard, and diuers others. of two ships. T'he Gouernment of Captaine Miles Kendall, Deputy for Captaine Tuckar. HE vnexpected returne [to England] of [1618] Captaine Tuckar, caused a demurre in The: the election of the new Gouernor; some perswading these oft changes were so troublesome, dangerous, and chargeable, it were best to continue Captaine Ken- dall; others againe stood for Captaine Tuckar: but during the time of these opinions, the Gilliflower was dispatched with a supply. Now I should haue remembred, Tuckar was no sooner out of the harbour, but he met Master Elfred in a ship called the Treasurer, sent from Virginia to trade : by her he writ to his Deputy Master Kendall, to haue a care of all things, and beware of too much acquaintance with this ship, which hee suspected was bound for the West- Indies. Notwithstanding, Elfred receiued what kindnesse the He could afford; he promised to reuisit them at his returne. This done, because they would not be gouernlesse when his Deputiship was expired, there was a generall assembly, and by that Election Kendall was confirmed to succeed still Gouernor. Now they began to apply themselues to the finishing [of] some plat-forme about Smiths Fort, and laying the foundation of a Church to be built of Cedar, till the Gillyflower arriued with some priuate letters to Kendall, how he was elected Gouernor of those lies for three yeeres. During her stay, they held their Assises, where for some 668 The GouernmentofCapt. Miles Kendall. Lib. 5. [*•**$£ [1618-9] few suspected facts three were condemned, and the better to terrifie the rest, led to the place of execution, but reprieued; diuers of the rest had their faults pardoned, and the Gilliflower set saile for New found land. SS£rne ^e *oue anc* kindnesse, honesty and industry of this chosen Captaine Kendall, hath beene very much commended ; by Goueraor. otherSj somewhat disliked : but an Angell in those imploi- ments cannot please all men, yet this consideration bred much ill bloud as well here as there, so that the Company directly concluded, Captaine Butler should with what expedition they could, goe to be their Gouernor : In the Interim they tooke the opportunitie of a ship, called the Sea-flower, bound for Virginia ; and by her sent a Preacher and his Family, with diuers Passengers, and newes of a new Gouernor. This bred a great distaste amongst many, that still they should haue new officers and strangers for their Gouernors they neuer heard of, and themselues still kept there whether they would or no, without any preferment, no nor scarce any of them their inhabiting, to haue any land at all of their owne, but Hue all as tenants, or as other mens poore seruants. About this time came in Captaine Kerby with a small Barke from the West-Indies : who hauing refreshed him- selfe, was very kindly vsed by the Gouernor ; [191] and so departed. Not long after a Dutch Frigot was cast away vpon the Westerne shore; yet by the helpe of the English they saued the men, though the ship perished amongst the Rocks. A little after, one Ensigne Wood being about the loading of a peece, by thrusting a pike into the concauitie, grating vpon the shot, or somewhat about the powder, strucke fire within her and so discharged, but wounded him cruelly and blew him into the Sea: though hee was got out by some that stood by him, yet hee died of those wounds. Within two or three daies after, Captaine Elfred now comes in a second time : but of that we shall say more in the gouernment of Captaine Butler ; who presently after arriued with a good supply, and was kindly entertained by Captaine Kendall and all the Colony. From a relation of Thomas Sparks, and diuers others. "The Gouernment of Captaine Nathaniel Butler. Aptaine Butler being arriued the twentieth [1619] of October, 1619. some mutterings there was how to maintaine their election of Captaine Kendall', but better remembring themselues, that conceit quickly dissolued. The next day [20 Oct.], Kendall, the tStfanT Ministers, and the Counsellwent aboord much hurt to salute the new Gouernor, where after Hericano. they had dined with the best entertainment he could giue 1619. them ; they saw the Redout belonging to the Kings Castle by a mischance on fire, whither he repaired with all the meanes he could to quench it ; but all the platforme and cariages were consumed before theirfaces,andtheycouldnothelpe it. Two daies after he went vp to the Towne, had his Commission publikely read, made a short speech to the Company, and so tooke vpon him the gouernment. Then presently he began to repaire the most necessary defects. The next moneth, came in the Garland, sent from England six or seuen weekes before him ; so that being seuenteene weeks in her voyage, it was so tedious and grieuous to diuers of the Fresh-water Passengers, that such a sicknesse bred amongst them, many died as well Sailers as Passengers. Hauing taken the best order he could for their releefe, [he] passed through all the Tribes, and held his first Assise in Captaine Tuckars house [p. 665] at the ouer-plus [i.e., on the spare land not yet appropriated to any particular share] . Towards the last of this moneth of Nouember [1619] there arose a most terrible storme or Hericano, that blew vp many great trees by the roots: the Warwick that 670 The Gouernment of Lib. 5. L^^jifrSJ; [1619-20] brought the Gouernor was cast away, but the Garland, [that] rid by her, saued her selfe by cutting downe her Masts ; and not long after a second storme, no lesse violent then the first, wherein the Mount (which was a frame of wood built by Master More for a Watch-tower to looke out to Sea) was blowne vp by the roots, and all that Winter crop of corne blasted. And thus was the new Gouernor welcomed. The With the beginning of the new yeere [1620] he began his the°Kin^s first peece of fortification, vpon a Rocke which flankers the CasU** Kings Castle, and finding the ship called the Treasurer starke rotten and vnseruiceable, hee tooke nine peeces of Ordinance from her to serue other vses. The Garland for want of meanes, could not make her voiage to Virginia as she was appointed ; wherefore he entertained her to returne to England, with all the Tabacco they had in the He. It was Ianuary [1620] before she departed, in which time, shee failed not much to haue beene twice cast away. But those strange and vnauoidable mischances, rather seemed to quicken the Gouernors industry then to dull it. Hauing finished the Church begun by Captaine Kendall, with an infinite toile and labour he got three peeces out 0^.669,674.] of the wracke VVarwicke. Hauing an excellent Dutch Carpinter he entertained of them that were cast away in the Dutch Frigot ; he imploied him in building of Boats, whereof they were in exceeding great want. In February [1620], they discouered a tall ship beating too and againe, as it seemed by her working, being ignorant of the Coast ; some thought her a Spaniard to view their Forts, which stand most to [192] that part she so neerely approached ; some, English ; but the most, some Dutch man of Warre : The wind blew so high, they durst not send out a Boat, though they much doubted she would be foule of their Rocks ; but at last she bore vp rommy for the Sea, and we heard of her no more. Amber- That euening, a lucky fellow it should seeme he was, fJund! tnat found a peece of Ambergreece of eight ounces, as he had twice before ; which bringing to the Gouernor, he had ready money for the one halfe, after three pound an ounce, according to their order of Court, to encourage others to looke out for more, and preuent the mischiefe insueth by concealing of it. "•^j&rfSf] Lib. 5. Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 671 Within a few daies after, they descried two Frigots that [1620] came close to the shore, and sent a Letter to the Gouernor, Jj^SfjjJJ writ in Italian, that they were Hollanders had beene in the Frigots." c West-Indies, and desired but to arriue, refresh themselues with wood and water, and so be gone. The Gouernor forthwith sent them to vnderstand, that being there vnder his Maiestie of England to command those lies, he was to carrie himselfe a friend to his friends, and an enemy to his enemies ; if therefore he could shew a lawfull Com- mission for his being honestly and nobly emploied, he and his should be kindly welcome, otherwise they were to aduenture at their perills. But his Commission was so good, he staied there two moneths, and was so well fitted with Oile and Bacon, they were all glad and happy of this Dutch Captaine Scoutans arriuall ; with many thanks to their old friend Captaine Powell that had conducted him thither. The Colony being exceedingly in great want and distresse, bought the most part of it at reasonable rates; so Captaine Scoutan returned to the West-Indies, and Captaine Powell for his part in the Low-Countries. Whilest these things were in action, the Aduenturers in England made many a long looke for their ships ; at last the Garland brought them all the newes, but the Tobacco was so spoiled either in the leaking ship, or the making vp, it caused a great suspicion there could none [that] was good come from those lies ; where (were they but perfit in the cure) questionlesse it would be much better then a great quantitie of that they sell for Verinas, and many a thousand of it in London hath beene bought and sold by that title. The Gouernor being cleere of those distractions, falls The vpon the restoring of the burnt Redoubt, where he cuts bUSS out a large new plat-forme, and mounts seuen great peece[s] Mimsters- of Ordnance vpon new cariages of Cedar. Now amongst all those troubles, it was not the least to bring the two Ministers to subscribe to the Booke of Common Praier, which all the Bishops in England could not doe. Finding it high time to attempt some conformitie, [he] bethought himselfe of the Liturgie of Garnsey and Iarse, wherein all those particulars they so much stumbled at, were omitted. No sooner was this propounded, but it was gladly imbraced 672 The Gouernment of Lib. 5. [Ed> by/u'iy Te*! [1620] by them both, whereupon the Gouernor translated it verbatim out of French into English, and caused the eldest Minister vpon Easter day [16 April 1620] to begin the vse thereof at Saint Georges towne; where himselfe, most of the Councell, Officers and Auditorie receiued the Sacrament : the which forme they continued during the time of his gouernment. Much about this time, in such a faire morning that had inuited many Boats farre out to the Sea to fish, did rise such a Hericano that much indangered them all, so that one of them with two Boies were driuen to Sea and neuer more heard of. T,?e The Ministers thus agreed, a Proclamation was pub- theUMount. lished for keeping of the Sabbath; and all the defective cariages he endeuoured to haue renewed ; [he also] builded a small Boat of Cedar onely to goe with Ores, to be ready vpon any occasion to discouer any shipping, and tooke order euery Fort should haue the like. Also caused num- bers of Cedars to be brought from diuers places in flotes, to rebuild the Mount, which with an vnspeakable toile, was raised seuen foot higher then before, and a Falcon mounted at the foot, to be alwaies discharged for a warning to all the Forts vpon the discouery of any shipping : and this he called Rich Mount. This exceeding toile and labour, hauing no Cattle but onely mens [193] strengths, caused many petitions to the Gouernour, that all those generall works might cease till they had reaped their har- uests, in that they were in great distresse for victuall ; which hee so well answered, their owne shames did cause them desist from that importunity, and voluntarily per- forme as much as hee required. The Tombc Finding accidentally a little crosse erected in a by place, summ/rs?' amongst a many of bushes, vnderstanding there was buried the heart and intrailes of Sir George Summers, hee resolued to haue a better memory for so worthy a Souldier, then that. So finding also a great Marble stone brought out of England, hee caused it by Masons to bee wrought handsomely and laid ouer the place, which hee inuironed with a square wall of hewen stone, Tombe like ; wherein hee caused to bee grauen this Epitaph he had composed, and fixed it vpon the Marble stone ; and thus it was, Ed. by J. Smith."] T TR July 1624. J l-lii' 5. Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 673 [1620] In theyeere 1 6 1 1, Noble Sir George Summers went hence to heauen ; Whose well trVd worth that held him still imploid, Gaue him the knowledge of the world so wide. Hence 't was by heauens decree, that to this place He brought new guests, and name to mutuall grace. A t last his soule and body being to part, He here bequeathe his entrails and his heart. Vpon the sixt of Iune [1620], began the second Assise, ^;nrer that reduced them to the direct forme vsed in England, ofiawes For besides the Gouernour and Councell : they haue the reformed Bailiffes of the Tribes, in nature of the Deputy Lieu- tenants of the shires in England, for to them are all pre- cepts and warrants directed, and accordingly answered and respected ; they performe also the duties of Iustices of Peace, within their limits. The subordinate Officers to these in euery tribe, are the Constables, Head-borowes, and Church-wardens ; these are the triers of the Tobacco, which if they allow not to be marchantable, is burnt : and these are the executioners of their ciuill and politicke causes. For points of warre and martiall affaires, they haue the JJgJj^1 Gouernour for Lieutenant generall, the Sergeant maior, Master of Ordinance, Captaines of Companies, Captaines of Forts, with their seuerall officers, to traine and exer- cise those numbers vnder their charge, in martiall discipline. Concerning their Courts for decision of right and iustice, the first, though last in constitution, is their generall Courts" assembly ; allowed by the state in England, in the nature of a Parliament, consisting of about forty persons ; viz. the Gouernour, the Counsell, the Bailiffes of the tribes, and two Burgesses of each tribe chosen by voyces in the tribe, besides such of the Clergie as the Gouernour thinkes most fit, to be held once a yeere, as you shal heare more thereof hereafter. The next Court is the Assise or Iayles of deliuerie, held twice euery yeere, in Christmas, and Whitson weeke, for all criminall offenders, and ciuill causes betwixt party and party ; as actions of debt, trespasse, battery, slander, 43 Ciuill Officers and 674 ^ Gouernment of Lib. 5. |^-*/u-,*7J£ [1620] and the like : and these are determined by a Iury of twelue men, and aboue them is also a grand Iury to examine matters of greater consequence. The last day of the Assise might also well be held a Court, for hearing the trangressions in matters of contempt, mis- behauiour towards any Magistrate, riots, seditious speakers, contemners of warrants, and such like. There are also as occasion shall require, many matters heard by the Gouernor, or his Officers, and oft iustice done in seuerall places ; but those are but as daies of hearing, and as preparatiues against their Courts, &c. The second At this last Assize eighteene were arrained for criminall causes, a number very extraordinary considering the place ; but now occasioned by reason of the hard yeere, and the store of ill chosen new commers : of these, some were censured to the whipping post, some burned in the hand, but two were condemned to die, yet the one was reprieued, the other hanged ; this done, euery man returned to his home. [#.669,670.] Many trials they made againe about the Warwicke, but to small purpose, [194] her Ordnance being lashed so fast they could not be vnlcosed, till the ropes and decks were rotten, yet some few buttes of beare being flotie they got, which though it had lien six moneths vnder water was very good: notwithstanding the next yeere [1621], they recouered flue peeces of Ordnance. Ageneraii Vpon the first of August [1620], accordingtotheCompanies manSon"* instructions from England, began the generall assembly at Parliament, the towne of Saint George, which was the first these lies euer had : consisting as is said, of the Gouernour, Councell, Bailiffes, and Burgesses, and a Secretarie to whom all bils were presented, and by him openly read in the house, also a Gierke to record the Acts, being thirty two in all ; fif- teene of which [Acts] being sent into England, were by a generall consent receiued and enacted, the titles whereof are these following : as for all the reasons for them, they would be too tedious to recite. Their Acts The first was against the vniust sale and letting of apprentises and other seruants, and this was especially for the righting the vndertakers in England. The second, concerning the disposing of aged, fed bVuiv^.i ^IB- 5- Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 6^5 diseased, and impotent persons : for it being considered [1620] how carelesse many are in preferring their friends, or sending sometimes any they can procure to goe, such vnseruiceable people should be returned back at their charge that sent them, rather then be burdensome to the poore Inhabitants in the lies. The third, the necessary manning the Kings Castle, being the key of the He, that a garison of twelue able men should bee there alwaies resident : and 3000. eares of corne, and 1000. pounds of Tobacco payed them by the generality yeerely, as a pension. The fourth, against the making vnmarchantable Tobacco ; and Officers sworne to make true trials, and burne that was naught. The fift, inioyned the erection of certaine publike bridges, and the maintenance of them. The sixt, for a continuall supply of victuall for all the Forts, to bee preserued, till some great occasion to vse it. The seuenth was, for two fixed dayes euery yeere for the Assises. The eight, commands the making of high-waies, and prohibiting the passage ouer mens grounds and planted fields; as well to preuent the spoyling of gardens, as conueniencie to answer any alarum. The ninth, for the preseruing young tortoises and birds, that were carelesly destroyed. The tenth prouided against vagabonds, and pro- hibited the entertainement of other mens seruants. The eleuenth compelled the setting of a due quantity of corne for euery family. The twelfth, the care corne being set, enioyned the keeping vp of their poultry till it was past their reaches. The thirteenth, for the preseruation of sufficient fences, and against the felling of marked trees appointed for bounds. The fourteenth, granted to a leuy for a thousand pound weight of Tobacco, towards the payment of publike workes, as the bridges and the mount. The fifteenth, for the enioyning an acknowledgement 676 The Gouernment of Lib. 5. [EdbyjJuiy Smith. 1624. [1620] The arriuall of the Magtutin ship. and acception of all resident Gouernours, and the warranting him to continue, though his time be expired, till the arriuall of a legitimate successor from England, to preuent all vnmeet and presump- tuous elections : besides it was desired by petition in England, the new Gouernour should Hue two months as a priuate man after his arriuall, if his predecessor did stay so long, the better to learne and obserue his course. And these are the contents of those fifteene Acts, applied as you may perceiue : which the lawes of England could not take notice of, because euery climate hath somewhat to it selfe in that kinde in particular; for otherwise as it is conceiued, it had beene a high impu- dency and presumption to haue medled with them, or indeed with any such as these lawes, that had with such great iudgement and iustice alwaies prouided for. No sooner was this businesse ouer, but the Magazin ship is discouered, and that night came into the Harbour ; but in a very weake and sickly case, hauing cast ouer board twenty or thirty of her people: and so violent was the infection, that the most part of the sailers, as well as passengers, were so sicke, or dismaid, or both, that the Master confessed, had they stayed at the Sea but a weeke longer, they had all perished. There arriued with this ship diuers Gentlemen of good fashion, with their wiues and families ; but many of them crasie by the tediousnesse of the voyage : [195] howsoeuer most of them, by the excellent salubrity of the aire, then which the world hath not a better, soone after recouered ; yet some there were that died presently after they got ashore : it being certainly the quality of the place, either to kill, or cure quickly, as the bodies are more or lesse corrupted. By this ship the Company sent a supply of ten persons for the generality, but of such bad condition that it seemed they had picked the Males out of Newgate, the Females from Bridewell : As the Gouernour found it his best course, to grant out the women to such as were so greedy of wiues, and would needs haue them for better for worse ; and the men hee placed in the Kings Castle for souldiers. Edby/uiyslt] Lib. 5. Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 677 But this bad, weake, sickly supply being dispersed for [1620] their best reliefe, by the much imployment of his boats in remoouing them, many of his owne men became infected, so that for some weekes, they were not able to doe him any seruice at all. Strict instructions also they brought for the planting of Sugar canes, for which the Iland being rockie and dry, is so vnproper, that few as yet haue beene seene to prosper : yet there are others [that] hold the contrary opinion, that there is raine so ordinarily, the lies are so moist, as pro- duceth all their plants in such infinit abundance : there is no great reason to suspect this, were it rightly vsed, more then the rest. Seuenty thousand [pounds] weight of Tobacco being ££°£tof prepared towards her fraught, she returned for England. Tobacco. No sooner was shee gone then came in another, sent by the Company and generalty, well conditioned ; but shee failed not much to haue beene cast away amongst those dangerous and terrible rocks. By her came also expresse command, they should entertaine no other ships, then were directly sent from the Company : this caused much grudging, and indeed a generall distraction and exclamation among the Inhabitants, to be thus constrained to buy what they wanted, and sell what they had at what price the Magazin pleased ; and to debarre true men from comming to them for trade or reliefe, that were daily receiued in all the harbours in England. So long this ship stayed going for fraught and wages, the Master not caring how long he lay at that rate in a good harbour, [that] the Gouernour was ready to send her away by Proclamation. Thus ended the first yeere of the gouernment of C[aptaine] Butler. ing of three bridges and other works. With the first [? days] of the second yeere were held the 1620. Assises, where all the Bailiffes were fined for not giuing a Thebuild- beginning to the building of the bridges ; there was also an order to restraine the excessiue wages all handicrafts men would haue : and that the Church-wardens should meet twice a yeere, to haue all their presentments made perfect against the Assises. The Assises done, all the ablest men were trained in their armes, and then departed to their owne homes. 578 The Gouernment of Lib. 5. [■*• byfc^4; [1621] The towne thus cleered, he made certaine new carriages for some demy Culuerings, and a large new storehouse of Cedar for the yeerely Magazines goods ; finished Warwicks Fort begun by Master More, and made a new platforme at Pagits Fort, also a faire house of lime and stone for the Townes-house. The three bridges appointed by the generall assembly, was followed with such diligence, [that] though they were more then an hundred, or an hundred and twenty foot in length, hauing the foundation and arches in the Sea, [they] were raised and accomplished, so that man or beast with facility might passe them. The At Whitsonday [zoMay 1621] was held the fourth generall AsS, Assise at Saint Georges, where were tryed twenty seuerall prieed- causes ; foure or hue were whipped or burnt in the hand, for >ngs. breaking of houses : also an order was made, that the party cast in the triall of any cause, should pay to euery of the Iurours foure pence : moreouer, that not past ten leaues at the most should grow vpon a plant of Tobacco, and that also in the making it vp, a distinction should diligently be obserued of two kinds, a better and a worse : then they built a strong stone house for the Captaine of the Kings Castle and corps du guard ; and repaired what defects they could finde in the platformes and carriages. Captaine Powell so oft mentioned, hauing beene in the West-Indies for the States of Holland, came to an anchor within shot of their Ordnance, desiring admittance for wood and water, of which hee had great need, but the Gouernor [196] would not permit him, so he weighed and departed ; whereat the company were so madded, it was not possible to constraine them to cease their exclai- mations against the Companies inhibition, till they were weary with excla[i]ming. But still for their better defence, not thinking themselues sufficiently secure, hauing finished two new plat-formes more, arriued the Magazin ship [Sept. 1621] : but her Master was dead, and many of the Passengers; the rest for most part very sicke. And withall, a strange and wonderfull report of much complaint made against the Gouernor to the Company in England, by some of them returned in the last yeeres shipping. But it was eight daies before she could get in by reason of ill weather, being forced againe to Sea j so that time, they kept euery wracke. Edbyjiiys?6!S:] LlB- 5- Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 679 night continually great fires, [that] she might see the He as [16211 well by night as day : but at last she arriued, and he plainly vnderstood, he had more cause a great deale to looke for misconstruction of all his seruice then an acknowledg- ment, much lesse a recompence any better then his pre- decessors; but it is no new thing to requite the best desert with the most vildest of ingratitude. The very next daies night after the arriuall of the a strange Magazins ship, newes was brought the Gouernor by a ofaSpiS dismaied Messenger from Sand[y]s his Tribe, that one hun- dred Spaniards were landed in that part, and diuers ships discouered at Sea ; whereupon he presently manned the Forts, and instantly made thitherward in person with twentie men, determining as he found cause to draw together more strength by the way. Being got thither by the breake of the next day, in stead of an enemy which he expected, he met onely with a company of poore dis- tressed Portugals and Spaniards, who in their passage from Carthagena in the West-Indies, in consort with the Spanish fleet of Plait [the annual Plate Fleet, taking the treasure to Spain] ; by the same storme that had in- dangered the Magazin ship, lost theirs vpon those terrible Rocks, being to the number of seuenty persons, [who] were strangely preserued ; and the manner was thus. About Sunne-set their ship beating amongst the Rock3, some twenty of the Sailers got into the Boat with what treasure they could ; leauing the Captaine, the Master, and all the rest to the mercy of the Sea. But a Boy not past foureteene yeares of age that leaped after, to haue got into the Boat ; missing that hope, it pleased God he got vpon a Chest a drift by him : whereon they report he continued two daies, and was driuen neere to the cleane contrary part of the He, where he was taken vp neere dead, yet well recouered. All this night the ship sticking fast, the poore distressed in her the next day spying land, made a raft; and were those [that] gaue the alarum first a shore about three of the clocke in the after noone. The morning after, about seuen of the clocke came in the Boat to a place called Mangroue Bay ; and the same day their Carpenter was driuen a shore vpon a Planke neere Bog-Bay. There was a Gentlewoman that had stood wet 68o The Gouernment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Edbyj{ Smith. uly 1624. [1621] vp to the middle vpon the raft from the ship to the shore, being big with childe ; and although this was vpon the thirteenth of September, [1621] she tooke no hurt, and was safely deliuered of a Boy within three daies after. The best comfort [that] could be giuen them in those extremities they had, although some of the baser sort had beene rifling some of them before the Gouernors arriuall. Also the Spanish Captaine and the chiefe with him, much complained of the treachery of his men to leaue him in that manner, yet had conueyed with them the most of the money they could come by, which he easily missed ; where- upon hee [Butler] suddenly caused all them he accused, to be searched, and recouered to the value of one hundred and fortie pounds starling : which he deliuered into the Cap- taines hands, to be imploied in a generall purse towards their generall charge. During their stay in the lies, some of the better sort, nine or ten weeks [13 Sept. — ? 12 Nov.], dieted at his owne table ; the rest were billited amongst the Inhabitants at foure shillings the weeke, till they found shipping for their passage, for which they paied no more then the English paied themselues ; and for the passage of diuers of them, the Gouernor was glad to stand bound to the Master. Some others that were not able to procure such friendship, were so constrained to stay in the lies, till by their labours they had got [197] so much as would transport them : and thus they were preserued, releeued, and deliuered. In the moneth insuing [October 1621] arriued the second ship ; and she also had lost her Master, and diuers of her Passengers : in her came two Virginian Women [these were of the Indian maids that had gone to England in 1616, in attendance on Pocahontas] to be married to some would haue them, that after they were conuerted and had children, they might be sent to their Countrey and kindred to ciuilize them. Towards the end of this moneth [Oct.] came in the third ship with a small Magazin ; [she] hauing sold what she could, caried the rest to Virginia : and neuer did any of those Passengers complaine either of their good diet, or too good vsage at sea; but the cleane contrary still occasioned many of those extremities. Ed. by J. Smith."] T TT3 July 1624 J ^IB' 5. Their accidents and proceedings. 68 1 The fift of Nouember [1621] the damnable plot of the powder treason was solemnized, with Praiers, Sermons, and a great Feast : whereto the Gouernor inuited the chiefe of the Spaniards, where drinking the Kings health, it was honored with a quicke volly of small shot, which was answered from the Forts with the great Ordnance, and then againe concluded with a second volley of small shot ; neither was the afternoone without musicke and dancing, and at night many huge bone-fires of sweet-wood. The Spaniards to expresse their thankfulnesse, at their departure, made a deed of gift to the Gouernor of whatso- euer he could recouer of the wracked ship ; but the ships as they went out came so dangerously vpon a Rock, that the poore Spaniards were so dismaied, swearing this place was ominous vnto them, especially the women, that desired rather to goe a shore and die howsoeuer, than aduenture any further in such a labyrinth of dangers : but at last she got cleere without danger, and well to England. The other went to Virginia, wherein the Gouernor sent two great Chests filled with all such kinds and sorts of Fruits and Plants as their Hands had ; as Figs, Pomgranats, Oranges, Lemons, Sugar-canes, Plantanes, Potatoes, Papawes, Cassado roots, red Pepper, the Prickell Peare, and the like. The ships thus dispatched, hee goeth into the maine, and so out to sea to the Spanish wracke. He had beene there before, presently after her ruine ; for neuer had ship a more sudden death, being now split in peeces all vnder water. He found small hope to recouer any thing, saue a Cable and an Anchor, and two good Sacars ; but the wind was so high hee was forced to returne, being ten miles from the shore, onely with three Murderers [small cannon], which were knowne to be the same Captaine Kendall had sold to Captaine Kerby : whose ship was taken by two men of warre of Carthagena, the most of his men slaine or hanged, and he being wounded, died in the woods. Now their Pilot being at this seruice, got thus those three Murderers to their ship; and their ship thus to the Bermudas, as the Spaniards remaining related to the Gouernor and others. Hauing raised three small Bulwarkes at Southhamptons [1621] How they solemnized the powder treason, and the arriuall of two ships. The Spaniards returne, and in danger againe. 1621. Three English Murderers found in the Spanish wracke. 682 The Gotternment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Edbyjiiys^ [1621-2] Fort, with two Curtaines, and two Rauilings, which indeed is onely the true absolute peece of fortification in the lies. Their Christmas [1621] being come, and the prefixed day of the •S'Sher Assise ; diuers were whipped and burnt in the hand, onely passages, three young boyesfor stealing were condemned, and at tfte very point of hanging repri[e] ued. The Gouernour then sent his Lieutenant all ouer the maine to distribute Armes to those were found most fit to vse them, and to giue order [s] for their randezuous, which were hanged vp in the Church. About this time it chanced a pretty secret to be discouered to preserue their corne from the fly, or weauell, which did in a manner as much hurt as the rats. For the yeere before [1620] hauing made a Proclamation that all Corne should be gathered by a certaine day; because many lazy persons (A W ranne so after the ships to get Beere and Aquavita, for which they will giue any thing they haue, much had beene lost for want of gathering. This yeare [1621] hauing a very faire crop, some of the Inhabitants, none of the best hus- bands, hastily gathered it for feare of the penaltie, threw it in great heaps into their houses vnhusked, and so let it lie foure or fiue moneths, which was thought would haue spoiled it : where the good husbands husked it, and with much labour hung it vp, where the Flies did so blow on it, they increased to so many Weauels, they generally [198] complained of great losse ; but those good fellowes that neuer cared but from hand to mouth, made their boasts, that not a graine of theirs had beene touched nor hurt ; there being no better way to preserue it then by letting it lie in its huske, and spare an infinite labour formerly [that] had beene vsed. There were also very luckily about this time found out diuers places of fresh water, of which many of the Forts were very destitute; and the Church-wardens and Side-men were very busie in correcting the prophaners of the Sabbath, Drunkards, Gamesters, and such like. There came also from Virginia a small Barke with many thanks for the presents sent them : much Aquauitae, Oile, Sacke, and Bricks they brought in exchange of more Fruits and Plants, Ducks, Turkies and Limestone ; of which she had plenty, and so returned. During the aboad of the stay of this ship, the manage of Ed" byjuiysT624*] Lib. 5. Their accidents and proceedings. 683 one of the Virginia m&idesw&s consummated with a husband [1622] fit for her, attended with more then one hundred guests, and all the dainties for their dinner [that] could be prouided. They made also another triall to fish for Whales, but it tooke no more effect then the former : this was done by the Master of the Virginia ship that professed much skill that way, but hauing fraughted his ship with Limestone, with 20000. [pounds] weight of Potatoes, and such things as he desired, [he] returned for Virginia. Aprill and May [1622] were spent in building a strong new Prison, and perfecting some of the Fortifications, and by the labour of twenty men in fourteene daies was got from the Spanish wracke foure excellent good Sacres, and mounted them at the Forts. Then began the generall Assize [June 1622], where not f0sd^ge fewerthen fifty ciuill, or rathervnciuill actionswere handled, and twenty criminal! prisoners brought to the bar ; such a multitude of such vild people were sent to this Plantation, that he [Butler] thought himselfe happy his time was so neere expired : three of the foulest acts were these : the first for the rape of a married woman, which was acquitted by a senselesse Iury ; the second for buggering a Sow, and the third for Sodomy with a boy, for which they were hanged. During the time of the imprisonment of this Buggerer of the Sow, a Dung-hill Cocke belonging to the same man did continually haunt a Pigge of his also, and to the wonder of all them that saw it, who were many, did so frequently tread the Pigge as if it had beene one of his Hens, that the Pigge languished and died within a while after; and then the Cocke resorted to the very same Sow (that this fellow was accused for) in the very same manner: and as an addition to all this, about the same time two Chickens were hatched, the one whereof had two heads; the other crowed very loud and lustily within twelue houres after it was out of the shell. A desperate fellow being to bee arraigned for stealing a Turky, rather then he would endure his triall, secretly conueighed himselfe to Sea in a little Boat, and neuer since was euer heard of; nor is he euer like to be, without an exceeding wonder, little lesse then a miracle. In Iune [1622] they made another triall about the Spanish 684 The Goiiernment of C apt. Nathaniel Butler. [Ed- by/ul^ ™% [1622] wracke, and recouered another Sacre and a Murderer: also Auoretualls he caused to be hewed out of the maine Rocke a paire of about the . . ~ . ..... _ , * wracks. large staires ior the conuenient landing of goods and pas- sengers, a worke much to the beauty and benefit of the towne. With twenty chosen men, and two excellent Divers, the Gouernour went himselfe to the wracke Warwick, but they could recouer but one Murderer [a small cannon] : from thence he went to the Sea-aduenUire, the wracke of Sir George Summers, the hull though two or three fathomes in the water, they found vnperished and with much a doe weighed a Sacre, her sheat Anchor, diuers barres of Iron and pigs of Lead, which stood the Plantation in very great stead. Towards the end of Iuly [1622] he went to seeke for a wracke they reported lay vnder water with her hatches spiked vp, but they could not finde her, but from the Spanish wracke [which] lay there by, they weighed three faire Sacres more, and so returned through the Tribes to Saint Georges : some were also imployed to seeke out beds of Oisters for Pearle, some they found, some seed Pearle they got, but out of one little shell aboue all the rest they got about 120. small Pearle, but somewhat defectiue in their colour. [199] punters ^e t*me °^ Captain Butlers gouernment drawing neere compbints. an end, the Colony presented vnto him diuers grieuances, to intreat him to remember to the Lords and Company in England at his returne : also they appointed two to be ioyned with him, with letters of credence to solicit in their behalfe those grieuances following: First, they were defrauded of the food of their soules : for being not fewer then one thousand and flue hundred people, dispersed in length twenty miles, they had at that present but one Minister, nor neuer had but two ; and they [had been] so shortned of their promises, that but onely for meere pity they would haue forsaken them. Secondly, neglected in the safety of their Hues by wants of all sorts of munition. Thirdly, they had beene censured contrary to his Maiesties Lawes, and not allowed them the benefit of their booke as they are in England, but by Captaine Butler. E<1 ^jiiyiS.'] Lib. 5. Their accidents and proceedings. 685 Fourthly, they were frustrated of many of their [1622] couenants, and most extremely pinched and vndone by the extortion of the Magazine ; for although their Tobacco was stinted but at two shillings sixpence the pound, yet they pitched their commodities at what rate they pleased. Fifthly, their fatherlesse children are left in little better condition then slaues ; for if their Parents die in debt, their children are made as bondmen till the debt be discharged. These things being perfected, there grew a great question of one Heriot for plotting of factions and abusing the Gouernour, for which he was condemned to lose his eares, yet he was vsed so fauourably he lost but the part of one in all. By this time it being growne past the wonted season ^^"JJJ of the comming in of ships from England, after a generall Butur. longing and expectation, especially of the Gouernour, whose Commission being neere vpon expiration, gaue him cause to wish for a meane of deliuerance from so trouble- some and thanklesse an imploiment as he had hitherto found it ; a saile is discouered, and long it was not before shee arriued in the Kings Castle-Harbour. This Barke was set out by two or three priuate men of the Company, and hauing landed her supplies, was to goe for Virginia', by her the Gouernour receiued certaine aduertisements of the carriage and behauiour of the Spaniards, which he had relieued as you haue heard [p. 680] the yeere before : that quite contrary both to his merit, their vow, and his owne expectation, they made clamours against him; the which being seconded by the Spanish Am- bassadour, caused the State to fall in examination about it. Whereupon hauing fully cleared their ingratefulnesse and impudency, and being assured of the choice of a suc- cessor that was to be expected within hue or six weekes ; hee was desirous to take the opportunity of this Barke, and to visit the Colony in Virginia in his returne for England [p. 603] : leauing the gouernment to Captaine Felgat, Captaine Stokes, Master Lewis Hewes, Master Nedom and Master Ginner. 686 The Gouernment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Ed'fcy/U,s^: [1622] But now his time being fully expired, and the fortifi- cations finished, viz. The Kings Castle wherein were mounted vpon suf- ficient Platformes fixteene peece of Ordnances: In Charles Fort two ; In Southampton Fort fiue, betwixt which and the Castle passeth the Chanell into the Harbour, secured by three and twenty peeces of good artillery to play vpon it. In Cowpers He is Pembrocks Fort, where is two Peeces. The Chanell of Saint George is guarded by Smiths Fort, and Pagits Fort, in which is eleuen peece of Ordnance. Saint George towne is halfe a league within the Harbour, commanded by Warwicks Fort, where are three great Peeces : and on the Wharfe before the Gouernours house eight more, besides the warning Peece by the mount, and three in Saint Katharines ; So that in all there are ten Fortresses and two and fifty peeces of Ordnance sufficient and seruiceable : their formes and situations you may see more plainlier described in the Map ; and to defend those, he left one thousand fiue hundred persons with neere a hundred boats, and the He well replenished with store of such fruits, pro- uisions and Poultry, as is formerly related : yet for so departing and other occasions, much difference hath beene betwixt him and some of the Company, as any of his Predecessors ; which I rather wish were reconciled, then to be a reporter of such vnprofitable dissentions. [200] For Till trechery and faction , and auarice be gone, Till enuy and ambition, and backbiting be none, Till periury and idlenesse, and iniury be out, And truly till that villany the worst of all that rout; Vnlesse those vises banisht be, what euer Forts you haue, A hundred walls together put will not haue power to saue. Eabyjiy ?£!;;] The gouernment of Master lohn Barnard. 6&7 Master lohn Barnard sent to be Gouernour. 1622. O supply this place was sent by the noble [1622-3] aduenturers lohn Bernard, a Gentleman The Lord both of good meanes and quality, who Treasurer, arriued within eight daies after Butlers 3Jg£J» departure [1622] with two ships, and £*r™r about one hundred and forty passengers eputy' with armes and all sorts of munition and other prouisions sufficient. During the time of his life which was but six weekes in reforming all things he found defectiue, he shewed himselfe so iudiciall and industrious as gaue great satis- faction ; and did generally promise vice was in great danger to be suppressed, and vertue and the Plantation much aduanced : but so it hapned that both he and his wife died in such short time they were both buried in one day and one graue ; and Master lohn Harrison chosen Gouernour till further order came from England. What hapned in the gouernment of Master lohn Harrison. j.i83 [1616] 690 [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. il gSSSu 16x6. [1^16] Much good my minde foretels would follow hence With little labour, and with lesse expence. Thriue therefore thy Designe, who ere enuy : England may ioy in England's Colony, Virginia seeke her Virgin sisters good, Be blessed in such happy neighbourhood : Or, whatsoere Fate pleaseth to permit, Be thou still honoured for first mouing it, George Wither, e societate LincoL ^ i/.tsa.] To that worthy and generous Gentleman, my very good friend, Captaine Smith. Ay "Fate thy Protect, prosper that thy name May be eternized with liuing fame : Though foule Detraction Honour would peruert, And Enuie euer waits vpon desert : [202] In spight of Pelias, when his hate lies cold, Returne as Iason with a fleece of gold. Then after-ages shall record thy praise, That a New-England to this He didst raise: And when thou di'st (as all that Hue must die) Thy fame Hue here ; thou, with Eternity. R. Gunncll. E.Robin*oa. Reprint of Complimentary Verses.] 691 To his wort hie Captaine, fr^i the Author. Ft thou hast led, when I brought vp the Rere [1616] In bloudy wars, where thousands haue beene slaine. Then giue me leaue in this some part to beare ; And as thy seruant, here to reade my name. Tis true, long time thou hast my Captaine beene In the fierce warres o/Transiluania: Long ere that thou America hadst seene, Or led wast captiu'd in Virginia ; Thou that to passe the worlds foure parts dost deeme No more, then fwere to goe to bed, or drinke, And all thou yet hast done, thou dost esteeme As nothing. This doth cause me thinke That thou Fane seene so oft approu'd in dangers, {And thrice captiu'd, thy valour still hath freed) Art yet preserued, to conuert those strangers : By God thy guide I trust it is decreed. For me : I not commend but much admire Thy England yet vnknowne to passers by-hcr For it will praise it selfe in spight of me ; Thou it, it thou, to all posterity. Your true friend and souldier, Ed. Robinson. 4> 692 [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. T. Carlton. 1616 [A »3»1 ri6i6] To my honest Captaine^ the Author. Alignant Times I What can be said or done, But shall be censurd and traducH by some ! This worthy W or ke, which thou hast bought so deare, Ne thou, nor it, Detractors need to feare. Thy words by deeds so long thou hast approu'd, Of thousands know thee not thou art belou'd. And this great Plot will make thee ten times more Knowne and belou'd, than ere thou wert before. I neuer knew a Warrier yet, but thee, From wine, Tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free. I call thee Warrier : and I make the bolder ; For, many a Captaine now, was neuer Souldier. Some such may swell at this : but (to their praise) When they haue done like thee, my Muse shall raise Their due deserts to Worthies yet to come, To Hue like thine (admir'd) till day of Doome. Your true friend, sometimes your souldier, Thos. Carlton. [203] The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, 5r* the Summer Isles. The Sixth Book. 1624. The General History of New England. 1606-1624 ; with a Note on Newfoundland. 1622. This Sixth Book consists: of a reprint, with variations, of our Author's own : A Description of New England, 1616, pp. 175-232. New Englands Trials, 1620, pp. 233-248. together with extracts from : Dr. J. DEE. British Monarchy, 1577, pp. 245, 773. [G. Mourt]. Relation or Journal, 6r*c, 1622, zXpp. 749- 760. An Abstract of Letters from New Plymouth, 16 July 1622, pp. 760-762. E. W[inslow]. Good News from New England, 1624, pp. 762-9. R. Whitbourne. A loving Invitation . . . Newfoundland, 1622, pp. 777-7Zi> The Sixth Booke. THE GENERALL HISTORIE OF New-England. Oncerning this History you are to vnder- stand the Letters- Patents granted by his Maiesty in 1606. for the limitation of Virginia, did extend from 34. to 44. which was diuided into two parts ; namely, the first Colony and the second : the first was to the honourable City of London, and such as would aduenture with them to discouer and take their choice where they would, betwixt the degrees of 34. and 41. The second was appropriated to the Cities of Bristol, Exeter and Plimoth, &c. and the West parts of England, and all those that would aduenture and ioine with them, and they might make their choise any where betwixt the degrees of 38. and 44. ; prouided Here should bee at least 100. miles distance betwixt ^se 2 Colonies : each of which had lawes, priuileges and ^ritie, for the gouernment and aduancing their seuerall :ons alike. [1606] 696 \_The Northern Virginia company^ Lib. 6. [EHarl&*; 1.1607-8] Now this part of America hath formerly beene called Norumbega, Virginia, Nuskoncus, Penaquida, Cannada, and such other names as those that ranged the Coast pleased. But because it was so mountainous, rocky and full of lies, few haue aduentured much to trouble it, but as is formerly related ; notwithstanding, that honourable Patron %^T* of vertue, Sir John Popham, Lord chiefe Iustice of Eng- Treasurer. land, in the yeere 1606. procured meanes and men to possesse it, and sent Captaine George Popham for Presi- dent, Captaine Rawley Gilbert for Admirall, Captaine Edward Harlow master of the Ordnance, Captaine Robert Dauis Sargeant-Maior, Captaine Elis Best Marshall, Master Seaman Secretary, Captaine lames Dauis to be Captaine of the Fort, Master Gome Carew chiefe Searcher : all those were of the Councell, who with some hundred more were to stay in the Country : they set saile from Plimoth the last of May [1607], and fell with Monahigan the eleuenth of August. At Sagadahock 9. or 10. leagues southward, they planted themselues at the mouth of a faire nauigable Riuer, but the coast all thereabouts [being] most extreme stony and rocky : that extreme frozen Winter [1607-8] was so cold they could not range nor search the Country, and their proui- sion so small, they were glad to send all but 45. of their company backe againe. Their noble President Captaine Popham died, and not long after arriued two ships well prouided of all necessaries to supply them ; and some small time after another, by whom vnderstanding of the [204] death of the Lorde chiefe Iustice, and also of Sir Iohn Gilbert: whose lands there the President Rawley Gilbert was to possesse according to the aduenturers directions, finding nothing but extreme extremities, they all returned for England in the yeere 1608. and thus this Plantation was begunne and ended in one yeere, and the Country esteemed as a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky Desart. Notwithstanding, the right Honourable Henry Earle of South-hampton and those of the He of Wight, imploied Captaine Edward Harlow to discouer an He supposed about Cape Cod, but they found their plots had much abused them, for falling with Monahigan, they found onely Cape Cod no Edby/a'iy^4:] LlB-6- [Captaine Harlow'* Relation.] 697 He but the maine, there they detained three Saluages [1608] aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but Pechmo leapt ouer board, and got away; and not long after with his consorts cut their Boat from their sterne, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand, and guarded her with Bowes and Arrowes the English lost her. Not farre from thence they had three men sorely wounded with Arrowes. Anchoring at the He of Nohono, the Saluages in their Canowes assaulted the Ship till the English Guns made them retire ; yet here they tooke Sakaweston that, after he had liued many yeeres in England, went a Souldier to the warres of Bohemia. At Capawe they tooke Coneconam and Epenow [pp. 264, 701], but the people at Agawom vsed them kindly. So with fiue Saluages they returned for England. Yet Sir Francis Popham sent diuers times one Captaine Williams to Monahigan onely to trade and make core fish, but for any Plantations there was no more speeches. For all this, as I liked Virginia well, though not their proceedings ; so I desired also to see this country, and spend some time in trying what I could finde, for all those ill rumors and disasters. From the relations of Captaine Edward Harlow and diuers others. [My first visit to New England.] N the month of Aprill 1614. at the charge of V-«87.] Captaine Marmaduke Roydon, Captaine George J^agrestt0 Langam, Master Iohn Bidey and Master William %*» & Skelton, with two ships from London, I chanced to arriue at Monahigan an He of America, 434. P430, 40'], ^ of Northerly latitude : our plot was there to take Whales, 256.936.] for which we had one Samuel Cramton, and diuers others expert in that faculty, and also to make trialls of a Mine of gold and copper ; if those failed, Fish and Furs were then our refuge to make our selues sauers howsoeuer. England. 1614. 698 Captaine Smith his first voiage to Norumbega. [3.l6JJ; Smith, une 1616. [1614] We found this Whale-fishing a costly conclusion ; we saw many and spent much time in chasing them, but could not kill any. They being a kinde of Iubartes, and not the Whale that yeelds Fins and Oile as we expected ; for our gold it was rather the Masters deuice to get a voyage that proiected it, then any knowledge he had at all of any such matter. Fish and Furs were now our guard, and by our late arriuall and long lingring about the Whale, the prime of both those seasons were past ere wee perceiued it, wee thinking that their seasons serued at all times : but we found it otherwise, for by the middest of lime the fishing failed, yet in Iuly and August some were taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we made about forty thousand, of Cor-fish about seuen thousand. t/>. 188.] Whilest the Sailers fished, my selfe with eight others moditfeT °^ them might best bee spared, ranging the Coast in a 1 got small Boat, we got for trifles neere eleuen thousand tJT5u£ted Beuer skinnes, one hundred Martins, as many Otters, and po«nd* the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged the Coast both East and West much further, but Eastward our commodities were not esteemed, they were so neere the French who afforded them better, with whom the Saluages had such commerce that only by trade they made exceeding great voyages (though they were without the limits of our precincts ) : during the time we tried those conclusions, not knowing the coast, nor Saluages habitations. With these Furres, the traine Oile and Cor-fish, I returned for England in the Barke, where within six moneths after our departure from the Downes, wee safely arriued backe. The best of this fish was sold for 5. li. the hundred; the rest, by ill vsage, betwixt three pounds and 50. shillings. The other ship stayed to fit her selfe for Spaine with the dry fish which was sold at Maligo, at forty Rialls the Quintall, each hundred [weight] weighing two quintals and a halfe. Thetrechery But one Thomas Hunt [205] the Master of this ship (when °H™TtT I was gone) thinking to preuent that intent I had to make there a Plantation, thereby to keepe this abounding Countrey still in obscuritie, that onely he and some few T. Smith."] July 1624.J and how it was first called New England. 699 Merchants more might enioy wholly the benefit of the [1614] Trade, and profit of this Countrey, betraied foure and twenty of those poore Saluages aboord his ship : and most [A 754-1 dishonestly, and inhumanely, for their kinde vsage of me and all our men, caried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little priuate gaine sold those silly Saluages for Rials of eight ; but this vilde act kept him euer after from any more emploiment in those parts. Now because at this time I had taken a draught of the Coast, and called it New England; yet so long he [i.e., Hunt] and his Consorts drowned that name with the Eccho of Cannaday ; and some other ships from other parts also, that vpon this good returne the next yere went thither [June 1615] : that at last I presented this Discourse with the Map, to our most gracious Prince Charles, humbly intreating his Highnesse hee would please to change their barbarous names for such English, as posteritie might say Prince Charles was their God-father ; which for your better vnder- standing both of this Discourse and the Map, peruse this Schedule, which will plainly shew you the correspondency of the old names to the new, as his Highnesse named them. The old names. Cape Cod. The Harbor at Cape Cod. Chawum. Accomack. Sagoquas. Massachusets Mount. Massachusits Riuer. Totan. A great Bay by Cape Anne. Cape Tragabigsanda. Naembeck. Aggawom. Smiths lies. Passataquack. Accominticus. Sassanows Mount. Sowocatuck. The new names. Cape lames. Milforth hauen. Barwick. Plimoth. Oxford. Cheui[o]t hills. Charles Riuer. Fa[t\mouth. Bristow. Cape Anne. Bastable. Southampton. Smiths lies. Hull. Boston. Snowdon hill. Ipswich. How Prince Charles called the most re- markable places in New- England. [p. 232.) 7. 938.1 The Description of New England- Hat part we call New England, is betwixt the degrees of fortie one and fortie hue, the very meane betwixt the North pole and the line ; but that part this Dis- course speaketh of, stretcheth but from Penobscot to Cape Cod, some seuentie nue leagues by a right line distant each from other ; within which bounds I haue seene at least fortie seuerall habitations vpon the Sea Coast, and sounded about nue and twentie excellent good Harbours, in many whereof there is anchorage for nue hundred saile of ships of any burden ; in some of them for one thousand, and more then two hundred lies ouer- growne with good Timber of diuers sorts of wood, which doe make so many Harbours, as required a longer time then I had to be well obserued. The principall habitation Northward we were at, was Pennobscot. Southward along the Coast and vp the Riuers, we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemaquid, Nuscoucus, Saga- dahock, Aumoughcowgen, and Kenebeke; and to those Countries belong the people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masher osqueck, Wawrigweck, Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Pashara- nack, &c. To these are alied in confederacy, the Countries of Ancocisco, Accomynticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, and Naemkeck : All these for any thing I could perceiue, differ little in language, fashion, or gouernment : though most of them be Lords of themselues, yet they hold the Bashabes of Penobscot, the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next I can remember by name, are Mattahunts, two I juiy^S'.] Lib. 6. The Description of New England. 707 pleasant lies of Groues, Gardens, and Corne fields a [1614] league in the Sea from the maine : Then Totant, Massa- chuset, Topent, Secassaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacack, Accomack, Chawum, Patuxet, Massasoyts, Pakanokick : then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet and the He Nawset, of the language and aliance of them of Chawum ; the others are called Massachusets, and differ somewhat in language, custome, and condition. For their Trade and Merchandize, to each of their principall families or habitations, they haue diuers Townes arid people belonging, and by their relations and descriptions, more then twentie seuerall habitations and riuers that stretch themselues farre into the Countrey, euen to the Borders of diuers great Lakes, where they kill and take most of their Otters. From Pennobscot to Sagadahoc. This Coast [209] is V- 193-1 mountainous, and lies of huge Rockes, but ouer-growne for most part, with most sorts of excellent good woods, for building Houses, Boats, Barks or Ships, with an incredible abundance of most sorts of Fish, much Fowle, and sundry sorts of good Fruits for mans vse. Betwixt Sagadahock, and Sowocatuck, there is but two or three Sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape lames very many : especially the Coast of the Massachusets is so indifferently mixed with high Clay or Sandy clifts in one place, and the tracts of large long ledges of diuers sorts, and Quaries of stones in other places, so strangely diuided with tinctured veines of diuers colours : as Free-stone for building, Slate for tyling, smooth stone to make Furnasses and Forges for Glasse and Iron, and Iron Ore sufficient conueniently to melt in them ; but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Deuonshire, I thinke most of the clifts would make such Lime-stone : if they bee not of these qualities, they are so like they may deceiue a better iudgement then mine: all which are so neere adioyning to those other aduantages I obserued in these parts, that if the Ore proue as good Iron and Steele in those parts as I know it is within the bounds of the Countrey, I dare ingage my head (hauing but men skilfull to worke the Simples there growing) to haue all things belonging to the building and rigging of ships of any proportion, and good Merchandise for their fraught, within a square of 708 The Description of New England. Lib. 6. [3.l6 jIJTm. [1614] A proofe of an excellent clime. [/>• 194-1 ten or foureteene leagues, and it were no hard matter to proue it within a lesse limitation. And surely by reason of those sandy clifts, and clifts of rocks, both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong, and well proportioned people, besides the greatnesse of the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of the Fish, and the moderate temper of the aire (for of fiue and forty not a man was sicke, but two that were many yeares diseased before they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidentall diet) who can but approue this a most excellent place, both for health and fertilitie : and of all the foure parts of the world I haue yet seene not inhabited, could I haue but means to transport a Colony, I would rather liue here then any where ; and if it did not main- taine it selfe, were we but once indifferently well fitted, let vs starue. Obserua lions of the stapieCom. ^he maine staple from hence to bee extracted for the modifies Mr # i • i i i present. present, to produce the rest, is Fish, which howbeit may seeme a meane and a base Commoditie ; yet who will but truly take the paines and consider the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see, what great aduentures the hopes of setting forth men of warre to rob the industrious innocent would procure, or such massie promises in grosse, though more are choaked then well fed with such hastie hopes. But who doth not ^Hoiunders. know that the poore Hollanders chiefely by fishing at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy and industrious, and by the venting this poore Commoditie to the Easterlings for as meane, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rozen, Cordage, and such like ; which they exchange againe to the French, Spaniards, Portugals, and English, &c. for what they want, are made so mighty, strong, and rich, as no state but Venice of twice their magnitude is so well furnished, with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes, strong Fortresses, and that abundance of shipping, and all sorts of Merchandize, as well of Gold, Siluer, Pearles, Diamonds, pretious Stones, Silkes, Veluets, and Cloth of /uiySS:] Lib. 6. The Description of New England. 709 Gold ; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such grosse Commodities ? [1614] What voiages and discoueries, East and West, North and South, yea about the world, make they ? What an Army by Sea and Land haue they long maintained, in despight of one of the greatest Princes of the world, and neuer could the Spaniard with all his Mines of Gold and Siluer, pay his debts, his friends, and Army, halfe so truly as the Hollanders still haue done by this contemptible Trade of Fish. Diuers (I know) may alleage many other assist- ances ; but this is the chiefest Mine, and [210] the Sea the source of those siluer streames of all their vertue, which hath made them now the very miracle of industry, the onely paterne of perfection for these affaires : and the benefit of fishing is that Primum Mobile that turnes all their spheares to this height, of plentie, strength, honor, and exceeding great admiration. Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicitie, that makes \p. i9S.] their wealth and shippings multiplicitie such as it is : and Note. from which (few would thinke it) they should draw so many millions yeerely as they doe, as more in particular in the trials of New England [pp. 233-272] you may see ; and such an incredible number of ships, that breeds them so many Sailers, Mariners, Souldiers, and Merchants, neuer to be wrought out of that Trade, and fit for any other. I will not deny but others may gaine as well as they that will vse it, though not so certainly, nor so much in quantitie, for want of experience : and this Herring they take vpon the Coast of England and Scotland, their Cod and Ling vpon the Coast of Izeland, and in the North seas, if wee consider what gaines the Hamburgans, the Biskinners, and French make by fishing; nay, but how many thousands this fiftie or sixty yeeres [1564-1614 or 1624] haue beene maintained by New found land, where they take nothing but small Cod, whereof the greatest they make Cor-fish, and the rest is hard dried, which we call Poore-Iohn, would amaze a man with wonder. If then from all those parts such paines is taken for this poore gaines of Fish, especially by the Hollanders, that hath but little of their owne, for building of ships and setting them to sea ; but at the second, third, fourth, or fift hand, drawne from so many parts of the world Jio The Altitiide comparatiuely, Lib. 6. [3_l6J{ Smith. unc 1616. [1614J ere they come together to be vsed in those voiages: If these (I say) can gaine, why should we more doubt then they; but doe much better, that may haue most of all those things at our doores for taking and making, and \p- 196.] here are no hard Landlords to racke vs with high rents, or extorting fines, nor tedious pleas in Law to consume vs with their many yeeres disputation for iustice; no multitudes to occasion such impediments to good orders as in popular States : so freely hath God and his Maiestie bestowed those blessings on them [that] will attempt to obtaine them, as here euery man may be master of his Note. owne labour and land, or the greatest part (if his Maiesties royall meaning be not abused) and if he haue nothing but his hands, he may set vp his Trade ; and by industry quickly grow rich, spending but halfe that time well, which in England we abuse in idlenesse, worse, or as ill. tFheaAu'"d0/ Here is ground as good as any lieth in the height of compara- forty one, forty two, forty three, &c. which is as temperate, tmely" and as fruitfull as any other parallel in the world. As for example, on this side the line, West of it in the South Sea, is Nona Albion, discouered as is said [p. 702] by Sir Francis Drake. East from it is the most temperate part of Portugall, the ancient Kingdomes of Galizia, Bisky, Nauarre, Aragon, Cattilonia, Castillia the old, and the most moderatest of Castillia the new, and Valentia ; which in spaitu. is the greatest part of Spaine: which if the Histories be true, in the Romans time abounded no lesse with gold and siluer Mines, then now the West-Indies ; the Romans then vsing the Spaniards to worke in those Mines, as now the Spaniards doe the Indians. in France. jn FranCe the Prouinces of Gascony, Langadocke, A uignon, Prouince, Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the same parallel ; which are the best and richest parts of France. In Italy the Prouinces of Genua, Lumbar dy, and Verona, with a great part of the most famous state of Venice, the Dukedomes of Bononia, Mantua,Ferrara,Rauenna,Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Vrbine,Ancona, and the ancient Citie and Countrey of Rome, with a great part of the Kingdome of Naples. In Slauonia, Istria, and Dalmatia, with the in Greece Kingdomes of A Ibania. In Grecia those famous Kingdomes juiy?<£3 Lib. 6. and particular Commodities. 711 of Macedonia, Bullulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, [1614] where is seated the most pleasant and plentifull Citie in Europe, Constantinople. In Asia in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts in Asia. of Natolia, Armenia, [211] Persia, and China ; besides diuers CA*97-] other large Countries and Kingdomes in those most milde and temperate Regions of Asia. Southward in the same height is the richest of Gold Mines, Beyond the Chily, and Baldinia, and the mouth of the great Riuer of Plate, me' &c. for all the rest of the world in that height is yet vnknowne. Besides these reasons, mine owne eies that haue seene a great part of those Cities and their Kingdomes (as well as it) can finde no aduantage they haue in Nature but this, they are beautified by the long labour and diligence of industrious people and art ; This is onely as God made it when hee created the world. Therefore I conclude, if the heart and intrailes of those Regions were sought, if their Land were cultured, planted, and manured by men of industry, iudgement, and experi- ence ; what hope is there, or what need they doubt, hauing the aduantages of the Sea, but it might equalize any of these famous Kingdomes in all commodities, pleasures, and conditions: seeing euen the very hedges doe naturally affoord vs such plentie, as no ship need returne away emptie, and onely vse but the season of the Sea, Fish will returne an honest gaine, besides all other aduantages ; her treasures hauing yet neuer beene opened, nor her originals wasted, consumed, nor abused. And whereas it is said the Hollanders serue the Easter- JJiSu?11" lings themselues, and other parts that want with Herring, commodities Ling, and wet Cod: The Easterlings, a great part of &tbTyb° Europe, with Sturgion and Cauiare, as the Blacke Sea industry- doth Grecia, Podolia, Sagouia, Natolia, and the Hellespont. Cape Blanke, Spaine, Portugall, and the Leuant, with Mulit and Puttargo. New found land, the most part of the chiefe Southerne Ports in Europe, with a thin Poore- Iohn ; which hath beene so long, so much ouer-laied with Fishers, as the fishing decaieth, so that many oft times are constrained to returne with a small fraught. Norway 7 i 2 The seasons and facilitie Lib. 6. [3_l6 }[ Smith, une 1616. [1814] and Poland affoords Pitch and Tarre, Masts and Yards. Sweathland and Russia, Iron and Ropes. France and Spaine, Canuase, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oile. Italy and Greece, Silkes and Fruits. I dare boldly say, because I haue seene naturally growing or breeding in those parts, the same materials that all these are made of, they may \t. i58.] as well bee had here, or the most part of them within the distance of seuentie leagues for some few ages, as from all those parts, vsing but the same meanes to haue them that they doe ; but surely in Virginia, their most tender and daintiest fruits or commodities, would be as perfit as theirs, by reason of the heat, if not in New England, and with all those aduantages. The nature First, the ground is so fertill, that questionlesse it is approued?" capable of producing any Graine, Fruits, or Seeds, you will sow or plant, growing in the Regions aforenamed. But it may be not to that perfection of delicacy, because the Summer is not so hot, and the Winter is more cold in those parts we haue yet tried neere the Sea side, then wee finde in the same height in Europe or Asia : yet I made a Garden vpon the top of a Rocky He in three and forty degrees and an halfe, foure leagues from the maine in May, that grew so well, as it serued vs for Sallets in Iune and Iuly. All sorts of Cattle may here be bred and fed in the lies or Peninsulaes securely for nothing. In the Interim, till they increase (if need be) obseruing the seasons, I durst vndertake to haue Corne enough from the Saluages for three hundred men, for a few trifles ; and if they should be vntowards, as it is most certaine they will, thirtie or fortie good men will be sufficient to bring them all in subiection, and make this prouision, if they vnderstand what to doe : two hundred whereof may eight or nine moneths in the yeere be imploied in helping the Fisher-men, till the rest prouide other necessaries, fit to furnish vs with other Commodities. The season. In March, Aprill, May, and halfe Iune, heere is Cod in approuedi abundance ; In May, Iune, Iuly, and August, Mullit and Sturgion, whose Roes doe make Cauiare and Puttargo ; Herring, if any desire them : I haue taken many out of the bellies of Cods, some in nets ; but the Saluages /uiyTe^'.J Lib. 6. for Trade and Plantations. 7 1 3 compare the store in the Sea with the haires of their [1614 heads : and surely there are an incredible abundance vpon this Coast. [212] In the end of August, September, October, and Nouember, you may haue Cod againe to make Core-fish or Poore-Iohn : Hake you may haue when the Cod failes in Summer, if you will fish in the night, which is better then Cod. Now each hundred you take here, is as good as two or three hundred in New found Land ; so that halfe the labour in hooking, splitting and touring, is saued : And you may haue your fish at what market you will, before they haue any in New found land, where their fishing is chiefelybutinlune andluly; where[as] it is here in March, Aprill, May, September, October and [A *99-i Nouember, as is said : so that by reason of this Plantation, the Merchants may haue their fraught both out and home, which yeelds an aduantage worth consideration. Your Core-fish you may in like manner transport as you see cause, to serue the Ports in Portugall, as Lisbone, Auera, Porta Port, and diuers others, (or what market you please) before your Ilanders [Icelanders] returne. They being tied to the season in the open Sea, and you hauing a double season, and fishing before your doores, may euery night sleep quietly ashore with good cheere, and what fires you will, or when you please with your wiues and family : they onely and their ships in the maine Ocean, that must carie and containe all they vse, besides their fraught. The Mullits here are in that abundance, you may take them with nets sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape Blanke they hooke them : yet those are but a foot and a halfe in length; these two, three, or foure, as oft I haue measured, which makes me suspect they are some other kinde of fish, though they seeme the same, both in fashion and goodnesse. Much Salmon some haue found vp the Riuers as they haue passed ; and here the aire is so temperate, as all these at any time may be preserued. Now, young Boies and Girles, Saluages, or any other implement bee they neuer such idlers, may turne, carie or returne p^opfeTnd a fish, without either shame or any great paine. He is chndrln.se very idle that is past twelue yeeres of age and cannot doe so much ; and she is very old that cannot spin a threed to make Engins to catch a fish. 7 1 4 The seasons and facilitie Lib. 6. [3_l6 j[ Smith, une 1616. [1614] For their transportation, the ships that goe there to She*"11*" ^s^ may transport the first : who for their passage will Plantation, spare the charge of double manning their ships, which they must do in New found land to get their fraught ; but one third part of that company are onely proper to serue a stage, carie a Barrow, and turne Poore-Iohn ; notwithstanding, they must haue meat, drinke, clothes, and passage so well as the rest. Now all I desire is but this, That those that voluntarily will send shipping, should make here the best choice they can, or accept such as shall bee presented them to serue them at that rate : and their ships returning leaue such with me, with the value of that they should receiue comming home, in such prouisions and necessarie tooles, armes, bedding, apparell, salt, nets, hookes, lines, and i/. 200.1 such like, as they spare of the remainings ; who till the next returne may keepe their Boats, and doe them many other profitable offices. Prouided, I haue men of abilitie to teach them their functions, and a company fit for Souldiers to be ready vpon any occasion, because of the abuses that haue beene offered the poore Saluages, and the libertie that both French and English, or any that will, haue to deale with them as they please ; whose disorders will be hard to reforme, and the longer the worse. Now such order with facilitie might be taken, with euery Port, Towne, or Citie, with free power to conuert the bene- fit of their fraughts to what aduantage they please, and increase their numbers as they see occasion, who euer as they are able to subsist of themselues, may begin the new Townes in New England, in memory of their old : which freedome being confined but to the necessitie of the generall good, the euent (with Gods helpe) might produce an honest, a noble, and a profitable emulation. Present Salt vpon Salt may assuredly be made, if not at the first SeT™04*" in ponds, yet till they be prouided this may be vsed : then the ships may transport Kine, Horse, Goats, course Cloth, and such Commodities as we want ; by whose arriuall may be made that prouision of fish to fraught the ships that they stay not ; and then if the Sailers goe for wages it i-i6 junfTeie.] Lib. 6. for Trade and Plantations. 7 1 5 matters not, it is hard if this returne defray not the [1614] charge : [213] but care must be had they arriue in the Spring, or else that prouision be made for them against winter. Of certaine red berries called Kermes, which is worth Kem«*- ten shillings the pound, but of these haue beene sold for thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yeerely be gathered a good quantity. Of the Muskrat may be well raised gaines worth their Musquasses. labour, that will endeuour to make triall of their goodnesse. Of Beuers, Otters and Martins, blacke Foxes, and Beuers [/.«., Furres of price, may yeerely be had six or seuen thousand, theirskins' and if the trade of the French were preuented, many more : 25000. this yeere [1614] were brought from those northerne parts into France, of which trade we may haue as good part as the French if we take good courses. Of Mines of Gold and Siluer, Copper, and probabilities ia**.] of Lead, Crystall and Allum, I could say much if rela- Mines- tions were good assurances ; it is true indeed, I made many trialls according to the instructions I had, which doth perswade me I need not despaire but that there are metals in the Country: but I am no Alcumist, nor will promise more then I know : which is, who will vndertake the rectifying of an iron Forge, if those that buy meat and drinke, coles, ore, and all necessaries at a deare rate, gaine ; where all the sethings are to be had for taking vp, in my opinion cannot lose. Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if woods, those that build ships and boats, buy wood at so great a price as it is in England, Spaine, France and Holland, and all other prouisions for the nourishment of mans life, Hue well by their trade; when labour is all [that is] required to take these necessaries without any other tax, what hazard will be here but to doe much better, and what commodity in Europe doth more decay then wood ? for the goodnesse of the ground, let vs take it fertill or barren, or as it is, seeing it is certaine it beares fruits to nourish and feed man and beast as well as England, and the Sea those seuerall sorts of fishes I haue related. Thus seeing all good things for mans sustenance may with this facility be had by a little extraordinary labour, 7 1 6 Present commodities with the gaines. Lib. 6. [3_l6 j{'nf JJJJ: [1614] till that transported be increased, and all necessaries for shipping onely for labour, to which may added the assist- ance of the Saluages which may easily be had, if they be discreetly handled in their kinds, towards fishing, planting, and destroying woods. What gaines might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses dwelling there, you may serue all Europe better and farre cheaper then can the Hand Fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape-Llanke, or Newfound land, who must be at much more charge then you) may easily be coniectured by this example. An example Two thousand [pounds] will fit out a ship of 200. tunnes, SponCeueryCS and one [ship] of 100. tuns. If of the dry fish they both make, monethsS,x [they] fraught that of 200. and goe for Spaine, sell it but at retume. ten shillings a quintall, but commonly it giues fifteene or !>.aoa.] twenty, especially when it commeth first, which amounts to 3. or 4000. pound, but say but ten, which is the lowest, allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate to 2000. [pounds] which is the whole charge of your two ships and the equipage: then the returne [by exchange] of the mony and the fraught of the ship for the vintage or any other voyage is cleere gaine; with your ship of one hundred tunnes of traine Oile and Cor-fish, besides the Beuers and other commodities, and that you may haue at home within six moneths if God please to send but an ordinary passage. Then sauing halfe this charge by the not staying of your ships, your victuall, ouerplus of men and wages, with her fraught thither with necessaries for the Planters, the Salt being there made, as also may the nets and lines within a short time ; if nothing may be expected but this, it might in time equalize your Hollanders gaines, if not exceede them : hauing their fraughts alwaies ready against the arriuall of the ships. This would so increase our shipping and sailers, and so incourage and imploy a great part of our Idlers and others that want imployment fitting their qualities at home, where they shame to doe that they would doe abroad, that could they but once taste the sweet fruits of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands would be aduised by good discipline to take more pleasure in honest industry, then in their humors of dissolute idleness. [214] ,-ie j£nf?6i6.] The habitations of the Saluages in particular. 71 7 But to returne a little more to the particulars of this [1614] Countrey, which I intermingle thus with my proiects and Ades"'P- reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those countrey parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Aire, the gJEJ, and Land, the Fruits, their Rocks, the People, the Gouern- $™tions, ment, Religion, Territories, Limitations, Friends and Foes: But as I gathered from their niggardly relations in a broken language, during the time I ranged those Countries, &c. The most Northerne part I was at, was the Bay of Pen- [>. *o3.] nobscot, which is East and West, North and South, more then ten leagues: but such were my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the Riuer ranne farre vp into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people; but they were from their habitations, either fishing amongst the lies, or hunting the Lakes and Woods for Deere and Beuers. The Bay is full of great lies of one, two, six or eight miles in length, which diuides it into many faire and excellent good Harbours. On the East of it are the Tarrentines, their mortall enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report, that Hue with those people as one Nation or Family. And Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high Mountaine, a kinde of fortresse against the Tarren- tines, adioyning to the high Mountaines of Pennobscot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea ; but ouer all the Land, lies, or other impediments, you may well see them foureteene or eighteene leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next, then Nuskoucus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Vp this Riuer, where was the Westerne Plantation, are Aumoughcawgen, Kinnebeke, and diuers others, where are planted some Corne fields. Along this Riuer thirtie or fortie miles, I saw nothing but great high clifts of barren Rocks ouergrowne with Wood, but where the Saluages dwell there the ground is excellent salt [fat], and fertill. Westward of this Riuer is the Country of Aucocisco, in the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of many great lies, which diuides it into many good Harbours. Sawocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large Sandy 7 i 8 The habitations of the Saluages in particular. [3_l6 /unf 7^ [1614] Bay, which hath many Rockes and lies, but few good Harbours but for Barkes I yet know. But all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as farre as I could see Eastward of it, is nothing but such high craggy clifty Rockes and stony lies, that I wonder such great Trees could grow vpon so hard foundations. It is a Countrey rather to affright then delight one, and how to describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation, or more [/. ao4.] barren, I know not ; yet are those rocky lies so furnished with good Woods, Springs, Fruits, Fish and Fowle, and the Sea the strangest Fish-pond I euer saw, that it makes me thinke, though the coast be rocky and thus affrightable, the Vallies and Plaines and interior parts may well not- withstanding be very fertill. But there is no Country so fertill [that] hath not some part barren, and New-England is great enough to make many Kingdomes and Countries, were it all inhabited. As you passe the coast still westward, Accominticus and Passataquack are two conuenient Harbours for small Barkes ; and a good Country within their craggy clifts. Augoan is the next : this place might content a right curious iudgement, but there are many sands at the entrance of the Harbour, and the worst is, it is imbayed too farre from the deepe Sea; here are many rising hils, and on their tops and descents are many come fields and delightfull groues. On the East is an He of two or three leagues in length, the one halfe plaine marish ground, fit for pasture or salt Ponds, with many faire high groues of Mulbery trees and Gardens ; there is also Okes, Pines, Walnuts, and other wood to make this place an excellent habitation, being a good and safe Harbour. Naiemkeck, though it be more rocky ground, for Augoan is sandy, [is] not much inferiour neither for the harbour, nor any thing I could perceiue but the multitude of people. ^a?4^' From hence doth stretch into the Sea the faire headland l^ss7, ' Tragabigzanda, now called Cape An, fronted with the three lies wee called the three Turkes heads; to the r" ~' north of this doth enter a great Bay, where we found some habitations and Corne fields, they report a faire Riuer and at least 30. habitations [215] doth possesse \j>p. 204, 730, 3-i6 junf TiSi] The habitations of the Saluages in particular. 719 this Country. But because the French had got their [1614] trade, I had no leisure to discouer it. The lies of Mattahunts are on the west side of this Bay, where are many lies and some Rocks that appeare a great height aboue the water like the Pyramides in Mgypt, and amongst them many good Harbours, and then the country of the Massachusits, which is the Paradice of all those parts ; for here are many lies planted with Come, Groues, Mulberies, saluage Gardens and good Harbours, the Coast is for the most part high clayie sandy clifts, the y.905.] sea Coast as you passe shewes you all along large Corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people : but t/A 747. the French hauing remained here neere six weekes, left 754' 933' nothing for vs to take occasion to examine the Inhabitants relations, viz. if there be three thousand people vpon those lies, and that the Riuer doth pierce many daies iourney the entrailes of that Country. We found the people in those parts very kinde, but in their fury no lesse valiant ; for vpon a quarrell we fought with forty or fifty of them, till they had spent all their Arrowes, and then we tooke six or seuen of their Canowes, which towards the eueningthey ransomed for Beuer skinnes: and at Quonahasit falling out there but with one of them, he with three others crossed the Harbour in a Canow to certaine rockes whereby wee must passe, and there let flie An Indian their Arrowes for our shot, till we were out of danger ; yet siaine, one of them was siaine, and another shot through his thigh. £2. er Then come you to Accomacke an excellent good Harbour, good land, and no want of any thing but industrious people : after much kindnesse, wee fought also with them, though some were hurt, some siaine, yet within an houre after they became friends. Cape Cod is the next [that] presents it selfe, which is onely a headland of high hils, ouer-growne with shrubby Pines, hurts and such trash; vbut an excellent harbour for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in forme of a Sickell; on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet, and in the bottome of the Bay them of Chawum. Towards the South and South-west of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoule of rocks and sand, but so 720 The land markes and other notes. Ltb. 6. Q-^/unfT^.' [1614] farre as I incercled it, I found thirty fathome water and a strong currant, which makes mee thinke there is a chanell about this Shoule, where is the best and greatest fish to be had winter and summer in all the Country ; but the Saluages say there is no Chanell, but that the Shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet to the He of Nawset, and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea. [//. 264,697, The next to this is Capawucke, and those abounding 701,733] Countries of Copper, Corne, People and Mineralls, which I went to discouer this last yeere [1615] ; but because I mis- {/. 206.] carried by the way, I will leaue them till God please I haue better acquaintance with them. The Massachusets they report sometimes haue warres with the Bashabes of Pennobscot, and are not alwaies friends with them of Chawum and their alliance ; but now they are all friends, and haue each trade with other so farre as they haue society on each others frontiers : for they [the Bashabes] make no such voyages as from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, seldome to Massach[u]set. In the North as I haue said they haue begun to plant Corne, whereof the south part hath such plenty as they haue what they will from them of the North, and in the Winter much more plenty of fish and fowle ; but both Winter and Summer hath it in one part or other all the yeere, being the meane and most indifferent temper betwixt heat and cold, of all the Regions betwixt the Line and the Pole : but the Furs Northward are much better, and in much more plenty then Southward. Mikes'1 ^e remarkablest Ues ana" Mountaines for land Markes are these : the highest He is Sorico in the Bay of Pen- nobscot, but the three lies, and the lies of Matinack are much further in the Sea : Metynacus is also three plaine lies, but many great Rocks : Monahigan is a round high He, and close by it [is] Monanis, betwixt which is a small Harbour where we rid ; in Darner Us lies is such another, Sagadahocke is knowne by Satquin, and foure or hue lies in their mouth. Smiths lies are a heape together, [216] none neere them [#.204,718, against Accomintycus : the three Turkes heads, are three 8381 lies, seene farre to Sea-ward in regard of the Head-land. [//. 204, 206, The chiefe Head-lands, are onely Cape Tragabigzanda, and *xjfilsl&\ Cape Cod; now called [p. 232] Cape lames, and Cape Anne. j-iejunfTeieJ Lib. 6. The land markes and other notes. 721 The chiefe Mountaines, them of Pennobscot, the twinkling [1614] Mountaine of Acocisco, the great Mountaine of Sassanow, and the high Mountaine of Massachuset. Each of which you shall finde in the Map, their places, forme, and altitudes. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the intrailes of rocky Mountaines. The Herbs and Fruits are of many sorts and kinds, as Herbs and Alkermes, Currans, Mulberies, Vines, Respises, Gooseberies, ^HJjj Plums, Wall-nuts, Chesse-nuts, Small-nuts, Pumpions, Gourds, Strawberies, Beanes, Pease, and Maize ; a kinde or two of Flax, wherewith they make Nets, Lines, and Ropes, both small and great, very strong for their quantities. Oake is the chiefe wood, of which there is great Woods. difference, in regard of the soyle where it groweth, Firre, Pine, Wall-nut, Chesse-nut, Birtch, Ash, Elme, Cipris, Cedar, Mulbery, Plum tree, Hazell, Saxefras, and many other sorts. Eagles, Grips, diuers sorts of Hawkes, Craines, Geese, Birds. Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Cranes, Swannes, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes, Gulls, Turkies, Diue-doppers, and many other sorts whose names I know not. Whales, Grompus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgion, Cod, *«he». Hake, Haddocke, Cole, Cuske or small Ling, Sharke, Mackarell, Herring, Mullit, Base, Pinnacks, Cunners, Pearch, Eeles, Crabs, Lobsters, Mustels, Wilks, Oisters, Clamps, Periwinkels, and diuers others, &c. Moos, a beast bigger than a Stag, Deare red and fallow, Beasts- Beuers, Wolues, Foxes both blacke and other, Aroughcunds, wilde Cats, Beares, Otters, Martins, Fitches, Musquassus, and diuers other sorts of Vermin whose names I know not. All these and diuers other good things doe here for want of vse still increase and decrease with little diminution, whereby they grow to that abundance, you shall scarce finde any bay, shallow shore or Coue of sand, where you may not take many clamps or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in many places load your Boat if you please ; nor lies where you finde not Fruits, Birds, Crabs, and Mustels, or all of them ; for taking at a low water Cod, Cuske, Hollibut, Scate, Turbit, Mackarell, or such like are taken plentifully in diuers sandy Bayes, 46 722 Generall Observations. Lib. 6. [^6^m [1614] store of Mullit, Bases, and diuers other sorts of such [>.ao8.j excellent fish as many as their Net can hold: no Riuer where there is not plenty of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both, all which are to be had in abundance obseruing but their seasons : but if a man will goe at Christmas to gather Cherries in Kent, though there be plenty in Summer, he may be deceiued ; so here these plenties haue each their seasons, as I haue expressed. We for the most part had little but bread and Vinegar, and though, the most part of Iuly when the fishing decayed, they wrought all day, lay abroad in the lies all night, and liued on what they found, yet were not sicke. But I would wish none long [to] put himselfe to such plunges, except necessity constraine it: yet worthy is that person to starue that here cannot Hue if he haue seuse, strength and health, for there is no such penury of these blessings in any place but that one hundred men may in two or three houres make their prouisions for a day, and he that hath experience to manage these affaires, with forty or thirty honest in- dustrious men, might well vndertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subiect the Saluages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good Come, Fish, and Flesh as the earth hath of those kinds, and yet make that labour but their pleasure : prouided that they haue Engines that be proper for their purposes. iJITlhit' Who can desire more content that hath small meanes, or haue great but onely his merit to aduance his fortunes, then to tread and SI3i,and plant that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his life ; if hee haue but the taste of vertue and magnanimity, what to such a minde can bee more pleasant then planting and building a foundation for his posterity, got from the rude earth by Gods blessing and his [217] owne industry without preiudice to any ; if hee haue any graine of faith or zeale in Religion, what can he doe lesse hurtfull to any, or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to conuert those poore Saluages to know Christ and humanity, whose labours with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paine ; what so truly su[i]tes with honour and honesty, as the discouering things vnknowne, erecting Townes, peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things vniust, meanes. ?-i6jinfS:] Lib. 6. Generall Obseruations. 723 teaching vertue and gaine to our natiue mother Country [1616] a Kingdome to attend her, finde imploiment for those that \p. 209.] are idle, because they know not what to doe : so farre from wronging any, as to cause posterity to remember thee ; and remembring thee,euerhonourthat remembrance with praise. Consider what were the beginnings and endings of the Monarchies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, the Grecians and Romans, but this one rule; what was it they would not doe for the good of their common weale, or their mother City ? For example : Rome, what made her such a Monarchesse, but onely the aduentures of her youth, not in riots at home, but in dangers abroad ; and the iustice and iudgement out of their experiences, when they grew aged : what was their ruine and hurt but this, the excesse of idlenesse, the fondnesse of parents, the want of experience in Maiestrates, the admiration of their vn- deserued honours, the contempt of true merit, their vniust iealousies, their politike incredulities, their hypocriticall seeming goodnesse and their deeds of secret lewdnesse ; finally in fine, growing onely formall temporists, all that their Predecessors got in many yeeres they lost in a few daies : those by their paines and vertues became Lords of the world, they by their ease and vices became slaues to their seruants ; this is the difference betwixt the vse of armes in the field and on the monuments of stones, the golden age and the leaden age, prosperity and misery, iustice and corruption, substance and shadowes, words and deeds, experience and imagination, making common weales and marring common weales, the fruits of vertue and the conclusions of vice. Then who would Hue at home idly, or thinke in himselfe any worth to Hue, onely to eat, drinke and sleepe, and so die ; or by consuming that carelesly , his friends got worthily ; or by vsing that miserably that maintained vertue honestly; or for being descended nobly, and pine with the vaine vaunt of great kindred in penury ; or to maintaine a silly shew of brauery, toile out thy heart, soule and time basely, by shifts, tricks, Cards and Dice ; or by relating newes of other mens actions, sharke here and there for a dinner or supper; deceiuethy friends by faire promises and dissimulation, in borrowing where thou neuer meanest to 724 Generall Obseruations. Lib. 6. Q.,6jL2*l5: [1616] pay; offend the Lawes, surfet with excesse, burthen thy [/». aio.] Countrie, abuse thy selfe, despaire in want, and then cousen thy Kindred, yea euen thy owne brother, and wish thy Parents death (I will not say damnation) to haue their estates: though thou seest what honours and rewards the world yet hath for them that will seeke them and worthily deserue them. I would bee sorry to offend, or that any should mistake my honest meaning ; for I wish good to all, hurt to none : but rich men for the most part are growne to that dotage through their pride in their wealth, as though there were no accident could end it or their life. And what hellish care doe such take to make it their owne misery and their Countries spoile, especially when there is most need of their imploiment, drawing by all manner of inuentions from the Prince and his honest Sub- iects, euen the vitall spirits of their powers and estates : as if their baggs or brags were so powerfull a defence, the malicious could not assault them, when they are the onely bait to cause vs not onely to bee assaulted, but betrayed and murthered in our owne security ere wee will perceiue it. [218] An example May not the miserable ruine of Constantinople, their im- wuctoit pregnable walls, riches and pleasures [at] last taken by the nesse. Turke, which were then but a bit in comparison of their mightinesse now, remember vs of the effects of priuate couetousnesse; at which time the good Emperour held himselfe rich enough, to haue such rich subiects, soformall in all excesse of vanity, all kinde of delicacy and prodi- gality : his pouerty when the Turke besieged the Citizens (whose merchandizing thoughts were onely to get wealth) little conceiuing the desperat resolution of a valiant expert enemy, left the Emperour so long to his conclusions, hauing spent all he had to pay his young raw discontented Souldiers, that suddenly he, they, and their City were all a prey to the deuouring Turke, and what they would not spare for the maintenance of them who aduentured their Hues to defend them, did serue onely their enemies to torment them, their friends and Country, and all Christen- dome to this present day. Let this lamentable example remember you that are rich (seeing there are such great theeues in the world to rob you) not [to] grudge to lend some 3-i6juneST65j Lib. 6. Getierall Obseruations. 725 proportion to breed them that haue little, yet willing to [1616: learne how to defend you, for it is too late when the deed t>. m.i is doing. The Romans estate hath beene worse then this, for the meere couetousnesse and extortion of a few of them so moued the rest, that not hauing any imploiment but con- templation, their great iudgements grew to so great malice, as themselues were sufficient to destroy themselues by faction ; let this moueyou to imbrace imployment for those whose educations, spirits and iudgements want but your purses, not only to preuent such accustomed dangers, but also to gaine more thereby then you haue. And you fathers that are either so foolishly fond, or so miserably couetous, or so wilfully ignorant, or so negligently carelesse, as that you will rather maintaine your children in idle wantonnesse till they grow your masters ; or become so basely vnkinde that they wish nothing but your deaths; so that both sorts grow dissolute ; and although you would wish them any where to escape the Gallowes and ease your cares; though they spend you here one, two or three hundred pound[s] a yeere ; you would grudge to giue halfe so much in aduenture with them to obtaine an estate, which in a small time, but with a little assistance of your prouidence, might bee better then your owne. But if an Angell should tell you [that] any place yet vnknowne, can affoord such fortunes, you would not beleeue it, no more then Columbus was beleeued there was any such land as is now the well knowne abounding A merica, might lesse such large Regions as are yet vnknowne, as well in America, as in Africa and Asia, and Terra incognita. I haue not beene so ill bred but I haue tasted of plenty The and pleasure, as well as want and misery ; nor doth neces- £idE£ns. sity yet, or occasion of discontent rorce me to these endeuours ; nor am I ignorant what small thankes I shall haue for my paines, or that many would haue the world imagine them to bee of great iudgement, that can but blemish these my designes, by their witty obiections and detractions: yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds will so y.«»J preuaile with some, that I shall not want imploiment in these affaires, to make the most blinde see his owne 726 The reasons for a Plantation. Lib. 6. [3_l6JJ Smith, le 1616. [1616] senselesnesse and incredulity, hoping that gaine will make them affect that which Religion, Charity and the common good cannot. It were but a poore deuice in mee to deceiue my selfe, much more the King and State, my Friends and Country, with these inducements : which seeing his Maiesty hath giuen permission, I wish all sorts of worthy honest industrious spirits would vnderstand, and if they desire any further satisfaction, I will doe my best to giue it, not to perswade them to goe onely, but goe with them ; not leaue them there, but Hue with them there. I will not say but by ill prouiding and vndue managing, such courses may bee taken [that] may make vs miserable enough: but if I may haue the execution of what I haue proiected, if they [219] want to eat, let them eat or neuer disgest mee. If I performe what I say, I desire but that reward out of the gaines [which] may su[i]te my paines, quality and condition ; and if I abuse you with my tongue, take my head for satisfaction. If any dislike at the yeeres end, defraying their charge, by my consent they should freely returne ; I feare not want of company sufficient, were it but knowne what I know of these Countries; and by the proofe of that wealth I hope yeerely to returne, if God please to blesse me from such accidents as are beyond my power in reason to preuent ; for I am not so simple to thinke that \p. 9*8.] euer any other motiue then wealth will euer erect there a common wealth,ordraw company fromtheireaseandhumors at home, to stay in New-England to effect my purposes. ^uJS'*" ^nc* *est any snou^ thinke the toile might be insupport- LTprofit. able, though these things may bee had by labour and dili- gence; I assure my selfe there are who delight extremely in vaine pleasure, that take much more paines in England to enioy it, then I should doe here [New England] to gaine wealth sufficient, and yet I thinke they should not haue halfe such sweet content: for our pleasure here is still gaines, in England charges and losse ; here nature and liberty affoords I/. »i3.] vs that freely which in England we want, or it costeth vs deerely. What pleasure can bee more then being tired with any occasion a shore, in planting Vines, Fruits, or Herbes, in contriuing their owne grounds to the pleasure of their owne minds, their Fields, Gardens, Orchards, Buildings, Ships, and other workes, &c. to recreate 3-i6 junkie*.] Lib. 6. The reasons for a Plantation. 727 themselues before their owne doores in their owne Boats [1616] vpon the Sea, where man, woman and childe, with a small hooke and line, by angling may take diuers sorts of excellent Fish at their pleasures; and is it not pretty sport to pull vp two pence, six pence, and twelue pence, as fast as you can ha[u]le and vere a line ; hee is a very bad Fisher [that] cannot kill in one day with his hooke and line one, two, or three hundred Cods, which dressed and dryed, if they bee sold there for ten shillings a hundred, though in England they will giue more then twenty, may not both seruant, master and Merchant be well content with this gaine ? if a man worke but three daies in seuen, hee may get more then hee can spend vnlesse hee will bee exceedingly excessiue. Now that Carpenter, Mason, Gardiner, Tailer, Smith, Sailer, Forger, or what other, may they not make this a pretty recreation, though they fish but an houre in a day, to take more then they can eat in a weeke ; or if they will not eat it, because there is so much better choise, yet sell it or change it with the Fisher-men or Merchants for any thing you want ; and what sport doth yeeld a more pleasing content, and lesse hurt and charge then angling with a hooke, and crossing the sweet aire from He to He, ouer the silent streames of a calme Sea ; wherein the most curious may finde profit, pleasure and content. Thus though all men be not fishers, yet all men what- soeuer may in other matters doe as well, for necessity doth in these cases so rule a common wealth, and each in their seuerall functions, as their labours in their qualities may be as profitable because there is a necessary mutuall vse of all. For Gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them Jjgjj1^ then ranging daily these vnknowne parts, vsing fowling Gentlemen and fishing for hunting and hawking, and yet you shall see the wilde Hawkes giue you some pleasure in seeing them stoupe six or seuen times after one another an houre or two together, at the skulls of Fish in the faire Harbours, as those a shore at a fowle ; and neuer trouble nor torment \p. W4-1 your selues with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending them, nor kill horse and man with running and crying, See you not a Hawke : for hunting also, the Woods, Lakes and Riuers affoord not onely chase sufficient for any that delights in that kinde of toile or pleasure, but such beasts 728 How New England is more proper for the r J. Smith. L3-16 June 1616. [1616] Imploi- ments for Labourers. to hunt, that besides the delicacie of their bodies for food, their skinnes are so rich, as they will recompence thy daily labour with a Captaines pay. [220] For Labourers, if those that sow Hempe, Rape, Turnups, Parsnips, Carrats, Cabidge, and such like ; giue twentie, thirtie, fortie, fiftie shillings yeerely for an Acre of Land; and meat, drinke, and wages to vse it, and yet grow rich : when better, or at least as good ground may bee had and cost nothing but labour ; it seemes strange to me any such should grow poore. My purpose is not to perswade children from their parents, men from their wiues, nor seruants from their masters ; onely such as with free consent may bee spared : but that each Parish, or Village, in Citie, or Countrey, that will but apparell their fatherlesse children of thirteene or fourteene yeeres of age, or young maried people that haue small wealth to Hue on, here by their labour may Hue exceeding well. Prouided alwaies, that first there be a sufficient power to command them, houses to receiue them, meanes to defend them, and meet prouisions for them, for [any] place may be ouer-laine : and it is most necessary to haue a fortresse (ere this grow to practise) and sufficient masters of all necessarie mec[h]anicall qualities, to take ten or twelue of them for Apprentises ; the Master by this may quickly grow rich, these may learne their trades them- selues to doe the like, to a generall and an incredible benefit for King and Countrey, Master and Seruant. Examples of the Spaniards. [/■ 215.) It would be a History of a large volume, to recite the aduentures of the Spaniards and Portngals, their affronts and defeats, their dangers and miseries ; which with such incomparable honor, and constant resolution, so farre beyond beleefe, they haue attempted and indured in their discoueries and plantations, as may well condemne vs of too much imbecillitie, sloth, and negligence : yet the Authors of these new inuentions were held as ridiculous for a long time, as now are others that doe but seeke to imitate their vnparalleld vertues. And though we see daily their mountaines of wealth (sprung from the Plants of their generous indeuours) yet is our sensualitie and vnto- defaiimenu. wardnesse such, and so great, that we either ignorantly The causes of our 3-i6 jLlTeie'.] benefit of England, then any other Nation. 729 beleeue nothing, or so curiously contest, to preuent we [1616] know not what future euents ; that we either so neglect, or oppresse and discourage the present, as wee spoile all in the making, crop all in the blooming; and building vpon faire Sand rather then vpon rough Rocks, iudge that we know not, gouerne that wee haue not, feare that which is not ; and for feare some should doe too well, force such against theiriwils to be idle, or as ill. And who is hee [that] hath iudgement, courage, and any industry or quality with vnderstanding, will leaue his Country, his hopes at home, his certaine estate, his friends, pleasures, libertie, and the preferment sweet England doth affoord to all degrees, were it not to aduance his fortunes by enioying his deserts, whose prosperitie once appearing, will encourage others : but it must be cherished as a childe, till it be able to goe and vnderstand it selfe, and not corrected nor oppressed aboue it[s] strength, ere it know wherefore. A childe can neither performe the office nor deeds of a man of strength, nor endure that affliction he is able : nor can an Apprentise at the first performe the part of a Master. And if twentie yeeres be required to make a childe a man, seuen yeeres limited an Apprentise for his trade : if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man a States-man, and commonly a man dies ere he hath learned to be discreet ; if perfection be so hard to be obtained, as of necessitie there must be Practice as well as Theoricke : Let no man then condemne this paradox opinion, to say that halfe seuen yeres is scarce sufficient for a good capacitie to learne in these affaires how to carrie himselfe. And who euer shall try in these remote places the erecting of a Colony, shall finde at the end of seuen yeeres occasion enough to vse all his dis- cretion: and in the Interim,, all the content, rewards, gaines, \p. 216.1 and hopes, will be necessarily required, to be giuen to the beginning, till it be able to creepe, to stand, and goe, and to encourage desert by all possible meanes; yet time enough to keepe it from running, for there is no feare it will grow too fast, or euer to any thing, except libertie, profit, honor, and prosperitie there found, more binde the Planters of those affaires in deuotion to effect it ; then bondage, violence, tyrannie, ingratitude, and such double dealing, as bindes free men to become slaues, [221] and honest men turne 730 How New England is more proper, &c. Lib. 6. [3-l6JJ Smith, une 1616. [1616] knaues; which hath euer beene the mine of the most popular Common-weales, and is very vnlikely euer well to begin anew. 2w£e Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard, but these new conclusions in searching those vnknowne parts of this vnknowne world; by which meanes he diues euen into the very secrets of all his neighbours, and the most part of the world ; and when the Portngals and Spaniards had found the East and West-Indies, how many did condemne themselues, that did not accept of that honest offer of Noble Columbus, who vpon our neglect brought them to it, perswading our selues the world had no such places as they had found : and yet euer since we finde, they still (from time to time) haue found new Lands, new Nations, and Trades, and still daily doe finde, both in Asia, Affrica, Terra incognita, and America, so that there is neither Souldier nor Mechanicke, from the Lord to the Beggar, but those parts affoords them all imploiment, and discharges their natiue soile of so many thousands of all sorts, that else by their sloth, pride, and imperfections, would long ere this haue troubled their neighbours, or haue eaten the pride of Spaine it selfe. Now hee knowes little that knowes not England may well spare many more people then Spaine, and is as well able to furnish them with all manner of necessaries ; and seeing for all they haue, they cease not still to search for that they haue not, and know not ; it is strange we should be so dull, as not [to] maintaine that which we haue, and pursue that we know. Surely, I am sure many would take it ill, to be abridged of the titles and honors of their predecessors; when if but truly they would iudge themselues, looke how inferior t/.«y.l they are to their Noble Vertues, so much they are vn- worthy of their honors and liuings, which neuer were ordained for shewes and shadowes, to maintaine idlenesse and vice; but to make them more able to abound in honor, by Heroicall deeds of action, iudgement, pietie, and vertue. What was it both in their purse and person they would not doe, for the good of their Common-wealth, which might moue them presently to set out their spare children in these generous designes. a-iejunfT^:] A caueatfor the owners, <2fc, of Shipping. 731 Religion aboue all things should moue vs, especially the [1615-6] Clergie, if we are religious, to shew our faith by our works, in conuerting those poore Saluages to the knowledge of God, seeing what paines the Spaniards takes to bring them to their adultered faith. Honour might moue the Gentry, the valiant, and industrious ; and the hope and assurance of wealth, all, if we were that we would seeme, and be accounted : or be we so farre inferior to other Nations, or our spirits so farre deiected from our ancient predicessors, or our mindes so vpon spoile, piracy, and such villany, as to serue the Portugall, Spaniard, Dutch, French, or Turke, (as to the cost of Europe too many doe) rather then our God, our King, our Country, and our selues; excusing our idlenesse and our base complaints by want of imploiment, when here is such choice of all sorts, and for all degrees, in the planting and discouering these North parts of America, My second voyage to New England. >N the yeere of our Lord 1615. I was imploied v0LSCe°Sd by many my friends of London, and Sir Ferdin- New ando Gorges, a noble Knight, and a great fgf?'"* fauourer of those actions, who perswaded the reuerend Deane of Exeter Doctor Sut\c\liffe, and diuers Merchants of the West, to entertaine this Plantation. Much labour I had taken to bring the Londoners and them to ioyne together, because the Londoners haue most Money, and the Westerne men are most proper for fishing ; and it is neere as much trouble, but much more danger, to saile from London to Plimoth, then from Plimoth to New England, so that halfe the voiage would thus be saued : yet by no meanes I could preuaile, so desirous they were both to be Lords of this fishing. Now to make my words more apparant by my deeds, to begin a Plantation [222] for a more ample triall of those conclusions, I was to haue staied there but with sixteene men, whose names were ; 732 A caueat for the owners and Lib. 6. \ J. Smith. .3-16 June i6ifi. [1615] Thos. Dinner. ipp 223,258, Edw. S tailings. 736.746.747O |-s • 7 ^ & Darnel Cage. Francis Abbot. John Gosling. William Ingram. Dauid Cooper. John Partridge. ^Gent. Souldiers. Thomas Digby. ] Daniel Baker. Adam Smith. Tho. Watson. Walter Chisell. Robert Miller. And two Boyes were to learne to be Sailers. The ground and plot for our plantation. IPP- 747, 754, 757-] p- «8.i I confesse I could haue wished them as many thousands, had all other prouisions beene in like proportion ; nor would I haue had so few, could I haue had means for more : yet would God haue pleased we had safely arriued, I doubted not but to haue performed more then I promised, and that many thousands ere this would haue bin there ere now. The maine assistance next God I had to this small number, was my acquaintance amongst the Saluages, especially with Dohoday, one of their greatest Lords, who had liued long in England (and another called Tantum, I [had] caried with mee from England, and set on shore at Cape Cod) ; by the meanes of this proud Saluage, I did not doubt but quickly to haue got that credit amongst the rest of the Saluages and their alliance, to haue had as many of them as I desired in any designe I intended, and that trade also they had by such a kinde of exchange of their Countrey Commodities, which both with ease and securitie might then haue beene vsed. [/.205.] With him and diuers others, I had concluded to inhabit and defend them against the Tarentines, with a better power then the French did them ; whose tyrannie did inforce them to embrace my offer with no small deuotion. And though many may think me more bold then wise, in regard of their power, dexteritie, treachery, and inconstancy, l/y. 607,701.] hauing so desperately assaulted and betraied many others; I say but this (because with so many, I haue many times done much more in Virginia then I intended here, when I wanted that experience Virginia taught mee) that to me it seemes no more danger then ordinary: and though I know my selfe [to be] the meanest of many thousands, whose apprehensiue inspection can pierce beyond the bounds of my abilities, into the hidden things of Nature, Art, and Reason: yet I intreat such, [to] giue J. Smith."] 5-16 June 1616.J Lib. 6. setters forth of shipping. 733 vsed to preuent it and me. IPP- 219. 700.] mee leaue to excuse my selfe of so much imbecillitie, as to [1614-5] say, that in these eighteene yeeres [1606-1624] which I haue beene conuersant with these affaires, I haue not learned, there is a great difference betwixt the directions and iudge- ment of experimentall knowledge, and the superficiall con- iecture of variable relation : wherein rumour, humour, or misprision haue such power, that oft times one is enough to beguile twentie, but twentie not sufficient to keepe one from being deceiued. Therefore I know no reason but to beleeue my owne eies before any mans imagination, that is but wrested from the conceits of my owne proiects and endeuours, but I honor with all affection, the counsell and instructions of iudiciall directions, or any other honest aduertisement, so farre to obserue, as they tie me not to the crueltie of vnknowne euents. These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect Themeanes all other imploiments, and spend my time and best abilities in these aduentures, wherein though I haue had many dis- couragements, by the ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of others, the falsenesse of friends, the treachery of cowards, and slownesse of Aduenturers. Now you are to remember, as I returned first from New ^uland' England at Plimoth, I was promised foure good ships ready returned. prepared to my hand the next Christmas, and what con- ditions and content I would desire, to put this businesse in practise, and arriuing at London, foure more were offered me with the like courtesie. But to ioyne the Londoners and them in one, was most impossible ; so that in Ianuary [1615] with two hundred pound in Cash for aduenture, and six Gentlemen well furnished, I went from London to the foure ships were promised me at Plimoth, but I found no such matter : and the most of those that had made such great promises, by the bad returne of the ship [that] went for Gold, tA 701.] and their priuate emulations, were extinct and qualified. Notwithstanding at last, with a labyrinth of trouble, though the [223] greatest of the burden lay on me, and a few of my particular friends, I was furnished with a ship of two \p. 221.J hundred tunnes, and another of fiftie. But ere I had sailed one hundred and twentie leagues, she brake all her Masts, pumping each watch fiue or six thousand strokes ; onely her spret-saile remained to spoone before the winde, till 734 The examination of Lib. 6. [i> Baker. [1615] we had re-accommodated a Iury-mast to returne for Plimoth, or founder in the Seas. My Vice-Admirall being lost [i.e., lost sight of], not knowing of this, proceeded [on] her voyage. Myreim- Now with the remainder of those prouisions, I got out barkement, . . n t-» i r • . • . • i , . ° encounter againe in a small Barke of sixtie tuns with thirty men ; Tnd'impA-5' for this of two hundred [tuns], and prouision for seuentie : the Trench. which were the sixteene before named [pp. 217, 732], and foureteene other Sailers for the ship. With those I set saile againe the foure and twentieth of Iune [1615]. Where what befell me (because my actions and writings are so publike to the world) enuy still seeking to scandalize my endeuours, and seeing no power but death can stop the chat of ill tongues, nor imagination of mens minds, lest my owne relations of those hard euents might by some constructors bee made doubtfull, I haue thought it best to insert the examinations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukeley, a worthy Knight, and Vice- Admirall of Deuonshire, which was as followeth. The 'Examination c/'Daniel Baker, late Steward to Captaine Iohn Smith, in there turne of Plimoth, taken before Sir Lewis Stukeley Knight, the eighth of December, 161 5. HE effect in briefe was this: being chased by one Fry an English Pirat, Edward Chambers the Master, Iohn Miller his Mate, Thomas Digby the Pylot, and diuers others importuned him to yeeld ; much swaggering wee had with them, more then the Pirats : who agreed vpon such faire conditions as we desired, which if they broke, he vowed to sinke rather then be abused. Strange they thought it, that a Barke of threescore tuns with foure guns should stand vpon such termes, they being eightie expert Sea-men, in an excellent ship of one hundred and fortie tuns, and thirty six cast Peeces and Murderers. t-rfj&SSM Lib- 6. Captaine Smiths Company, 735 But when they knew our Captaine, so many of [1615] them had beene his Souldiers, and they but lately runne from Tunis, where they had stolne this ship, wanted victuall, and in combustion amongst them- selues, would haue yeelded all to his protection, or wafted vs any whither: but those mutinies occa- sioned vs to reiect their offer, which afterward we all repented. For at Fiall we met two French Pirats, the one of two hundred tuns, the other thirty : no disgrace would cause our mutiners [to] fight, till the Captaine offered to blow vp the ship rather then yeeld, till hee had spent all his powder : so that together by the eares we went, and at last got cleere of them for all their shot. At Flowers we were againe chased with foure French men of warre, the Admirall one hundred and fortie tuns, and ninety men well armed ; the rest good ships, and as well prouided : much parly we had, but vowing they were Rochilers, and had a Commission from the King onely to secure true men, and take Portugals, Spaniards, and Pirats, and as they requested, our Captaine went to shew his Commission, which was vnder the broad Seale ; but neither it nor their vowes they so much respected, but they kept him, rifled our ship, manned her with French men, and dispersed vs amongst their Fleet. Within fiue or six daies thoy were increased to eight or nine saile. At last they surrendred vs our ship, and most of our prouisions ; the defects they promised the next day to supply, and did. Notwithstanding, there was no way but our mutiners would for England, though we were as neere New England ; till the major part resolued with our Captaine to proceed. But the Admirall sending his Boat for our Captaine, they espying a Saile, presently gaue chase; whereby our mutiners finding an opportunitie in the night ran away, and thus left our Captaine in his Cap, Bretches, and Wastcoat, alone among the French men : his clothes, armes, and what he had, our mutiners shared among them, and with a false excuse, faining [224] for feare lest he should turne man of warre, they returned for 736 His proceedings among Lib. 6. [^6J&*2£: [1615] Plimoth: fifteene of vs being Land-men, not knowing what they did. i/- my) Daniel Cage, Edward Stalings, Walter Chisell, Dauid Cooper, Robert Miller, and lohn Partridge, vpon oath affirmes this for truth before the Vice-Admirall. A double treachery. ^g^^ ^^^ Ow the cause why the French detained mee againe, was the suspition this Chambers and M inter gaue them, that I would reuenge my selfe vpon the Banke, or in Newfound land, of all the French I could there encounter; and how I would haue fired the ship, had they not ouer-perswaded me : and that if I had but againe my Armes, I would rather sinke by them, then they should haue from me but the value of a Bisket ; and many other such like tales to catch but opportunitie in this manner to leaue me, and thus they returned to Plimoth, and perforce with the French men I thus proceeded. ^French Being a fleet of eight or nine saile, we watched for men of war, the West-Indies fleet, till ill weather separated vs from wUhlfe15 the other eight : still wee spent our time about the lies Spaniard. 0f fae Assores, where to keepe my perplexed thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this Discourse, thinking to haue sent it to you of his Maiesties Councell by some ship or other, for I saw their purpose was to take all they could. At last we were chased by one Captaine Barra, an English Pirat in a small ship, with some twelue Peece[s] of Ordnance, about thirty men, and neere all starued. They sought by courtesie releefe of vs, who gaue them Buch faire promises, as at last they betraied Captaine Wollistone his Lieutenant, and foure or fiue of his men aboord vs, and then prouided to take the rest perforce. Now my part was to be prisoner in the Gun-roome, and not to speake to any of them vpon my life ; yet had Barra knowledge what I was. Then Barra perceiuing well those ^rench intents, made ready to fight, and Wollistone as J. Smith.! 3-16 June 1616.J Lib. 6. the French men of zvarre. 737 A prise of Fish. A Scotch prise. 0. 225.] resolutely regarded not their threats, which caused vs [to] [1615] demurre vpon the matter longer some sixteene houres, and then returned them againe Captaine Wollistone and all their Prisoners, and some victuall also vpon a small composition. But whilest we were bartering thus with them ; a Caruill before our faces got vnder the Castle of Gratiasa, from whence they beat vs with their Ordnance. The next wee tooke was a small English man of Poole from New found land : the great Cabben at this present was my prison, from whence I could see them pillage these poore men of all that they had, and halfe their fish : when hee was gone, they sold his poore clothes at the maine Mast by an out-cry, which scarce gaue each man seuen pence a peece. Not long after, we tooke a Scot fraught from Saint Michaels to Bristow, he had better fortune then the other ; for hauing but taken a Boats loading of Sugar, Marmelade, Suckets, and such like, we descried foure saile, after whom we stood : who forling their maine Sailes attended vs to fight, but our French spirits were content onely to perceiue they were English red Crosses. Within a very small time after, wee chased 4. Spanish ships that came from the Indies : we fought with them foure or fiue houres, tore their sailes and sides with many a shot betwixt wind and weather, yet not daring to boord them, lost them ; for which, all the Sailers euer after hated the Captaine as a professed coward. A poore Caruill of Brasile was the next wee chased ; and a prise after a small fight, thirteene or foureteene of her men being wounded, which was the better halfe, we tooke her with three hundred and seuenty chests of Sugar, one hundred hides, thirty thousand Rialls of eight. The next was a ship of Holland, which had lost her Consorts in the Streights of Magilans, going for the South sea. She was put roomy, she also these French men with faire promises, cunningly betraied to come aboord them to shew their Commission, and so made prise of all : the most of the Dutch-men we tooke aboord the Admiralty and manned her [the Dutch ship] with French-men, that within two or three nights after ran away with her for France, The wounded Spaniards we set on shore on the He of Tercera, the rest we kept to saile the Caruill. 47 worth 3600c crownes. If- 739-1 300000 crownes. 73% How they vsed him, Lib. 6. [,_l6 jJ-JSS; [1615] Within a day or two after, we met a West-Indies man of iorth* warre, of one hundred [225] and sixtie tuns, a forenoone wee fought with her, and then tooke her with one thousand one hundred Hides, fiftie Chests of Cutchanele, foureteene Coffers of wedges of Siluer, eight thousand Rialls of eight, V- 739-J and six Coffers of the King of Spaines Treasure, besides the good pillage and rich Coffers of many rich Passengers. Two moneths [Aug.-Oct. 1615] they kept me in this manner, to manage their fights against the Spaniards, and bee a Prisoner when they tooke any English. Now though the Captaine had oft broke his promise, which was to put me on shore [on] the lies [Azores], or the next ship he tooke ; yet at the last he was contented I should goe in the Caruill of Sugar for France, himselfe seeming as resolued to keepe the Seas : but the next morning we all set saile for France, and that night we were separated from [*• 739] the Admirall and the rich prise by a storme. Within two daies after, wee [in the Caravel] were hailed by two West-Indies men : but when they saw vs waife them for the King of France, they gaue vs their broad sides, shot thorow our maine Mast, and so left vs. Hauing liued now this Summer [Aug -Nov. 1615., amongst those French men of warre, with much adoe we arriued at the Gulion, not farre from Rotchell: where in stead of the great promises they alwaies fed me with, of double satisfaction and full content, and tenne thousand Crownes was generally concluded I should haue; they kept me hue or six daies Prisoner in the Caruill, accusing me to be he that burnt their Colony in New France, to force me to giue them a discharge before the Iudge of the Admiraltie, and stand to their courtesies for satisfaction, or lie in prison, or a worse mischiefe. Indeed this was in the time of combustion,that the Prince of Cundy was with his Army in the field; and euery poore Lord, or men in authoritie, as little Kings of themselues, For this iniury was done me by them that set out this voyage (not by the Sailers) ; for they were cheated of all as well as I, by a few Officers aboord, and the owners on shore. My escape But to preuent this choise, in the end of such a storme JSchmen. tnat Deat them all vnder hatches, I watched my oppor- [Aaa6.j tunitie to get a shore in their Boat; whereinto in the darke s-iejunfTJxe.] Lib. 6. and his desperate escape. 739 night I secretly got, and with a halfe Pike that lay by [1615] me, put a drift for Rat He : but the currant was so strong, and the Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea, till it pleased God the wind so turned with the tide, that although I was all this fearefull night of gusts and raine in the Sea the space of twelue houres, when many ships were driuen ashore, and diuers split : (and being with skulling and bayling the water tired, I expected each minute would sinke me) at last I arriued in an Oazy He by Charowne, where certaine Fowlers found me neere drowned, and halfe dead, with water, cold, and hunger. My Boat I pawned to finde meanes to get to Rotchell; where I vnderstood our man of war and the rich prize, [A738.] (wherein was the Captaine called Mounsieur Poyrune, and the thirtie thousand Rialls of eight we tooke in the Caruill), [/• 737-1 was split ; the Captaine drowned and halfe his Company the same night, within six or seuen leagues of that place, from whence I escaped in the little Boat by the mercy of God, far beyond all mens reason or my expectation. Arriuing at Rotchell: vpon my complaint to the Iudge y^SjIaw of the Admiraltie, I found many good words and faire promises ; and ere long many of them that escaped drowning, told me the newes they heard of my owne death. These I arresting, their seuerall examinations did so confirme my complaint, it was held proofe sufficient. All which being performed according to their order of justice, from vnder the Iudges hand, I presented it to Sir Thomas Edmonds, then Ambassadour at Burdeaux ; where it was my chance to see the arriuall [21 Nov. 1615] of the Kings great mariage brought from Spaine. Here it was my good fortune to meet my old friend Master Crampton, that no lesse grieued at my losse, then willingly to his power did supply my wants; and I must confesse, I was more beholden to the French men that escaped drowning in the man of warre, Madam Chanoyes [A277J at Rotchell, and the Lawyers of Burdeaux, then all the rest of my Country-men I met in France. Of the wracke of the [226] rich prize, some three thousand six hundred [A738.] crownes worth of goods came ashore and was saued, with the Caruill, which I did my best to arrest : the Iudge promised I should haue Iustice, what will be the con- 740 How he arrested the T Tr> A r J.Smith. J^IH. O. [3-l6Junei6i6. [1615-6] elusion as yet [June 1616] I know not. But vnder the couler to take Pirats and the West-Indie men (because the Spaniards will not suffer the French to trade in the West-Indies) any goods from thence, though they take them vpon the Coast of Spaine, are lawfull prize, or from any of his Territories out of the limits of Europe : and as they betraied me, though I had the broad-seale, so did they rob and pillage twentie saile of English men more, besides them I knew not of, the same yeere. Leauing thus my businesse in France I returned [Dec. 1615] to Plimoth, to finde them [that] had thus buried me amongst the French ; and not onely buried me, but with so much infamy as such treacherous cowards could suggest to excuse their villanies. The Chiefetaines of this mutiny that I could finde, I laid by the heeles; the rest, like themselues, confessed the truth, as you haue heard. Now how I haue or could preuent these accidents, hauing no more meanes, I rest at your censures ; but to proceed to the matter ; yet must I sigh and say, How oft hath Fortune in the world (thinke I) brought slauery, freedome, and turned all diuersly. My returne for England r>. 337.J [A 745-1 The successe of my Vice- Admirall. vr Ewfoundland I haue heard, at the first, was held fW\jjS as desperate a fishing as this I proiect for New ipSSjcJ England. Placentia, and the Banke, neare also as *Bsk Wa^3 doubtfull to the French. But for all the disasters hapned [to] me, the businesse is the same itwas,and the fiue ships [that] went from London, whereof one was reported more then three hundred tunnes, found fish so much, that neither Izeland man, nor Newfoundland man, [that] I could heare of hath bin there, will go any more to either place, if they may go thither. So that vpon the good returne of my Vice-Admirall; this yeere [1616] are gone 4 or 5 saile from Plimoth, and from London as many, only to make voyages of profit : whereas if all the English had bin there till my returne, put all their returnes together, they would scarce make one a sauour of neere a dozen I could nominate, except one 3-i6junfT6i6.] Lib. 6. French men, and his successe. 741 sent by Sir Francis Pop[h]am ; though there be fish [1616] sufficient, as I am perswaded, to fraught yeerely foure or [/. ^a.] fiue hundred Saile, or as many as will goe. For this fishing stretcheth along the Sea Coast from Cape lames to Newfoundland, which is seuen or eight hundred miles at the least ; and hath his course in the deepes, and by the shore, all the yere long : keeping their ha[u]nts and feedings, as the beasts of the field, and the birds of the aire. But all men are not such as they should be, that haue vndertaken those voyages: All the Romans were not Scipioes; nor Carthagentans, Hanibals ; nor all the Genweses, Colum- busses ; nor all the Spaniards, Courteses : had they diued no deeper in the secrets of their discoueries then we, or stopped at such doubts and poore accidentall chances, they had neuer beene remembered as they are, yet had they no such certainties to begin as we. But to conclude, Adam and Eue did first begin this [/>.«8, innocent worke to plant the earth to remaine to posterity, 934'] but not without labour, trouble, and industry. Noe and his family began againe the second Plantation ; and their seed as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries, and one Countrey another, and so the world to that estate it is : but not without much hazard, trauell, mortalities, discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthy Fathers, and their memorable off-spring, not beene more diligent for vs now in these ages, then we are to plant that yet is vnplanted for the after liuers. Had the seed of Abraham, our Sauiour Christ, and his Apostles, exposed themselues to no more dangers to teach the Gospell then we, euen wee our selues had at this present beene as saluage, and as miserable as the most barbarous Saluage, yet vnciuilized. ^ The Hebrewes and Lacedemonians, the Gothes, the Grecians, the Romanes, and the rest, what was it they would not vndertake to inlarge their Teritories, enrich their subiects, resist their enemies. Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no siluered idle golden Pharis[i]es, but industrious Iron steeled Publicans: They regarded more prouisions 742 [Honour is our lifes ambition.'] Lib. 6. [3_l6Ji Smith, une 1616. [1616] and necessaries [227] for their people, then Iewels, [>• 229.] riches, ease, or delight for themselues ; Riches were their Seruants, not their Masters. They ruled (as Fathers, not as Tirants) their people as Children, not as Slaues ; there was no disaster could discourage them ; and let none thinke they incountred not with all manner of incum- brances. And what hath euer beene the worke of the greatest Princes of the Earth, but planting of Coun- tries, and ciuilizing barbarous and inhumane Nations to ciuilitie and humanitie, whose eternall actions fills our Histories. Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards, whose euer-liuing actions before our eies will testifie with them our idlenesse, and ingratitude to all posterities, and the neglect of our duties in our pietie and religion. We owe our God, our King and Countrey, and want of Charitie to those poore Saluages, whose Countrey wee challenge, vse and possesse ; except wee be but made to vse, and marre what our fore-fathers made, or but onely tell what they did, or esteeme our selues too good to take the like paines. Was it vertue in them to prouide that doth maintaine vs, and basenesse in vs to doe the like for others ? Surely no. W- 229.936] Then seeing we are not borne for our selues, but each to help other, and our abilities are much alike at the houre of our birth, and the minute of our death : seeing our good deeds or our bad by faith in Christs merits, is all we haue, to carie our soules to heauen or hell. Seeing honor is our Hues ambition, and our ambition after death to haue an honorable memory of our life: and seeing by no meanes we would be abated of the dignities and glories of our predecessors, let vs imitate their ver- tues to be worthily their successors : to conclude with Lucretius, Its want of reason, or its reasons want Which doubts the minde and iudgement, so doth dant, That those beginnings makes men not to granU lohn Smith writ this with his owne hand. Here folio weth a briefe Discourse of the trials of New England, with cer- taine Obseruations of the Hollanders vse and gaine by fishing, and the present estate of that happy Plantation, begun but by sixtie weake men, in the yeere of our Lord 1620, and how to build a fleet of good ships to make a little Nauy Royall, by the former Author. E saith, that it is more then foure and forty yeeres agoe [i.e., by 1577], and it is more then fortie yeeres agoe [1577] since he writ it ; that the Herring Busses out of the Low Countries vnder the King of Spaine, were fiue hundred, besides one hundred French men, and three or foure hundred saile of Flemings. The Coast of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by 300 Saile of Strangers. Ireland at Beltamore, fraughted yeerely three hundred saile of Spaniards, where King Edward the sixt intended to haue made a strong Castle, because of the straight, to haue tribute for fishing. Black Rocke was yerely fished by three or foure hundred saile of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners. The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring, Cod, and Ling, thirty [or rather three hundred] thousand pounds. English and French, by Salt-fish, Poore-Iohn, Salmons, and Pilchards, three hundred [or rather thirty] thousand pounds. [pp. 749-69-1 IPP. 773-5-1 [1620-2] Master Dee his report. [pp. 238,254.] The benefit of fishing, as Master Gentleman and others 744 Tke benefit of fishing, according Lib. 6. y^J; [1620] Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles, one hundred thousand pounds. Cape Blanke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards, thirty thousand pounds. That the Duke of Medina receiueth yeerely tribute of the Fishers, for Tunny, Mullit, and Porgos, more then ten thousand pounds. o?J/5S?s Lnbecke hath seuen hundred [228] ships; Hambrough six and other hundred ; Emden [but] lately a Fisher towne, one thousand obseruen. foure hundred: whose customes by fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be. Holland and Zeland not much greater then Yorkeshire, hath thirty walled Townes, foure hundred Villages, and twenty thousand saile of Ships and Hoies; three thousand [>■ *39-l six hundred [ships] are Fisher-men, whereof one hundred are Doggers, seuen hundred Pinkes and Well-Boats, seuen hundred Fraud-boats, Britters, and Tode-boats, with thirteene hundred Busses ; besides three hundred that yeerely fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their fish for Gold : and fifteene yeeres agoe [1605] they had more then an hundred and sixteene thousand Sea-faring men. [/■ 255-) These fishing ships doe take yeerely two hundred thou- sand last of fish, twelue barrels to a last, which amounts to 3ooooo[o]. pounds by the fisher mens price, that 14. yeeres agoe [1606] did pay for their tenths three hundred thousand pound ; which venting in Pumerland, Sprustia, Denmarke,Lef eland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or else where, &c. makes their returnes in a yeere about threescore and ten hundred thousand pounds, which is seuen millions ; and yet in Holland there is neither matter to build ships nor merchandize to set them forth, yet by their industry they as much increase as other nations decay. But leauing these vncertainties as they are, of this I am certaine. That the coast of England, Scotland and Ireland, the North Sea with Island and the Sound, Newfound-land and Cape Blanke, doe serue all Europe, as well the land townes as ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of staple fish, which is transported from whence it is taken i'J^et] Lib. 6. to ancient Authors. 745 many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, salt Fish, Poore-Iohn, [1614-7] Sturgion, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Cauiare, Buttargo. Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them may be had in a land more fertill, temperate, and plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships, boats and houses, and the nourishment of man ; the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neere the habitations we may there make, that New-England hath much aduantage of the most of those parts, to serue all Europe farre cheaper then they can, who at home haue neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates ; at Sea nothing but what they carry in their ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from the habitation. But New-Englands fishings is neere land, where is helpe of Wood, Water, Fruits, Fowles, Corne or other refreshings needfull, and the ip. 240.] Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugal!, Prouaues, Sauoy, Sicillia, and all Italy, as conuenient markets for our dry fish, greene fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Cauiare and But- targo, as Norway, Swethland, Littuania or Germany for their Herring, which is heare also in abundance for taking; they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tar, Sope-ashes, Cordage, [/• 256.] Flax, Wax, and such like commodities : wee Wines, Oiles, Sugars, Silkes, and such merchandize as the Straits [i.e., of Gibraltar] offoord [afford] ; whereby our profit may equalize theirs, besides the increase of shipping and Marriners : and for proofe hereof. In the yeere of our Lord 1614. you haue read how 1614. I went from London: also the next yeere 1615. how foure 1615. good ships went from London, and I with two more from Plimoth, with all our accidents, successes and returnes : in the yeere 1616. ere I returned [Dec. 1615J from France, the £#.a4«,«S7-l Londoners for all their losse by the Turkes, sent foure 1616. ships more ; foure more also went from Plimoth. After I returned from France, I was perswaded againe to goe to Plimouth, with diuers of my friends with one hun- [/■ 740-] dred pound for our aduentures besides our charges ; but wee found all things as vntoward as before, and all their great promises nothing but aire : yet to prepare the voyage against the next yeere, hauing acquainted a great part of the 1617. 746 New-Englands trialls. Lib. 6. [J; Smith. ec. 1620. [1617-8] Nobility with it, and ashamed to see the Prince his High- nesse till I had done some what worthy his Princely view; I spent that Summer [1616] in visiting the Cities and Townes Mysutijte of Bristoll, Exeter, Bastable, Bodnam, Perin, Foy, Milborow, country. Saltash, Dartmouth, Absom, Tattnesse, and the most of the (M267, 748, Gentry in Cornew all and Deuonshire, giuing them Bookes and 941,1 Maps, shewing how in six moneths the most of [229] those ships had made their voyages, and some in lesse, and with what good successe ; by which incitation they seemed so well contented, as they promised twenty saile of ships should goe with mee next yeere [1617], and in regard of my paines, charge, and former losses, the westerne Com- missioners in behalfe of themselues and the rest of the Company, and them hereafter that should be ioyned to them, contracted with me by articles indented vnder our hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the renewing of their Letters-Patents so to be nomi- nated. Halfe the fruits of our endeuours to be theirs, the rest our owne ; being thus ingaged, now the businesse is made plaine and likely to prosper, some of them would not onely forget me and their promises, but also obscure me, as if I had neuer beene acquainted in the businesse : but I am not the first they haue deceiued. 1618. There was foure good ships prepared at Plimoth, but by [//.24i,a57.] reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely two went forward: the one being of two hundred tunnes, returned well fraught to Plimoth, and her men in health, within flue moneths ; the other of fourescore tunnes, went for Bilbow with drie fish and made a good returne. [#.217,323, In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant 732,736,1 Souldier, that had beene with me in Virginia, and was with me also when I was betrayed by the French, was sent againe in those ships, and hauing some wrong offered him there by a French man, he tooke him [i.e., his ship], and as he writ to me, went with him to Virginia with fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare. He had not past ten or twelue men, and knew both those countries well, yet he promised me the next spring to meet me in New-England; but the ship and he both perished in Virginia. Smith.' c. 1620. ] Lib. 6. New-Englands trialls. 747 l*. 94I-] 542, 770.] This yeere againe, diuers ships intending to goe from [1619-20] Plimoth, so disagreed, there went but one of two hundred 1619. tunnes, who stayed in the Country about six weeks, which l#ff2> with eight and thirty men and boies had her fraught, which she sold at the first penny for 2100. [pounds] besides the Furres : so that euery poore Sailer that had but a single share had his charges and sixteene pound ten shillings for his seuen moneths worke. Master Thomas Dirmire an vnderstanding and industrious Gentleman, that was also with me amongst the French \j>p. 3)7 men, hauing liued about a yeere in Newfoundland, returning 732,] to Plimoth, went for New-England in this ship, so much approued of this Country, that he staied there with hue or six men in a little Boat ; finding two or three French men amongst the Saluages who had lost their ship, [he] aug- mented his company, with whom he ranged the Coast to M£"gj Virginia : where he was kindly welcommed and well re- freshed [Nov. 1 6 19], thence returned to New-England againe ; where hauing beene a yeere, in his backe returne to Virginia [162 1] he was so wounded by the Saluages, he died vpon it. Let not men attribute these their great aduentures, and vntimely deaths to vnfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how God did so long preserue them with so small meanes to doe so much ; leauing the fruits of their labours to be an incouragement to those our poore vndertakings, and as warnings for vs not to vndertake such great workes with such small meanes : and this for aduantage as they writ vnto me, that God had laid this Country open for vs, and slaine the most part of the inhabitants by ciuill warres and a mortall disease, for where I had seene one hundred or two hundred Saluages, there is scarce ten to be found, and W- 7«%1 yet not any one of them [Dermer's crew] touched with any sicknesse but one poore French man that died. 754. 933-1 They say this plague vpon them thus sore fell, It was because they pleas 'd not Tantum well. ^sVw-l From the West Country to make triall this yeere onely 1620. to fish, is gone six or seuen saile, three of which I am certainly informed made so good a voyage, that euery Sailer that had a single share had twenty pound for his 748 New-Englands trialls. Lib. 6. ["ik?^ Ljuly 1624. [1620-1] seuen moneths work, which is more then in twenty moneths he should haue gotten, had he gone [230] for wages any where. Now although these former ships haue not made such good voiages as they expected, by sending opinionated vnskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence to saue that they tooke, nor take that there was, which now patience and practice hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection ; in despight of all detractors and calumnia- [//.a4»,*59-] tions, the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath beene in their vsing or abusing it, not in it selfe nor me : But, A due desert, for fortune makes prouision For Knaues and Fooles, and men of base condition. thISt2'eto £)^^SOw all these proofes and this relation I now called New-Englands triall. I caused two or three thousand of them to be printed : one thou- sand with a great many Maps both of Virginia ?66,944*'.] and New-England, I presented to thirty of the chiefe Com- panies in London at their Halls, desiring either generally or particularly (them that would) to imbrace it, and by the vse of a stocke of fiue thousand pound, to ease them of the superfluity of the most of their companies that had but strength and health to labour. Neere a yeere [1621] I spent to vnderstand their resolu- tions, which was to me a greater toile and torment, then to haue beene in New-England about my businesse but with bread and water, and what I could get there by my labour; but in conclusion, seeing nothing would be effected, I was contented as well with this losse of time and charge, as all [>. 746.] the rest. W A Plantation in New-England. i82o. Pon these inducements some few well [1620] disposed Gentlemen, and Merchants of u>. a59.] London and other places, prouided two ships, the one of a hundred and three- score tunnes, the other of threescore and ten. They left the Coast of England the two and thirtieth {twentieth} of August [1620] , with about a hundred and twenty persons; but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leake,that forced their returne to Plimoth : where discharging her and \p. 260.] twenty passengers ; with the greater ship and one hundred passengers besides Sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of September [1620], and the ninth of Nouember fell with Cape lames. But being pestred nine weekes in this leaking vnwhol- some ship, lying wet in their Cabins, most of them grew very weake and weary of the Sea ; then for want of experience, ranging two [weeks], and againe six weekes, before they found a place they liked to dwell on ; forced to lie on the bare ground without couerture: forty of them died, and threescore were left in very weake estate, at the ships comming away, about the fifth of Aprill following, and [she] arriued in England the sixth of May [1621]. Though the Harbour [at Cape Cod, pp. 205, 719] be good, the shore is so shallow, they were forced to wade a great way vp to the knees in water, and vsed that that did them much hurt ; and little fish they found but Whailes, and a great kinde of Mustell so fat, that few did eat of them that were not sicke : these miseries ocasioned some discord, and gaue some appearance of faction ; but all was so reconciled, that they vnited themselues by common consent vnder their hands, to a kinde of combination of a body politike, iourny by 750 A Plantation in New- England. Lib. 6. ^f^^Sii [1620] by vertue whereof to inact and constitute lawes and ordinances, and Officers from time to time, as should bee thought most conuenient for their generall good. Thdrfir>t Sixteene or seuenteene daies they could doe little for want of their Shallcp which was a mending ; yet Captaine Miles Standish, vnto whom was ioyned in Councell, William Bradfor[d), Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilly, went well armed ashore ; and by that time they had gone a mile, [they] met fiue or six Indians that fled into the Woods. We traced them by the footing eight or ten miles, then the night approaching we made a fire, by which we lay that night; and the next morning followed the Saluages by their tract, thinking to finde their habitations, but by [231] the way we found a Deere amongst many faire springs of water, where we refreshed our selues. Then we went a shore and made a fire, that they at the ship might perceiue where we were, and so marched to a place where we supposed was a Riuer ; by the way we saw many Vines, Saxefras, haunts of Deere and Fowle, and some fifty Acres of plaine ground [that] had beene planted by the Indians, where were some of their graues : from thence we followed a path that brought vs through three or foure fields that had bin planted that yeere ; in one graue we digged, we found a basket or two of Indian Corne, so much as we could carry we tooke with vs, the rest we buried as we found it, and so proceeded to the place we intended, but we found it not such a Harbour as we expected. And so we returned, till the night caused vs [to] take vp our lodging vnder a tree ; where it rained six or seuen houres. The next morning, as we wandred, we passed by a tree, where a young sprig was bowed downe ouer a bough, and some Acornes strewed vnder it, which was one of their Gins to catch a Deere ; and as we were looking at it, Bradford was suddenly caught by the leg in a noosed Rope, made as artificially as ours. As we passed we see a lease of Bucks, sprung some Partriges, and great flocks of wilde Geese and Ducks ; and so we returned well wearied to our ship. Thdr first Master Iones our Master with foure and thirty men, also wurny by ... Shallop. went vp and downe in the frost and snow, two or three daies, in the extremity of the cold ; but could finde no ^^/uiyTSJ LlB- 6- A plantation in New-England. 751 harbour : only among the old graues we got some ten [1620] bushels of Come, some Beanes, and a bottle of Oile ; and had we not thus haply found it, we had had no Come for seede, so that place we euer called Come-hill. The next day, Master Iones with the Come and our weakest men returned to the Ship : but eighteene of vs quartered there that night, and in the morning following the paths, wee found in the Snow in a field a greater hill or graue then the rest, digging it wee found first a Mat, vnder that a boord three quarters long, painted and carued with three Tyns at the top like a Cronet, betweene the Mats also were Bowles, Traies and Dishes and such trash, at length we found a faire new Mat, and vnder that two bundles, the one biggar the other lesse ; in the greater wee found a great quantity of fine red powder like a kinde of imbalme- ment, and yeelded a strong but no offensiue smell, with the bones and skull of a man that had fine yellow haire still on it, and some of the flesh vnconsumed, a Knife, a Pack-needle, and two or three old Iron things was bound vp in a Sailers canuase Cassocke, also a paire of cloth Breeches ; in the lesse bundle we found likewise of the same powder, and the bones and head of a little childe ; about the legs and other parts of it was bound strings and braslets of white beades, there was also a little Bow, and some other odde knacks, the prettiest we tooke, and couered againe the corps as they were. Not farre from thence were two of their houses, where were a great deale of their miserable houshold stuffe ; which we left as wee found, and so returned to our Boat, and lay aboord that night. Many arguments we had to make here our Plantation or not. In the Int[e]rim, Mistris White was brought to bed of a young sonne, which was called Perigrine ; and a Sailer shooting at a Whale, his peece flew in peeces stocke and all, yet he had no hurt. A foolish boy discharging his fathers peece hard by halfe a barrell of Powder, and many people by it ; it pleased God it escaped firing, so that no hurt was done. But to make a more certaine discouery where to seat our selues, Captaine Standish, Master Caruer, William Branford [Bradford], Edward Winslo[w]e, Iohn Tilly, Edward Tilly, with diuers others to the number of seuenteene, vpon Accidents. 7 5 2 The description of N ew- E ngland. Ljg A rtfi-Win*1^ 6. [ iz Dec. 1621. [1620] Their second iourney by water to finde a place to plant in. Their first fight with the Saluages. lA 754-] The descrip- tion of their place to plant in. Another Boy borne in New- England. the sixt of December [1620] set saile; and hauing sailed six or seuen leagues, we espied eight or ten Saluages about a dead Grampus : still following the shore we found two 01 three more cast vp by the ill weather. Many we see in the water, therefore we called it Grampus Bay. Ships may ride well in it, but all the shore is very shallow flats of sand. At last seuen or eight of vs went a shore, many fields we saw where the Saluages had inhabited, and a buriall place incompassed with a Palizado, so we returned to our Shallop : [232] in the night we heard a hideous cry and howling of Wolues and Foxes. In the morning as we were ready to goe into our Shal- lop, one of our men being in the woods, came running crying, Indians, Indians ; and with all their Arrowes flying amongst vs, some of our men being in the boat, and their Armes a shore : so well it chanced, Captaine Standish with two or three more discharged their peeces till the rest were ready. One Saluage more stout then the rest, kept vnder a tree, till he had shot three or foure Arrowes, and endured three or foure Musket shot ; but at last they all fled. This was about breake of day in the morning, when they saw vs, and we not them. Hauing the wind faire, we sailed along the coast 8. or 10. leagues, thinking to haue got to a Harbour where one of our company had beene, within 8. leagues of Cape Cod, for neither cricke nor Harbour in this bay we could finde ; and the wind so increased, our Rudder broke, and our Mast flew ouer-boord, that we were in danger to be cast away : but at last it pleased God we were in a harbor we knew not, thinking it [the] one we were acquainted with; this we found to be an He where we rid that night. And hauing well viewed the land about it, and sounded the Bay to be a good Harbour for our ship, compassed with good land, and in it two faire lies ; where there is in their seasons innumerable store of all sorts of fish and fowle, good water, much plaine land, which hath beene planted : with this newes we returned to our ship ; and with the next faire wind brought her thither, being but within the sight of Cape Cod. In the meane time Goodwife Alderton was deliuered of a sonne, but dead borne. Vpon the 28. of December [1620], so many as could Ed' byj{iy^!;:] Lib- 6. The description of New-England. 753 went to worke vpon the hill, where we purposed to build [1620-1] our Platforme [battery or fort] for our ordnance : which JJ^^-jJ doth command all the Plaine and the Bay, and from whence wee may see far into the Sea; and be easily impailed. So in the afternoone we went to measure out the grounds, and diuided our company into 19. families, alotting to euery person a poule in bredth and three in length : and so we cast lots where euery man should lie, which we staked out ; thinking this proportion enough at the first to impale for lodgings and gardens. Francis Billington from the top of a tree seeing a great Two fair* water some three miles from vs in the land, went with the Masters Mate, and found it two great Lakes of fresh water : the bigger fiue or six miles in circuit, and an He in it of a Cables length square; the other three miles in compasse, full of fish and fowle, and two brooks issuing from it ; which will be an excellent helpe in time for vs. Where they saw seuen or eight Indian houses, but no people. Foure being sent a mile or two from our plantation, two of ^loat them stragling into the woods was lost, for comming to a {J*™sell,es Lake of water they found a great Deere, hauing a mastiue woods. Bitch and a Spanell with them, they followed so farre they could not findethe waybacke. That afternoone it rained,and did freeze and snow at night : their apparell was very thin, and had no weapons but two sickles, nor any victuals ; nor could they finde any of the Saluages habitations. When the night came they were much perplexed that they had no other bed then the earth, nor couerture then the skies ; but that they heard, as they thought, two Lions roaring a long time together very nigh them, so not knowing what to doe, they resolued to climbe vp into a tree, though that would be an intolerable cold lodging ; expecting their coming they stood at the trees root, and the bitch they held fast by the necke, for shee would haue beene gone to the Lions or what they were, that as it chanced came not nigh them. So they watched the tree that extreme cold night, and in the morning trauelling againe, passing by many lakes, brooks and woods, and in one place where the Saluages had burnt 4. or 5. miles in length, which is a fine champion Country ; in the afternoone they discouered the two lies in their Bay, and so that night, neere famished, 48 754 Their conference and Lib. 6. [?,f jJJ™ Winslow. 6ai. [1621] they got to their Plantation : from whence they had sent our men euery way to seeke them. That night the house they [the Pilgrim Fathers] had built and thatched, where lay their armes, bedding, powder, &c. tooke fire and was burnt. The Coast is so shoule, [that] the ship rides more then a mile from the Fort : but God be thanked no man was hurt, though much was burnt. [233J Their first conference with a Saluagc. 747. 933-1 (/• 75*1 The second conference. \PP> 73«. . 747. 757.1 All this time we could not haue conference with a Saluage, though we had many times seene them and had many alarums : so that we drew a Councell, and appointed Captaine Standish to haue the command of all martiall actions ; but euen in the time of consultation, the Saluages gaue an alarum. The next day also, as wee were agreeing vpon his [Standish's] orders, came a tall Saluage boldly amongst vs, not fearing any thing, and kindly bad vs welcome in English. He was a Sagamo, towards the North, where the ships vse to fish, and did know the names of most of the Masters that vsed thither: such victuall as we had we gaue him, being the first Saluage we yet could speake with. He told vs this place where we were was called Patuxet, and that all the people three or foure yeeres agoe [1617-18J there died on the plague. In a day or two we could not be rid of him ; then he returned to the Massasoyts from whence he came, where is some sixty people : but the Nawsits are 100. strong, which were they [who] encountred our people at the first. Two daies after, this Samoset, for so was his name, came againe, and brought fiue or six of the Massasoyts with him, with certaine skinnes, and certaine tooles they had got that we had left in the woods at their alarums: much friendship they promised, and so departed; but Samoset would not leaue vs, but fained himselfe sicke, yet at last he went to entreat the Saluages [to] come againe to confirme a peace. Now the third time, as we were consulting of our Marshall orders, two Saluages appeared; but when we went to them they vanished : not long after came Samoset, and Squanto, a natiue of Patuxet where we dwell, and one of them carried into Spaine by Hunt [pp. 219, 698], thence brought into England, where a good time he liued : and now Ed ^1^624:] Lib. 6. conditions with the Saluages. 755 here signified vnto vs, their great Sachem of Massasoyt, with [1621] Quadaquina his brother, and all their men, was there by to see vs. Not willing to send our Gouernour, we sent Edward Wollisio [Winslow] with presents to them both, to know their minds; making him to vnderstand by his Interpreters how King lames did salute him and was his friend. After a little conference, with twenty of his men he came ouer the brooke to our Plantation, where we set him vpon a rug ; and then [we] brought our Gouernour to him with Drums and Trumpets : where after some cir- cumstances, for they vse few complements, we treated of peace with them to this effect. That neither he nor any of his should iniury or doe Their hurt to any of vs ; if they did, he should send vs the S'piSI1 offender, that we might punish him : and wee would doe the like to him. If any did vniustly warre against him, we would aid him, as he should vs against ourenemies; and to send to his neighbour confederats to certifie them of this, that they might likewise be comprised in these conditions. That when any of them came to vs, they should leaue their Bow and Arrowes behinde them ; as we would our peeces, when we came to them. All which the King seemed to like well of, and was applauded of his followers. In his person hee is a very lusty man, in his best yeeres, an able body, graue of countenance, and spare of speech : in his attire little differing from the rest. After all was done, the Gouernour conducted him to the brooke, but kept our hostage till our messengers returned ; in like manner we vsed Quaddaquina: so all departed good friends. Two of his people would haue staied with vs, but wee would not permit them, onely Samoset and Squanto wee entertained kindly; as yet [11 Dec. 1621] wee haue found they intend to keepe promise, for they haue not hurt our men they haue found stragling in the Woods, and are afraid of their powerfull Aduersaries the Narrohiggansets, against whom hee hopes to make vse of our helpe. The next day, Squanto went a fishing for Eeles, and in an houre he did tread as many out of the 0[o]se with his 756 [Their voyage to Pakanoki(ck).] Lib. 6. [^ Winslow Dec. 1 6a i. [1621] feet as he could lift with his hand, not hauing any other instrument. a iour- But that we might know their habitations so well as VakixuM. they ours, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslo[w) had Squantum for their guide and Interpreter, [and were sent] to Packanoki, the habitation of the King of Massasoyt, with a red horsemans coat for a present, to entreat him by reason we had not victuall to entertaine them [234]as we would, he would defend his people so much from visiting vs; and if hee did send, he should alwaies send with the Messenger a copper Chaine theygaue him, that theymight knowhecame from him, and also giue them some of his Come for seede. That night they lodged at Namascet, some fifteene miles off: by the way we found ten or twelue women and children that still would pester vs till we were weary of them; perceiuing it is the manner of them, where victuall is to bee gotten with most ease, there they will Hue : but on that Riuer of Namaschet haue beene many habitations of the Saluages that are dead, and the land lies waste ; and the Riuer abounding with great plenty of fish, and hath beene much frequented by the French, c^ageof The next day, trauelling with six or seuen Indians, s«°,£cL where we were to wade ouer the Riuer, did dwell onely two old men of that Nation then liuing : that thinking vs enemies, sought the best aduantage they could to fight with vs, with a wonderfull shew of courage ; but when they knew vs their friends, they kindly welcommed vs. kTiT ™«i After, we came to a towne of the Massasoits ; but at Pakanoki the King was not : towards night he arriued and was very proud, both of our message and presents, making a great oration to all his people. Was not he Massasoit, Commander of the country about him, was not such a towne his, and the people of it, and 20. townes more he named was his ? and should they not bring their skins to vs ? To which they answered, they were his and they would. Victual they had none, nor any lodging but a poore planke or two, a foot high from the ground, whereon his wife and he lay at the one end, we at the other, but a thin Mat vpon them ; two more of his chiefe men pressed by Saluages. ^'^/uiy^:] Lib. 6. Their voyage to Nawsit. 757 and vpon vs, so that we were worse weary of our lodging [1623] then of our iourney. Although there is such plenty of fish and fowle and wild beasts, yet are they so lasie they will not take painesto catch it till meere hunger constraine them ; for in two or three daies we had scarce a meales meat, whereby we were so faint, we were glad to be at home : besides what for the fleas, and their howling and singing in the night in their houses, and the Musketas without doores, our heads were as light for want of sleepe, as our bellies empty for want of meat. The next voiagewe made was in a Shallop with ten men to a voyage tc Nawsit, sixteene miles from vs, to fetch a Boy [that] was lost aw" ' in the Woods we heard was there, whom A spinet their King had bedecked like a saluage : but very kindly he brought him to vs, and so returned well to Patuyet [i.e., Patuxet]. Mmediatly after the arriuall of the last ship, they 1621. sent another of flue and fifty tuns to supply \p. *io.\ them ; with seuen and thirty persons they set saile in the beginning of Iuly [1621], but being crossed by westernly winds, it was the end of August ere they could passe Plimoth, and arriued in New-England at New-Plimoth, now so called, the 11. of Nouember: where they found all the people they left so ill, lusty and well, for all their pouerties, except six that died. A moneth they stayed ere they returned to England, loaded with Clap-boord, Wainscot and Wallnut, with about three hogs-heads of Beuer skinnes, the 13. of December : and drawing neere our coast was set on by a French man set out by the Marquesse of Cera, Gouernour of He D[t]eu ; where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and company, tooke from them to the value of 500 pound : and after 14. daies sent them home with a poore supply of victuall, their owne being deuoured by the Marquesse and his hungry seruants. pw you are to vnderstand this 37. brought nothing, but relied wholly on vs ; to make vs more miserable then before : which the Sachem Couanacus no sooner vnderstood, but [he] sent ^m739t to Tusquantum our Interpreter, a bundle of new arrowes 747. 75*4-1 758 The treachery of Coubatant Lib. 6. [^fiJU E. Winslow. i6ai. [1621] in a Snakesskinne. Tusquantumbeing absent, the Messenger departed: but when we vnderstood it was a direct challenge, we returned the skin full of powder and shot, with an absolute defiance ; which caused vs [to] finish our fortifi- cation with all expedition. Now betwixt our two Saluages, Tusquantum and Hobbamock, grew such great emulation, we had much adoe to know which best to trust. In a iourney we vndertooke, in our way we met a Saluage of Tusquantums, that had cut his face [235] fresh bleeding, to assure vs Massasoyt our supposed friend, had drawne his forces to Packanokick to assault vs. Hobo- mak as confidently assured vs it was false, and sent his wife as an espy to see ; but when she perceiued all was well, shee told the King Massasoyt how Tusquantum had abused him. Diuers Saluages also hee had caused to be- leeue we would destroy them, but he would doe his best to appease vs ; this he did onely to make his Country- men beleeue what great power hee had with vs to get bribes on both sides, to make peace or warre when he would : and the more to possesse them with feare, he per- swaded many, we had buried the plague in our store house ; which wee could send when we listed whither wee would. But at last all his knauery being discouered, Massasowat sent his knife with Messengers for his head or him, being his subiect. With much adoe, we appeased the angry King and the rest of the Saluages, and freely forgaue Tusquantum; because he speaking our language, we could not well be without him. A iourney to the Towne of Namaschet, in defence of the King of Massasoyt, against the Narrohigganses ; and the supposed death of Squantum. Great difference there was betwixt the Narro- higganses and the Massasoytes, that had alwaies a iealousie ; [and] Coubatant one of their petty Sachems was too conuersant with the Narrohig- ganses. This Coubatant liued much at Namaschet, and much stormed at our peace with his King and others ; also at Edl by/uiy^4:] LlB 6- and honesty of Hobamak. 759 Squantum, and Tokamahamon, and Hobomak our friends, D-621] and chiefe occasioners of our peace, for which he sought to mu[r]ther Hobomak, Yet Tokamahamon went tohim,vpon a rumour he had taken Masasoyt prisoner, or forced him from his Country; but the other two would not, but in priuat to see if they could heare what was become of their King. Lodging at Namaschet they were discouered to Coubatant, who surprized the house and tooke Squantum ; saying, if hee were dead the English had lost their tongue : Hobomak seeing that, and [that] Coubatant held a knife at his brest, being a strong lusty fellow, brake from them ; and came to New-Plimoth, full of sorrow for Squantum, whom he thought was slaine. The next day, we sent ten men with him armed, to be t^t. reuenged on Coubatant; who conducted vs neere Namaschet, lavages, where we rested and refreshed our selues til midnight, and then we beset the house as we had resolued. Those that entred the house demanded for Coubatant, but the Saluages were halfe dead with feare: we charged them not to stirre, for we came to hurt none but Coubatant, for killing Squantum. Some of them seeking to escape was wounded ; but at last perceiuing our ends, they told vs Coubatant was gone and all his men, and Squantum was yet liuing, and in the towne. In this hurly burly we dis- charged two peeces at randome, which much terrified all the inhabitants except Squantum and Tokamahamon; who though they knew not the end of our comming, yet as- sured themselues of our honesties, that we would not hurt them. The women and children hung about Hobomak, calling him friend; and when they saw we would hurt no women, the young youths cryed we are women. To be short, we kept them all ; and whilest we were searching the house for Coubatant, Hobomak had got to the top, and called Squantum and Tokamahamon; which came vnto vs accompanied with others, some armed, others naked. Those that had bowes we tooke them from them, promising them againe when it was day. The house wee tooke for our quarter that night, and discharged the prisoners ; and the next morning went to breakfast to Squantums house. Thither came all them that loued vs to welcome vs, but all Coubatants faction was fled. Then we made them plainly know the cause of our comming, and if their King 760 [New England trials in 162 1 #^1622.] Lib. 6. [l6Juiyl6aa. [1621-2] Massasoyt were not well, we would be reuenged vpon the Narrohiggansets, or any that should doe iniury to Hobomak, Squantum, or any of their friends. As for those [that] were wounded we were sorry for it, and offered our Surgion should heale them : of this offer a man and a woman accepted, that went [236] home with vs, accompanied with Squantum, and many other knowne friends, that offered vs all the kindnesse they could. t>. 361.] ^| \^£lf4 Rom the West of England there is gone ten or twelue ships to fish, which were all well fraughted ; those that came first at Bilbow, made seuenteene pound a single share, besides Beuers, Otters, and Martins skinnes: but some of the rest that came to the same ports, that were all ready furnished, so glutted the market, that the price was abated; yet all returned so well contented, that they are a preparing to goe againe. 1622. There is gone from the West Countrey onely to fish, fiue and thirtie ships : and about the last of Aprill [1622] two more from London ; the one of one hundred tunnes, the other of thirtie, with some sixtie Passengers to supply the Plantation [i.e., Weston's men, see pp. 762, 764,892,942,946]. Now though the Turke and French hath beene somewhat too busie in taking our ships, would all the Christian Princes be truly at vnitie, as his Royall Maiestie our Soueraigne King lames desireth, seuentie Saile of good ships were sufficient to fire the most of his Coasts in the [/. «6a.] Leuant, and make such a guard in the Straights of Hellespont, as would make the great Turke himselfe more affraid in Constantinople, then the smallest Red-Crosse that crosses the Seas would be, either of any French Pickaroun, or the Pirats of A Igere, An abstract of dtuers Relations sent from the Colony in New England, Iuly 16. 1622. Notesand /^9w^nce ^e massacre m Virginia [on 22 Mar. 1622], though the Indians continue their wonted friend- ship, yet wee are more wary of them then before ; for their hands hath beene imbrued in much English bloud, onely by too much confidence, but not by force: and we haue had small supplies of any thing but men. tions. M-*/ui??&5:] Lib. 6. [A digression by Captain Smith] 761 I Ere I must intreat a little your fauours todigresse, [1622] they did not kill the English in Virginia, because they were Christians : but for their weapons and Copper, which were rare nouelties; but now they feare we may beat them out of their dens, which Lions and Tigers will not admit [of] but by force. But must this be an argument for an English man, and discourage any in Virginia or New England : No, for I haue tried them both, as you may reade at large in the Historie of Virginia ; notwithstanding since I came from thence, the Honourable IA a63-i Company hath beene humble suiters to his Maiestie, to get vagabonds and condemned men to goe thither ; nay, so the businesse hath beene so abused, that so much scorned was the name of Virginia, some did chuse to be hanged ere they would goe thither, and were. Yet for all the worst of spight, detraction, and discouragement, and this lamentable massacre, there is more honest men now [1622] suiters to goe, then euer hath beene constrained knaues. And it is not vnknowne to most men of vnderstanding, now happy many of those Collumners hath thought themselues that they might be admitted ; and yet pay for their passage to goe now to Virginia, and I feare mee there goeth too many of those that hath shifted heere till they could no longer ; and they will vse that qualitie there till they hazard all. To range this Countrey of New England in like manner, \p. 264.] I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruit con- ditions, I met many of their silly encounters, and I giue to»- i8s. God thankes, without any hurt at all to me, or any with 6g8, 7I9<1 mee. When your West-Countrey men were so wounded and tormented with the Saluages [p. 701J : though they had all the Politicke directions that had beene gathered from all the secret informations [that] could be heard of; yet they found little, and returned with nothing. I speak not this out of vaine- glory, as it may be some gleaners, or some who were neuer there may censure me ; but to let all men be assured by those examples, what those Saluages are, that thus strangely doe murder and betray our Countrymen. But to the purpose. He Paragon with thirtie seuen men sent to releeue \#. 964, them, miscarried twice vpon [237] our English ?66, 94,° Coast, whereby they failed of their supplies. It is true, there hath beene taken one thousand 762 How the Saluages contriue Lib. 6. [,E- 10 Sept. 1623. [1622] They liued two yeeres without supply. Bas[s]es at a draught ; and in one night twelue Hogsheads of Herrings : but when they wanted all necessaries both for fishing and sustinance but what they could get with their naked industry, they indured most extreme wants ; hauing beene now neere two yeeres without any supply to any purpose, it is a wonder how they should subsist, much lesse so to resist the Saluages, fortifie themselues, plant sixtie acres of Come, besides their Gardens that were well replenished with many vsuall fruits. Westons Plantation [/• 764-] Ut in the beginning of Iuly [1622], came in two ships of Master Westons; though we much wanted our selues, yet we releeued them what we could : and to requite vs, they destroied our Corne and Fruits then planted, and did what they could to haue done the like to vs. At last they were transported to Wichaguscusset at the Massachusets, where they abused the Saluages worse then vs. We hauing neither Trade, nor scarce any thing remain- ing, God sent in one Master I ones, and a ship of Westons [that] had beene at Monahigan amongst the Fisher-men, that for Beuer skinnes and such Merchandize as wee had, very well refreshed vs, though at deere rates. Weston left also his men a small Barke, and much good prouision ; and so set saile for England. Then wee ioyned with them to trade to the Southward of Cape Cod, twice or thrice wee were forced to returne ; first by the death of their Gouernor ; then the sicknesse of Captaine Standish. At last our Gouernor, Master Bradford, vndertooke it him- selfe to haue found the passage betwixt the Shoules and The death of the Maine. Then Tusquantum our Pilot died, so that we returned to the Massachusets, where we found the trade spoiled ; and nothing but complaints betwixt the Saluages and the English. At Nawset we were kindly vsed and had good trade : though we lost our Barge, the Saluages care- fully kept both her wracke, and some ten Ho[g]sheads of Corne three moneths ; and so we returned some by land, some in the ship. Captaine Standish being recouered, went to fetch them both, and traded at Namasket and Monomete, where the Tusquan- Ed' *&?$%] Lib. 6. to murder all the English. 763 people had the plague, a place much frequented with [1623] Dutch and French. Here the Sachem put a man to death £*^*£"s for killing his fellow at play ; wherein they are so violent, death they will play their coats from their backs, and also their InSShto wiues, though many miles from them. Sugo But our prouision decaying, Standish is sent to Malta- dweiiwith chist, where they pretended their wonted loue ; yet it plainly mens cfod, appeared they intended to kill him. Escaping thence, wee wL'a'good went to Monomete, where we found nothing but bad counten- Gl- ances. Heare one Wittuwamat a notable villaine, would boast how many French and English hee had slaine. This Champion presenting a Dagger to the Sachem Canacum, he had got from the English, occasioned vsto vnderstand how they had contriued to murder all the English in the Land; The^ but hauing such a faire opportunitie, they would begin heere mu^Vu with vs. Their scornfull vsage made the Captaine so pas- the English, sionate, to appease his anger and choler their intent made many faire excuses for satisfaction. Scar a lusty Saluage, alwaies seeming the most to effect vs, bestowed on vs the best presents he had without anyrecompence, saying; Hee was rich enough to bestow such fauours on his friends : yet had [he] vndertaken to kill the Captaine himselfe, but our vigilencies so preuented the aduantage they expected, we safely returned, little suspecting in him any such treachery. During this time, a Dutch ship was driuen a shore at Thesis Massasowat, whose King lay very sicke. Now because it is SI Mas- a generall custome then for all their friends to visit them : sasowa*' Master Window, and Master Hamden, with Habamok for their guide, were sent with such Cordialls as they had, to salute him. By the way they so oft heard the King was dead, Habamok would breake forth in those words. My louing Sachem, my louing Sachem, many haue I knowne, but neuer any like thee, nor shall euer see the like amongst the Saluages ; for he was no Her, nor bloudy and cruell like other Indians ; in anger soone reclaimed, he would be ruled by reason, not scorning the aduice of meane men, and gouerned his men better with a few strokes, then others with many : truly louing where he loued, yea he feared wee [238] had not a faithfull friend left amongst all his Countrey-men. Shewing how oft he had restrained their malice, much 764 The valour and courage Lib. 6. [^'s^510' 1693. 1623] His cure by the English. The King* thankful- nesse. A bad example. more, with much passion, he spoke to this purpose, till at last we arriued, where we found the Dutchmen but newly gone, and the house so full we could hardly get in. By their charmes they distempered vs that were well, much more him that was sicke ; women rubbing him to keepe heat in him : but their charmes ended, vnderstanding of vs, though he had lost his sight, his vnderstanding failed not ; but taking Winslow by the hand, said, Art thou Winslow, Oh Winslow, I shall neuer see thee againe ! Hobamock telling him what restauratiues they had brought, he desired to taste them. With much adoe they got a little Confexion of many comfortable Conserues into his mouth ; as it desolued he swallowed it ; then desoluing more of it in water, they scraped his tongue, which was al furred and swolne, and washed his mouth, and then gaue him more of it to eat, and in his drinke, that wrought such an alteration in him in two or three houres, his eies opened to our great contents. With this and such brothes as they there prouided for him, it pleased God he recouered : and thus the manner of his sicknesse and cure caused no small admiration amongst them. During the time of their stay to see his recouery, they had sent to New Plimoth for diuers good things for him ; which he tooke so kindly, that he fully reuealed all the former conspiracies against vs, to which he had oft beene moued : and how that all the people of Powmet, Nawset, Succonet, Mattachist, Manamet, Augawam, and Capawac, were ioyned to murder vs ; therefore as we respected our Hues, kill them of Massachuset that were the authors ; for take away the principals and the plot wil cease. Thus taking our leaues, and arriuing at our fort, we found our braue liberall friend of Pa[w]met drawing Standish to their Ambuscados ; which being thus discouered, we sent him away, as though he knew nor suspected any thing. Them [Weston* s Englishmen, pp. 760, 762] at the Massachusets, some were so vilde they serued the Saluages for victuall : the rest sent vs word the Saluages were so insolent, they would assault them though against theii Commission ; so fearefull they were to breake their Com- mission, so much time was spent in consultations, they all were famished, till Wassapincwat againe came and told them the day of their execution was at hand. ■""Vu,!^:] Lib. 6 of Captaine Standish. 765 Then they {the Pilgrim Fathers] appointed Standish with eight chosen men, vnder colour of Trade, to catch them in their owne trap at Massachuset, and acquaint it with the English in the Towne : where arriuing he found none in the Barke, and most of the rest without Armes, or scarce clothes, wandering abroad, all so sencelesly secure, he more then wondered they were not all slaine. With much adoe he got the most of them to their Towne. The Saluages suspecting their plots discouered, Pecksnot a great man, and of as great a spirit, came to Habamak, who was then amongst them, saying; Te\\ Standish we know he is come to kill vs, but let him begin when he dare. Not long after many would come to the Fort and whet their Kniues before him, with many brauing speeches. One amongst the rest was by Wittawamat bragging he had a Knife, that on the handle had the picture of a womans face ; but at home I haue one [that] hath killed both French and English, and that hath a mans face on it ; and by and by these two must marrie : but this here, by and by shall see, and by and by eat, but not speake. Also Pecksnot being of a greater stature then the Captaine, told him, though he were a great Captaine he was but a little man ; and I though no Sachem, yet I am of great strength and courage. These things Standish bare patiently for the present ; but the next day seeing he could not get many of them together, but these two Roarers and two more ; being in a conuenient roome, and his company about him, Standish seased on Pecksnots Knife then hanging about his necke, wherewith he slewhim,and the rest slew Wittuwamat and the other Saluage : but the youth they tooke, who being Brother to Wittuwamat, and as villanous as himselfe, was hanged. It is incredible how many wounds they indured, catching at their weapons without any feare or bruit, till the last gasp. Habamack stood by all this time very silent, but all ended, he said, Yesterday Pecksnot bragged of his strength and stature, but I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground. [239] The Towne he left to the guard of Westons people : three Saluages more were slaine ; vpon which rumour they all fled from their houses. The next day, they met with a file of Saluages that let fly their Arrowes, shot for shot, till Hobamack shewed [1623] Captaine Standish sent to sup presse the Saluages. Two desperate Saluages slaine. The Saluages ouer- commed. 766 A wonderfull blessing, Lib. 6. [ Js™n^*; [1623] himselfe, and then they fled. For all this, a Saluage Boy to shew his innocency, came boldly vnto vs and told vs : Had the English Fugitiues [Weston* s men] but finished the three Canowes they were a making, to haue taken the ship, they would haue done as much to all the English ; which was onely the cause they had forborne so long. But now consulting and considering their estates, those that [chose] went in the Pinnace to Barty lies to get passage for England ; the rest to New Plimoth, where they were kindly entertained. The Sachem Obtakeest, and Powas, and diuers other [that] were guilty, the three fugitiues in their fury there slew : but not long after so distracted were those poore scattered people, they left their habi- tations, liuing in swamps; where with cold and infinite diseases they endured much mortalitie, suing for peace, and crying the God of England is angry with them. Thus you see where God pleases, as some flourish, others perish. 1623. Now on all hands they prepare their ground, and about drought!"16 tne niiddest of Aprill [1623], in a faire season they begin to la 94aj plant till the latter end of May; but so God pleased, that in six weekes after the latter setting there scarcefell any raine ; so that the stalke [that] was first set, began to eare ere it came to halfe growth, and the last not like[ly] to yeeld any- thing at all. Our Beanes also seemed so withered, we iudged all vtterly dead, that now all our hopes were ouer- throwne, and our ioy turned into mourning. And more to ^x!?4' 76*' our sorrow, we heard of the twice returne of the Paragon, that now the third time was sent vs three moneths agoe, but no newes of her: onely the signes of a wracke we saw on the Coast, which wee iudged [to be] her. This caused not [only] euery of vs to enter into a priuate consideration betwixt God and our consciences; but most solemnly to humble our selues before the Lord by fasting and praying, to releeue our deiected spirits by the comforts of his mercy. In the morning when wee assembled all together, the skies were a wonderfuii as cleere, and the drought as like to continue as euer; yet Sipenofand our exercise continued eight or nine houres. Before our God'*iou«. departure, the skies were all ouer-cast, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, moderate showers, continuing foureteene daies, mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard tc say, whether our withered "*" ^jJnfTJ*'.] Lib. 6. and signe of God's loue. 767 Come, or drooping affections were most quickned and [1623] reuiued ; such was the bounty and mercy of God. Of this thelndians by the meanes of Hobamock tooke notice, who seeing vs vse this exercise in the midst of the weeke, said ; It was but three daies since Sunday, and desired to know the reason : which when hee vnderstood, he and all of them admired the goodnesse of God towards vs, shewing the difference betwixt their coniurations and our praiers, and what stormes and dangers they oft receiue thereby. To expresse our thankfulnesse, we assembled together another day, as before; and either the next morning, or not long after, came in two ships to supply vs; and all their Passengers well except one, and he presently recouered. For vs, notwithstanding all these wants, there was not a sicke person amongst vs. The greater ship we returned fraught ; the other wee sent to the Southward, to trade vnder the command of Captaine Altom. So that God be thanked, we desire nothing but what we will returne Commodities to the value. Thus all men finde our great God he, That neuer wanted nature, To teach his truth, that onely he Of euery thing is Author. For this yeere [1623], from England is gone about fortie gjfygjj saile of ships, only to fish ; and, as I am informed, haue made a farre better voyage then euer. ow some new great obseruers will haue this [to bej an Hand, because I haue writ it is [240] the r/. 933-1 Continent: others report, that the people are so bruit, they haue no religion, wherein surely they are deceiued ; for my part, I neuer heard of any Nation in the world which had not a Religion, deare, bowes and arrowes. They beleeue as doe the Virginians, Si?Jion. of many diuine powers, yet of one aboue all the rest, as &>- 939-1 the Southerne Virginians call their chiefe God Kewassa [p. 321], and that wee now inhabit Oke [p. 75], but both, their Kings, Werowance. The Massachusets call their great God Kiehtan, and their Kings there abouts Sachems : The Penob- scoteSj their greatest power Tantum, and their Kings Sagomos. 768 The Indians Gouemment and Religion. Lib. 6. [^pi^Si [1623] Those where is this Plantation [New Plymouth], say Kiehtan made all the other Gods : also one man and one woman, and of them all mankinde, but how they became so dispersed they know not. They say, at first there was no King but Kiehtan that dwelleth farre westerly aboue the heauens, whither all good men goe when they die, and haue plentie of all things. The bad men goe thither also and knocke at the doore ; but he bids them goe wander in endlesse want and miserie, for they shall not stay there. They neuer saw Kiehtan, but they hold it a great charge and dutie, that one age teach another ; and to him they make feasts, and cry and sing for plentie and victorie, or any thing [that] is good. They haue another Power they call Hobatnock, which wee conceiue the Deuill, and vpon him they call to cure their wounds and diseases : when they are curable he perswades them he sent them, because they haue displeased him ; but if they be mortall, then he saith, Kiehtan sent them, which makes them neuer call on him in their sicknesse. They say this Hobamock appeares to them somtimes like a Man, a Deere, or an Eagle, but most commonly like a Snake; not to all, but only to their Powahs to cure diseases, and Vndeses, which is one of the chiefe next the King, and so bold in the warres, that they thinke no weapon can kill them : and those are such as coniure in Virginia, and cause the people to doe what they list. Their For their Gouernment : euery Sachem is not a King, Geuernment. kut ^gjj. great Sachems haue diuers Sachems vnder their protection, paying them tribute, and [who] dare make no warres without his knowledge ; but euery Sachem taketh care for the Widowes, Orphans, the aged and maimed, nor will they take any to first wife, but them in birth equall to themselues (although they haue many inferior Wiues and Concubins that attend on the principall), from whom he neuer parteth, but any of the rest when they list. They inherit by succession, and euery one knowes their owne bounds. To his men, hee giueth them land, also bounded : and what Deere they kill in that circuit, he hath the fore-part ; but if in the water, onely the skin. But they account none a man, till hee hath done some notable exploit : the men are most imploied in hunting, Ed-byjuiyT<524.] Lib. 6. Obiections, Answers and Considerations. 769 the women in slauery ; the younger obey the elders : their names are variable : they haue harlots and honest women ; the harlots neuer marrie, or else are widowes. They vse diuorcement, and the King commonly punisheth all offenders himselfe : when a maid is maried, she cutteth her haire, and keepes her head couered till it be growne againe. Their arts, games, musicke, attire, burials, and such like, differ very little from the Virginians, onely for their Chronicles they make holes in the ground, as the others set vp great stones. Out of the Relations of Master Edward Wins low. [1623] Ow I know the common question is, For An answer all those miseries, where is the wealth objections, they haue got, or the Gold or Siluer Mines ? To such greedy vnworthy minds I say once againe : The Sea is better then the richest Mine knowne, and of all the fishing ships that went well prouided, there is no complaint of losse nor misery, but rather an admiration of wealth, profit, and health. As for the land were it neuer so good, in two c#. 926, yeeres [1621-1623] so few, of such small experience, liuing 942'] without supplies so well, and in health, it was an extra- ordinary blessing from God. But that with such small meanes they should subsist, and doe so much, to any vnder- standing judgement is a wonder. Notwithstanding, the vaine expectation of present gaine in some ; ambition in others, that to be great would haue all else slaues ; and the carelesnesse in prouiding supplies, hath caused those defailements in all those Plantations : and how euer some bad conditions will extoll the [241] actions of any Nation but their owne ; yet if we may giue credit to the Spaniards, Portugals, and French writings, they indured as many miseries, and yet not in twenty yeeres effected so much, nay scarce in fortie. Thus you may see plainly the yeerely successe from r/.a^.j New England by Virginia, which hath beene so costly to this Kingdome, and so deare to me ; which either to see 49 770 Obiections, Answers and Considerations. Lib. 6. r^fSS! Ljuly 1624. [1622-4] perish, or but bleed ; Pardon me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modesty, to haue beene sufficiently able to fore-see their miseries, and had neither power nor meanes to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with them, I call them my children ; for they haue beene my Wife, my Hawks, Hounds, my Cards, my Dice, and in totall, my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand [is] to my right. And notwithstanding, all those „ miracles of disasters [that] haue crossed both them and me, fcJueTa"'* yet were there not an Englishman remaining (as God be imendVd thanked notwithstanding the massacre there are some £tt£fromr's thousands), I would yet begin againe with as small meanes Virginia, as I did at first; not that I haue any secret encouragement Dec.di6io, (I protest) more then lamentable experience : for all their PtHSbu- discoueries I haue yet heard of, are but Pigs of my owne £hfchi!dTn ^ow' nor more strange to me, then to heare one tell me hnPiitrimt, hee hath gone from Billingsgate and discouered Grauesend, XE'f.\llti Tilbury, Quinborow, Lee, and Margit, which to those [that] t>A 217, 358, did neuer heare of them, though they dwell in England, •*s.54^733'. might bee made some rare secrets and great Countries 747,770.] vn£nowne; except some few Relations of Master Dinner The In England, some are held great trauellers that haue seene voy^to Venice, and Rome, Madrill, Toledo, Siuill, Algere, Prague, or VhSnia Ragonsa, Constantinople, or Ierusalem, and the Piramides of o/av^T Egypt ; that thinke it nothing to goe to Summer lies, or Eng ' Virginia, which is as far as any of them ; and I hope in time will proue a more profitable and a more laudable iourney : as for the danger, you see our Ladies and Gentlewomen account it nothing now to goe thither ; and therefore I (>. a66.] hope all good men will better apprehend it, and not suffer them to languish in despaire, whom God so wonderfully and oft hath preserued. What here I haue writ by Relation, if it be not right I humbly intreat your pardons ; but I haue not spared any diligence to learne the truth of them that haue beene actors, or sharers in those voyages. In some particulars they might deceiue mee, but in the substance they could not : for few could tell me anything, except where they fished. But seeing all those [that] haue liued there, doe confirme more then I haue writ, I doubt not but all those testimonies with these new begun examples of Plantation, dctSi622."l Lib. 6. Obiec lions, Answers and Considerations. 771 July 1624. J will moue both Citie and Country, freely to aduenture with [1622-4] me more then promises. But because some Fortune-tellers say, I am vnfortunate ; The had they spent their time as I haue done, they would against me. rather beleeue in God then their calculations, and perad- uenture haue giuen as bad an account of their actions; and therefore I intreat leaue to answer those obiecters, that thinke it strange, if this be true, I haue made no more vse of it, rest so long without imploiment, nor haue no more reward nor preferment. To which I say ; I thinke it more strange they should tax me, before they My answer. haue tried as much as I haue, both by land and sea, as well in Asia and Africa, as Europe and America ; where my Commanders were actors or spectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I neuer needed [to] bee importunate, [n]or could I euer learne to beg. What there I got, I haue spent ; yet in Virginia I staied, till I left fiue hundred behinde me better prouided then euer I was; from which r/>.243.] blessed Virgin (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate habi- tation of Summer lies. This Virgins Sister, now called New England, at my v. 267.) humble sute, by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath, beene [/. 232.] neere as chargeable to me and my friends : for all which, although I neuer got shilling but it cost mee a pound, yet I would thinke my selfe happy could I see their prosperities. But if it yet trouble a multitude to proceed vpon these Consider. certainties, what thinke you I vndertooke when nothing tlons* was knowne but that there was a vast land? I [242] neuer had power and meanes to doe any thing, though more hath beene spent in formall delaies then would haue done the businesse; but in such a penurious and miserable manner, as if I had gone a begging to build an Vniuersitie: where had men beene as forward to aduenture their purses, and performe the conditions they promised mee, as to crop the fruits of my labours, thousands ere this had beene bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt the spur of desire and the bridle of reason, I am neere ridden to death in a ring of despaire ; the reines are in your hands, therefore I intreat you [to] ease me, and those that thinke I am either idle or vnfortunate, may see the cause and know : vnlesse I did see better dealing, I haue had warn- 772 The order, charge and Lib. 6. r(LsT6«. Ljuue 1624. [1622-4] ing enough not to be so forward againe at euery motion vpon their promises, vnlesse I intended nothing but to carie newes ; for now they dare aduenture a ship, that when I went first would not aduenture a groat, so they may be at home againe by Michaelmas : which makes me remember and say with Master Hackluit ; Oh incredulitie the wit of fooles, that slouingly doe spit at all things faire, a sluggards Cradle, a Cowards Castle, how easie it is to be an Infidell. But to the matter. By this all men may perceiue, the ordinary performance of this voyage in flue or six moneths, the plentie of fish is most certainly approued ; and it is certaine, from Cannada and New England, within these sixyeeres [1615-1620] hath come neere twenty thousand Beuer skinnes. Now had each of these ships transported but some small quantitie of the most increasing Beasts, Fowles, Fruits, Plants, and Seeds, as I proiected ; by this time their increase might haue beene sufficient for more then one thousand men: But the desire of present gaine (in many) is so violent, and the endeuours of many vndertakers so negligent, euery one so regarding their priuate gaine, that l#.a44,«68.] it is hard to effect any publike good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order ; vnlesse both honesty, as well as authoritie and money, assist expe- rience. But your home-bred ingrossing Proiectors will at last finde, there is a great difference betwixt saying and doing, or those that thinks their directions can be as soone and easily performed, as they can conceit them ; or that their conceits are the fittest things to bee put in practise, or [that] their countenances maintaine Plantations. But to conclude, the fishing will goe forward whether you plant it or no ; whereby a Colony may be then transported with no great charge, that in short time might prouide such fraughts, to buy on vs their dwelling, as I would hope no ship should goe or come emptie from New England. The charge. The charge of this is onely Salt, Nets, Hookes, Lines, Kniues, Irish-rugges, course cloth, Beads, Glasse, and such trash, onely for fishing and trade with the Saluages, besides our owne necessarie prouisions ; whose endeuours would quickly defray all this charge, and the Saluages did [/. 73a.] intreat me to inhabit where I would. Jc'tfTe*:"! Lib. 6. gaines to be expected. 773 June 1624. J Now all those ships till these last two yeeres[7.0., till 1621], [1615-23] hauebeene fishing within a square of two or three leagues, and scarce any one yet will goe any further in the Port they fish in, where questionlesse fiue hundred may haue their fraught as well as elsewhere, and be in the market ere others can haue the fish in their ships : because New Englands fishing begins in February, in Newfoundland not till the midst of May ; the progression hereof tends much to the aduance- ment of Virginia and Summer lies, whose empty ships may take in their fraughts there ; and would be also in time of need a good friend to the Inhabitants of Newfoundland. The returnes made by the Westernemen, are commonly Theorderof diuided in three parts ; one for the owner of the ship ; menWesterne another for the Master and his Company ; the third for [p 801.] the victualers: which course being still permitted, will be no hinderance to the Plantation as yet goe there neuer so many, but a meanes of transporting that yeerely for little or nothing, which otherwise wil cost many hundreds of pounds. If a ship can gaine twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred ; The gaines. nay three hundred for one hundred in seuen or ten moneths; as you see they haue done, spending twice so much time in comming and going as in staying there: were [//. 245,269] I there planted, seeing the variety of the fishings serue the most part of the yeere, and with a little labour we might make all the Salt we need vse, as is formerly said, and can [243] conceiue no reason to distrust of good successe by Gods assistance ; besides for the building of ships, no place hath more conuenient Harbours, ebbe nor floud, nor better timber; and no Commoditie in Europe doth more decay then wood. Master Dee his opinion for the building of ships. ^ Aster Dee recordeth in his Brittish Monarchy, Theeffects * that King Edgar had a Nauy of foure thousand ° s ipping saile, with which he yeerely made his progresse, about this famous Monarchy of Great Britaine, largely declaring the benefit thereof; whereupon hee pro- iected to our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleet of sixty Saile, he called a little Nauy 774 How to build a fleet, Lib. 6. p-jjj [1620-4] Royall : imitating that admired Pericles Prince of Athens, that could neuer secure that tormented estate, vntill he was Lord and Captaine of the Sea. At this none need wonder, for who knowes not her Royall Maiestie during her life, by the incredible aduentures of her Royall Nauy, and valiant Souldiers and Sea-men, notwithstanding all treacheries at home, the protecting and defending [of] France and Holland, and reconquering Ireland; yet all the world by Sea and Land, both feared or loued, and admired good Queene Elizabeth, Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour (God be thanked) to her incomparable Successor, our most Royall Lord and Soueraigne King lames, this great Philo- sopher hath left this to his Maiestie and his Kingdomes consideration. That if the tenths of the earth be proper to God, it is also due by Sea. The Kings high waies are common to passe, but not to dig for Mines or any thing. So Englands Coasts are free to passe but not to fish, but by his Maiesties Prerogatiue. Sd^ojr6* His Maiesty of Spaine permits none to passe the Popes the East order, for the East and West Indies but by his permission, indies"1 or at their perils ; if all that world be so iustly theirs, it is [/»/. 246,270.] no iniustice for England to make as much vse of her owne shores as strangers doe, that pay to their owne Lords the tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties any thing to speake of, whose subiects may neither take nor sell any in their Teritories: which small tribute would maintaine this little Nauy Royall, and not cost his Maiesty a peny, and yet maintaine peace with all Forrainers, and allow them more courtesie then any Nation in the world affords to England. It were ashame to alleage, that Holland is more worthy to enioy our fishing as Lords thereof, because they haue more skill to handle it then we, as they can our wooll and vndressed Cloth, notwithstanding all their warres and troublesome disorders. 2on*ey°to:et T° Set rnoney to build this Nauy, he saith, who would build this not spare the one hundreth penny of his rents, and the hue htue Nauy. nun(jreth penny of his goods ; each seruant that taketh forty shillings wages, foure pence ; and euery forrainer of seuen yeeres of age foure pence, for seuen yeeres ; not any &c?mi62;.l Lib. 6. to make a little Nauy royall. 775 July 1624. J of these but they will spend three times so much in pride, [1620-4] wantonnesse, or some superfluitie. And doe any men loue the securitie of their estates, that of themselues would not bee humble su[i]ters to his Maiesty to doe this of free will as a voluntary beneuolence, or but the one halfe of this (or some such other course as I haue pro[po]unded to diuers of the Companies) free from any constraint, tax, lottery, or imposition ; so it may be as honestly and truly imploied, as it is proiected, the poorest Mechanicke in this Kingdom would gaine by it. Hen you might build ships of any proportion and numbers you please, fiue times cheaper then you can doe here, and haue good merchandize for their fraught in this vnknowne Land, to the aduance- ment of Gods glory, his Church and Gospel ; and the strengthning and releefe of a great part of Christendome without hurt to any; to the terror of Pirats, the amazement of enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing [of] Merchants, V- 247-i and so much increase of Nauigation, to make Englands trade and shipping as much as any Nations in the world : besides a hundred other benefits, to the generall good of all true subiects, and would cause thousands yet vnborne to blesse ca»7i.] the time, and all them that first put it in practise. [244] Now lest it should be obscured as it hath beene to Contention priuat ends, or so weakely vndertaken by our ouerweening J«.rw* incredulity, that strangers may possesse it whilest we IS^ood01 contend for New-Englands goods, but not Englands good ; I haue presented it [i.e., New-Englands trials] as I haue said, [//.247, 266 to the Prince and Nobility, the Gentry and Commonalty, 748, 94I'] hoping at last it will moue the whole land to know it and consider of it ; since I can finde them wood and halfe victuall, with the foresaid aduantages : were this Country planted, with what facility they may build and maintaine this little Nauy Royall, both with honour, profit and content, and inhabit as good a Country as any in the world within that paralell : which with my life and what I haue, I will endeuour to effect, if God please and you permit. But no man will goe from hence to haue lesse freedome there then here, nor aduenture all they haue to prepare the way for them will scarce thanke them for it ; and it % too 7 7 6 [That most generous Prince Sigismundus.] Lib. 6. [jiiy8^ [1620-4] well knowne there haue beene so many vndertakers of Patents, and such sharing of them, as hath bred no lesse discouragement then wonder, to heare such great promises and so little performance ; in the Interim, you see the French and Dutch already frequent it, and God forbid they in Virginia, or any of his Maiesties subiects, should not haue as free liberty as they. To conclude, were it not for Master Cherley and a few priuate aduenturers with them, what haue we there, for all these inducements ? The As for them whom pride or couetousnesse lulleth asleepe Cf^rSn in a Cradle of slothfull carelesnesse, would they but con- power. sider how all the great Monarchies of the earth haue beene brought to confusion, or but remember the late lamentable experiences of Constantinople, and how many Cities, Townes and Prouinces in the faire rich Kingdoms of Hungaria, Transiluania, Wallachia and Moldauia, and how many thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Merchants, and others haue in one day lost goods, Hues and honours, or sold for slaues like beasts in a market place; their wiues, children and seruants slaine, or wandring they knew not [/.a7a.] whither, dying or liuing in all extremities of extreme miseries and calamities: surely they would not onely doe this, but giue all they haue to enioy peace and liberty at home, or but aduenture their persons abroad to preuent the conclusions of a conquering Foe, who commonly assaulteth and best preuaileth where he findeth wealth and plenty most armed with ignorance and security. Though the true condition of warre is onely to suppresse the proud and defend the innocent, as did that most generous Prince Sigismundus, Prince of those Countries, against them whom vnder the colour of iustice and piety, to maintaine their superfluity of ambitious pride, thought all the world too little to maintaine their vice ; and vndoe them, or keepe them from ability to doe any thing, that would not admire and adore their honours, fortunes, couetousnesse, falshood, bribery, cruelty, extortion, and ingratitude: which is worse then cowardize or ignorance, and all manner of vildnesse, cleane contrary to all honour, vertue, and noblenesse. Iohn Smith writ this with his owne hand. T^he Observations &c. of Captaine Richard Whitbourne. Ere follow certaine notes and obseruations of Captaine Charles [or rather Richard] Whitbourne concerning New-found land : which although euery master trained vp in fishing, can make their proportions of necessaries according to their custome, yet it is not much amisse here to insert them, that euery one which desires the good of those actions [may] know them also. Besides in his Booke intituled, A discouery of New-found land, and the commodities thereof you shall finde many excellent good aduertisements for a Plantation ; and how that most yeeres this Coast hath beene frequented with 250. saile of his Maiesties subiects, which supposing but 60. tunnes a peece, one with another, they amount to 15000. tunnes ; and allowing 25. men and boies to euery Barke, they will make 5000. persons, whose labours returne yeerely to about 135000. pound sterling : besides the great numbers of Brewers, Bakers, Coupers, Ship-Carpenters, Net-makers, Rope-makers, Hooke-makers, and the most of all other mec[h]anicall trades in England. [245] [1622] 77& The charge of setting forth a Ship. Lib. 6. [R ^fX': The charge of setting forth a ship of ioo. tuns with 40. persons, both to make a fishing voyage, and increase the Plantation. [1622] ^prNprimis, 10000. [or rather 11000] l„ #♦ &♦ ©2Juj$ weight of Bisket at 15. s. a 100. weight [i.e., ii2lbs.] 26 Tun of Beere and Sider at 53. s. 4. J. a Tun. 2 Hogsheads of English Beefe. 2 Hogsheads of Irish Beefe. 10 F#£ flogs sa/tei with Salt, and Caske. 30 Bushels of Pease. 2 Ferkins of Butter. 200 Waight [= 224IDS.] of Cheese. 1 Bushell of Mustard-seed. SccuraJe i Hogshead of Vinegar. TRVTivhil Wood to dresse meat withall. t° e7fi's I ^r^ Copper Kettle. tffi ^ 2 Swfl// Kettles. 2 Frying-Pans. Platters, Ladles and Cans, a paire of Bellowes for the Cooke. Taps, Boriers and Funnels. Locks for the Bread roomes. 100 weight [= H2lbs.] of Candles. 130 quarters of Salt at 2. s. the Bushell Mats and dinnage to lie vnder it. Salt Shouels. Particidars for the 40. persons to keepe 8. fishing boats at Sea, with 3. men in euery boat, imploies 24. ; and 500. foot of Eltne boords of an inch thicke, 8. s. each one. 2000 Nailcs for the 8. Boats, at 13. s. \d. a 1000. 4000 Nailes at 6. s. 8. d. [a] 1000. 2000 Nailes at 5. d. [a] 100. 500 weight [= 56olbs.] of pitch at 8.s. 100. 2000 of good orlop nailes. More for other small necessaries. 3. 82. 10. 69. 7. 10. 5. 10. 10. 6. 3. 2. 10. 6. 1. 5- 1. 2. 2. 3. 1. 2. 2. 2. 2. 10. 104. 2. 10. 10. 1. 6. 8. 1. 6. 8. 8. 2. 2. 5- Ed. by J. Smith.! T TR (L July 1624.J ^IB- °« The charge of setting forth a Ship, 779 I 10. 1. 6. 2. 13. 12. 1. 1. 10. 1, 3- 18. 10. 6. 6. 5- 15. 6. 10. 6. 5. 16. 10. 10. 6. 10. [1622] A barrell of Tar. 200 weight [=224-lbs.] of black Ocome. Thrums for pitch Maps. Bolls, Buckets and Pumps. 1. 2 brazen Crocks. 2. Canuas to make Boat sailes and small ropes, at 25. s. for each saile, 12. 10. 10 rode Ropes which containe 600. weight [ = 672lbs.] at 30. s. the 100. 10. 12 dozen of fishing lines. 6. 24 dozen of fishing hookes. 2. for Squid line. For Pots and liuer maunds. Ironworks for the boats ruthers. 10 Kipnet Irons Twine to make kipnets and gagging hooks. 10 good Nets at 26. s. a net. 2 Saynes, a great and a lesse. 200 weight [ = 224lbs.] of Sow -lead. 2 couple of ropes for the Saynes. Dry-fats to keepe them in. Twine for store. Flaskets and bread Baskets. For haire cloth. 3. Tuns of vinegar caske, for water. 1 douzen of Deale Bourds. 2 Barrels of Oalmeale. 1. 100 weight [ = 112 lbs.] of Spikes. 2. 2 good Axes, 4. hand Hatchets, 4 Drawers, 2. drawing Irons. 3 yards of wollen cloth for cuffs. 8 yards of good Canuasse. A Grind-stone or two. 2000 ofpoore I ohnto spend [i.e. in eating] ingoing 6. 1 Hogshead of A quauitce. 4. 4 arme Sawes, 4. Handsawes, 4. thwart Sawes, 3. Augers, 2. Crowes of Iron, 3. Sledges, 4. shod Shouels, 2. Picaxes, 4. Matocks, and 4. Hammers. 5. The totall summe is 420. 11. o. ySo The obseruations of Captaine I IT1 /C TR. Whitbouroe l^IB. O. [_ April 162= [1622] [Sacks, the English name for victualling &c, ships trafficking for cod with All these prouisions the Master or Purser is to be accountable what is spent, and what is left with those which shall continue there to plant : and of the 40. thus prouided for the voyage, ten may well be spared to leaue behind them, with 500. weight of Bisket, 5. hogsheads of Sider or beere, halfe a hogshead of Beefe, 4 sides of dry Bakon, 4. bushell of Pease, halfe a ferkin of Butter, halfe 100. weight of Cheese, a pecke of Mustard-seed, a barrell of Vinegar, 12. pound of Candles, 2. pecks of Oatmeale, halfe a hogshead of Aquauitae, 2. copper Kettles, 1. brasse Crock, 1. Frying-pan, a Grindstone, and all the Hatchets, Wood-hooks, Sawes, Augers, &c. and all other iron tooles, with the 8. Boats and their implements, [246] and spare salt ; and what else they vse not in a readinesse from yeere to yeere, and in the meane time serued them to helpe to build their houses, cleanse land, and further their fishing whilst the ships are wanting [absent]. By his estimation and calculation, these 8. Boats with 22 [or rather 24]. men in a Summer doe vsually kill 25000. fish for euery Boat, which may amount to 200000. allowing 120. fishes to the 100 : sometimes they haue taken aboue 35000. for a Boat, so that they load not onely their owne ship, but prouide great quantities for Sacks or other spare ships, which come thither onely to buy the ouerplus. If such ships come not, they giue ouer taking any more, when sometimes there hath beene great abundance ; because there the fishers off is no fit houses to lay them in till another yeere. Newfound- land, as the Dutch Jagtrs did for herrings, off the English coast.] Now most of those Sacks goeth empty thither, which might as well transport mens prouision and cattle at an casie rate as nothing, either to New-England or New-found land : but either to transport them for nothing, or pay any great matter for their liberty to fish, will hardly effect so much as freedome as yet ; nor can this be put in practice as before I said, till there be a power there well planted and setled to entertaine and defend them, assist and releeue them as occasion shall require : otherwaies those small diuisions will effect little, but such miserable conclusions as both the French and we too long haue tried to our costs. Now commonly 200000. fish will load a ship of 100. tunnes in New-found land, but halfe so many will neere doe it in New England : which carried to Toloune or Merselus ^*by/uiyTM:] LlB- 6- Charles [i.e., Richard] Whitborne. 781 [Marseilles], where the custome [import duty] is small, and [1622-4] the Kintall lesse then go. English pounds weight, and the prise when least, 12. shillings the Kintall, which at that rate amounts to 1320. /. starling : and the ship may either there be discharged, or imployed as hath beene said to t#.2oa,7i6.] refraught for England ; so that the next yeere she may be ready to goe her fishing voyage againe, at a farre cheaper rate then before. To this adde but 12. tuns of traine oile, which deliuered in New-found land, is 10. /. the tun, makes 120. /. Then it is hard if there be not 10000. of Cor-fish, which also sold there at 5. /. the 1000. makes 50. /. : which brought to England, in some places yeelds neere halfe so much more ; but if at Merselus it be sold for 16. s. the Kentall, as commonly it is, and much dearer, it amounts to 1760. /. And if the Boats follow the fishing till the 15. of October, they may take 80000. more, which with their traine in New-found land at 4. /. the 1000. will amount to 320. /. : which added to 1320. /. with 120. /. for Oile, and 10000. of Corfish 50. /. and the ouerplus at Merselus, which will be 440. I. make the totall 2250. /. ; which diuided in three ^j44'268, parts according to their custome, the Victualer hath for the former particulars (amounting to 420. /.), 751. /., so all the charge defraied, hee gaines 331. /. n. s. ; then for the fraught of the ship there is 751. /. ; and so much for the Master and his company ; which comparing with the voiages [that] hath beene made to New-England, you may easily finde which is the better, though both bee good. ut now experience hath taught them at New- ^h^dlhy Plimoth, that in Aprill there is a fish much like g^g a Herring that comes vp into the small Brookes obseraed. to spawne, and where the water is not kneedeepe, they will presse vp through your hands, yea though you beat at them with Cudgels, and in such abundance as is incre- dible : which they take with that facility, they manure their land with them when they haue occasion. After those, the Cod also presseth in such plenty, euen into the very Harbours, they haue caught some in their armes, and hooke them so fast [that], three menoftloadeth a Boat of twotunsintwohoures, where before theyvsed most[ly] to fish in deepe water. [247] 1624. Their order of gouernment. The present estate of New-Plimoth. T New-Plimoth there is [1624J about 180 persons, some cattell and goats, but many swine and poultry ; 32 dwelling houses, whereof 7 were burnt the last win- ter [1623], ana* the value of hue hundred pounds in other goods; the Towne is impailed about halfea mile [in] compasse. In the towne vpon a high Mount they haue a Fort well built with wood, lome, and stone, where is planted their Ordnance: Also a faire Watch-tower, partly framed, for the Sentinell. The place it seemes is healthfull, for in these last three yeeres [1621-4], notwithstanding their great want of most necessaries, there hath not one died of the first planters. They haue made a saltworke, and with that salt preserue the fish they take ; and this yeare [1624] hath fraughted a ship of 180. tunnes. The Gouernour is one Master William Bradford ; their Captaine Miles Standish, a bred Souldier in Holland ; the chiefe men for their assistance is Master Isaak Alderton, and diuers others as occasion serueth ; their Preachers are Master William Bruster and Master Iohn Lay ford. The most of them liue together as one family or hous- hold, yet euery man followeth his trade and profession both by sea and land, and all for a generall stocke : out of which they haue all their maintenance, vntill there be a diuident betwixt the Planters and the Aduenturers. Those Planters are not seruants to the Aduenturers here, but haue onely councells of directions from them, but no in- iunctions or command ; and all the masters of families are partners in land or whatsoeuer, setting their labours /uiy1^.] LlB- 6- The present estate of New-Plimoth. 783 against the stocke, till certaine yeeres be expired for the [1624] diuision : they haue young men and boies for their Ap- prentises and seruants, and some of them speciall families, as Ship-carpenters, Salt-makers, Fish-masters, yet as seruants vpon great wages. The Aduenturers which raised the stocke to begin and [/. 943-1 supply this Plantation were about 70. : some Gentlemen, some Merchants, some handy-crafts men, some aduenturing great summes, some small, as their estates and affection serued. The generall stocke already imploied is about 7000. /. ; by reason of which charge and many crosses, many of them would aduenture no more : but others that knowes so great a designe cannot bee effected without both charge, losse and crosses, are resolued to goe forward with it to their powers ; which deserue no small commendations and encouragement. These [the Adventurers generally] dwell most[ly] about London. They are not a corporation, but [are] knit together by a voluntary combination in a society without constraint or penalty, aiming to doe good and to plant Religion ; they haue a President and Treasurer, euery yeere newly chosen by the most voices, who ordereth the affaires of their Courts and meetings, and with the assent of the most of them, vndertaketh all ordinary businesses : but in more weighty affaires, the assent of the whole Company is required. ,here hath beene a fishing this yeere [1624] vpon the Coast about 50. English ships : and by Cape A nney [#.892,946 1 there is a Plantation a beginning by the Dor- chester men, which they hold of those of New- Plimoth, who also by them haue set vp a fishing worke : some talke there is some other pretended Plantations, all whose good proceedings the eternal God protect and preserue. And these haue beene the true proceedings and acci- dents in those Plantations. ow to make a particular relation of all the acts and orders in the Courts belonging vnto them, of the anihilating old Patents and procuring new ; with the charge, paines and arguments, the reasons 784 The present estate of New-Plimoth. Lib. 6. [4^ [1624] of such changes, all the treaties, consultations, orations, and dissentions about the sharing and diuiding those large terri- tories, confirming of Counsailers, electing all sorts of Officers, directions, Letters of aduice, and their answers, disputations about the Magazines and Impositions, su[ijters for Patents, positions for Freedomes, and confirmations with complaints of iniuries here, and also the mutinies, examinations, arraignements, executions, and the cause of the so oft reuolt of the Saluages at large, as many [248] would haue had, and it may be some doe expect it would make more quarrels then any of them would willingly answer, and such a volume as would tire any wise man but to read the contents. For my owne part I rather feare the vnpartiall Reader will thinke this rather more tedious then necessary : but he that would be a practitioner in those affaires, I hope will allow them not only needfull but expedient : but how euer, if you please to beare with those errors I haue committed, if God please I Hue, my care and paines shall endeuour to be thankfull : if I die, accept my good will. (/*. 248,373.] If any desire to be further satisfied, what defect is found in this, they shall finde supplied in me; that thus freely haue throwne my selfe with my mite into the Treasury of my Countries good, not doubting but God will stirre vp some noble spirits to consider and examine if worthy Columbus could giue the Spaniards any such certainties for his designe, when Queene Isabel of Spaine set him forth with 15. saile : and though I promise no Mines of gold, yet the warlike Hollanders let vs imitate but not hate, whose wealth and strength are good testimonies of their treasury gotten by fishing ; and New-England hath yeelded already [up to 1624] by generall computation one hundred thousand pounds at the least. Therefore honourable and worthy Country men, let not the meannesse of the word fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as the Mines of Guiana or Potassie, with lesse hazard and charge, and more certainty and facility. /. S. FINIS. A N ACCIDENCE OR The Path -way to EXPERIENCE. Necessary for all Young Sea-men, or those that are desirous to goe to Sea, briefly shewing the Phrases, Offices, and Words of Command, Belonging to the Building, Ridging, and Sayling, a Man of Warre ; And how to manage a Fight at Sea. Together with the Charge and Duty of every Officer ', and their Shares : Also the Names, Weight, Charge, Shot, and Powder ■, of all sorts of great Ordnance. With the vse of the Petty Tally. Written by Captaine Iohn Smith some- times Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of New England. LONDON: Printed for Jonas Man, and Benjamin Fisher, and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot, in Aldersgate streete. 1626. 50 [This Tract was a new departure in our Literature, being the first printed book on seamanship, naval gunnery, and of nautical terms ; and was besides written by an Army Captain. It was thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall : 230 ©dobris 1626. Jonas Man Entred for their Copie vnder the handes of master Beniamin fflsher Doctor worrall and both the wardens A booke Called An Accidence or pathway e to experience necessary e for all young sea men 6r*c. by Captaine John Smith. ....... yjd. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London^ 1 554-1640 A.D., Ed. by E. Arber, iv. 169, 1877. For the bibliography of this Tract, see p. cxxxi.] $fc>TO ALL THE RIGHT HON- ourable and most Generous Lords in England, and Others : Especially of his Majesties Priuy Councell, and Councell of Warre. IGHT Honorable: In regard of the Present occasion, for the [16261 Arte of Navigation, and many young Gentlemen and Valiant spirits of all sorts, do desire to try their Fortunes at sea : I haue beene per- s waded [//. 809, 970] to Print this discourse, being a subject I never see writ before. Not as an in- struction to Marriners nor Sailors, whom I intreate rather amend it, then condemne it, confessing it might be a taske for a most excellent Sea-man ; But as an intraduction for such as wants experience, and are desirous to learne what belongs to a Seaman. For the advansing of that incomparable faculty, seeing you are in place, both of power and Authoritie ; I most humblie present it to Your Honors Consider- ations. No more but sacring all my best abilities to the exquisite Iudgement of your renowned Vertues, I ever rest Your Worships ever most humbly denoted, I o h n Smith. 788 TO THE READER; AND ALL Generous and Noble Adventurers by Sea ; and Well-Wishers to Nauigation. Especially the Masters, Wardens, and Assistance of the Trinity-House. Worthy Readers: [1626] W'^^^MOW ever your perfections may censure my imperfec- tions, I know not : my greatest error in this is but a desire to do good; which disease hath ever haunted mee since my child-hood; and all the miseries and ingratitudes I haue indured, cannot yet diuert me from that resolution. As both Europe, Asia, Affrica and America can partly witnesse, if all their extremities hath taught me any thing, I haue not kept it for my owne particuler. I know well I am blamed for not concealing that, that time and occasion hath taught mee to reueale ; as at large you may read in the life of Sigismundus Bathor Prince of Transiluania, writ by his Secretary Francisco Fernezsa, New Englands Trialls, With the Generall History of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles. That the most of those faire plantations did spring from the fruites of my aduenters and discoueries is euident, although their relumes as yet doth not answere the worlds expectation, nor my desire : yet how they haue proceeded euery yeare since their first originall to this present ; by the Maps therein, you may plainly see the Descriptions of the Countries; by the Story, what they are, what good they might be to this Kingdome, how they haue bin vsed and abused, how the defects might be amended, the Planters made happy, God and the King well pleased and serued, and all the Honorable and worthy A duen- turers contented : whatsoeuer malice or ignorance can {eigne to the contrary. For this small Pamphlet, if J find you kindly and friendly accept it, I meane ere long, more largely to explaine the par- ticulers : So I rest, To Christ and my Country a true Souldier, and faithfull Servant, John Smith. AN ACCIDENCE FOR Young Sea-men: OR Their Path-way to Experience. (^^^^/^Z^Sh ^-^ ^aptaines charge is to commaund all, and tell the Maister to what Port he will go, or to what height [latitude]. In a fight he is to giue direction for the managing thereof, and the Maister is to see to the cunning [of] the Ship, and trimming [2] the sailes. The Maister and his Mate is to direct the course, commaund all the Saylors, for steering, trim- ming, and sayling the Ship: his Mates are onely his Seconds, allowed sometimes for the two Midships men, that ought to take charge of the first prize. The Pilot when they make land, doth take the charge of the Ship till he bring her to Harbour. The Cape-merchant and Purser hath the charge of all the Caragasoune or Merchandize, and the Purser doth keepe an Account of all that is receiued and deliuered : but a Man of Warre hath onely a Purser. The Maister Gunner hath the charge of the Ordinances, Shot, Powder, Match, Ladles, Spunges, Cartrages, Armes, and Fire-workes; and the rest euery one to receiue his charge from him according to directions, and to giue an account of his store. [3] The Carpenter and his Mate is to haue the Nayles, Clinches, roue and clinch-nailes, spikes, plates, rudder- [1626] The Captains charge. The Maister and his Mates. The Pilot. The Cape- merchant and Purser. The Gunner with his Mate, and quarter Gunner. TheCarpen- ter and his Mate. 790 An Accidence for yo\jt\ng Sea-men. [<£ Smith- ct. 1626. Marshall. [1626J irons called pintels and gudgions, pumpe-nailes, skupper- nailes, and leather, sawes, files, hatchets, and such like : and [be] euer ready for calking, breaming, stopping leakes, fishing or spliceing the Masts or Yards ; as occasion requireth, and to giue an account of his store. ™e.£ote- The Boteswaine is to haue the charge of all the Cordage, his Mate, tackling, sailes, fids, and marling spikes, needles, twine, and saile-cloth, and rigging [of] the shippe : his Mate the command of the long boate, for the setting forth of Anchors, waying and fetching home an Anchor, warping, towing, and moreing, and to giue an account of his store. ije chyrur- The Chirurgion is exempted from all duty but to attend fiSe"1 a the sicke, and cure the wounded : and good care would be [4] had, [that] he haue a certificate from the Barber-surgions Hall of his sufficiency ; and also that his Chest bee well furnished both for Physicke, and Chyurgery, and so neere as may be proper for that clime you goe for, which neglect hath beene the losse of many a mans life. The ^ m The Marshall is to punish offendors, and to see Justice executed according to directions, as ducking at Yards arme, hawling vnder the Keele, bound to the Capsterne or maine Mast with a basket of shot about his necke, setting in the bilbowes, and to pay the Cobty or the Morryoune. But the Boyes, the Boteswaine. is to see euery Munday at the chist to say their Compasse ; which done, they are to haue a quarter can [? of beer], and a basket of bread. The The Corporall is to see the setting and releeuingthe watch: Corporaii. an(j gee ajj ^e souldiers and saylors keepe their Armes cleane, neate and yare ; and teach them their vse. [5] The steward The Steward is to deliuer out the victuall, according to Mate.15 the Captaines directions; and messe them 4, 5, or 6, a there is occasion. The quarter The quarter Maisters hath the charge of the hold for Meters. stowage, rommageing, and trimming the shippe ; and of their squadrons for their Watch. A Sayne, a Fisgigg, a Harping iron, Fish-hookes, for Porgos, Bonetos, or Dora- dos, &c. and rayling lines for Mackerell. The cowper The Cowper is to looke to the caske, hoopes and twig- Mate" ges, to staue or repaire the buckets, Baricoes, Cans, steepetubs, runlets, hogsheads, pipes, buts, &c. for wine, beere, syder, beuerage, fresh water, or any liquor. J. Smith. Oct. 1626. An Accidence for yo\u~\ng Sea-men. 791 The Coxswaine is to haue a choyce gang to attend the Skiffe, to go to and againe as occasion commandeth. The Cooke is to dresse and deliuer out the Victuall. He hath his store of quarter cans, small Cannes, platters, spoones, lanthornes, &c. and is to giue [6] his account of the remainder. The Swabber is to wash and keepe cleane the ship and maps. The Lyer is to holde his place but for a weeke ; and hee that is first taken with a lye, euery Monday is so pro- claimed at the maine Mast by a generall cry, A Iyer, a Iyer, a lyer. He is vnderthe Swabber, and onely to keepe cleane the beake head and chaines. The Saylers are the antient men for hoysing the sailes, getting the tackes aboord, hawling the Bow-lines, and steering the ship. The Younkers are the yong men called Fore-mast men, to take in the Topsayles, or Top and yeard ; Furle, and Sling the maine Saile; Bousing or Trysing; and take their turne at Helme. TheLieutenantisto associate[with] the Captaine,and in his absence to execute his place. He is to see the Marshall and Corporall doe their duties, and assist them in instructing the Souldiers: and [7] in a fight the Forecastle is his place, to make good; as the Captaine doth the halfe decke; and the quarter Maisters the midships. But in the States men of Warre he is allowed as necessary as a Lieuetenant on shore. When you set sayle and put to sea, the Captaine is to call vp the company ; and the one halfe is to goe to the Starreboord, the other to the Larboord, as they are chosen : the Maister chusing first one, then his Mate another, and so forward till they bee diuided in two parts. Then each man is to chuse his Mate, Consort, or Comrado. Then diuide them into squadrons according to your num- bers and burthen of your ship ; but care would be had, that there be not two Comorados vpon one watch, because they may haue the more roome in the Cabons to rest. [1626] The Coxe- swaine and his Mate. The Cooke and his Mate. The Swabber. The Lyer. The Saylers. The Yonkers. The Lieuet- Howto diuide the Company. To giue a true Arithmeticall and Geometricall proportion 792 An Accidence for yo\u]ng Sea-men. [J( Smith, ct. 1626. [1626] for the building of ships ; were they all built after one [8] mould, as also of their Yeards, Masts, Cables, Cordage and Sayles were all the stuffe of like goodnesse, a metho- dicall rule might bee Proiected : but it would bee too curious for this Discourse, and as much too troublesome either for the Reader or Author; but the principall names of the timbers about the building of a ship, according to his vnder- standing followeth, and how, being framed, they are fixed. ThePrinci- First lay the Keele, the Stemme, and Starne in a th"Sers°f dry docke, or vppon the stockes, and binde them with blXnga good" knees ; then lay all the Flore timbers, and cut your ship- Limber holes aboue the keele, to bring the water to the well for the pumpe. Next your Nauell timbers, and bind them all with sixe foote Skarfe at the least. The Garbell strake is the outside plancke next the keele. Be sure you haue a good sufficient Kelson: and then plancke your out- side and inside vp, with your Top timbers ; but the [9] lengths, breadthes, depthes, rakes, and burdens are so variable and different that nothing but experience can possibly teach it. Notes of a A Shippe of 400. Tunnes requires a planke of foure bctweenethc inches; 300. Tunnes, three inch; small Ships, two inch: but a?dPtheter none lesse. For clamps, middle bands and sleepers, they Owner. De a\\ 0f 5# [nc\i planke for binding within. The rest for the sparring vp of the workes of square 3. inch planke. Lay the beames of the Orlope, if she be 400. Tunnes at ten foote deepe in howle, and all the beames to be bound with two knees at each ende, and a stardard knee at euery beames end vpon the Orlope : all the Orlope to be layd with square three inch plancke, and all the planckes to be treenailed to the beames. Sixe foote would bee betweene the beames of the Decke and Orlope, and ten ports on each side vpon the lower Orlope: all the binding betweene them [10] should be with three inch, or two inch plancke, and the vpper Decke should be layd with so many beames as are fitting with knees to bind them ; laying that Decke with spruce deale of 30. foot long, the sap cut off, and two inches thicke, for it is better then any other. Then for the Captaines Cabben or great Cabben, the stearage, the halfe Decke, the round house, the Fore- J. Smith."! Oct. 1626. J An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men. 793 castle, and to binde an ende with a Capsterne and all things fitting for the Sea (the Smiths worke, the earning, ioyning, and painting excepted) are the principall things I remember to be obserued. For a Charter-party betwixt the Merchant, the Maister, and the Owner, you haue Presidents of all sorts in most Scriueners shops. A dry Docke, the stockes, the keele, the steme, the sterne, the starne-port, the flowre, the sleepers, rising timbers, garble strake, her rake, the fore reach, plankes, bindings, knees, boults, trunions, [11] brasers, riders, the Orlope, the ports, the bend, the bowe, the hawse, the hawses, the decke, the partners, a flush decke, fore and aft, the ram heads, the Knights, a halfe decke, a quarter decke, the bulke, the bulkes-head, the skuttle, the hatches, the hatches way, the holes in the commings, pitch, tarre, rosen, okum, calking. In the stearage roome, the whip, the bittakell, the trauas boord, the Compasse, the Fly, the needle, the lanthorne, the socket. About the Gun-roome, the Tiller, the rudder, the pintels, the gudgions, the bread-roome, the ships runne. The powder-roome, the Stewards roome, the cooke roome, the great cabbon, the gallery, a cabben, a hanging cabben, a Hamacke, the lockers, the round-house, the counter, the wayst, the wayst-boords, the gunwayle, stations for the nettings, a chaine through the stations, or brest-ropes. The Pumpe, the pumpes-well, the [12] pumpes brake, the pumpes can, the pumpes chaine, the spindle, the boxe, the clap. The pumpe is choaked, the pumpe suckes, the ship is stanche. The forecastle, or prow, the beake head, the bits, the fish-hooke, a loufe-hooke, and the blocke at the Dauids ende, the Cat, Cats head and Cats holes, the ships draught. The boule spret, the pillow, the sturrop, the spret sayle, the spret sayle yeard, the spret sayle top mast, the spret sayle top sayle yard : the fore mast, the fore yard, the fore top, the fore top mast, the fore top sayle yard, the fore top gallant mast, the fore top gallant sayle yeard. Coates and wouldings for all masts and yeards, grummets, and staples for all yeards. [1626] General sea terms be- longing to ships. What belongs to the Pumpe. What belongs to the fore castle. The Masts, Caps, and Yeards. 794 An Accidence for yo\_u~\ng Sea-men. [J^t! Smith. [1626] The trussell trees or crosse trees, the maine mast, the step in the kelson where it puts its heele, as doth also the fore mast ; the maine yard, the maine top, the main top mast, the maine top sayleyeard, the top gallant [13] mast, the maine top gallant sayle yeard, the trucke or flagge staffe. The misen, the misen yeard, the misen top mast, the misen top sayle yeard. In great ships they haue two misens, the latter is called the boneauentuer misen. Then the poope, Lanthorne, and flagge staffe. When a mast is borne by the boord, they make a Iury-mast ; which is made with yards, rouftrees, or what they can, splised or fished together. The The Capsterne, the pawle, the whelps, the capsterne aXher bars. A Ieare capsterne is only in great ships to hoyse their ghr^ei! sayles. The canhookes, slings, and parbunkels, ports and ringbolts and hooks, the skuppers, the skupper holes, the chaines, the steepe tubs, an entring ladder or cleats, a boy, a can boy. A ship cranke sided, Iron sicke, spewes her okum, a leak[i]e ship. The sheathing, furring, carrying, washing, and breaming, lanching, caruing, guilding, and painting a ship. Ballast, kintlage, canting [14] coynes, standing coynes, roufe trees, a grating, netting or false decke for your close fights. The ropes The entring rope, the boate rope, the bucket rope, the names m a ^oy rope, guest rope, the cat rope, the port ropes, the heele rope,therudderrope,thetopropes, thebolt ropes. The brest ropes are now out of vse, the water line is [i.e., in use]. concerning f he tacklings are the fore stay, the maine stay. The andrigginf tackles, the mison stay, the collers, the maine shrouds [oO » ship. an(j ghaine^ the maine top shroudes, the fore shroud, the fore top shroud, the swifters, the mison shroudes, the mison top shroudes and their ratlings, and the parels to all masts. The maine hallyards, the maine top sayle hallyards, the top gallant saile hal[l]yards, the fore hallyards, the fore top sayle hallyard, the misen hallyard, and the spret sayle hallyeard, the horse, the maine sheats, the maine top sayle sheats, the maine braces, the maine top sayle [15] braces, the maine bowling and bridles, the maine top sayle bowlin[e], the bunt lines, the trusses, the lifts, the earring, the cat harpings, a Ieare, leatch lines ; the Robins, garnit, Clew garnits, tyes, martlits. The most of all these are also belonging to the fore mast, misen and bowlespret, octS™62h6.] An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men. 795 and hath the same denomination after their masts ; onely [1626] the boulespret hath no bow lines, and the misen sheats, are called the starne sheats. They haue all of them pullies, blockes, shiuers and dead mens eyes, Lanyeards, caskets, and crowes feete. A snap blocke is seldom vsed but in heauing of goods and ordnances. There is also diuerse other small cordage, as head lines, the knaulings, gassits or furling lines, marlines, rop[e] yearne, Caburne, Sinnet, paunches, and such like. The Cables, hawsers or streame cables, are most vsed in the water by the Anchors. When they are too short, [16] they shoote one into another. When they are galled or breake, they splice them. When that way vnseruiceable, they serue for Iunkes, fendors and braded plackets for brests of defence ; and then, as the rest of the ouerworne tackling, for rope yarne, caburne, sinnit, an[d] okum. Sheeps feet is a stay in setling a top mast, and a guie in staying the tackles when they are charged with goods. The Anchor hath a stocke, a ring, a shanke, a flouke. JJ3JJ£for The greatest in euery ship is called the sheat Anchor, the rest Anchors. The streame Anchor, graplings or kedgers. Bend your cables to your Anchors. The maine saile, the fore sayle called sometimes the The names „ , \ J . c 1 r oftnesailes. fore course ; the maine course or a paire of courses, each ol them hath a bonnet and a drabler ; the maine top sayle, the top gallant sayle, and in a faire gaile your studding sayles ; then your mison, your misen [17] top sayle, your spret sayle, and spret sayle top sayle, a drift sayle, a crosiack, a netting sayle. Twyne, a munke seame, a round seame, a suit of sayles, a shift of sayles, top Armours, wayst clothes, pendants and colours. A channell, a bay, a rode, a sound, an offen, a cone, J0hrettheearmes a crike, a riuer ; cleere ground, very fast ground or good harbor. anchoring ; foule ground, osie ground, sandy ground, clay ground ; a headland, a furland, a reatch, a land marke. _ A calme, a brese, a fresh gaile, a pleasant gayle, a stiffe F°rAe gayle. It ouerblowes. A gust, a storme, a spoute, a loume gaile, an eddy wind, a flake of wind, a Turnado, a mounth- soune, a Herycano. J Tearmes A calme sea, becalmed, a rough sea, an ouergrowne sea, forthe sea. 796 An Accidence for yo[u\ng Sea-men. [Jet?**! [1626] the rut of the sea, the roaring of the sea. It flowes quarter floud, high water, or a still water. A full sea, a spring tide, ^ebbe, a quarter ebbe, halfe ebbe, three quarters ebbe, a lowe water, a dead low water, a nepe tide, a [18] shoule, a ledge of rockes, a breach, a shallow water, deepe water, soundings, fadome by the marke, 3 od and a shaftment left. 40^. Disimboage, a gulph, the froth of the sea. «e£iT* for Starbord is the right hand, Larbord is the left. Starboord iring" the helme, right your helme a loufe, keepe your loufe, come no neere, keepe full, stidy, so you goe well, port, warre, no more ; beare vp the helme, goe roumy, be yare at the helme, a fresh man at the helme. Tearmesof A sayle, how stands she, to windward or leyward, set him by the Compasse, he stands right a-head ; or on the weather bow, or ley bow : out with all your sayles, a stydy man to the helme, sit close to keep her stydie. Giue chase or fetch him vp, he holds his owne, nowe [we] gather on him, out goeth his flag and pendance or streames, also his Colours, his wast-clothes and top armings, he furies and slings his maine saile, in goes his spret sayle and misen, he makes ready [19] his close fights fore and after. Well, we shall reach him by and bye. What is all ready ? Yea, yea. Euery man to his charge, Dowse your top sayle, salute him for the sea ; Ha[i]le him : whence your ship ? Of Spayne, whence is yours ? Of England. Are you Merchants or Men of Warre. We are of the Sea. He wayses vs to leyward for the King of Spaine, and keeps his loufe. Giue him a chase peece, a broad side, and runne ahead, make ready to tacke about, giue him your sterne peeces, be yare at helme, ha[i]le him with a noyse of Trumpets. We are shot through and through, and betweene winde and water, trye the pumpe. Maister let vs breathe and refreshe a little. Sling a man ouerboord to stop the leake. Done, done. Is all ready againe, Yea, yea : beare vp close with him, with all your great and small shot charge him. Boord him on his weather quarter, lash fast your graplins and sheare off, then run stemlins the [24] mid ships. Boord and boord, or thwart the hawse, we are foule on each other. o^SSs!] An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. 797 The ships on fire. Cut any thing to get cleere, and [1626] smother the fire with wet clothes. We are cleere, and the fire is out, God be thanked. The day is spent, let vs consult. Surgion looke to the wounded. Wind vp the slaine, with each a waight or bullet at his head and feete, giue three peeces for their funerals. Swabber make cleane the shippe. Purser record their names. Watch bee vigilant to keepe your berth to wind- ward : and that wee loose him not in the night. Gunners spunge your Ordinances. Souldiers skower your peeces. Carpenters about your leakes. Boteson and the rest, repaire the sayles and shrouds. Cooke see you obserue your directions against the morning watch. Boy. Holla Maister. Holla, Is the kettle boyled ? Yea, yea. Boteswaine call vp the men to Prayer and Breakfast. [25] Boy fetch my celler of Bottles. A health to you all fore and afte, courage my hearts for a fresh charge : Maister lay him a bord loufe for loufe ; Midships men see the tops and yeards well maned with stones and brasse bals, to enter them in the shrouds, and every squadron else at their best aduantage. Sound Drums and Trumpets, and St. George for England. They hang out a flag of truse, stand in with him, ha[i]le him a mayne, [to] abase or take in his flagge, strike their sayles and come aboard, with the Captaine, Purser, and Gunner, with your Commission, Cocket, or bills of loading. Out goes their Boate, they are lanched from the Ship side. Entertayne them with a generall cry, God saue the Captayne, and all the Company, with the Trumpets sounding. Examine them in particuler; and then conclude your conditions with feasting, freedome, or punishment, as you finde occasion. [26] Other wayes if you surprize him or enter perforce ; you may stow the men, rifle, pillage, or sacke, and crye a prize. To call a Councell in a Fleete: there is the Councell of Warre, and the common Councell, which hangs their flags out in the mayne shrouds, and the misen. Now, betweene two Navies they use often, especially in a Harbour or rode, where they are at anchor, to fill olde 798 An Accidence for yo\u\ng Stx-tnen. [o^fSS.* [1626] Barkes with pitch, tar, trayne oyle, linsed oyle, brimstone, rosen, reedes, and dry wood, and such combustable things sometimes they linke three or foure together, towed to- gether in the night, and put a drift as they finde occasion. To passe a Fort, some will make both shippe and sayles all blacke : but if the Fort keepe but a fire on the other side, and all their peeces poynt blanke with fire, if they discharge, what is betwixt them and the fire the shot will [27] hit, if the rule be truely obserued. To conclude, there is as many stratagims, advantages, and inventions to be vsed, as you finde occasions ; and there fore experiences must be the best Tutor. Concerning Bend your passerado to the mayne-sayle, git the sailes worfeg°of to the yeards, about your geare on all hands, hoyse your a ship. sayles halfe mast high, make ready to set sayle, crosse your yeards, bring your Cable to the Capsterne. Boat- swaine fetch an Anchor aboord, break ground or way Anchor, heaue a head, men into the tops, men vpon the yeards. Come is the Anchor a pike, heaue out your top- sayles, hawle your sheates. What's the Anchor away : Yea, yea. Let fall your fore sayle, whose at the helme there, coyle your cable in small slakes, hawle the cat, a bitter, belay, loufe, fast your Anchor with your shanke painter, stow the boate. Let falleyour maine saile, on with your bonnets and drablers,steare study before the wind. [28] The wind veares, git your star-boord tacks aboord, hawle off your ley sheats, ouerhawle the ley bowlin, ease your mayne brases, out with your spret-saile, flat the fore sheat, pike vp the misen or brade it. The ship will not wayer, loure the maine top saile, veare a fadome of your sheat. A flown sheate, a faire winde and a boune voyage, the wind shrinks, get your tacks close aboord, make ready your loufe howks and ley fagnes, to take off your bonnits and drablers, hawle close your maine bowline. It ouercasts, we shall haue winde, sattle your top sailes, take in the spret sayle, in with your topsayles, lower your maine sayles, tallow vnder the parrels, in with your maine sayle, lower the fore sayle. The sayle is split, brade vp close all your sayles, lash sure the Ordinances, strike your top masts to the cap, make them sure with o^TeS*.] An Accidence for yo\u~]ng Sea-men. 799 your sheepes feete. A storme, hull, lash sure the helme a [1626] ley, lye to try out drift. How capes the ship? cun the ship [29] spoune before the winde, she lusts, she lyes vnder the Sea, trie her with a crose jacke, bowse it vp with the out- looker. She will founder in the Sea, runne on shore, split or billage on a Rocke, a wracke, put out a goose-winge, or a hullocke of a sayle. Faire weather, set your fore sayle. Out with all your sailes, get your Larboard tackes aboord, hawle off your Starboord sheats, goe large, laske, ware yawning, the ships at stayes, at backe-stayes, ouer-set the ship, flat about, handle your Sayles, or trim your sayles, let rise your tacks, hawle of your sheats. Rocke-weede, adrift, or flotes. One to the top to looke out for Land. A ships wake, the water way, the weather bow, weather coyle, lay the ship by the Ley, and heaue the lead, try the dipsie line, bring the ship to rights, fetch the log-line to try what way shee makes, turne vp the minute glasse, obserue the hight. Land, to make Land, how beares it, set it by the Compasse [30] cleare your leach-lines, beare in, beare off, or stand off, or sheare off, beare vp. Outward bound, homeward bound, shorten your Sailes, take in your Sailes, come to an Anchor vnder the Ley of the weather shore, the Ley shore, nealed too, looke to your stoppers, your Anchor comes home, the ships a drift, vere out more Cable, let fall your sheat Anchor, land locked, mo[o]re the ship. A good Voyage, Armes, arme a skiffe, a frigot, a pinnace, a ship, a squadron, a fleete. When you ride amongst many ships, pike your yards. To the boate or skiffe belongs oares, a mast, a saile, a Thetearmes stay, a halyard, sheats, a boat-hook, thoughts, thoules, oftheboate- rudder, irons, bailes, a trar-pawling or yawning, carlings, carling- knees, for the Dauid, the boates-wayles, a dridge. To row a spell, hold-water, trim the boate, vea, vea, vea, vea, s^*,whosaies Amen, one and all, for a dram of the bottle. [31] A Basillisco, double Cannon, Cannon Pedrea, demy The names Cannon, Culvering, Sakar, Minion, Falcon, Falconet, ofgreaT5 Rabbenet, Murderers, slings, Chambers, Curriors, Harga- °rf™encceeSi busacrock, Musquets, bastard Musquets, Coliners, Carbines, J^fj£«f Crabuts, long Pistols, short Pistols, Charges, Cartrages, appurten- ances. 800 An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men, \i'Qf!f^. [1626] Match, Spunges, Ladles, Rammers, Rammers heads, tom- kins, a worme, a bore, a barrell, taper bore, hunicomed, lint stockes, carrages, trukes, linch-pins, trunions, axell-trees, beds, coynings. The peeces in the prow, the chase peeces in the sterne, the quarter peeces, the mid-ships ; the vpper tyre, the middle tyre, their fids and leads to keepe dry the touch hole. Travers a peece, dispeart a peece. Com- passe Calipers, a gunners quadrant, a hand spike, a crow of iron, to mount a peece, to dismount a peece, a darke Lanthorne, a budge barrell, a home, a priming iron. Wyer, round shot, crosse-[32]-barre-shot, chayne-shot, langrill-shot, a case, case-shot, lead, melting ladles, moulds, bullet bagges, Musquet shot, Colyuer shot, quartred shot, Pistol shot, poysoned bullets, brasse bals, iron bals, granadoes, trunkes of wilde fire, pikes of wild fire, arrowes of wild fire, pots of wild fire or dragouns. To cloye a peece : To loade a peece : To poyson a peece. Hookes for gunners or tacklings. Concerning Concerning the particuler theor[e]mes, or tearmes, for ^fgrJT"1* great Ordnances, as the concaue, trunke, cylinder, the soule or bore of a peece : To know whether she be equally bored, camber, taper, or belbored ; the severall names of her mettle, the thinnesse and thicknesse, her carnooze or base ring at her britch, her shaft or chase, her trunnions, mousell rings at her mouth, to dispart her, know her leuell poynt blanke and best at randome, her fortification, the differences of powder, be it serpentine or corned powder ; if she be well mounted, [33] vpon a leuell plot- forme or no : besides there are so many vncertaine acci- dents, both in the peece, shot, and powder, the ground the ayre and differences in proportion, they can no cer- taine artificiall rules be proscribed. Those proportions following are neere the matter, but for your better satisfaction, read Master Digs his Pantry - metriay Master Smithy or Master Burnes Arte of gun[ne]ry, or Master Robert Nortons expositions vpon maister Digs : any of these will shew you the Theoricke ; but to be a good Gunner, you must learn it by practise. The Gunners scale is made in brasse at Tower Hill, with prospectiue glasses, and many other instruments by Master Bates. [34] Ordinance. oJctS?626."] An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men. A Table of Proportions for the vse of great Ordinance. [Names.] The weight of the Peeces in pounds. The weight of the shot in pounds. The Circum- ference of the shot in pounds. The height of the shot in inches. The length of the Ladle in inches. The bredth of the Ladle in inches. The weight of the powder in pounds. Skores of paces at poynt blanke. A Cannon 8000 63 241 71 23 15 46 26 Demy Cannon ... 600O 32 18* 6 22£ II* 24 30 A Culuering ... 550O 18 15* 5 22 9 14 33 Demy Culueting 4500 9 12* 4 20 8 9 39 A Sacar 3SOO Si ibA 3l i6£ 6i 5* 26 A Minion I500 4 9* 3 15 6 4 25 A Falcon ... ... IIOO 2* n 2i 12J 5 2i 14 A Falconet Soo I* H 2 10 4 I* 8 801 [1626] Note that seldome in any Ships they vse any Ordinance greater then a demy Cannon. [35] The Ship hath one third part ; the Victualler the other f^S^ third; the other third part is for the Company, and this shares in a ,,..,,,, r r J * Man of IS Subdivided thus. Warre. Shares The Captaine hath 9. The Master hath 7. The Mates hath 5- The Gunners hath 5- The Carpenter hath 5. The Boatswaine hath 5i 4. S02 An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men. [0£, Smith. Oct. 1636. [1626], The Marshall hath The Corporal hath The Chyrugion hath The quarter Masters hath The Steward hath The Cooke hath The Coxon hath The Trumpeter hath The Sailers, two or one and a halfe. The Boyes a single share. The Lieuetenant what the Captaine will giue him, or as they can agree. [36] They vse to appoint a certaine reward extraordinary to him that first discries a Sayle if they take her, and to him that first enters her. Shares. 4- 3- 3- 4- 3- 3- 3- 4- For to learne to obserue the Altitude, Latitude, Longi- tude, Amplitude, the variation of the Compasse, the Sunnes Azimuth and Almicanter, to shift the Sunne and Moone, and to know the tydes, your roomes, pricke your card, and say your Compasse, get some of those bookes : but practise is the best. Master [E.] Wrights errors of Nauigation. Master [J.] Taps Sea-mans Kallender. [M. Cortes.] The Art of Nauigation. [W. Bourne.] The Sea Regiment. [J. Davis.] The Sea-mans Secrets. Wagganour [i.e., J. S. Wag- hen aer's The Marinours Mirrour, translated by A. Ashley. 1588.] Master [E.] Gunters workes. The Sea-mans glasse for skale. Thenew attracter for variation. Master Wright for the vse of the Globe. Master Hewes for the same. [37] Good Sea Cards [i.e., Charts.] Two paire of Compasees. An Astralobe quadrant. A Crosse staff e. A backe staff e. An Astrolobe. An Nocturnall. If you haue a Divine, his pay is most commonly both from the Aduenturers and the Saylors ; so also is the Chyrurgion. oalTeS:] An Accidence for yo\u~]ng Sea-men. 803 Young Gentlemen that desires commaund ought well [1626 to consider, the condition of his ship, victuall, and Com- Advertise- •r 1 1 1 <-\i 1 ments for pany; lor if there be more learners then Saylers, now yongCom- sleightly soeuer many esteeme Saylers, all the worke to Spines saue Ship, goods, and Hues, must lye vpon them, espe- officer* daily in foule weather, the labour, hazard, wet and cold is so incredible I cannot expresse it. It is not then the number of them that here will say at home, what I cannot [38] doe, I can quickly learne, and what a great matter it is to sayle a Ship, or goe to Sea. Surely those for a good time will doe most trouble then good. I con- fesse it is more necessary such should go, but not too many in one ship; for if the labour of sixty should lye vpon thirty, as many times it doth ; they are so ouer-charged with labour, bru[i]ses, and ouer-strayning themselues : (for there is no dallying nor excuses with stormes, gusts, overgrowne seas, and ley shores), they fall sicke of one disease or other, and then if their Victuals be putrified, it indangers all. Men of all other professions, in lightning, thunder, stormes and tempests, with raine and snow, may shelter themselues in dry houses, by good fires, and good cheere ; but those are the chief times, that Sea-men must stand to their tackelings, and attend with all diligence their greatest labour vpon the Deckes. Many supposeth any thing is good enough [39] to serue men at sea, and yet nothing sufficient for them a shore, either for their healthes, for their ease, or estates, or state. A Commaunder at Sea should do well to thinke the contrary, and prouide for himselfe and company in like manner ; also seriously to consider what will be his charge, to furnish himselfe at sea, with bedding, linnen, armes, and apparell ; how to keepe his table aboord, his expences on shore, and his Petty Tally, which is a competent proportion according to your number, of these particulars following. Fine wheat flower, close and well packed, Rise, Cur- rands, Sugar, Prunes, Cinamon, Ginger, Pepper, Cloues, Greene-ginger, Oyle, Butter, Olde Cheese, or Holland, Wine, vinegar, Canary Sacke, Aqua vitce, the best Wines, the best Waters, the iuyce of Lemons for the Scurvey, white Bisket, Oate meale, Gammons of Bacon, dried neates tongues, Rosted Beefe packed vp in vineger. [40] Legges of Mutton minced 804 An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men. [oJctST6a6.' [1626] and stewed, and close packed vp with butter in earthen pots. To entertaine strangers, Marmelet, Suckets, Almonds, Comfits, and such like. Some it may bee will say, I would haue men rather to feast then fight. But I say the want of those necessaries, occasions the losse of more men, then in any English fleet hath bin slaine in any fight since [i5]88 : for when a man is ill sicke, or at the poynt of death, I would know whether a dish of buttered Rice, with a little Cinamon and Sugar, a little minced meate, or roast beefe, a few stewed Prunes, a race of greene-ginger, a flap Iacke, a can of fresh water brued with a little Cinamon, Ginger, and Sugar, be not better then a little poore John, or salt fish, with oyle and mustard, or bisket, butter, cheese or oatemeale pottage on fish dayes,salt beefe, porke and pease, and sixe shillings beere. This is your ordinary ships allow- ance, and good for [41] them are well, if well conditioned ; which is not alwayes, as sea-men can too well witnesse : and after a storme, when poore men are all wet, and some not so much a cloth to shift him, shaking with cold, few of those but will tell you, a little Sacke or Aquvitae, is much better to keepe them in health, then a little small beere or cold water, although it be sweete. Now that euery one should prouide those things for himselfe, few of them haue either that prouidence or meanes. And there is neither Alehouse, Tauerne, nor Inne to burne a faggot in ; neither Grocer, Poulterie, Apothocary, nor Butchers shop : and therefore the vse of this petty tally is necessary, and thus to be imployed as there is occasion, to entertaine strangers, as they are in quality, euery Commander should shewe himselfe as like himselfe as he can, as well for the credit of the ship and his settors forth as himselfe. But in that heerein euery one [42] may moderate themselues, according to their owne pleasures, therefore I leaue it to their owne discretions. And this breefe Discourse, and my selfe, to their friendly construction and good opinion. Iohn Smith Writ this with his owne Hand. FINIS. THE TRUE TRAVELS, ADVENTVRES, AND OBSERVATIONS OF Captaine lOHN SmITK, In Europe, Asia, Affrica, and America, from Anno Domini 1593 to 1629. His Accidents and Sea-fights in the Straights ; his Service and Stratagems of warre in Hungaria, Transilvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia, against the Turks, and Tartars j his three single combats betwixt the Christian Armie and the Turkes. After how he was taken prisoner by the Tur\s, sold for a Slave, sent into Tartaria ; his description of the Tartars, their strange manners and customes of Religions, Diets, Buildings, Warres, Feasts, Cere- monies, and Living} how hee slew the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Gambia, and escaped from the Turkes and Tartars. Together with a continuation of his generall History of Virginia, Summer-lies, New England, and their proceedings, since 1624. to this present 1629 ; as also of the new Plantations of the great River of the Amazons, the lies of St. Christopher, Mevis, and Barbados in the West Indies. All written by actuall Authours, whose names you shall finde along the History. London, Printed by J. H. for Thomas Slater, and are to bee sold at the Blew Bible in Greene Arbour. 1 6 3 0. [On the 1 8th April 1884, we personally inspected, at the College of Arms, Queen Victoria Street, London, E.C., Sir William Segar's registration of the Coat of Arms on the opposite page ; see p. xxiv. It may be well to repeat what we have already said at p. xxiii, that most of what is here recorded by Smith of his doings in Hungary, Transylvania, &c, in Chapters iv.-x., pp. 829-850, is but a reprint of PURCHAS's translated Extracts from the Italian History or Biography of Francisco Farnese, the Secretary to Prince Sigismundus Batori, pp. 788, 852 : and is therefore not Smith's own account of his own doings, but chiefly the narrative of a foreigner with no possible motive for his laudation. This Work was thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall, London : 29 &ugtr«t 1629. Thomaa Slaughter Entred for his Copie vnder the handes of master Doctor Jefferay and master Purfoote Warden The true travells aduentures and observations of Captaine John Smith in Europe Asia &»c.from Anno Domini 1593 to 1629. . . . vjd. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554-1640 A.D., Ed. by E. Arber, iv. 218, 1877. The Travels, however, come no later than 1604, see p. 880 : the Observations comprise the carrying on of the story of our colonizing efforts from 1624, where the General History left off at p. 784, down to the year 1629. There seems to have been some delay in the publication of this book, for though registered in August 1629, it came out with the date 1630. For the bibliography of this Work step, exxxi.] fceitljct Arms of Captain John Smith. 8o8 To the Right Honourable Willi AM) Rarle ofPEMBROKE^ Lord Steward of his Majesties most Honourable Houshold. Robert^ Karle of Lindsey^ Great Chamber laine of 'England. H e n r i E^ Lord H U N S D O N , Vicount Rochford, Karle of Dover. And all your Honourable Friends and Well-wilier s. My Lords: [1629] $18^^ R R°ber* C°tt°n> that most learned Trea- *TV!§vM surer of Antiquitie, having by perusall of fl^SssC my Generall Historie, and others [i.e., his other earlier publications^ found that I had likewise undergone divers other as hard hazards in the other parts of the world, requested me to fix the whole course of my passages in a booke by it selfe : whose noble desire I could not but in part satisfie ; the A{gsS:] The Epistle Dedicatory. 809 rather, because they have acted my fatall Tragedies [1629] upon the Stage, and racked my Relations at their pleasure. To prevent therefore all future misprisons, I have compiled this true discourse. Envie hath taxed me to have writ too much, and done too little : but that such should know, how little I esteeme them, I have writ this ; more for the satisfaction of my friends, and all generous and well disposed Readers. To speake only of my selfe were intolerable in- gratitude ; because, having had so many co-partners with me ; I cannot make a Monument for my selfe, and leave them unburied in the fields, whose lives begot me the title of a Souldier ; for as they were companions with me in my dangers, so shall they be partakers with me in this Tombe. For my Sea Grammar (caused to bee printed by my worthy friend, Sir Samuel Saltonstall \_p. 787]) hath found such good entertainment abroad, that I have beene importuned by many noble persons, to let this also passe the Presse. Many of the most eminent Warriers, and others ; what their swords did, their penns writ. Though I bee never so much their inferiour, yet I hold it no great errour, to follow good examples; nor repine at them, [who] will doe the like. And now my most Honourable good Lords, I know not to whom I may better present it, than to your Lordships, whose friendships, as I conceive, 8io [1629] The Epistle Dedicatory. r J. &r LAuK. i Smith. 6*9. are as much to each others, as my duty is to you all : and because you are acquainted both with my endevours, and writings, I doubt not, but your honours will as well accept of this, as of the rest ; and Patronize it under the shadow of your most noble vertues, which I am ever bound in all duty to reverence, and under which I hope to have shelter, against all stormes that dare threaten. Your Honours to be commanded, I o ii n Smith. The Contents of the severall Chapters. Chap. i. W f 1 !%Is birth ; apprentiship ; going into France; his beginning with ten shillings and three- pence, his service in Nether- lands ; his bad passage into Scotland ; his returne to Willoughby; and how he lived in the woods page I. [p, 821] 2. The notable villany of four e French Gal- lants, and his revenge; Smith throwne over-boord, Captaine La Roche of Saint Malo releeves him 3. 3. A desperate Sea-fight in the Straights ; his passage to Rome, Naples, and tht view of Italy 5. 4. The Siege of Olumpagh; an excellent stratagem by Smith ; another not much worse. ... 6. [p. 823] [p. 826] [p. 829] The siege of Stowlle-Wesenburg; the effects of Smiths Fire-workes ; a worthy exploit of the Earle Rosworme ; Earle Meldritch takes the Bashaw prisoner. 8. [p. 831] A brave encounter of the Turks armie with the Christians; Duke Mercury overthroweth Assan Bashaw; He divides the Christian armie; his noblenesse and death 9. [p. 833] 8i2 The Contents. [£*£ Chap. 7. The unhappy siege of Caniza; Earle Meldritch serveth Prince Sigismundus; Prince Moyses besiegeth Regall ; Smiths three single combats 11. [p. 836] 8. Georgio Busca an Albane his ingratitude to Prince Sigismundus; Prince Moyses his Lieutenant, is overthrowne by Busca, Generall for the Emperour Rodulphus ; Smiths Patent from Sigismundus, and reward 14. [p, 840] 9. Sigismundus sends Ambassadours unto the Emperour ; the conditions re-assured ; he yieldeth up all to Busca, and retumeth to Prague 18. [p. 845] 10. The Battell of Rottenton ; a pretty strata- gem of fire-workes by Smith 20. [p. 848] 11. The names of the English that wereslaine in the battle of Rottenton ; and how Cap- taine Smith was taken prisoner ; and sold for a slave 21. [p. 851] 12. How Captaine Smith was sent prisoner thorow the Blacke and Dissabacca Sea in Tartaria; the description of those Seas, and his usage 23.^.853] 13. The Turks diet; the Slaves diet; the attire of the Tartars; and manner of Warres and Religions, &c 24. [p. 855] 14. The description of the Crym-Tartars ; their houses and carts; their idolatry in their lodgings 26. [p. 857] 15. Their feasts ; common diet; Princes estate; buildings; lawes; slaves; entertainment of Ambassadours 27. [p. 859] 16. How he levieth an Armie; their Armes and Provision ; how he divideth the spoile; and his service to the Great Turke 29. [p. 862J AJugs?!t] The Contents, 813 Chap. 17. How Captaine Smith escaped his cap- tivity; slew the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Cambia ; his passage to Russia, Transil- vania, and the middest of Europe to Affrica 31. [p. 866] 18. The observations of Captaine Smith ; Master Henry Archer, and others in Barbary 34. [p. 869] 19. The strange discoveries and observations of the Portugals in Affrica 37. [p. 874J 20. A brave Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre, and Captaine Merham, with Smith 39. [p. 878] 21. The continuation of the generall History of Virginia; the Summer lies; and New England ; with their present estate from 1624. to this present 1629 41* [p- 883] 22. The proceedings and present estate of the Summer lies, from An. Dom. 1624. to this present 1629 45* [£• 889] 23. The proceedings and present estate of New England, since 1624. io this present 1629 46.(^.891] 24. A briefe discourse of divers voyages made unto the goodly Country of Guiana, and the great River of the Amazons ; relating also the present Plantation there. ... 48. [p. 895] 25. The beginning and proceedings of the new plantation of St. Christopher by Captaine Warner 51. [p. 900] 26. The first planting of the Barbados. ... 55. [p. 906] 27. The first plantation of the He of Mevis. 56. [p. 909] 28. The bad life, qualities and conditions of Pyrats ; and how they taught the Turks and Moores to become men ofwarre. 58. [p. 913] 8 1 4 {Complimentary Verses. r'a!fS 1639. To my worthy friend, Captaine Iohn Smith. [1629] 5^j]|SBr Wo greatest Shires of England did thee beare, Renowned Yorkshire, Gaunt-stild Lancashire ; But what's all this ? even Earth, Sea, Heaven above, Tragabigzanda, Callamata's love, Deare Pocahontas, Madam Shanoi's too, Who did what love with modesty could doe : Record thy worth, thy birth, which as I live, Even in thy reading such choice solace give, As I could wish (such wishes would doe well) Many such Smiths in this our Israel. R. Brathwait. To my noble brother and friend, Captaine Iohn Smith. Hou hast a course so full of honour runne, Envy may snarle, as dogges against the Sunne May barke, not bite : for what deservedly With thy lifes danger, valour, pollicy, Quaint warlike stratagems, abillity And judgement, thou hast got, fame sets so high Detraction cannot reach : thy worth shall stand A patterne to succeeding ages, and Cloth' d in thy owne lines, ever shall adde grace, Vnto thy native Country and thy race ; And when dissolved, laid in thy mothers wombe, These, Caesar-/ifo, Smiths Epitaph and tombe. Anthony Fereby. E'Jorit9. Complimentary Verses.] 815 To his valiant and deserving friend, Captaine Iohn Smith. Kongst Frenchmen, Spanyards, Hungars, Tartars, [1629] Turks, A nd wilde Virginians too, this tells thy works : Now some will aske, what benefit ? what gaine ? Is added to thy store for all this paine ? TK art then content to say, content is all, Th'ast got content for perils, paine and thrall ; Tis lost to looke for more : for few men now Regard Wit, Learning, Valour ; but allow The quintessence of praise to him that can Number his owne got gold, and riches, than Wart Valiant, Learned, Wise; Pauls counsell will, A dmire thy merits, magnifie thy skill. The last of thine to which I set my hand Was a Sea Grammar ; this by Sea and Land, Serves us for imitation : I know none, That like thy selfe hast come, and runne, and gone. To such praise-worthy actions : beeH approued, Th' ast well deserv'd of best men to be loued : If France, or Spaine, or any forren soile Could claime thee theirs, for these thy paines and toile, Th' adst got reward and honour : now adayes, What our owne natives doe, we seldom praise. Good men will yeeld thee praise ; then sleight the rest ; Tis best praise-worthy to have pleased the best. Tuissimus Ed. Iorden. 8 1 6 [Complimentary Verses, m h J M. Hawkins. 1639. To my worthy friend, Captaine Iohn Smith. [1629] Q^p^Ear^ noble Captaine, who by Sea and Land, To act the earnest of thy name hast hand And heart; who canst with skill designe the Fori, The Leaguer, Harbour, City, Shore, and Port : Whose sword and pen in bold, ruffe, Martiall wise, Put forth to try and beare away the prize, From Caesar and Blaize Monluc : Can it be, That Men alone in Gonnels fortune see Thy worth advanced ? no wonder since our age, Is now at large a Bedlem or a Stage. Rich. Iames. To his worthy friend, Captaine Iohn Smith. Hou that hast had a spirit to flie like thunder, Without thy Countries charge through those strange dangers, Doth make my muse amazed, and more to wonder That thy deserts should shared be by strangers, And thou neglected ; (ah miracle !) most lamented, At thy great patience thus to rest contented. M. Hawkins R.aSK3: Complimentary Verses^ 817 '29. For none can truly say thou didst deceive, [1629] Thy Souldiers, Sailers, Merchants, nor thy friends, But all from thee a true account receive, Yet nought to thee all these thy vertues brings ; Is none so noble to advance thy merit, If any be, let him thy praise inherit. Ma. Hawkins. To my worthy friend, Captaine Iohn Smith. 0 combate with three Turks in single du'le^ Before two Armies, who the like hath done ? Slaine thy great lailor ; found a common weale In faire America where ; thou hast wonnt No lesse renowne amongst their Savage Kings, Than Turkish warres, that thus thy honour sings. Could not those tyrants daunt thy matchlesse spirit. Nor all the cruelty of envies spight : Will not thy Country yet reward thy merit, Nor in thy acts and writings take delight ? Which here in so few sheets doth more expresse Than volumes great, this is thy happinesse. Richard Meade. 52 8 1 8 [Complimentary Verses. ^ cfiiS;. xtag To my well deserving friend, Captaine Iohn Smith. [1629] !«jn r^jpHou hast no need to covet new applause, Nor doe I thinke vaine-glory moves thee to it ; But since it is thy will {though without cause) To move a needlesse thing, yet will I doe it : Doe it in brief e I will, or else I doe the[e] wrong, And say, rend or'e Captaine Smiths former song; His first then will invite thee to his latter: Reader 'tis true ; I am not brib'd to flatter. Edw. Ingham. To his approved friend, the Authour ; Captaine Iohn Smith. ■/v., Bard.] ^^nCJw^* old Greeke Beard,* counts him the onely man, Who knowes strange Countries, like his Ithacan, A nd wise, as valiant, by his observation, Can tell the severall customes of each Nation : A 11 these are met in thee, who will not then Repute thee in the ranke of worthiest men ? To th'Westerne world to former times unknowns, Thy active spirit hath thy valour showne : The Turks and Tartars both can testifie, Thee fhave deserv'd a Captaines dignity ; But verse thou need'st not to expresse thy worth. Thy acts, this booke doe plainly set it forth. M. Cartner. I.C.andC.P. B. O. Rourke. 1629. Complimentary Verses."] 819 To the Valourous and trwly -vert uous souldier, Captaine Iohn Smith. O* Faith in Campe ? tis false : see pious Smith Hath brought stragling Astraea backe, and with An all outdaring spirit made Valour stand Vpheld by Vertue in bold Mars his land : If Valourous, be praise ; how great's his Name ? Whose Valour joynd with Vertue laud 's his Fame. Vwas Homers boast of wise Laertes sonne, t Well-read in men and Cities : than thou none {Great Smith) of these can more true tales rehearse ; What want thy praises then, but Homers verse ? [1629] * Nulla fides pietasque viris, qui castra sequ- untur. $' avQpia- irutv ISev aorea icai voov iyvne°of £? to meet Cursell, more miserable than himselfe. His piercing theeves- injuries had so small patience, as without any word they both drew, and in a short time Cursell fell to the ground ; where from an old ruinated Tower the inhabitants seeing them, were satisfied, when they heard Cursell confesse what had formerly passed ; and that how in the dividing that they had stolne from him, they fell by the ears amongst themselves, that were actors in it : but for his part, he excused himselfe to be innocent as well of the one, as of the other. In regard of his hurt, Smith was glad to be so rid of ThenoMe. him, directing his course to an honourable Lord, the Earle ilfieof of Ployer; who during the warre in France [1590-6], with ployer- his two brethren, Viscount Poomory, and Baron d'Mercy, who had beene brought up in England : by him he was better refurnished than ever. When they had shewed him Saint Malo Mount, Saint Michael, Lambal, Simbreack, Lanion, and their owne faire Castle of Tuncadeck, Gingan, and divers other places in Britanny (and their Brittish Comwaile), taking his leave, he tooke his way to Raynes, the Britaines chiefe Citie, and so to Nantes, Poyters, Rochell, and Burdeaux. The rumour of the strength of Bayon in Biskay, caused him to see it ; and from thence [he] tooke his way from Leskar in Biearne, and Paw in the kingdom of Navar to Tolouza in Gascoigne, Bezers and Carcassone, Narbone, Mont- pettier, Nimes in Languedock, and thorow the Country of Avignion, by Aries to Mar cellos in Province. There imbarking himselfe for Italy, the ship was enforced to Tolonne ; and putting againe to sea, ill weather so grew upon them, they anchored close aboard the shore, under the little Isle of 5. Mary, against Neice in Savoy. 826 The Travells and Adventures of [J. Smith. Aug. 1629. [1600-1] An inhumane act of the Provincialls in casting him over- board. Captaine La Roche releeves him. Here the inhumane Provincialls, with a rabble of Pilgrimes of divers Nations going to Rome, hourely cursing him, not only for a Hugonoit, but his Nation they swore were all Pyrats, and so vildly railed on his dread Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, and that they never should have faire weather so long as hee was aboard them ; their disputations grew to that passion, that they threw him over-board : yet God brought him to that little Isle, where was no inhabitants, but a few kine and goats. The next morning, he espied two ships more riding by them, put in by the storme ; that fetched him aboard, well refreshed him, and so kindly used him, that he was well contented to trie the rest of his fortune with them. After he had related unto them his former discourse, what for pitie, and the love of the Honourable Earle of Ployer, this noble Britaine his neighbour, Captaine la Roche of Saint Malo, regarded and entertained him for his well respected friend. With the next faire wind they sailed along by the Coast of Corsica and Sardinia ; and crossing the gulfe of Tunis, passed by Cape Bona to the Isle of Lampadosa, leaving the coast of Barbary till they came at Cape Rosata, and so along the African shore, for Alexandria in Mgypt. There delivering their fraught, they went to Scandaroone ; rather to view what ships was in the Roade, than any thing else : keeping their [5] course by Cypres and the coast of Asia, sayling by Rhodes, the Archipellagans, Candia, and the coast of Gretia, and the Isle of Zaffalonia. They lay to and againe a few days betwixt the Isle of Corfue and the Cape of Otranto in the Kingdome of Naples, in the Entrance of the A driatike sea. CHAPTER III. A desperate •ea-fight. A desperate Sea-fight in the Straights ; His passage to Rome, Naples, and the view of Italy. Etwixt the two Capes {at the entrance of the Adriatic] they meet with an Argosie of Venice. It seemed the Captaine desired to speake with them, whose untoward answer was such, A^TeS:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 827 as slew them a man; whereupon the Britaine presently [1600-1] gave them the broad-side, then his Sterne, and his other broad-side also, and continued the chase, with his chase peeces, till he gave them so many broad-sides one after another, that the Argosies sayles and tackling was so torne, she stood to her defence, and made shot for shot. Twice in one houre and a halfe the Britaine boarded her, yet they cleared themselves: but clapping her aboard againe, the Argosie fired him, which, with much danger to them both, was presently quenched. This rather augmented the Britaines rage, than abated his courage ; for having reaccommodated himselfe againe, [he] shot hei so oft betweene wind and water, shee was readie to sinke ; then they yeelded; the Britaine lost fifteene men, she twentie, besides divers were hurt. The rest went to worke on all hands ; some to stop the leakes, others to guard the prisoners that were chained, the rest to rifle her. The Silkes, Velvets, Cloth of gold and Tissue, Pyasters Chicqueenes and Sultanies, which is gold and silver, they unloaded in foure and twentie houres, was wonderfull : whereof having sufficient, and tired with toile, they cast her off with her company, with as much good merchandize as would haue fraughted such another Britaine, that was but two hundred Tunnes, she foure or five hundred. To repaire his defects, hee stood for the coast of Calabria, but hearing there was six or seven Galleyes at Mesina, hee departed thence for Malta : but the wind comming faire, he kept his course along the coast of the Kingdome of Sicilia by Sardinia and Corsica, till he came to the Road of A ntibo [Antibes] in Peamon [Piedmont], where he set Smith on shore with fiue hundred chicqueenes [—about £225], and a little box God sent him worth neere as much more. Here he left this noble Britaine, and embarked himselfe for Lygorne, being glad to have such opportunitie and meanes to better his experience by the view of Italy ; and having passed Tuskany, and the Countrey of Sieana (where hee found his deare friends, the two Honourable Brethren, the Lord Willoughby and his Brother cruelly wounded, in a desperate fray, yet to their exceeding great honour), then to Viterbo and many other Cities, he came to Rome : where it was his chance to see Pope Clement the eight, with many 828 [1601] The Popes holy Staires brought from Jerusalem, whereon (they say) Christ went up to Pontius Pilate. The Travells and Adventures of f J. Smith. Cardinalls, creepe up the holy Stayres, which they say are those our Saviour Christ went up to Pontius Pilate, where bloud falling from his head, being pricked with his crowne of thornes, the drops [6] are marked with nailes of Steele. Upon them none dare goe but in that manner, saying so many Ave-Maries and Paternosters, as is their devotion, and to kisse the nailes of Steele. But on each side is a paire of such like staires, up which you may goe, stand, or kneele ; but divided from the holy Staires by two walls : right against them is a Chappell, where hangs a great silver Lampe, which burneth continually, yet they say the oyle neither increaseth nor diminisheth. A little distant is the ancient Church of Saint John de Laterane, where he saw him [Pope Clement VIII.] say Masse, which commonly he doth upon some Friday once a moneth. Having saluted Father Parsons, that famous English Iesuite, and satisfied himselfe with the rarities of Rome, he went downe the River of Tiber to Civita Vechia ; where he embarked himselfe to satisfie his eye with the faire Citie of Naples, and her Kingdomes nobilitie. Returning by Capua, Rome and Seana, he passed by that admired Citie of Florence, the Cities and Countries of Bolonia, Ferrara, Mantua, Padua, and Venice, whose Gulfe he passed from Malamoco and the Adriatike Sea for Ragouza, spending some time to see that barren broken coast of Albania and Dalmatia, to Capo de I stria, travelling the maine [i.e., main- land] of poore Slavonia by Lubbiano, till he came to Grates in Steria, the Seat of Ferdinando Arch-duke of Austria, now [1629] Emperour of A Imania [from 1619 to 1637] : where he met an English man, and an Irish Iesuite; who acquainted him [made him acquainted] with many brave Gentlemen of good qualitie, especially with the Lord Ebersbaught. With whom trying such conclusions, as he projected to undertake ; [he] preferred him to Baron Kisell, Generall of the Artillery; and he to a worthy Collonell, [Henry Volda] the Earle of A/ eldritch : with whom going to Vienne in Austria, under whose Regiment, in what service, and how he spent his time, this ensuing Discourse will declare. ing^i:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 829 CHAPTER IV. The Siege of Olumpagh ; An excellent Stratagem by Smith ; Another not much worse. Fter the losse of Caniza, the Turkes with twentie [1601] thousand besieged the strong Towne of Olum- 3J*jJ£JfAof pagh so straightly, as they were cut off from all intelligence and hope of succour; till Iohn Smith, this English Gentleman, acquainted Baron Kisell, Generall of the Archdukes Artillery, he had taught the Governour, his worthy friend, such a Rule, that he would undertake to make him know any thing he intended, and have his answer, would they bring him but to some place where he might make the flame of a Torch seene to the Towne. Kisell inflamed with this strange invention ; Smith made it so plaine, that forthwith hee gave him guides, who in the darke night brought him to a mountaine, where he shewed three Torches equidistant from other, which plainly appearing to the Towne ; the Governour presently apprehended, and answered againe with three other fires in like manner ; each knowing the others being and intent ; Smith, though distant seven miles, signified to him these words : On Thursday at night I will charge on the East, at the [7] Alarum, salley you. Ebersbaught answered he would : and thus it was done. First he writ his message as briefe, you see, as could be, then divided the Alphabet in two parts thus ; A. b. c. d. e. /. g. h. i. k. I. I. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. m. n. 0. P- ?• r. s. t. V. W. X. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2 y- z. 2. 2. The first part from A.toL. is signified by shewing and sJS^m"1 hiding one linke, so oft as there is letters from A . to that letter you meane ; the other part from M. to Z. is men- 830 The Travells and Adventures of [a^??<^ [1601] tioned by two lights in like manner. The end of a word is signified by shewing of three lights : ever staying your light at that letter you meane, till the other may write it in a paper, and answer by his signall, which is one light, it is done ; beginning to count the letters by the lights, every time from A . to M : by this meanes also the other re- turned his answer, whereby each did understand other. The Guides all this time having well viewed the Campe, returned to Kisell, who, doubting of his power being but ten thousand, was animated by the Guides, how the Turkes were so divided by the River in two parts, they could not Another easily second each other. To which Smith added this con- straugem. ciusion . that two or three thousand pieces of match fastened to divers small lines of an hundred fathome in length being armed with powder, might all be fired and stretched at an instant before the Alarum, upon the Plaine of Hysnaburg, supported by two staves, at each lines end, in that manner would seeme like so many Musketteers; which was put in practice : and being discovered by the Turkes, they prepared to encounter these false fires, thinking there had beene some great Armie : whilest Kisell with his ten thousand being entred the Turks quarter, who ranne up and downe as men amazed. It was not long ere Ebersbaught was pell-mell with them in their Trenches; in which distracted confusion, athird part of the Turkes, that besieged that side towards Knousbruck, were slaine ; many of the rest drowned : but all fled. The other part of the Armie was so busied to resist the false fires, that Kisell before the morning put two thousand good souldiers in the Towne, and with small losse was retired. The Garrison was well releeved with that they found in the Turkes quarter, which caused the Turkes to raise their siege and returne to Caniza : and Kisell with much honour was received at Kerment ; and occasioned the Author a good reward and preferment, to be Captaine of two hundred and fiftie Horse-men, under the Conduct of Colonell Voldo, Earle of Meldritch. [8] AJagS?6£:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 831 CHAPTER V. The siege of Stowlle-wesenburg ; The effects of Smiths Fireworkes ; A worthy exploit of Earle Rosworme ; Earle M eldritch takes the Bashaw prisoner. Generall rumour of a generall peace, now [1601] spred it selfe over all the face of those tor- mented Countries : but the Turke intended no such matter, but levied souldiers from all parts he could. The Emperour also, by the assistance of the Christian Princes, provided three Armies : the one led by the Arch-duke Mathias, the Emperours brother, and his Lieutenant Duke Mercury [i.e., Philippe Emmanuel de Lorraine, Duke de Mercceur] to defend Low Hungary ; the second, by Ferdinando the Arch-duke of Steria, and the Duke of Mantua his Lieutenant to regaine Caniza; the third by Gonzago, Governour of High Hungary, to joyne with Georgia Busca, to make an absolute conquest of Transilvania. Duke Mercury with an Armie of thirtie thousand, ^/L*"*"0' whereof neere ten thousand were French, besieged Stowlle- Rtgaiu. wesenburg, otherwise called A Iba Regalis ; a place so strong by Art and Nature, that it was thought impregnable. At his first comming, the Turkes sallied upon the Germane quarter, slew neere five hundred, and returned before they were thought on. The next night, in like manner they did neere as much to the Bemers, and Hungarians ; of which fortune still presuming, thinking to have found the French quarter as carelesse, eight or nine hundred of them were cut in pieces and taken prisoners. In this encounter Monsieur Grandvile, a brave French Colonell, received seven or eight cruell wounds, yet followed the enemie to the Ports ; he came off alive, but within three or foure dayes died. Earle Meldritch, by the information of three or foure Christians (escaped out of the Towne), [of] upon every Alarum, where there was greatest assemblies and throng of 832 The Travells and Adventures of [j^ffi [1601j people, caused Captaine Smith to put in practice his fiery The effect Dragons, [which] hee had demonstrated unto him, and the wofkfcd *" Earle Von Sulch at Comoro, : which hee thus performed. Having prepared fortie or fiftie round-bellied earthen pots, and filled them with hand Gunpowder, then covered them with Pitch, mingled with Brimstone and Turpentine ; and quartering as many Musket-bullets, that hung together but only at the Center of the division, stucke them round in the mixture about the pots, and covered them againe with the same mixture; over that a strong Searcloth, then over all a good thicknesse of Towze-match well tempered with oyle of Lin-seed, Campheer, and powder of Brimstone : these he fitly placed in Slings, graduated so neere as they could, to the places of these Assemblies. At midnight upon the Alarum, it was a fearfull sight to see the short flaming course of their flight in the aire 1 but presently after their fall, the lamentable noise of the miserable slaughtered Turkes was most wonderfull to heare. Besides, they had fired that Suburbe at the Port of Buda, in two or three places ; which so troubled the Turkes to quench, that had there beene any meanes to have assaulted [9] them, they could hardly have resisted the fire, and their enemies. «JiS?S The Earle Rosworme, contrary to the opinion of all men, Earie ^ would needs undertake to finde meanes to surprize the Segeth and Suburbe of the Citie, strongly defended by a muddie Lake, which was thought unpassable. The Duke [de Mercosur] having planted his Ordnance, battered the other side, whilest Rosworme, in the darke night, with every man a bundle of sedge and bavins still throwne before them, so laded upthe Lake, as they surprized that unregarded Suburbe before they were discovered: upon which unexpected Alarum, the Turkes fled into the Citie ; and the other Suburbe not knowing the matter, got into the Citie also, leaving their Suburbe for the Duke, who with no great resistance, tooke it, with many peeces of Ordnance. The Citie, being of no such strength as the Suburbs, with their owne Ordnance was so battered, that it was taken perforce, with such a mercilesse execution, as was most pitifull to behold. Roswort>it. T. Smith."] Aug. 1629.J Captaine Iohn Smith 833 The Bashaw notwithstanding drew together a partie of five hundred before his owne Pallace, where he intended to die ; but seeing most of his men slaine before him, by the valiant Captaine Earl M eldritch, who tooke him prisoner with his owne hands ; and with the hazard of himselfe saved him from the fury of other troopes, that did pull downe his Pallace, and would have rent him in peeces, had he not beene thus preserved. The Duke thought his victory much honoured with such a Prisoner; tooke order hee should bee used like a Prince : and with all expedition gave charge presently to repaire the breaches, and the ruines of this famous Citie, that had beene in the possession of the Turkes neere threescore yeares. [1601 Earlr. Meldritch takes the Bashaw prisoner. CHAPTER VI. A brave encounter of the Turkes Armie with the Christians ; Duke Mercury overthroweth Assan Bashaw ; Hee divides the Christian Armie ; His noblenesse and death. Ahomet, the great Turke, during the siege, had raised an Armie of sixtie thousand men to have releeved it; but hearing it was lost, he sent Assan Bashaw Generall of his Armie, the Bashaw of Buda Bashaw Atnaroz, to see if it were possible to regaine it ; The Duke understanding there could be no great experience in such a new levied Armie as Assan had ; having put a strong Garrison into it : and with the brave Colonell Rosworme, Culnits, Meldritch, the Rhine- Grave, Vahan and many others ; [and] with twenty thou- sand good souldiers, set forward to meet the Turke in the Plaines of Girke. Those two Armies encountred as they marched, where a brave began a hot and bloudy Skirmish betwixt them, Regiment ^SrVSfs against Regiment, as they came in order, till the night Armiewith parted them. Here Earle Meldritch 53 was so invironed christians. 834 The Travells and Adventures of [a!^?Ss$- [1601] amongst those halfe circuler Regiments of Turkes, they supposed him their Prisoner, and his Regiment lost ; but his two most couragious friends, Vahan and Culnits, [10] made such a passage amongst them, that it was a terror to see how horse and man lay sprawling and tumbling, some one way, some another on the ground. The Earle there at that time made his valour shine more bright than his armour, which seemed then painted with Turkish bloud. He slew the brave Zanzack Bugola, and made his passage to his friends ; but neere halfe his Regiment was slaine. Captain Smith [who was a Captain in this Cavalry Regiment] had his horse slaine under him, and himselfe [was] sore wounded ; but he was not long unmounted, for there was choice enough of horses that wanted masters. The Turke thinking the victory sure against the Duke, whose Armie, by the Siege, and the Garrison he had left behind him, was much weakened, would not be content with one, but he would have all ; and lest the Duke should returne to Alba Regalis, he sent that night twenty thousand to besiege the Citie, assuring them he would keepe the Duke or any other from releeving them. Duke Two or three dayes they lay each by other, entrenching Mercury themselves; the Turkes daring the Duke daily to a settbattell, ^ssan^ w^° at lengtn drew out his Army, led by the Rhine-Grave, Btuta. Culnits and M eldritch: who upon their first encounter, charged with that resolute and valiant courage, as disordered not only the formost squadrons of the Turkes, but enforced all the whole Armie to retire to the Campe, with the losse of five or six thousand, with the Bashaw of Buda, and foure or five Zanzacks, with divers other great Commanders, two hundred Prisoners, and nine peeces of Ordnance. At that instant appeared, as it were, another Armie com- ming out of a valley over a plaine hill, that caused the Duke at that time to be contented, and to retire to his Trenches ; which gave time to Assan to reorder his disordered squadrons. Here they lay nine or ten dayes, and more supplies Tepaircd to them, expecting to try the event in a sett battell ; but the souldiers on both parties, by reason of Aug^S'.] Captaine Iohn Smith, S3 5 their great wants and [the] approach of winter, grew so [1601-2J discontented, that they were ready of themselves to breake up the Leager: the Bashaw retiring himselfe to Buda, had some of the Reare Troopes cut off. Amaroz Bashaw hearing of this, found such bad welcome at A Iba Regalis, and the Towne so strongly repaired, with so brave a Garrison, [that he] raised his siege and retired to Zigetum. The Duke [de Mercczur] understanding that the Arch-duke Ferdinando had so resolutely besieged Caniza, as what by the losse of A Iba Regalis, and the Turks retreat to Buda, being void of hope of any reliefe, [he] doubted not but it would become againe the Christians. To the furtherance whereof, Jj^ the Duke divided his Armie into three parts. The Earle of dmdttk to Rosworme went with seven thousand to Caniza; the Earle of Arm,e* Meldritch with six thousand he sent to assist Georgio Busca against the Transilvanians ; the rest went with himselfe to the Garrisons of Strigonium and Komara : having thus worthily behaved himselfe, he arrived at Vienne, where the Arch-dukes and the Nobilitie with as much honour received him, as if he had conquered all Hungaria; his very Picture they esteemed would make them fortunate, which thousands kept as curiously as a precious relique. To requite this honour, preparing himselfe to returne into Duke France, to raise new Forces against the next yeare, with %£vury the two Arch-dukes Mathias and Maximilian and divers jj'jj^f others of the Nobilitie, [he] was with great magnificence [11] suddenly6 conducted to Nurenburg, there by them royally feasted : (how it chanced is not knowne;) but the next morning [19 Feb. 1602] he was found dead, and his brother in law died two dayes after; whose hearts, after this great triumph, with much sorrow were carried into France, 836 The Travells and Adventures of D&mSJ CHAPTER VII. The unhappie Siege of Caniza; Earle Meldritcn serveth Prince Sigismundus ; Prince Moyses besiegeth Regall ; Smiths three single combats ; His Patent from Sigismundus, and reward. [1601-2] fg\ -He worthy Lord Rosworme had not a worse journey to the miserable Seige of Caniza, (where by the extremitie of an extraordinary continuing tempest of haile, wind, frost and snow, in so much that the Christians were forced to leave their Tents and Artillery, and what they had; it being so cold that three or foure hundred of them were frozen to death in a night, and two or three thousand lost in that miserable flight in the snowie tempest, though they did know no enemie at all to follow them :) than the noble Earle of Meldritch had to Transilvania : where hearing of the death of Michael [Vayvode of Wallachia, see p. 847] and the brave Duke Mercury, and knowing the policie of Busca, and the Prince his Roialtie, being now beyond all beleefe of men, in possession of the best part of Transilvania ; perswaded his troopes, in so honest a cause, to assist the Prince [Sigismun- dus] against the Turke, rather than Busca against the Prince. The souldiers being worne out with those hard payes Hmth and travells, upon hope to have free libertie to make bootie muZt™**"' uP°n what they could get possession of from the Turkes, was easily perswaded to follow him whithersoever. Now this noble Earle [Meldritch] was a Transilvanian borne, and his fathers Countrey [was] yet inhabited by the Turkes ; for Transilvania was yet in three divisions, though the Prince had the hearts both of Country and people ; yet the Fron- tiers had a Garrison amongst the unpassable mountaines, some for the Emperour, some for the Prince, and some for the Turke : to regaine which small estate, hee desired leave of the Prince [Sigismundus Bdtori] to trie his fortunes, and to make use of that experience, the time of twentie yeares Earle Meldritch J. Smith."] \ug. 1629. J Captaine Iohn Smith 837 [1582-1602] had taught him in the Emperours service, [1602] promising to spend the rest of his dayes for his countries defence in his Excellencies service. The Prince glad of so brave a Commander, and so many expert and ancient souldiers, made him Campe-master of his Armie, gave him all necessary releefe for his troopes, and what freedome they desired to plunder the Turkes. The Earle having made many incursions into the Land Jgjj„v A of Zarkam among those rockie mountains, where were maketh some Turks, some Tartars, but most Bandittoes, Rennega- ^discover does, and such like ; which sometimes hee forced into the Resal1- Plaines of Regall : where is a Citie not only of men and fortifications, strong of it selfe ; but so environed with mountaines, that made the passages so difficult, that in all these warres no attempt had beene made upon it to any purpose. Having satisfied himselfe with the Situation, [12] and the most convenient passages to bring his Armie unto it : The earth no sooner put on her greene habit, than the Earle overspread her with his armed troopes. To pos- sesse himselfe first of the most convenient passage, which was a narrow valley betwixt two high mountaines ; he sent Colonell Veltus with his Regiment, dispersed in com- panies to lye in Ambuscado, as he had directed them ; and in the morning to driue all the cattell they could finde before a Fort in that passage, whom he supposed would sally, seeing but some small partie, to recover their prey : which tooke such good successe, that the Garrison was cut off by the Ambuscado, and Veltus seized on the Skonces, which was abandoned. M eldritch glad of so fortunate a beginning, it was six dayes ere he could with six thousand Pioners make a passage for his Ordnance. The Turkes having such warning, strengthned the Towne so with men and provision, that they made a scorneof so small a number as M eldritch brought with him before the Citie, which was but eight thousand. Before they had pitched their Tents, the Turkes sallied in such abundance, as for an houre they had rather a bloudy battell than a skirmish; but with the losse of neere fifteene hundred on both sides. The Turkes were chased till the Cities Ordnance caused the Earle to retire. 838 The Travells and Adventures of {jk^H&Z. [1602] The next day Zachel Moyses, Generall of the Armie, besuTeth pitched also his tents with nine thousand foot and horse, Retail. and six and twenty peeces of Ordnance ; but in regard of the situation of this strong Fortresse, they did neither feare them nor hurt them : being upon the point of a faire promontory, environed on the one side within halfe a mile with an un-usefull mountaine; and on the other side with a faire Plaine, where the Christians encamped, but so commanded by their Ordnance, [that] they spent neere a month in entrenching themselves, and raising their mounts to plant their batteries. Which slow proceedings the Turkes oft derided, that the Ordnance were at pawne, and how they grew fat for want of exercise ; and fearing lest they should depart ere they could assault their Citie, sent this Challenge to any Captaine in the Armie. That to delight the Ladies, who did long to see some court-like pastime, the Lord Turbashaw did dene any Captaine, that had the command of a Company, who durst combate with him for his head. The matter being discussed, it was accepted; but so many questions grew for the undertaking, it was decided by lots : which fell upon Captaine Smith, before spoken of. Thrw single Truce being made for that time, the Rampiers all beset with faire Dames, and men in Armes, the Christians in Battalio ; Turbashaw with a noise of Howboyes entred the fields well mounted and armed; on his shoulders were fixed a paire of great wings, compacted of Eagles feathers within a ridge of silver, richly garnished with gold and precious stones ; a Janizary before him, bearing his Lance ; on each side, another leading his horse : where long hee stayed not, ere Smith with a noise of Trumpets, only a Page bearing his Lance, passing by him with a courteous salute, tooke his ground with such good successe, that at the sound of the charge, he passed the Tnrke throw the sight of his Beaver, face, head, and all, that he fell dead to the ground; where alighting and unbracing [13] his Helmet, [he] cut off his head, and the Turkes tooke his body; and so returned without any hurt at all. The head hee presented to the Lord Moses, the Generall, Combates. AJugsT6*:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 839 who kindly accepted it ; and with joy to the whole armie [1602] he was generally welcomed. The death of this Captaine so swelled in the heart of 2. one Grualgo, his vowed friend, as, rather inraged with mad- nesse than choller, he directed a particular challenge to the Conquerour, to regaine his friends head, or lose his owne, with his horse and Armour for advantage : which according to his desire, was the next day undertaken. As before, upon the sound of the Trumpets, their Lances flew in peeces upon a cleare passage ; but the Turke was neere unhorsed. Their Pistolls was the next, which marked Smith upon the placard ; but the next shot the Turke was so wounded in the left arme, that being not able to rule his horse, and defend himselfe, he was throwne to the ground ; and so bruised with the fall, that he lost his head, as his friend before him ; with his horse and Armour : but his body and his rich apparell was sent backe to the Towne. Every day the Turkes made some sallies, but few skir- mishes would they endure to an)7 purpose. Our workes and approaches being not yet advanced to that height and effect which was of necessitie to be performed ; to delude time, Smith, with so many incontradictible perswading reasons, obtained leave that the Ladies might know he was not so much enamoured of their servants heads, but if any Turke of their ranke would come to the place of combate to redeeme them, [he] should have his also upon the like conditions, if he could winne it. The challenge presently was accepted by Bonny Mulgro. 3. The next day both the Champions entring the field as before, each discharging their Pistoll (having no Lances, but such martiall weapons as the defendant appointed), no hurt was done ; their Battle-axes was the next, whose piercing bils made sometime the one, sometime the other to have scarce sense to keepe their saddles : specially the Christian received such a blow that he lost his Battle- axe, and failed not much to have fallen after it ; whereat the supposing conquering Turk, had a great shout from the Rampiers. The Turk prosecuted his advantage to the uttermost of his power ; yet the other, what by the readinesse of his horse, and his judgement and dexterity in such a businesse, beyond all mens expectation, by 840 The Travel Is and Adventures of [a£*3!*. [1602] Gods assistance, not onely avoided the Turkes violence, but having drawne his Faulchion, pierced the Turke so under the Culets thorow backe and body, that although he alighted from his horse, he stood not long ere hee lost his head, as the rest had done. [14] CHAPTER VIII. Georgio Busca an Albane his ingratitude to Prince Sigismundus ; Prince Moyses, his Lietitenant, is overthrowneby Busca, Generallforthe Emperour Rodolphus; Sigismundus yeeldeth his Coun- trey to Rodolphus ; Busca assisteth Prince Rodoll in Wallachia. §^2 rj|jj\ His good successe gave such great encourage- * ment to the whole Armie, that with a guard of six thousand, three spare horses, before each a Turkes head upon a Lance, he was conducted to the General Is Pavillion with his Presents. Moyses received both him and them with as much respect as the occasion deserved, embracing him in his armes, gave him a faire Horse richly furnished, a Semitere and belt worth three hundred ducats ; and Meldritch made him Sergeant major [=our modem Major] of his Regiment. But now to the siege. Having mounted six and twenty peeces of Ordnance fifty or sixty foot above the Plaine, made them so plainly tell his meaning, that within fifteene dayes two breaches were made, which the Turkes as valiantly defended as men could. That day was made a darksome night, but by the light that proceeded from the murdering Muskets, and peace- making Canon ; whilest their slothfull Governour lay in a Castle on the top of a high mountaine, and like a valiant Prince asketh what's the matter, when horrour and death AugST62h9:] Captaine Iohn Smith, 841 stood amazed each at other, to see who should prevaile to [1602] make him victorious. Moyses commanding a generall assault upon the sloping Regaii front of the high Promontory, where the Barons of ISfSSL Budendorfe and Oberwin lost neere halfe their Regiments, by logs, bags of powder, and such like, tumbling downe the hill they were to mount ere they could come to the breach ; notwithstanding with an incredible courage they advanced to the push of the Pike with the defendants, that with the like courage repulsed, till the Earle Meldritch, Becklefield and Zarvana, with their fresh Regiments se- conded them with that fury, that the Turks retired and fled into the Castle, from whence by a flag of truce they desired composition. The Earle [Meldri] remembring his fathers death, bat- tered it with all the Ordnance in the Towne, and the next day tooke it ; all he found [that] could beare Armes he put to the sword, and set their heads upon stakes round about the walles, in the same manner they had used the Christians, when they tooke it. Moyses having repaired the Rampiers, and throwne downe the worke in his Campe, he put in it a strong Garrison, though the pillage he had gotten in the Towne was much, having beene for a long time an impregnable den of theeves : yet the losse of the Armie so intermingled the sowre with the sweet, as forced Moyses to seek a further revenge, that he sacked Veratio, Solmos, and Kupronha, and with two thousand prisoners, most[ly] women and children, came to Esenberg, not farre from the Princes Palace, where he there Encamped. Sigismundus comming to view his Armie, was presented with the Prisoners [15], and six and thirtie Ensignes ; where celebrating thankes to Almightie God in triumph of those victories, hee was made acquainted with the service Smith had done at Olumpagh, Stowle-Wesenburg and Regall : for which with great honour hee gave him three Turkes heads in a Shield for his Armes, by Patent, under his hand and Seale, with an Oath ever to weare them in his Colours, his Picture [i.e., Sigisnmnd's portrait] in Gould, and three hundred Ducats, yearely for a Pension. 842 The Travells and Advenhires of - J. Smith. .Aufc. x6ao. [1603] The Patent. [Variations in Vincent's Collectanea, in the Heralds College, see p. xxiv.] * Augusti silvaniae, Igismvndvs Bathori, Dei gratia Dux Tran- Wallachiae, et Vandalorum ; Comes Anchard, Salford, Growenda; Cunctis his Uteris significamus qui eas lecturi aut audituri sunty concessam licen- tiam aut facultatem Iohanni Smith, na- tione Anglo Generoso, 250. militum Capitaneo sub Illustrissimi et Gra- vissimi Henrici Volda, Comitis de Meldri, Salmariae, et Peldoiae pritnario, et 1000 equitibus et 1500. peditibus bello Vngarico conductione in Provincias suprascriptas sub A uthori- tate nostra : cui servituti omni laude, perpetuaque memoria dignum prabuit sese erga nos, ut virum strenuum pugnantem pro aris et focis decet. Quare e favor e nostro militario ipsum ordine condonavimus, et in Sigillum illius tria Turcia Capita designare et deprimere concessimus, quce ipse gladio suo ad Vrbem Regalem in singulari prcelio vicit, mactavit, atque decollavit in Transilvaniae Provincia. Sed fortuna cum variabilis ancepsque sit idem forte fortuito in Wallachia Provinciay Anno Domini 1602. die Mensis Novembris 18.* cum multis aliisetiam Nobilibus et aliis quibus- dam militibus captus est a Domino Bascha electo ex Cambia regionis Tartarian, cujus severitate adductus salutem quantam potuit quesivit, tantumque effecit, Deo omnipotente adjuvante, ut deliberavit se, et ad suos Commilitones revertit ; ex quibus ipsum liberavimus, et hcec nobis testimonia habuit ut majori licentia frueretur qua dignus esset, jam tendet in patriam suatn dulcissimam. J. Smith.-j Aug. 1629. J Captaine Iohn Smith. S43 Rogamus ergo omnes nostros charissimos, confinitimos, Duces, [1603-25] Principes, Comites, Bar ones, Gubematores [16j Vrbium et Navium in eadem Regione et coeterarum Provinciarum in quibus ille residere conatus fuerit ut idem permittatur Capitaneus libere sine obstaculo omni versari. Hczc facientes pergraium nobis feceritis. Signatum Lesprizia in Misnia die Mensis Decembris 9. Anno Domini 1603. Cum Pri- vilegio pro- price Ma- jestatis. Sigismvndvs B ATHO RI. dotnintu \NlVERSiS, et singulis, cujuscunque loci, status, gradus, ordinis, ac conditionis ad quos hoc prcesens scriptum pervenerit, Guilielmus Sega.rEqttesauratus alias dictus* Garterus Principalis Rex Armorum Anglicorum, Salutem. Sciatis, quod Ego prcedictus Garterus, notum, testatumque facio,quod Patentem suprascriptum\ , cum manu propria prcedicti + super- Ducis Transilvaniae subsignatum, et Sigillo suo affixum, Vidi : addem et Copiam veram ejusdem (in perpetuam rei memoriam) tran- scripsi, et recordavi in Archivis, et Registris Officii Armorum. Datum Londini 19. die Augusti, Anno Domini 1625. Annoque Regni Domini nostri Caroli Dei gratia Magna Britanniae, Francise, et Hibernias Regis, Fidei Defensoris, &c. Primo. Gvilielmvs Segar, Garterus. 844 TJic Travells and Adventures of [Aug?"** [1603] The same in Igismvndvs Bathor, by the Grace of God, Duke of Transilvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia, 'English. I^^^J^) Earle of Anchard, Salford and Growenda ; to whom this Writing may come or appeare. Know that We have given leave and licence to Iohn Smith an English Gentleman, Captaine of 250. Souldiers, under the most Generous and Honourable Henry [17] Volda, Earle of Meldritch, Salmaria, and Peldoia, Colonell of a thousand horse, and fifteene hundred foot, in the warres of Hungary and in the Provinces aforesaid under our authority ; whose service doth deserve all praise and perpetual! memory towards us, as a man that did for God and his Country overcome his enemies : Wherefore out of Our love and favour, according to the law of Armes, We have or- dained and given him in his shield of Armes, the figure and description of three Turks heads, which with his sword, before the towne of Regall, in single combat he did overcome, kill, and cut off, in the Province of Transilvania. But fortune, as she is very variable, so it chanced and happened to him in the Province of Wallachia, in the yeare of our Lord, 1602. the 18. day of November, [when he] with many others, as well Noble men, as also divers other Souldiers, were taken prisoners by the Lord Bashaw of Cambia, a Country of Tartaria : whose cruelty brought him such good fortune, by the helpe and power of Almighty God, that hee delivered himselfe, and returned againe to his company and fellow souldiers ; of whom We doe discharge him, and this hee hath in witnesse thereof, being much more worthy of a better reward; and now intends to returne to his owne sweet Country. We desire therefore all our loving and kinde kinsmen, Dukes, Princes, Earles, Barons, Governours of Townes, Cities, or Ships, in this Kingdome, or any other Provinces he shall come in, that you freely let passe this the aforesaid Captaine, without any hinderance or molestation : and this doing, with all kindnesse we are alwayes ready to doe the like for you. &??&£:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 845 Sealed at Lipswick in Misenland, the ninth of December, [1603-25] in the yeare of our Lord, 1603. SlGISMVNDVS With the proper privilege B A T H O R . of his Majestie. O all and singular, in what place, state, degree, order, or condition whatsoever, to whom this pre- sent writing shall come : I William Segar Knight, otherwise Garter, and principall King of Armes of Eng- land, with health. Know that I the aforesaid Garter, do witnesse and approve, that this aforesaid Patent, I have seene, signed and sealed under the proper hand [18] and Seale Manual of the said Duke of Transilvania ; and a true coppy of the same, as a thing for perpetuall memory, I have subscribed and recorded in the Register and office of the Heralds of Armes. Dated at London the nineteenth day of August, in the yeare of our Lord 1625. and in the first yeare of our Soueraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God, King of great Britaine, France, and Ireland, Defender of the faith, &c. William Segar. CHAPTER IX. Sigismundus sends Ambassadours vnto the Emperour ; the conditions re-assured, He yeeldeth up all to Busca, and returneth to Prague. Vsca having all this time beene raising new forces, was commanded from the Emperour againe to invade Transilvania, which being one of the fruitfullest and strongest Countries in those parts, was now rather a desart, or the very spectacle of desolation ; their fruits and fields overgrowne with weeds, their Churches and battered Palaces and best 846 The Travells and Adventures of [AugfTeS*. [1602] buildings, as for feare, hid with Mosse and Ivy : being the very Bulwarke and Rampire of a great part of Europe, most fit by all Christians to have beene supplyed and maintained, was thus brought to ruine by them it most concerned to support it. But alas, what is it, when the power of Majestie pampered in all delights of pleasant vanity, neither knowing nor considering the labour of the Ploughman, the hazard of the Merchant, the oppression of Statesmen ; nor feeling the piercing torments of broken limbes, and inveterated wounds, the toilsome marches, the bad lodging, the hungry diet, and the extreme misery that Souldiers endure to secure all those estates, and yet by the spight of malicious detraction, starves for want of their reward and recompences ; whilst the politique Courtier, that commonly aimes more at his owne honors and ends than his Countries good, or his Princes glory, honour, or security, as this worthy Prince too well could testifie. But the Emperor being certified how weak and desperate his estate was, sent Busca againe with a great Army, to trie his fortune once more in Transilvania. ThePrince considering how his Country and subjects were consumed ; the small means he had any longer to defend his estate, both against the cruelty of the Turke, and the power of the Emperor, and the small care the Polanders had in supplying him, as they had promised ; sent to Busca to have truce, till messengers might be sent to the Em- perour for some better agreement : wherewith Busca was contented. The Ambassadours so prevailed, that the Emperour re-assured vnto them the conditions he had promised the Prince at their confederacie, for the lands in Silesia, with 60000. ducats presently in hand, and 50000. ducats yearely as a pension. Buscain When this conclusion was [19] knowne to Moyses his ^^ver- Lieftenant then in the field with the Army, that would SSS? d°e anything rather than come in subjection to the Germans ; he encouraged his Souldiers, and without any more adoe marched to encounter Busca, whom he found much better provided than he expected : so that betwixt them in six or seven houres, more than five or six thou- sand on both sides lay dead in the field. Moyses thus Au/TiS:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 847 overthrowne, fled to the Turks at Temesware; and his [1602] scattered troopes some one way, some another. The Prince vnderstanding of this so sudden and un- expected accident, onely accompanied with an hundred of his Gentry and Nobility, went into the campe to Busca, to let him know how ignorant he was of his Lieftenants errour, that had done it without his direction or know- ledge, freely offering to performe what was concluded by his Ambassadours with the Emperour ; and so causing all his Garrisons to come out of their strong holds, he deli- J*"^** vered all to Busca for the Emperour, and so went to d«hyh£" Prague : where he was honourably receiued, and established Sj?Z*. in his possessions, as his Emperiall Majestie had promised. Busca assembling all the Nobility, tooke their oaths of allegeance and fidelity ; and thus their Prince being gone, Transilvania became againe subject to the Emperour. Now after the death of Michael, Vavoyd of Wallachia Busca [p. 836], the Turke sent one leremie to be their Vavoyd or SS/in Prince ; whose insulting tyranny caused the people to take Wallachia Armes against him, so that he was forced to flie into the confines of Moldavia', and Busca in the behalfe of the Emperour, proclaimed the Lord Rodoll in his stead. But Jeremy having assembled an Army of forty thousand Turks, Tartars, and Moldavians, returned into Wallachia. Rodoll not yet able to raise such a power, fled into Transilvania to Busca, his ancient friend ; who considering well of the matter, and how good it would be for his owne security to have Wallachia subject to the Emperour, or at least such an employment for the remainders of the old Regiments of Sigismundus, (of whose greatnesse and true affection hee was very suspitious,) sent them with Rodoll to recover Wallachia, conducted by the valiant Captaines, the Earle M eldritch, Earle Veltus, Earle Nederspolt, Earle Zarvana, the Lord Bechlefield, the Lord Budendorfe, with their Regi- ments, and divers others of great ranke and quality, the greatest friends and alliances the Prince had ; who with thirty thousand, marched along by the river Alius, to the streights [pass] of Rebrinke, where they entred Wallachia, encamping at Raza 848 The Travells and Adventures of [a^TS'. [1602] Ieremie lying at Argish, drew his Army into his old campe, in the plaines of Peteske, and with his best dili- gence fortified it ; intending to defend himselfe till more power came to him from the Crym-Tartar. Many small parties that came to his campe, Rodoll cut off; and in the nights would cause their heads to be throwne vp and downe before the trenches. Seven of their Porters were taken, whom Ieremie commanded to be flayed quicke ; and after hung their skinnes vpon poles, and their carkasses and heads on stakes by them. [20] CHAPTER X. The battel! of Rotenton ; a pretty stratagem of fire- works by Smith. Odoll not knowing how to draw the enemie to battell, raised his Armie, burning and spoyling all where he came, and returned againe to- wards Rebrinke in the night, as if he had fled vpon the generall rumour of the Crym-Tartars comming ; which so inflamed the Turkes of a happy victory, they vrged Jeremy against his will to follow them. Rodoll seeing his plot fell out as he desired, so ordered Rodoiixai the matter, that having regained the streights, he put his Army in order, that had beene neere two dayes pursued, with continuall skirmishes in his Reare, which now making head against the enemie, that followed with their whole Armie in the best manner they could, was furiously charged with six thousand Hydukes, Wallachians, and Moldavians, led by three Colonells, Oversall, Dubras, and Calab, to entertaine the time till the rest came up. Veltus and Nederspolt with their Regiments, entertained them with the like courage, till the Zanzacke Hamesbeg, with six thousand more, came with a fresh charge : which Meldritch and Budendorfe, rather like enraged lions than men, so bravely encountred, as if in them only had consisted the A battell betwixt Ieremie. AugST6£] Captaine Iohn Smith. 849 victory; Meldritchs horse being slaine vnder him. The [1602] Turks pressed what they could to have taken him prisoner ; but being remounted, it was thought with his owne hand he slew the valiant Zanzache : whereupon his troopes retyring, the two proud Bashawes, Aladin and Zizimmus, brought up the front of the body of their battell. Veltus and Nederspolt having breathed, and joyning their troopes with Becklefield and Zarvana, with such an incredible courage charged the left flancke of Zizimmus, as put them all in disorder ; where Zizimmus the Bashaw was taken prisoner, but died presently upon his wounds. Ieremie seeing now the maine battell of Rodoll advance, being thus constrained, like a valiant Prince in his front of the Vantgard, by his example so brauely encouraged his souldiers, that Rodoll found no great assurance of the victorie. Thus being joyned in this bloudy massacre, that there was scarce ground to stand upon, but upon the dead carkasses; which in lesse than an hower were so mingled, as if each Regiment had singled out [the] other. The admired Aladin that day did leave behinde him a , glorious name for his valour ; whose death many of his enemies did lament after the victory, which at that instant fell to Rodoll. It was reported Ieremie was also slaine, but it was not so ; but [he] fled with the remainder of his Armie to Moldavia, leaving five and twenty thousand dead in the field, of both Armies. And thus Rodoll was seated againe in his Soueraignty, Yv^t and Wallachia became subject to the Emperour. totiTe'6 Emperour But long he rested not to settle his new estate, but there came newes, that certaine Regiments of stragling Tartars, were forraging those parts towards Moldavia. Meldritch with thirteene thousand men was sent against them, but when they heard it was the Crym-Tartar and his two [21] sonnes, with an Armie of thirty thousand ; and [that] Ieremie, that had escaped with fourteene or fifteene thousand, lay in ambush for them about Langanaw ; he retired towards Rottenton, a strong garrison for Rodoll : but they were so invironed with these hellish numbers, 54 850 The Travells and Adventures of [xigf SJl [1602] they could make no great haste, for skirmishing with their scouts, forragers, and small parties that still encountred them. But one night amongst the rest, having made a passage through a wood, with an incredible expedition, cutting trees thwart each other to hinder their passage, in a thicke fogge early in the morning, unexpectedly they met two thousand loaded with pillage, and two or three hundred horse and cattell ; the most of them were slaine and taken prisoners, who told them where Ieremie lay in the passage, expecting the Crym-Tartar that was not farre from him. Meldritch intending to make his passage perforce, was advised of a pretty stratagem by the English Smith, which presently he thus accomplished ; for having accommodated two or three hundred truncks with wilde fire, vpon the heads of lances, and charging the enemie in the night, gave fire to the truncks, which blazed forth such flames and sparkles, that it so amazed not onely their horses, but their foot also ; that by the meanes of this flaming encounter, their owne horses turned tailes with such fury, as by their violence overthrew Ieremy and his Army, without any losse at all to speak of to Meldritch. But of this victory long they triumphed not ; for being within three leagues of Rottenton, the Tartar with neere forty thousand so beset them, that they must either fight, or be cut in peeces flying. Here Busca and the Emperour had their desire; for the Sunne no sooner displayed his beames, than the Tartar his colours; where at midday he stayed a while, to see the passage of a tyrannicall and treacherous imposture, till the earth did blush with the bloud of honesty, that the Sunne for shame did hide himselfe from so monstrous sight of a cowardly calamity. It was a most brave sight to see the banners and ensignes streaming in the aire, the glittering of Armour, the variety of colours, the motion of plumes, the forrests of lances, and the thicknesse of shorter weapons, till the silent expedition of the bloudy blast from the murdering Ordnance, whose roaring voice is not so soone heard, as felt by the aymed at object, which made among them a most lamentable slaughter. of Rotten- ton. a^TSJ Captaine Iohn Smith. 851 CHAPTER XI. The names of the English that were slaine in the battell of Rottenton ; and how Captaine Smith is taken prisoner ; and sold for a slave. >N the valley of Veristhome, betwixt the riuer of [1602] Alius, and the mountaine of Rottenton, was this Thebatteii bloudy encounter, where the most of the dearest friends of the noble Prince Sigismundus perished [on 18 Nov. 1602, seep. 842]. Meldritch having ordered his eleuen thousand in the best manner he could : at the foot of the mountaine upon his flancks, and before his front, he had pitched [22] sharpe stakes, their heads hardned in the fire, and bent against the enemie, as three battalion of Pikes; amongst the which also there was digged many small holes. Amongst those stakes was ranged his footmen, that upon the charge was to retire, as there was occasion. The Tartar having ordered his 40000. for his best ad- vantage, appointed Mustapha Bashaw to beginne the battell, with a generall shout, all their Ensignes displaying, Drummes beating, Trumpets and Howboyes sounding. Nederspolt and Mavazo with their Regiments of horse most valiantly encountred, and forced them to retire. The Tartar Begolgi with his Squadrons, darkening the skies with their flights of numberless arrowes, who was as bravely encountred by Veltus and Oberwin ; which bloudie slaughter continued more than an houre, till the match- lesse multitude of the Tartars so increased, that they retired within their Squadrons of stakes, as was directed. The bloudy Tartar, as scorning he should stay so long foi the victorie, with his massie troopes prosecuted the charge : but it was a wonder to see how horse and man came to the ground among the stakes, whose disordered troopes were there so mangled, that the Christians with a loud shout cryed Victoria ; and with five or six field peeces, planted vpon the rising of the mountaine, did much hurt to the enemy that still continued the battell with that furie, that Meldritch ^52 [1602] The Travells and Adventures of |~ J. Smith. [_Aug. 16*9. [//.843,86a.] Extracted out of a Booke inti- tuled, The warres of Wallachia, and Mol- davia, written by Francisco Fertteza, a learned Italian, the Princes Secretarie, And translated by Master Purchas. seeing there was no possibilitie long to preuaile, ioyned his small troopes in one body, resolued directly to make his passage or die in the conclusion ; and thus in grosse gaue a generall charge, and for more than halfe an houre made his way plaine before him, till the maine battel of the Crym-Tartar with two Regiments of Turkes and Ianizaries so overmatched them, that they were overthrowen. The night approaching, the Earle with some thirteene or foureteene hundred horse, swamme the River ; some were drowned, all the rest slaine or taken prisoners. And thus in this bloudy field, neere 30000. lay ; some head- lesse, armlesse, and leglesse, all cut and mangled : where breathing their last, they gaue this knowledge to the world, that for the Hues of so few, the Crym-Tartar neuer paid dearer. But now the Countreyes of Transilvania and Wallachia, (subjected to the Emperour) and Sigismundus that brave Prince his Subject and Pensioner, the most of his Nobilitie, brave Captaines and Souldiers, became a prey to the cruell devouring Turke : where[asj had the Emperor been as ready to have assisted him, and those three Armies led by three such worthy Captaines, as Michael, Busca, and Himselfe; and had those three Armies joyned together against the Turke, let all men judge, how happie it might have beene for all Christendome : and have either regained Bulgaria ; or at least have beat him out of Hun- garia, where hee hath taken much more from the Emperour, than hath the Emperour from Transilvania. The English men in this Battell. In this dismall battell, where Nederspolt, Veltus, Zarvana, Mavazo, Bavell, and many other Earles, Barons, Colonels, Captaines, brave Gentlemen and Souldiers were slaine, Give mee leave to remember the names of our owne Country-men with him in those exploits, that as resolutely as the best, in the defence of Christ and his Gospell, ended their dayes, asBaskerfield, Hardwicke, Thomas Milemer, Robert Mullineux, [23] Thomas Bishop, Francis Compton, George Davison, Nicholas Williams, and one John a Scot, did what men could doe, and when they could doe no more, left there their bodies, in testimonie of their mindes ; only Ensigne Carleton [pp. 231, 692], and Sergeant Robinson [pp. 230, 691] escaped. Aug^S"] Captame Iohn Smith. 853 But Smith among the slaughtered dead bodies, and many [1602-3] a gasping soule, with toile and wounds lay groaning among the rest, till being found by the Pillagers hee was able to live ; and perceiving by his armor and habit, his ransome might be better to them than his death, they led him prisoner with many others. Well they used him till his wounds were cured, and at Axopolis they were all sold for slaves, like beasts in a market-place ; where everie Merchant, viewing their limbs and wounds, caused other slaves to struggle with them, to trie their strength. Hee fell to the share of Bashaw Bogall, who sent him forthwith to Adri[a]nopolis, so for Constantinople to his faire Mistresse for a slave. By twentie and twentie chained by the neckes, they marched in file to this great Citie ; where they were delivered to their severall Masters, and he to the young Charatza Tragahigzanda [pp. 204, 206, 232, 276, 720, 855, 866]. CHAPTER XII. How Captame Smith was sent prisoner thorow the Blacke and Dissabacca Sea in Tartaria ; the description of those Seas, and his usage. His Noble Gentlewoman tooke sometime occa- sion to shew him to some friends; or rather to speake with him ; because shee could speake Italian, would feigne her selfe sick when she should goe to the Banians, or weepe over the graves, to know how Bogall tooke him prisoner ; and if he were, as the Bashaw writ to her, a Bohemian Lord conquered by his hand, as hee had many others; which ere long hee would present her, whose ransomes should adorne her with the glorie of his conquests. But when she heard him protest he knew no such matter, nor ever saw Bogall till he bought him at Axopolis ; and that hee was an English-man, onely by his adventures made a Captaine in those Countreyes. To trie the truth, 854 The Trave Us and Adventures of [a{*?6$! [1603] shee found means to finde out many [who] could speake English, French, Dutch, and Italian, to whom relating most part of these former passages [as] he thought neces- sarie, which they^so honestly reported to her, she tooke (as it seemed) much compassion on him ; but having no use for him, lest her mother should sell him, she sent him to her brother, the Tymor Bashaw of Nalbrits, in the Countrey of Cambia, a Province in Tartaria. How he was Here now let us remember his passing in this specula- TaUTna. tive course from Constantinople by Sander, Screwe, Panassa, Musa, Lastilla, to Varna, an ancient Citie upon the Blacke Sea. In all which journey, having little more libertie than his eyes judgement since his captivitie, he might see the Townes with their short Towers, and a most plaine, fertile, and delicate [24] Countrey, especially that most admired place of Greece, now called Romania; but from Varna nothing but the Blacke Sea water, till he came to the two Capes of Taur and Pergilos, where hee passed the Straight of Niger, which (as he conjectured) is some ten leagues long, and three broad, betwixt two low lands. The Channell is The descrip- deepe, but at the entrance of the Sea Dissabacca, their are lDh?lbKca many great Osie-shoulds, and many great blacke rockes : sea. which the Turkes said were trees, weeds, and mud, throwen from the in-land Countryes, by the inundations and violence of the Current ; and cast there by the Eddy. They sayled by many low lies, and saw many more of those muddy rockes, and nothing else but salt water, till they came betwixt Susax and Curuske, only two white townes at the entrance of the river Bruapo appeared. In six or seven dayes saile, he saw foure or five seeming strong castles of stone, with flat tops and battlements about them ; but arriving at Cambia, he was (according to their custome) well used. The river was there more than halfe a mile broad. The Castle was of a large circum- ference, foureteene or fifteene foot thicke, in the foundation some six foot from the wall, is a Paliizado, and then a Ditch of about fortie foot broad full of water. On the west side of it, is a Towne all of low flat houses ; which as he conceived could bee of no great strength, yet it keepes all them bar- barous Countreyes about it in admiration and subjection. J£$£] Captaine IohnSmith. 855 After he had stayed there three dayes ; it was two dayes [1603] more before his guides brought him to Nalbrits, where the Tymor then was resident, in a great vast stonie Castle with many great Courts about it, invironed with high stone wals, where was quartered their Armes, when they first subjected those Countreyes : which onely live to labour for those tyrannicall Turkes. To her unkinde brother, this kinde Ladie writ so much „£**„* for his good usage, that hee halfe suspected, as much as Tartar*. she intended; for shee told him, he should there but [%%$?£; sojourne to learne the language, and what it was to be a 853,866.] Turke, till time made her Master of her selfe. But the Tymor, her brother, diverted all this to the worst of crueltie, for within an houre after his arrivall, he caused his Drub-man to strip him naked, and shave his head and beard so bare as his hand : a great ring of iron, with a long stalke bowed like a sickle, [was] rivetted about his necke, and a coat [put on him] made of Vlgries haire, guarded about with a peece of an undrest skinne. There were many more Christian slaves, and neere an hundred Forsados of Turkes and Moores ; and he [i.e.. Smith] being the last, was slave of slaves to them all. Among these slavish fortunes there was no great choice ; for the best was so bad, a dog could hardly have lived to endure : and yet for all their paines and labours [they were] no more regarded than a beast. CHAPTER XIII. The Turkes diet ; the Slaves diet ; the attire of the Tartars ; and manner of Warres and Religions, &c He Tymor and his friends fed upon Pillaw, which t** is boiled Rice and Garnances, with little bits dvxoF of mutton or Buckones (which is rosted [25] S" peeces of Horse, Bull, Vlgrie, or any beasts). T»rktt* Samboyses and Muselbits are great dainties, and yet but round 856 The Travells and Adventures of |_Au Smith. Aug. 1639. [1603] The Slaves diet. The Attire of those Tartars. The Tartars of Nagi and their manners. pies, full of all sorts of flesh they can get chopped with varietie of herbs. Their best drinke is Coffa, of a graine they call Coava, boiled with water ; and Sherbecke which is only honey and water : Mares milke, or the milke of any beast, they hold restorative ; but all the Comminaltie drinke pure water. Their bread is made of this Coava, which is a kinde of blacke wheat, and Cuskus a small white seed like M illy a in Biskay : but our common victuall, [was] the entrailes of Horse and Vlgries. Of this, cut in small peeces, they will fill a great Cauldron, and being boiled with Cuskus, and put in great bowles in the forme of chaf- fing-dishes ; they sit round about it on the ground, after they haue raked it thorow so oft as they please with their foule fists : the remainder was for the Christian slaves. Some of this broth they would temper with Cuskus pounded, and putting the fire off from the hearth, powre there a bowle full, then cover it with coales till it be baked ; which stewed with the remainder of the broth, and some small peeces of flesh, was an extraordinarie daintie. The better sort are attired like Turkes, but the plaine Tartar hath a blacke sheepe skinne over his backe, and two of the legs tied about his necke ; the other two about his middle, with another over his belly, and the legs tied in the like manner behinde him : then two more made like a paire of bases, serveth him for breeches ; with a little close cap to his skull, of blacke felt ; and they use exceeding much of this felt, for carpets, for bedding, for Coats, and Idols. Their houses are much worse than your Irish, but the In-land Countreyes have none but Carts and Tents, which they ever remove from Countrey to Countrey, as they see occasion : driving with them infinite troopes of blacke sheepe, Cattell and Vlgries, eating all vp before them as they goe. For the Tartars of Nagi, they have neither Towne, nor house, corne, nor drinke ; but flesh and milke. The milke they keepe in great skinnes like Burracho's ; which though it be never so sower, it agreeth well with their strong stomackes. They live all in Hordias, as doth the Crim- Tartars, three or foure hundred in a company, in great Carts fifteene or sixteene foot broad ; which is covered with AJugs^.] Captaine Iohn Smith. 857 small rods, wattled together in the forme of a birds nest [1603] turned upwards : and with the ashes of bones tempered with oile, Camels haire, and a clay [that] they have ; they lome them so well, that no weather will pierce them, and yet [they are] verie light. Each Hordia hath a Murse, which they obey as their King. Their Gods are infinite. One or two thousand of those glittering white Carts drawen with Camels, Deere, Buls, and Vlgries, they bring round in a ring, where they pitch their Campe ; and the Murse, with his chiefe alliances, are placed in the midst. They doe much hurt when they can get any Stroggs, which are great boats used upon the river Volga, (which they call Edle) to them that dwell in the Countrey of Perolog ; and would doe much more, were it not for the Muscovites Garrisons that there inhabit. [26] CHAPTER XI I I I. The description of the Crym-Tartars ; their houses and carts ; their Idolatry in their lodgings. Ow you are to understand, Tartary and Scythia are Thedescrip. 11 1^1 j • r tionofthe all one ; but so large and spacious, few or none c*ym- could ever perfectly describe it ; nor all the severall cSaiT kinds of those most barbarous people that inhabit it. Those we call the Crym-Tartars, [which] border upon Moldavia, Podolia, Lituania, and Russia, are much more regular than the interior parts of Scthia. This great Tartarian Prince, that hath so troubled all his neighbours, they always call Chan, which signifieth Emperour ; but we, the Crym-Tartar. He liveth for most part in the best champion plaines of many Provinces ; and his removing Court is like a great Citie of houses and tents, drawne on Carts, all so orderly placed East and West, on the right and left hand of the Prince his house, which is alwayes in the midst towards the South : before which none may pitch their houses, every one knowing their order and quarter, as in an Armie. The Princes 858 The Travells and Adventures of J. Smith Aug. 1629 [1603] His houses and carts. Baskets. Their idolatrie in their lodgings. Cossmos is Mares milke. houses are very artificially wrought, both the foundation, sides, and roofe of wickers, ascending round to the top like a Dove-coat ; this they cover with white felt, or white earth tempered with the powder of bones, that it may shine the whiter; sometimes with blacke felt, curiously painted with vines, trees, birds, and beasts. The breadth of the Carts are eighteene or twenty foot, but the house stretcheth foure or five foot over each side, and is drawne with ten or twelve, or for more state, twenty Camels and Oxen. They have also great baskets, made of smaller wickers like great chests, with a covering of the same, all covered over with blacke felt, rubbed over with tallow and sheeps milke to keepe out the raine ; prettily bedecked with painting or feathers : in those they put their house- hold stuffe and treasure, drawne upon other carts for that purpose. When they take downe their houses, they set the doore alwayes towards the South ; and their carts thirtie or fortie foot distant on each side, East and West, as if they were two walls : the women also have most curious carts ; every one of his wives hath a great one for herselfe, and so many other for her attendants, that they seeme as many Courts, as he hath wives. One great Tartar or Nobleman, will have for his particular, more than an hundred of those houses and carts, for his severall offices and uses ; but set so farre from each other, they will seeme like a great village. Having taken their houses from the carts, they place the Master alwayes towards the North ; over whose head is alwayes an Image like a Puppet, made of felt, which they call his brother; the women on his left hand, and over the chiefe Mistris her head, such another brother; and betweene them a little one, which is the keeper of the house ; at the good wives beds-feet is a kids skinne, stuffed with wooll, and neere it a Puppet looking towards the Maids ; next the doore another, with a dried cowes udder, for the women that milke the kine, because only the men milke mares. Every morning, those (27] Images in their orders they besprinkle with that they drinke, bee it Cossmos, or what- soever ; but all the white mares milke is reserved for the J. Smith."] Aug. 1629. J Captaine Iohn Smith. 859 Prince. Then without the doore, thrice to the South, every one bowing his knee in honour of the fire; then the like to the East, in honour of the aire ; then to the West, in honour of the water; and lastly to the North, in behalfe of the dead. After the servant hath done this duty to the foure quarters of the world, he returnes into the house ; where his fellowes stand waiting, ready with two cups and two basons to give their master, and his wife that lay with him that night, to wash and drinke, who must keepe him company all the day following: and all his other wives come thither to drinke, where hee keepes his house that day ; and all the gifts presented him till night, are laid vp in her chests ; and at the doore a bench full of cups, and drinke for any of them to make merry. [1603] CHAPTER XV. T? heir feasts ; common diet ; Princes estate ; buildings ; tributes ; lawes ; slaves ; entertainment of Ambassadours. Or their feasts they have all sorts of beasts, Their feasts, birds, fish, fruits, and hearbs they can get, but the more variety of wilde ones is the best ; to which they have excellent drinke made of rice, millit, and honey, like wine ; they have also wine, but in Summer they drinke most[ly] Cossmos,that standeth ready alwayes at the entrance of the doore, and by it a fidler. When the master of the house beginneth to drinke, they all cry, ha, ha, and the fidler playes ; then they all clap their hands and dance, the men before their Masters, the women before their Mistresses : and ever when he drinks, they cry as before ; then the fidler stayeth till they drinke all round. Sometimes they will drinke for the victory ; and to provoke one to drinke, they will pull him by the ears, and lugge and draw him, to stretch and heat him, clapping their hands, stamping with their feet, and dancing before 860 The Travells and Adventures of [au^S*' [1603] the champions, offering them cups, then draw them backe againe to increase their appetite : and thus continue till they be drunke, or their drinke done, which they hold an honour, and no infirmity. Their com- Though the ground be fertile, they sow little corne, yet the Gentlemen have bread and hony-wine ; grapes they have plenty, and wine privately, and good flesh and fish ; but the common sort [drink] stamped millit, mingled with milke and water. They call Cassa for meat, and drinke any thing ; also any beast unprofitable for service they kill, when they are like to die, or however they die, they will eat them, guts liver and all : but the most fleshy parts they cut in thinne slices, and hang it up in the Sunne and wind without salting, where it will dry so hard, it will not putrifie in a long time. A Ramme they esteeme a great feast among forty or fiftie, which they cut in peeces boiled or roast ; puts it in a great bowle with salt and water, for other sauce they have none : the master of the feast [28] giveth every one a peece ; which he eateth by himselfe, or carrieth away with him. How they Thus their hard fare makes them so infinite in Cattell; populous, and their great number of captived women to breed vpon, makes them so populous. But neere the Christian frontiers, the baser sort make little cottages of wood, called Vlusi, daubed over with durt and beasts dung, covered with sedge. Yet in Summer they leave them, beginning their progresse in Aprill, with their wives, children, and slaves, in their carted houses, scarce convenient for foure or five persons ; driving their flocks towards Perecopya, and sometimes into Taurica, or Osow, a towne upon the river Tanais, which is great and swift, where the Turke hath a garrison : and in October returne againe to their Cottages. Their Clothes are the skinnes of dogges, goats, and sheepe, lined with cotten cloath, made of their finest wooll : for of their worst they make their felt, which they use in aboundance, as well for shooes and caps, as houses, beds, and Idolls ; also of the coarse wooll mingled with horse haire, they make all their cordage. Th«r Notwithstanding this wandring life, their Princes sit in fuS!" great state upon beds, or carpits ; and with great reverence Aug^'.] Captaine IohnSmith. 86 i are attended both by men and women, and richly served [1603] in plate, and great silver cups, delivered upon the knee, attired in rich furres, lined with plush, or taffity, or robes of tissue. These Tartars possesse many large and goodly plaines, wherein feed innumerable herds of horse and cattell, as well wilde as tame ; which are Elkes, Bisones, Horses, Deere, Sheepe, Goates, Swine, Beares, and divers others. In those countries are the ruines of many faire Monas- An.^nt teries, Castles, and Cities, as Bacasaray, Salutium, Almas- ings* sary, Perecopya, Cremum, Sedacom, Capha, and divers others by the Sea, but all kept with strong garrisons for the great Turke, who yearely by trade or trafficke, receiveth the chiefe commodities those fertile countries afford, as Bezer, Commodi- Rice, Furres, Hides, Butter, Salt, Cattell, and Slaves ; yet SbSto by the spoiles they get from the secure and idle Christians, the Turkc- they maintaine themselves in this Pompe. Also their wives, of whom they have as many as they will, very costly, yet in a constant custome with decency. They are Mahometans, as are the Turks, from whom also Ge°tod(Jawes they have their Lawes ; but no Lawyers, nor Attournies, KryS*. onely Iudges, and Iustices in every Village, or Hordia : but capitall criminalls, or matters of moment, before the Chan himselfe, or Priuie Counsells, of whom they are alwayes heard, and speedily discharged. For any may have accesse at any time to them, before whom they appeare with great reverence, adoring their Princes as Gods, and their spirituall Iudges as Saints ; for Iustice is with such integrity and expedition executed, without covetousnesse, bribery, partiality, and brawling, that in six moneths they have sometimes scarce six causes to heare. About the Princes court none but his guard weares any weapon ; but abroad they goe very strong, because there are many bandytos, and Theeves. They use the Hungarians, Russians, Wallachians, and Th«irs Moldavian slaves (whereof they have plenty) as beasts to every worke : and those Tartars that serve the Chan, or noblemen, have only victuall and apparell ; the rest are generally nasty, and idle, naturally miserable, and in their warres, better theeves than souldiers. [29] This Chan hath yeerely a Donative from the King of 862 The Travells and Adventures of r J. Smith. l_Aug. 1629. [1603] His enter- tainment of Ambassa- dours. Poland, the Dukes of Lituania, Moldavia, and Nagagon Tartars; their Messengers commonly he useth bountifully, and verie nobly, but sometimes most cruelly. When any of them doth bring their Presents, by his houshold Officers they are entertained in a plaine field, with a moderate proportion of flesh, bread and wine, for once ; but when they come before him, the Sultaines, Tuians, Vlans, Markies, his chiefe Officers and Councellors attend. One man only bringeth the Ambassadour to the Court gate, but to the Chan he is led betweene two Councellors ; where saluting him upon their bended knees, declaring their message, [they] are admitted to eat with him, and presented with a great silver cup full of Mead from his owne hand, but they drinke it upon their knees. When they are dispatched, he invites them againe. The feast ended, they go backe a little from the Palace doore ; and [are] rewarded with silke vestures wrought with gold downe to their anckles, with an horse or two, and sometimes a slave of their owne Nation. In them [those] robes presently they come to him againe, to give him thankes, take their leave, and so depart. CHAPTER XVI. How he levieth ai Annie. How he levieth an Armie ; their Armes and Pro- vision ; how he divide th the spoile ; and his service to the Great Turke. Hen he intends any warres, he must first have leave of the Great Turke, whom hee is bound to assist when hee commandeth ; receiving daily for himselfe and chiefe of his Nobilitie, pensions from the Turke, that holds all Kings but slaves that pay tribute or are subject to any : signifying his intent to all his subjects, within a moneth commonly he raiseth his Armie, and everie man is to furnish himselfe for three moneths victuals ; which is parched Millit, or grownd to AJugSS£] Captaine Iohn Smith. 863 meale, which they ordinarily mingle with water (as is [1603] said), hard cheese or cruds dried and beaten to powder, a little will make much water like milke, and dried flesh, this they put also up in sackes. The Chan and his Nobles have some bread and Aquavitce, and quicke [live] cattell to kill when they please, wherewith verie sparingly they are contented. Being provided with expert Guides, and got into the Countrey he intends to invade ; he sends forth his Scouts to bring in what prisoners they can, from whom he will wrest the utmost of their knowledge fit for his purpose : having advised with his Councell, what is most lit to be done, the Nobilitie, according to their antiquitie, doth march ; then moves he with his whole Armie. If hee finde there is no enemie to oppose him, he adviseth how farre they shall invade : commanding everie man (upon paine of his life) to kill all the obvious Rusticks ; but not to hurt any women, or children. Ten, or fifteene thousand, he commonly placeth, where '^i^nact hee findeth most convenient for his standing Campe ; the wJrls. rest of his Armie hee divides [30] in several troops, bearing ten or twelve miles square before them, and ever within three or foure dayes [they] returne to their Campe, putting all to fire and sword but that they carrie with them backe to their Campe ; and in this scattering manner he will invade a Countrey, and be gone with his prey, with an incredible expedition. But if he understand of an enemie, he will either fight in Ambuscado, or flie ; for he will never fight any battel if he can chuse, but upon treble advantage : yet by his innumerable flights of arrowes, I have seene flie from his flying troopes, we could not well judge, whether his fighting or flying was most dangerous, so good is his horse, and so expert his bow-men. But if they be so intangled they must fight, there is none can bee more hardy, or resolute in their defences. Regaining his owne borders, he takes the tenth of the J[™ehsethe principall captives, man, woman, childe, or beast (but his spoik? captaines that take them, will accept of some particular person they best like for themselves) : the rest are divided amongst the whole Armie, according to every mans desert, 864 The Travells and Adventures of [AigfSsS: [1603] and quality ; that they keepe them, or sell them to \vho[m] will give most. But they will not forget to use all the meanes they can, to know their estates, friends, and quality ; and the better they finde you, the worse they will use you, till you doe agree to pay such a ransome, as they will impose upon you : therefore many great persons have endured much misery to conceale themselves, because their ransomes are so intolerable. Their best hope is of some Christian Agent, that many times commeth to re- deeme slaves, either with mony, or man for man : those Agents knowing so well the extreme covetousnesse of the Tartars, doe use to bribe some lew or Merchant, that feigning they will sell them againe to some other nation, are oft redeemed for a very small ransome. Howth* But to this Tartarian Armie, when the Turke commands, ■rathe he goeth with some small artillery; and the Nagagians, grtut Turkt. perecopenSf Crimes, Osovens, and Cersessians, are his tribu- taries ; but the Petigorves, Oczacotiians, Byalogordens, and Dobrueen Tartars, the Turke by covenant commands to follow him ; so that from all those Tartars he hath had an Army of an hundred and twenty thousand excellent, swift, stomackfull Tartarian horse ; for foot they have none. Now the Chan, his Sultaines and nobility, use Turkish, Caramanian, Arabian, Parthian, and other strange Tartarian horses ; the swiftest they esteeme the best : seldome they feede any more at home, than they have present use for; but upon their plaines is a short wodde like heath, in some countries like gaile, full of berries, farre much better than any grasse. TheirAimes. Their Armes are such as they have surprised or got from the Christians or Persians, both brest-plates, swords, semiteres, and helmets ; bowes and arrowes they make most[ly] themselves, also their bridles and saddles are indif- ferent: but the nobility are very handsome [ly] , and well armed like the Turkes, in whom consisteth their greatest glory. The ordinary sort have little armor, some a plaine young pole unshaven, headed with a peece of iron for a lance ; some an old Christian pike, or a Turks cavatine : yet those tattertimallions will have two or three horses, some [31] foure, or five, as well for service, as for to eat ; which makes their Armies seem thrice so many as there are souldiers. AigsSj:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 865 The Chan himselfe hath about his person ten thousand [1603] chosen Tartars and Janizaries, some small Ordnance : and a white mares taile with a peece of greene taffity, on a great Pike, is carried before him for a standard ; because they hold no beast so precious as a white mare ; whose milke is onely for the King and nobility, and to sacrifice to their Idolls ; but the rest have ensignes of divers colours. For all this miserable knowledge, furniture, and equi- page, the mischiefe they doe in Christendome is wonderfull : by reason of their hardnesse of life and constitution, obe- dience, agilitie, and their Emperours bountie, honours, grace, and dignities he ever bestoweth upon those that have done him any memorable service in the face of his enemies. The Caspian Sea, most men agree that have passed it, £0^fX to be in length about 200. leagues, and in breadth an casta* hundred and fifty : environed to the East, with the great desarts of the Tartars of Turkamane ; to the West, by the Circasses, and the mountaine Caucasus ; to the North, by the river Volga, and the land of Nagay ; and to the South, by Media, and Persia. This sea is fresh water in many places, in others as salt as the great Ocean. It hath many great rivers which fall into it, as the mighty river of Volga, which is like a sea, running neere two thousand miles, through many great and large Countries, that send into it many other great rivers : also out of Saberya, Yaick, and Yem, out of the great mountaine Caucasus, the river Sirus, Arash, and divers others; yet no Sea neerer it than the blacke Sea, which is at least an hundred leagues distant. In which Country live the Georgians, now part Armenians, part Nestorians. It is neither found to increase or diminish, or empty it selfe any way, except it be under ground; and in some places they can findeno ground at two hundred fadome. Many other most strange and wonderfull thirgs are in the land of Cathay towards the North-east, and Chyna to- wards the South-east : where are many of the most famous Kingdomes in the world; where most arts, plenty, and curiosities are in such abundance, as might seeme incre- dible, which hereafter I will relate, as I have briefly gathered from such authors as have lived there. 55 866 The Travells and Adventures of UigfTSS: CHAPTER XVII. How captaine Smith escaped his captivity ; slew the Bashaw 0/Nalbrits in Cambia; his passage to Russia, Transilvania, and the middest of Europe to Affrica. [1603] r~^w£LL the hope he had ever to be delivered from now smith jffl$\yQ? ^is thraldome was only the love of Tragabig- ^tmtyk"5 ftzffi5VMw zanda, who surely was ignorant of his bad uSwflKiJu usage . for although he had often debated the l#.a76,854.] matter with some Christians, that had beene there a long time slaves, they could not finde how to make an escape, by any reason or possibility ; but God beyond [32] mans expectation or imagination helpeth his servants, when they least thinke of helpe, as it hapned to him. So long he lived in this miserable estate, as he became a thresher at a grange in a great field, more than a league from the Tymors house [at Nalbrits]. The Bashaw as he oft used to visit his granges, visited him ; and tooke occasion so to beat, spume, and revile him, that [Smith] forgetting all reason, he beat out the Tymors braines with his thresh- ing bat, for they have no flailes : and seeing his estate could be no worse than it was, clothed himselfe in his clothes, hid his body under the straw, filled his knapsacke with come, shut the doores, mounted his horse, and ranne into the desart at all adventure. Two or three dayes thus fearfully wandring he knew not whither, and well it was he met not any to aske the way. Being even as taking leave of this miserable world, God did direct him to the great way or Castragan, as they call it, which doth crosse these large territories, and [is] generally knowne among them by these markes. Their guides In every crossing of this great way is planted a post, CoantaL. and m it so many bobs with broad ends, as there be wayes, and every bob the figure painted on it, that demonstrated to what part that way leadeth ; as that which pointeth towards the Cryms Country, is marked with a halfe Moone, Aug^S:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 867 if towards the Georgians and Persia, a blacke man, full of [1603] white spots ; if towards China, the picture of the Sunne ; if towards Muscovia, the signe of a Crosse ; if towards the habitation of any other Prince, the figure whereby his standard is knowne. To his dying spirits, thus God added some comfort in this melancholy journey : wherein if he had met any of that vilde generation, they had made him their slave ; or knowing the figure engraven in the iron about his necke, (as all slaves have) he had beene sent backe againe to his master. Sixteene dayes he travelled in this feare and torment, after the Crosse, till he arrived at Mcopolis, upon the river Dony a garrison of the Muscovites. The governour after due examination of those his hard events, tooke off his irons, and so kindly used him, he thought himselfe new risen from death ; and the good Lady Callamata, largely supplied all his wants. !/• 2?6-i This is as much as he could learne of those wilde SSription Countries, that the Country of Cambia is two dayes jJJ'jjj3** journ[e]y from the head of the great river Bruapo, which JLageto springeth from many places of the mountaines of Inna- gachi, that joyne themselves together in the Poole Kerkas ; which they account for the head, and falleth into the Sea Dissabacca, called by some the lake Meotis, which receiveth also the river Tanais, and all the rivers that fall from the great Countries of the Circassi, the Cartaches, and many from the Tauricaes, Precopes, Cummani, Cossunka, and the Cryme. Through which Sea he sailed, and up the river Bruapo to Nalbrits, and thence through thedesarts of Circassi to Mcoplis, as is related; where he stayed with the Governour, till the Convoy went to Coragnaw. Then with his certificate how hee found him, and had examined [him], with his friendly letters [he] sent him by Zumalacke to Caragnaw : whose Governour in like manner so kindly use him, that by this meanes he went with a safe conduct to Letch, and Donka, in Cologoske, and thence to Berniske, and Newgrod in Seberia, by Rezechica, upon the river Niper in the confines [33] of Littuania. From whence with as much kindnesse he was convoyed in like manner Russia. 868 The Travells and Adventures of [a^SS [1603] by Coroski, Duberesko, Duzihell, Drohobus, and Ostroge in Volonia ; Saslaw and Lasco in Podolia ; Halico and Collonia in Poloiiia; and so to Hermonstat in Transilvania. In all his life he seldome met with more respect, mirth, content, and entertainment : and not any Governour where he came, but gave him somewhat as a present, besides his charges ; seeing themselves as subject to the like calamity. t?<£s1nShSa" Through those poore continually forraged Countries joumey toS there is no passage, but with the Carravans or Convoyes; wZSa,'1' for they are Countries rather to be pitied, than envied ; midsUtgohfthe an(* ^ *s a wonder any should make warres for them. Europe The Villages are onely here and there a few houses of straight Firre trees, laid heads and points above one another, made fast by notches at the ends more than a mans height, and with broad split boards, pinned together with woodden pinnes, as thatched for coverture. In ten Villages you shall scarce finde ten iron nailes, except it be in some extraordinary mans house. For their Townes, JEcopolis, Letch, and Donko, have rampiers made of that woodden walled fashion, double, and betwixt them earth and stones ; but so latched with crosse timber, they are very strong against any thing but fire ; and about them a deepe ditch, and a Palizado of young Firre trees : but most of the rest have only a great ditch cast about them, and the ditches earth is all their rampier ; but round well environed with Palizadoes. Some have some few small peeces of small Ordnance, and slings, calievers, and muskets; but their generallest weapons are the Russe bowes and arrowes. You shall find pavements over bogges, onely of young Firre trees laid crosse one over another, for two or three houres journey, or as the passage requires : and yet in two dayes travell you shall scarce see six habitations. Notwithstanding, to see how their Lords, Governours, and Captaines are civilized, well attired and acoutred with Iewells, Sables, and Horses, and after their manner with curious furniture, it is wonderfull : but they are all Lords or slaves, which makes them so subject to every invasion. In Transilvania he [i.e., Smith] found so many good friends, AugsT6!2:] Captaine IohnSmith. 869 that but to see and rejoyce himselfe (after all those [1603-4] encounters) in his native Country, he would ever hardly have left them ; though the mirrour of vertue, their Prince, was absent. Being thus glutted with content, and neere drowned with joy ; he passed high Hungaria by Fileck, Tocka, Cassovia, and Vnderoroway, by Vlmicht, in Moravia, to Prague in Bohemia : at last he found the most gracious Prince Sigismundus, with his Colonell [Henry Volda, Earl of M eldritch, pp. 842, 852], at Lipswick in Misenland: who gave him his Passe [9 Dec. 1603, see p. 845], intimating the service he had done, and the honours he had received, with fifteene hundred ducats [ = about £500] of gold to repaire his losses. With this, he spent some time to visit the faire Cities and Countries of Drasdon in Saxonie, Magdaburg and Brunswicke ; Cassell in Hessen ; Wittenberg, Vllum, and Minikin in Bavaria; Aughsbrough, and her Vniversities ; Hama, Franckford, Mentz, the Palatinate ; Wormes, Speyre, and Strausborough ; passing Nancie in Loraine, and France by Paris to Orleans, hee went down the river of Loyer, to Angiers, and imbarked himselfe at Nantz in Britanny, for Bilbao in Biskay, to see Burgos, [34] Valiadolid, the admired monasterie of the Escuriall, Madrill, Toledo, C or dua, Cuedyriall, Civill, Cheryes, Coles, and Saint Lucas in Spaine. CHAPTER XVIII. The observations of Captaine Smith, Master Henrie Archer and others in Barbaric Eingthus satisfied with Europe and Asia; under- standing of the warres in Barbarie, hee went from Gibralter to Guta and Tanger, thence to Saffee : where growing into acquaintance with a French man of warre, the Captaine and some twelve more went to Morocco, to see the ancient monuments of that large renowned Citie. It was once the principall 870 The Trave lis and Adventures of [xL^*: 11604] Citie in Barbarie, situated in a goodly plaine Countrey, 14 miles from the great Mount Atlas, and sixtie miles from the Atlanticke Sea; but now little remaining, but the Kings Palace, which is like a Citie of it selfe, and the Christian Church, on whose flat square steeple is a The three great brouch of iron, whereon is placed the three golden rf!^£-|«!s Bals of Affrica : the first is neere three Ells in circum- ference, the next above it somewhat lesse, the uppermost the least over them, as it were an halfe Ball, and over all a prettie guilded Pyramides. Against those golden Bals hath been shot many a shot. Their weight is recorded 700. weight [784 lbs.] of pure gold, hollow within, yet no shot did ever hit them, nor could ever any Conspirator attaine that honor as to get them downe. They report the Prince of Morocco betrothed himselfe to the Kings Daughter of ^Ethiopia, he dying before their marriage, she caused those three golden Balls to be set up for his Monument, and Thedescrip- vowed virginitie all her life. TheAlfantica is also a place iiforaro. of note, because it is invironed with a great wall, wherein lye the goods of all the Merchants securely guarded. The Iuderea is also (as it were) a Citie of it selfe, where dwell the Iewes : the rest for the most part is defaced : but by the many pinnacles and towers, with Balls on their tops, hath much appearance of much sumptuousnesse and curiositie. There have been many famous Universities, which are now but stables for Fowles and Beasts, and the houses in most parts lye tumbled one above another. The walls of Earth are with the great fresh flouds washed to the ground ; nor is there any village in it, but tents for Strangers, Larbes [Mountainers, p. 873] and Moores. Strange tales they will tell of a great Garden, wherein were all sorts of Birds, Fishes, Beasts, Fruits and Foun- taines, which for beautie, Art, and pleasure, exceeded any place knowne in the world ; though now nothing but dung-hils, Pigeon-houses, shrubs and bushes. There are yet many excellent fountaines adorned with marble, and many arches, pillers, towers, ports and Temples ; but most only reliques of lamentable ruines and sad desolation. AWoudie When Mully Hamet reigned in Barbarie, he had three sonnes, Mully Shecke, Mully Stdan, and Mully Befferres. He a most good and noble King, that governed well with Aug^:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 871 peace and plentie, till his Empresse, more cruell [35] than [1604] any beast in Affrica, poysoned him, her owne daughter, Mully Shecke his eldest sonne borne of a Portugall Ladie, and his daughter; to bring Mully Sidan to the Crowne now reigning : which was the cause of all those brawles and warres that followed betwixt those Brothers, their children, and a Saint that start [ed] up (but he played the Devill). King Mully Hamet was not blacke, as many suppose, Kbgjfirf/, but Molata, or tawnie, as are the most of his subjects ; tinGm™ everie way noble, kinde and friendly, verie rich and %£$%}! pompous in State and Majestie: though hee sitteth not upon a Throne nor Chaire of Estate, but crosse legged upon a rich Carpet, as doth the Turke ; whose Religion of Mahomet, with an incredible miserable curiositie they observe. His Ordinarie Guard is at least 5000; but in progresse he goeth not with lesse than 20000. horsemen : himselfe as rich in all his Equipage, as any Prince in Christendome, and yet a Contributor to the Turke, In all his Kingdome were so few good Artificers, that hee JJjJ *Jeat entertained from England, Gold-smiths, Plummers, Carvers, Engiuh. and Polishers of stone, and Watch-makers : so much hee men* delighted in the reformation of workmanship, hee allowed each of them ten shillings a day standing fee, linnen, woollen, silkes, and what they would for diet and apparell ; and custome-free to transport, or import what they would; for there were scarce any of those qualities in his King- domes but those, of which there are divers of them living at this present [1629] in London. Amongst the rest, one Master Henry Archer, a Watch- maker, walking in Morocco, from the A Ifantica to the Iuderea, the way being verie foule, met a great Priest, or a Sante (as they call all great Clergy-men) who would have thrust him into the durt for the way; but Archer, not knowing what he was, gave him a box on the eare : presently he was apprehended, and condemned to have his tongue cut out, and his hand cut off ; but no sooner it was knowen at the Kings Court, but 300. of his Guard came, and broke open the Prison, and delivered him, although the fact was next degree to Treason. Concerning this Archer, there is one thing more worth 872 The Travells and Adventures of [au^T^ [1604] noting: Not farre from Mount Atlas, a great Lionesse in The strange the heat of the day, did use to bathe her selfe, and teach Lyon. a her young Puppies to swimme in the river Cauzeff, of a good bredth ; yet she would carrie them one after another over the river: which some Moores perceiving watched their opportunitie, and when the river was betweene her and them, stole foure of her whelps ; which she perceiving, with all the speed shee could passed the river, and comming neere them they let fall a whelpe (and fled with the rest) which she tooke in her mouth, and so returned to the rest. A Male and a Female of those they gave Master Archer, who kept them in the Kings Garden, till the Male killed the Female ; then he brought it up as a Puppy-dog lying upon his bed, till it grew so great as a Mastiffe, and no dog more tame or gentle to them hee knew : but being to returne for England, at Saffee he gave him to a Merchant of Marsellis, that presented him to the French King, who sent him to King lames, where it was kept in the Tower seven yeeres. After, one Master John Bull, then servant to Master Archer, with divers of his friends, went to see the Lyons, not knowing any thing at all of him ; yet this rare beast smelled him before hee [36] saw him, whining, groaning, and tumbling, with such an expression of acquaintance ; that being informed by the Keepers how hee came thither, Master Bull so prevailed, the Keeper opened the grate, and Bull went in : But no Dogge could fawne more on his Master, than the Lyon on him, licking his feet, hands, and face, skipping and tumbling to and fro, to the wonder of all the beholders ; being satisfied with his acquaintance, he made shift to get out of the grate. But when the Lyon saw his friend gone ; no beast by bellowing, roaring, scratch- ing, and howling, could expresse more rage and sorrow : nor in foure dayes after would he either eat or drinke. Another In Morocco, the Kings Lyons are all together in a Court, -mMor^S. invironed with a great high wall; to those they put a young Puppy-dogge : the greatest Lyon had a sore upon his necke, which this Dogge so licked that he was healed: the Lyon defended him from the furie of all the rest, nor durst they eat till the Dogge and he had fed ; this Dog grew great, and lived amongst them many yeeres after. AugSS:J Captaine IohnSmith. Sj?> Fez also is a most large and plentifull Countrey, the [1604] chiefe Citie is called Fez, divided into two parts ; old Fez Th.e [which was] in two or three years but one ironical de- Hogshead of Claret. Onely spending my time to revenge scnption of °. . xU u i • *. o i themaii- my imprisonment upon the harmlesse innocent Salvages, agafnit^fs" who by my cruelty I forced to feed me with their contribu- tes ^lon » anc* to senc* anv [who] offended my idle humour to lames towne to punish at mine owne discretion ; or keepe their Kings and subjects in chaines, and make them worke. Things cleane contrary to my Commission ; whilst I and my company tooke our needlesse pleasures in dis- covering the Countries about us, building of Forts, and such unnecessary fooleries, where an Egge-shell (as they writ) had beene sufficient against such enemies ; neglecting to answer the Merchants expectations with profit, feeding the Company onely with Letters and tastes of such com- modities as we writ the Country would afford in time by industry, as Silke, Wines, Oyles of Olives, Rape, and Linsed, Rasons, Prunes, Flax, Hempe, and Iron. As for Tobacco, wee never then dreamt of it. Now because I sent not their ships full fraught home with those commodities ; they kindly writ to me, if we [A 44*1 failed the next returne, they would leave us there as banished men, as if houses and all those commodities did grow naturally, only for us to take at our pleasure ; with Astranjrt such tedious Letters, directions, and instructions, and »£?£».* most contrary to that was fitting, we did admire [wonder] how it was possible such wise men could so torment themselves an(i_us with such strange absurdities and ^impossibilities:' 'making Religion their colour, when all atheir aime was nothing but present profit, as most plainly \ppearec^ by sending us so many Refiners, Gold-smiths, Iewellers, Lapidaries, Stone-cutters, Tobacco-pipe-makere, Imbroderers, Perfumers, Silkemen, with [not only] all their appurtenances but materialls, and all those had great summes out of the common stocke; and [were] so many spies and super-intendents over us, as if they supposed we would turne Rebels, all striving[5] to suppresse and advance they knew not what. dwfSfeS or a Path- way to erect the Plantation. 929 At last [they] got a Commission in their owne names, [1609 24] promising the King custome within seven yeares, where [as] we were free for one and twenty; appointing the Lord De-la-ware for Governour, with as many great and stately officers, and offices under him, as doth belong to a great Kingdome, with good summes for their extraordinary expences; also privileges for Cities; Charters for Corpora- tions, Universities, Free-scholes, and Glebe-land ; putting all those in practice before there was either people, students, or schollers to build or use them, or provision or victuall to feed them [that] were then there : and to amend this, most of the Tradesmen in London that would adventure but twelue pounds ten shillings, had the furnishing [of] the Company of all such things as belonged to his trade, such jug[g]ling there was betwixt them, and such intru- ding Committies [Committee men] their associats, that all the trash they could get in London was sent us to Virginia, they being well payed [as] for that [which] was good. Much they blamed us for not converting the Salvages,* when those they sent us were little better, if not worse ;W nor did they all, convert any of those [natives] we sent them to England for that purpose. So doating of Mines of gold, and the South Sea; that all the world could not have devised better courses to bring us to ruine than they did themselves, with many more such like strange conceits. By this you may avoid the like inconveniences, and take heed by those examples, you have not too many irons in the fire at once ; neither such change of Governours, nor such a multitude of Officers; neither more Masters, Gentle- men, Gentlewomen, and children, than you have men to worke, which idle charge you will finde very troublesome, and the effects dangerous : and one hundred good labourers $' *|*] better than a thousand such Gallants as were sent me, that would doe nothing but complaine, curse, and despaire,* when they saw our miseries and all things so clean contrary |ty\ to the report in England; yet must I provide as well for them as for my selfe. [6] 59 930 Advertisements for the unexperienced, [<£t! Smith 1630. CHAPTER II. Needle sse custome, effect of flattery, cause of misery, factions, carelesse government, the dissolving the Company and Patent. [1607-9] Jj^Ej] JjjrHis the Mariners and Saylers did ever all they could to conceale ; who had alwayes good fare, and good pay for the most part, and part out of our owne purses: never caring how long they stayed upon their voyage, daily feasting before our faces; when wee lived upon a little corne and water, and not halfe enough of that, the most of which we had from amongst the Salvages. Now although there be Deere in the woods, Fish in the rivers, and Fowles in abundance in their seasons : yet the woods are so wide, the rivers so broad, and the beasts so wild, and wee so unskilfull to catch them, wee little troubled them nor they us. For all this, our letters that still signified unto them the plaine truth, would not be beleeved, because they required such things as was most necessary : but their opinion was otherwayes, for they desired but to packe over so many as they could, saying necessity would make them get victuals for themselves, as for good labourers they were more usefull here in England. But they found it otherwayes ; the charge was all one to tM 487,616.] send a workman as a roarer ; whose clamors to appease, we had much adoe to get fish and corne to maintaine them from one supply till another came with more loyterers without victuals still to make us worse and worse, for the most of them would rather starve thanworke: yet had it not beene [Miss, 472] for some few that were Gentlemen, both by birth, industry, and discretion, we could not possibly have subsisted. Takehttd Many did urge I might have forced them to it, having jf^dln0** authority that extended so farre as death : but I say, having England, neither meat, drinke, lodging, pay, nor hope of any thing or preferment ; and seeing the Merchants onely did what they listed with all they wrought for, I know not what punishment could be greater than that they indured ; octS^] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 93i which miseries caused us alwaies to be in factions : the[1609-30] most part striving [7] by any meanes to abandon the Country, and I with my party to prevent them and cause them stay. But indeed the cause of our factions was bred here in England, and grew to that maturity among them- selves that spoyled all, as all the Kingdome and other Nations can too well testifie. Yet in the yeare 1622. there were about seven or eight thousand English, as hath beene said [see p. 927], so well trained, secure, and well furnished, as they reported and conceited. These simple Salvages, their bosome friends, I so much oppressed, had laid their plot how to cut all their throats in a morning : and upon the 22. of March [1622], jjjjj . so innocently attempted it, they slew three hundred forty viST"' seven, set their houses on fire, slew their cattell, and brought them to that distraction and confusion [that] within lesse than a yeare, there were not many more than two thousand remaining. The which losse to repaire the company did what they could, till they had consumed all their stocke [capital] as is said : then they broke [became bankrupt], not making any account, nor giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters, Adventurers, nor any ; whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate businesse to a few that lost not by it. So that his Majesty recalled their Commission H<™the [June 1624] : and [that] by more iust cause then they £S. perswaded King lames to call in ours [in 1609], which were the first beginners, without our knowledge or consent, disposing of us and all our indevours at their pleasures. CHAPTER III. A great comfort to new England, // is no Hand: a strange plague. Otwithstanding since they have beene left in Tht a manner, as it were, to themselves, they $*^S2 have increased [by Oct. 1630] their numbers vt^iSa. to foure or five thousand [pp. 885-7] > an<* neere as 932 Advertisements for the vncxperienced, [JctfS^ [1606-3 many catell, with plenty of Goats: abundance of Swine Poultry and Corne, that as they report, they have suffi- cient and to spare, to entertaine three or foure hundred people, which is much better than to have many people more than provision. Now having glutted the world with their too [8] much overabounding Tabacco : Reason, or necessity, or both, will cause them, I hope, [to] learne in time better to fortifie themselves, and make better use of the trials of their r/.9a7j grosse commodities that I have propounded, and at the first sent over : and were it not a lamentable dishonour so goodly a Countrey after so much cost, losse, and trouble, should now in this estate not bee regarded and supplied. Agrtat And to those of New-England may it not be a great comfort for comfort to have so neare a neighbour of their owne Nation, vFrf£3"r tnat mav furnish them with their spare cattell, swine, (A 893.] poultry, and other roots and fruits, much better than from England. But I feare the seed of envy, and the rust of covetousnesse doth grow too fast, for some would have all men advance Virginia to the ruine of New-England ; and others the losse of Virginia to sustaine New-Englandf which God of his mercy forbid : for at first it was intended by that most memorable Judge Sir Iohn Popham, then Lord chief e Justice of England, and the Lords of his Majesties Privy Councel, with divers others, that two Colonies should be planted, as now they be, for the better strengthening each other against all occurrences; thewhich to performe, shall ever be my hearty prayers to Almighty God, to increase and continue that mutuall love betwixt them for ever. The By this you may perceive somewhat, what unexpected differences J . J • -j i A *> • n tetwixt the inconveniences are incident to a plantation, especially vSiniaf °f m sucn a multitude of voluntary contributers, superfluity -»« ; .,, T °, , ' L J 731-736.] with a Jury-Mast. The third was intercepted by English and French 1616- Pyrats, by my trecherous company that betrayed me to them ; who ran away with my Ship and all that I had : such enemies the Sailers were to a Plantation, and the greatest losse being mine, [they] did easily excuse them- selves to the Merchants in England, that still provided to follow the fishing. Much difference there was betwixt the Londoners and the Westerlings to ingrosse it, who now would adventure thousands, that when I went first would not adventure a groat ; yet there went foure or five good Ships : but what by their dissention, and the Turkes men of warre that tooke the best of them in the Straits, they scarce saved themselves this yeare. At my returne from France [Dec. 1615], I did my best to [#.«7»7«o.i have united them ; but that had beene more than a worke for Hercules, so violent is the folly of greedy covetousnesse. 938 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JcuTe^ CHAPTER VI. A description of the Coast y Harbours, Habitations, Landmarks, Latitude, Longitude, with the map. His Country wee now speake of, lyeth betwixt 41. and 44^, the very meane for heat and cold betwixt the Equinoctiall and the North Pole, 1i£SoTtk (Sfi&r&Q in which I have sounded about five and twenty country. verv g00& Harbors ; in many [14] whereof is Anc [h]orage for fiue hundred good ships of any burden, in some of them for a thousand : and more than three hundred lies overgrowne with good timber, or divers sorts of other woods ; in most of them (in their seasons) plenty of wilde fruits, Fish, and Fowle, and pure springs of most excellent water pleasantly distilling from their rockie foundations. The principal habitations I was at North-ward, was Pennobscot, who are in warres with the Terentines, their next Northerly neighbours. Southerly up the Rivers, and along the Coast, wee found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca : to those belong the Countries and people, of Segotago, Pauhuntanuck, Poco- passum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masher- osqueck, Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To these are alied in confederacy, the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeck. All these for any thing I could perceive differ little in language or any thing, though most of them be Sagamos, and Lords of themselves ; yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next is Mattahunt, Totunt, Massachuset, Paconekick, \tp. i92, 707.] then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet, the lies of Nawset and Capawuck : neere which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the maine Sea twenty leagues ; and [are] very dangerous betwixt the degrees of 40. and 41. Now beyond Cape Cod, the land extendeth it selfe JctS?63of] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 939 Southward to Virginia, Florida, the West Indies, the [1614-16] Amazons and Brasele, to the straits of Magelanus, two and fifty degrees Southward beyond the Line ; all those great Countries, differing as they are in distance North or South from the Equinoctiall, in temper, heat, cold, Woods, Fruits, Fishes, Beasts, Birds, the increase and decrease of the night and day, to six moneths day and six moneths night. £*££^ Some say, many of those Nations are so brute [brutish] they tiVi^eive have no Religion, wherein surely they may be deceived; for %Zetlde?£ my part I never saw nor heard of any Nation in the world nighu which had not Religion, Deare, [15] Bowes, and Arrowes. Those in New-England, I take it, beleeve much alike as J*g^ those in Virginia, of many divine Powers, yet of one above * lsl°n' the rest; as the Southerly Virginians call their chiefe %7]5'321' God Kewassa, and that we now inhabit Okee : but all their Kings Werowances. The Massachusets call their great God Kichian, and their Kings Sachemes ; and that we suppose their Devill, they call Habamouk. The Pennobscots, their God, Tantum ; their Kings, Sagamos. About those Coun- tries are abundance of severall Nations and languages, but much alike in their simple curiosities, living and worke- manship, except the wilde estate of their chiefe Kings, &c. Of whose particular miserable magnificence (yet most \p. 71*] happy in this, that they neuer trouble themselues with such variety of Apparell, Drinkes, Viands, Sawses, Perfumes, Perservatives, and niceties as we; yet live as long, and much more healthfull and hardy) : also the deities of their chiefest Gods, Priests, Conjurers, Religion, Temples, Triumphs, Physicke, and Chirurgerie; their births, educations, duty of their women, exercise for their men ; how they make all their Instruments and Engines to cut downe Trees, make their Cloaths, Boats, Lines, Nets, Fish-hooks, We[i]res, and Traps, Mats, Houses, Pots, Platters, Morters, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, Swords, Clubs, Jewels, and Hatchets. Their severall sorts of Woods, Serpents, Beasts, Fish, Fowle, Roots, Berries, Fruits, Stones, and Clay. Their best trade, what is most fit to trade with them. With the particulars of the charge of a fishing voyage, and all the necessaries belonging to it, their best countries to vent it for their best returnes ; also the particulars for every private man or family that goeth 940 Advertisements for the unexperienced, [oafSs^! [1616-17] to plant, and the best seasons to goe or returne thence ; with the particular description of the Salvages, Habita- tions, Harbours, and Land-markes, their Latitude, Longi- tude, or severall distance, with their old names and the new by the Map augmented. Lastly, the power of their Kings, obedience of their subjects, Lawes, executions, planting their Fields, Huntings, Fishings, the manner of their warres and treacheries yet knowne; and in generall, their lives and conversation, and how to bridle their brute, M* 695. 767-1 barbarous, [16j and salvage dispositions: of all these par- ticulars you may reade at large in the general History of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer lies, with many more such strange actions and accidents that to an ordinary capacity might rather seeme miracles than wonders possibly to bee effected ; which though they are but wound up as bottoms of fine silke, which with a good needle might be flourished into a far larger worke, yet the Images of great things are best discerned, contracted into smaller glasses. CHAPTER VII. New Englands yearely trials, the planting of New Plimoth, suprisals prevented, their wonderful industry and fishing. 1617. ^SfpJJK"§Or a^ tnose differences there went eight tall &&***** M ^v^S sn*Ps Defbre I arrived [in Dec. 1615] in England, m F^S: fr°m France> so tnat * spent that yeare [1617] 9fe*^fe in the West Country, to perswade the Cities, t/A 241,257. Townes, and Gentrie for a Plantation ; which the Merchants very little liked, because they would have the coast free only for themselves, and the Gentlemen were doubtfull of their true accounts. 745-1 Oft and much it was so disputed, that at last they promised me the next yeere [1618] twenty saile well furnished, made me Admirall of the Country for my life under their hands octS™3o.'] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 941 and the Colonels [Colony's] Seale for New-England ; and in [1617-22] renewing their Letters Patents, to be a Patentee for my paines ; yet nothing but a voluntary fishing was effected, for all this aire. In those yeares many Ships made exceeding good 1618. voyages, some in six moneths, others in five : but one of 1619- two hundred tunne in six weekes, with eight and thirty 162°- men and boyes had her fraught, which shee sold at the Eight and first penny for one and twenty hundred pounds, besides SxZ7L her Furres. Six or seven more went out of the West, Sw and some Sailers that had but a single share, had twenty °£ndred pounds [=£80 now] and at home againe in seven moneths ; poinds which was more than such a one should have got \n^hrthof twenty moneths, had he gone for wages any where: yetr for all this, in all this time, though I had divulged to my great labour, [17] cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes and Maps, and moved the particular Companies \pp. 242, »66, in London, as also Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Merchants 748] for a Plantation, all availed no more than to hew Rocks with Oister-shels ; so fresh were the living abuses of Virginia and the Summer lies in their memories. At last, upon those inducements, some well disposed Brownists, as they are termed, with some Gentlemen and Merchants of Lay den and Amsterdam, to save charges [i.e., the expense of employing Captain Smith {pp. 892, 943)], would try their owne conclusions, though with great losse and much miserie till time had taught them to see their [pp. 243, 267 owne error ; for such humorists [fanatics] will never beleeve 771'3 well, till they bee beaten with their owne rod. They were supplied [reinforced] with a small Ship with 1621. seven and thirty passengers, who found all them [that] were left after they were seated, well all but six that died, \pp- *^A for all their poverties : in this ship they returned, the value of five hundred pounds [=£2,000 now], which was taken by a French-man upon the coast of England. There is gone from the West to fish five and thirty 1622. saile ; two from London with sixty passengers for them at gjjg and New-Plimoth : and all made good voyages. to fish. Now you are to understand, the seven and thirty pas- sengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of England, came so ill provided, they onely relyed upon that poore [#.261.761.] 942 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [ocf.T^o.' [1622-3] company they found [i.e., the Pilgrim Fathers], that had lived two yeares by their naked [simple] industry, and what the Country naturally afforded. It is true, at first, there hath beene taken a thousand Bayses [bass] at a draught, and more than twelve hogsheads of Herrings in a night ; of other fish when and what they would, when they had meanes ; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and fowling, it is a wonder how they could subsist, fortifie themselves, resist their enemies, and plant their plants. In Iuly [1622], a many of stragling forlorne Englishmen, whose wants they releeved, though [they] wanted them- selves ; the which to requite [them], destroyed their Corne and Fruits, and would have done the like to them, and have surprised what they had. The salvages also intended the like, but wisely they slew the salvage [18] Captaines ; and revenged those injuries upon the fugitive English, that would have done the like to them. CHAPTER VIII. Extremity next despaire, Gods great mercy, their estate ; they make good salt, an unknowne rich myne. 1623. ]K$5^Ji»T New-Plimoth, having planted the[i]re Fields and Gardens, such an extraordinary drought insued, all things withered, that they expected no harvest ; and having long expected a supply, they heard no newes, but [of] a wracke split upon their Coast, they supposed their Ship : thus in the very labyrinth of despaire, they solemnly assembled themselves together nine houres in prayer. At their departure, the parching faire skies [were] all overcast with blacke clouds ; and the next morning, such a pleasant moderate raine continued fourteene daies, that it was hard to say, whether their withered fruits or drooping affections were most revived. Not long after came two Ships to supply [reinforce] them, with all their Passengers well, except one, and he pre- sently recovered : for themselves, for all their wants, there JctSin63o.] or the Path- way to erect a Plantation. 943 was not one sicke person amongst them. The greater [1623-4] Ship they returned fraught with commodities. This yeare went from England, onely to fish, five and ****** forty saile, and have all made a better voyage than euer. /Sjl£lit In this Plantation there is about an hundred and foure- 1624. score persons, some Cattell, but many Swine and Poultry: their Towne containes two and thirty houses, whereof [/• 78a-] seven were burnt, with the value of five or six hundred pounds [=£2,000 or £2,400 now] in other goods ; impailed about halfe a mile, within which within a high Mount, a Fort, with a Watch-tower, well built of stone, lo[a]me, and wood, their Ordnance well mounted : and so healthfull, that of the first Planters not one hath died this three yeares [1621-1624] : yet at the first landing at Cape Cod, being an hundred passengers, besides twenty they had left behind at Plimoth, for want of good take heed, thinking to finde all things better than I advised them, spent six or seven weekes (^.960,941.1 in [19] wandring up and downe in frost and snow, wind and raine, among the woods, cricks [creeks] and swamps, forty of them died; and threescore were left in most miserable estate at New-Plimoth where their Ship left them, and but nine leagues by Sea from where they landed: whose misery and variable opinions for want of experience, oc- casioned much faction, till necessity agreed them. These disasters, losses, and uncertain ties, made such disagreement among the Adventurers in England, who beganne to repent, and [would] rather lose all than longer continue the charge, being out of purse six or seven ^ 891,910, thousand pounds ; accounting my bookes and their rela- 941] tions as old Almanacks. But the Planters, rather than leave the Country, con- cluded absolutely to supply themselves, and to all their adventurers [to] pay them for nine years two hundred pounds yearely without any other account : where more than six hundred Adventurers for Virginia, for more than two hundred thousand pounds, had not six pence. Since they have made a salt worke, wherewith they ?*%%?*' preserve all the fish they take ; and have fraughted this good**. yeare a ship of an hundred and foure score tun : living so 944 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [Jet5™1 1630, [1614-30] well they desire nothing but more company ; and what ever they take, [they] returne commodities to the value. Thus you may plainly see, although many envying [that] I should bring so much from thence, where many others had beene; and some, the sameyeare, returned withnothing, reported the Fish and Bevers I brought home, I had taken from the French men of Canada, to discourage any from beleeving me, and excuse their owne misprisions : some onely to have concealed this good Country (as is said) to their private use ; others taxed me as much of indiscretion, to make my discoveries and designes so publike for nothing, which might have beene so well managed by some concealers, to have beene all rich ere any had knowne of it. Those, and many such like wise rewards, have beene my recompences : for which I am contented, so the Country prosper, and Gods Name bee there praised by my Country- men, I have my desire : and the benefit of this salt and fish, for breeding Mariners and building [20] ships, will make so many fit men to raise a Common-wealth, if but managed, as my general history will shew you, it might well by this have beene as profitable as the best Mine the King of Spaine hath in his West Indies. An incrediblt rich mint. CHAPTER IX. Notes worth observation : miser ableness no good husbandry. Ow if you but truly consider how many strange accidents have befallen those plantations and my selfe; how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes neere despaire, and ere long flourishing ; how many scandals and Spanolized English have sought to disgrace them, bring them to mine, or at least hinder them all they could ; how many have shaven and couzened both them and me, and their most honourable supporters and well-willers : [you] cannot but conceive Gods infinite mercy both to them and me. Jcts?63^."] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 945 Having beene a slave to the Turks, prisoner amongst [1593- the most barbarous Salvages, after my deliverance com- 1630] monly discovering and ranging those large rivers and unknowne Nations with such a handful! of ignorant companions that the wiser sort often gave mee [up] for lost, alwayes in mutinies [i.e., of others] wants and miseries, blowne up with gunpowder; A long time [a] prisoner among the French Pyrats, from whom escaping in a little boat by my selfe, and adrift all such a stormy winter night, when their ships were split, more than a hundred thousand pound [= £400,000 now] lost [which] they had taken at sea, and most of them drowned upon the He of Ree, not farre from whence I was driven on shore in my little boat &c. And many a score of the worst of winter moneths [have] lived in the fields: yet to have lived neere 37. yeares [1593-1630] in the midst of wars, pestilence and famine, by which many an hundred thousand have died about mee, and scarce five living of them [that] went first with me to Virginia : and [yet to] see the fruits of my labours thus well begin to prosper: though I have but my labour for my paines, have I not much reason both privately and publikely to acknowledge it and give God thankes, whose omnipotent power onely delivered me, [21] to doe the utmost of my best to make his name knowne in \, those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy to lr such a miserable sinner. Had my designes beene to have perswaded men to a Goods m- mine of gold, as I know many have done that knew no §ij£* such matter ; though few doe conceive either the charge or paines in refining it, nor the power nor care to defend \tp. 893-4] it : or some new invention to passe to the South sea : or some strange plot to invade some strange Monastery ; or some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Charaques [carracks] : or letters of mart [marque] to rob some poore Merchant or honest fisher men : what multitudes of both people and money would contend to be first imployed. But in those noble indevours now, how few, unlesse it bee to begge them as Monopolies, and those seldome seeke the common good, but the commons goods, as the 217. the 218. and the 219. pages in the generall history [see [pp. 722-728] will shew. But only those noble Gentlemen 60 946 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [J^T^ [1620-8] and their associates, for whose better incouragements I have recollected those [? these] experienced memorandums, as an Apologie against all calumniating detracters, as well for my selfe as them. nJi'^'od ^0W s*nce tnem called Brownists went (some few husbandry, before them also having my bookes and maps, presumed they r/A 343.367, knew as much as they desired) ; many other directers they 94XI943.I10' nad. as wise as themselves, but that was best, that liked their owne conceits : for indeed they would not be knowne to have any knowledge of any but themselves, pretending onely Religion their governour, and frugality their coun- sell, when indeed it was onely their pride, and singularity, and contempt of authority; because they could not be equals, they would have no superiors. In this fooles Paradise, they so long used that good husbandry, they have payed soundly in trying their owne follies: who undertaking in small handfuls to make many plantations, and to bee severall Lords and Kings of themselves, most vanished to nothing ; to the great disparagement of the generall businesse, therefore let them take heed that doe follow their example. [22] CHAPTER X. The mistaking of Patents, strange effects, incouragements for servants. 1825. |M|KHo would not thinke that all those certainties Jf ?2* *iaW\V$ snou^ n°t have made both me and this Countrey t|\/v&2 have prospered well by this ? but it fell out C*$i?2^) otherwayes. For by the instigation of some, whose policy had long watched their opportunity by the assurance of those profitable returnes, procured new Letters Patents from King lames ; drawing in many Noble- men and others to the number of twenty, for Patentees ; dividing my map and that tract of land from the North 1627. 1628 <£??6*f) or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 947 Sea to the South Sea, East and West, which is supposed [1628-30] by most Cosmographers [to be] at least more than two J^gJ thousand miles; and from 41. degrees to 48. of Northerly great latitude about 560 miles.; the bounds Virginia to the PattnU South, and South Sea [Pacific Ocean] to the West, Canada to the North, and the maine Ocean to the East ; all this they divided into twenty parts, for which they cast lots : but no lot for me but Smiths lies, which are a many of barren rocks, the most overgrowne with such shrubs and sharpe whins you can hardly passe them ; without either grasse or wood but three or foure short shrubby old Cedars. Those Patentees procured a Proclamation, that no ship ^£1": should goe thither to fish but pay them for the publike, n™"" or as it was pretended, five pound upon every thirty tuns of En^land- shipping ; neither trade with the natives, cut downe wood, throw their balast over boord, nor plant without commission, leave and content to the Lord of that division or Manor ; some of which for some of them I beleeve will be tenant- lesse this thousand yeare. Thus whereas this Country, as the contrivers of those projects, should have planted it selfe of it selfe ; especially all the chiefe parts along the coast the first year, as they have oft told me : and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small helpe of their owne, thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be admitted under their protections : but it proved so contrary, none would [23] goe at all. So, for feare to make a contempt against the Proclamation, it hath ever since beene little frequented to any purpose : nor would they doe anything, but left it to it selfe. Thus it lay againe in a manner vast [waste], till those fj£f™? noble Gentlemen [J. Winthrop, &c] thus voluntarily under- Masters. tooke it, whom I intreat to take this as a memorandum of my love, to make your plantations so neere and great as you can ; for many hands make light worke, whereas yet your small parties can doe nothing availeable; nor stand too much upon the letting, setting, or selling those wild Countries, nor impose too much upon the commonalty either by your maggazines [victualling ships or stores, see pp. 665, 676-7] which commonly eat out all poore mens labours; nor any other too hard imposition for present gaine ; but let every man so it bee by order allotted him, 1 948 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JctS^ [1629-30] plant freely without limitation so much as hee can, bee it by the halfes or otherwayes. And at the end of five or six yeares, or when you make a division, for every acre he hath planted, let him have twenty, thirty, forty, or an hundred ; or as you finde hee hath extraordinarily deserved, by it selfe to him and his heires for ever ; all his charges being defrayed to his lord or master, and publike good. intourag* In so doing, a servant that will labour, within foure or ££w*r five yeares may live as well there as his master did here : for where there is so much land lie waste, it were a madnesse in a man at the first to buy, or hire, or pay any thing more than an acknowledgement to whom it \shall be due; and hee is double mad that will leave his (friends, meanes, and freedome in England, to be worse ithere than here. Therefore let all men have as much freedome in reason as may be, and true dealing ; for it is the greatest comfort you can give them, where the very name of servitude will breed much ill bloud, and become odious to God and man : but mildly temper correction with mercy, for I know well you will have occasion enough to use both; and in thus doing, doubtlesse God will blesse you, and quickly triple and multiply your numbers ; the which to my utmost I will doe my best indevour. [24] CHAPTER XI. The planting [of] Bastable or Salem and Charlton, a description of the Massachusets. N all those plantations, yea, of those that have done least, yet the most will say, we were the first ; and so every next supply, still the next beginner : But seeing history is the memory of time, the life of the dead, and the happinesse of the living ; because I have more plainly discovered, and described, and discoursed of those Countries than any as yet I know, I am the bolder to continue the story, and Jet8™'*:] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 949 doe all men right so neere as I can in those new beginnings, [1629] which hereafter perhaps may bee in better request than a forest of nine dayes pamphlets. In the yeare 1629. about March, six good ships are gone Their with 350. men, women, and children ; people professing /£*S!. themselves of good ranke, zeale, meanes and quality : also 150. head of cattell, as horse, mares, and neat beasts; 41. goats, some conies, with all provision for houshold and apparell; six peeces of great Ordnance for a Fort, with Muskets, Pikes, Corslets, Drums and Colours, with all provisions necessary for the good of man. They are seated about 42. degrees and 38. minutes, at a place called by the natives Naemkecke, by our Royall King Charles, Bastable ; but now by the planters, Salem : where they arrived for most part exceeding well, their cattell and all things else prospering exceedingly, farre beyond their expectation. At this place they found some reasonable good pro- The vision and houses built by some few of Dorchester, with ^SSmind whom they are joyned in society with two hundred men. Chariton. An hundred and fifty more they have sent to the Massa- chusets, which they call Charlton, or Charles Towne. I tooke the fairest reach in this Bay for a river, whereupon A d«cri£ I called it Charles river, after the name of our Royall King $*"«£.' ' Charles ; but they find that faire Channell to divide it selfe eg£* into so many faire branches as make forty or fifty pleasant Hands within that excellent Bay, [25] where the land is of divers and sundry sorts, in some places very blacke and fat, in others good clay, sand and gravell, the superficies neither too flat in plaines, nor too high in hils. In the lies you may keepe your hogs, horse, cattell, conies or poultry, and secure for little or nothing, and to command when you list ; onely having a care of provision for some extraordinary cold winter. In those lies, as in the maine, you may make your nurseries for fruits and plants where you put no cattell ; in the maine [Mainland} you may shape your Orchards, Vineyards, Pastures, Gardens, Walkes, Parkes, and Corne fields out of the whole peece as you please into such plots, one adjoining to another, leaving every of 95° Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JctS^. [1629 -30j them invironed with two, three, foure, or six, or so many rowes of well growne trees as you will, ready growne to your hands, to defend them from ill weather, which in a champion you could not in many ages ; and this at first you may doe with as much facility, as carelesly or igno- rantly cut downe all before you, and then after better con- sideration make ditches, pales, plant young trees with an excessive charge and labour, seeing you may have so many great and small growing trees for your maineposts, to fix hedges, palisados, houses, rales, or what you will. Which order in Virginia hath not beene so well observed as it might : where all the woods for many an hundred mile for the most part grow sleight, like unto the high grove or tuft of trees upon the high hill by the house of that worthy Knight Sir Humphrey Mildmay, so remarkable in Essex in the Parish of Danbery, where I writ this discourse, but much taller and greater; neither grow they so thicke together by the halfe, and much good ground betweene them without shrubs, and the best is ever knowne by the greatnesse of the trees and the vesture it beareth. Now in New-England the trees are commonly lower, but much thicker and firmer wood, and more proper for shipping, of which I will speake a little, [it] being the chiefe engine wee are to use in this worke ; and the rather for that within a i PP> 193.708.] square of twenty leagues, you may have all, or most of the chiefe materials belonging to them, were they wrought to their perfection as in other places. [26] Thi master. Of all fabricks a ship is the most excellent, requiring tZZkLn. more art in building, rigging, sayling, trimming, defending, «**>• and moaring, with such a number of severall termes and names in continuall motion, not understood of any land- man's none would thinke of, but some few that know them; for whose better instruction I writ my Sea-Grammar [pp. 785-804] : a booke most necessary for those plantations, because there is scarce any thing belonging to a ship, but the Sea-termes, charge and duty of every officer is plainly expressed, and also any indifferent capacity may conceive how to direct an unskilfull Carpenter, or Sailer to build Boats and Barkes sufficient to saile those coasts and rivers, and put a good workman in minde of many things in this businesse hee may easily mistake or forget. JctfS!*;] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 95 But to be excellent in this faculty is the master-peece of all most necessary workmen in the world. The first rule or modell thereof being directed by God himselfe to Noah for his Arke ; which he never did to any other building but his Temple : which is tossed and turned up and downe the world with the like dangers, miseries, and extremities as a ship, sometimes tasting the fury of the foure Elements, as well as shee, by unlimited tyrants in their cruelty for tortures, that it is hard to conceive whether those in. humanes exceed the beasts of the Forrest, the birds of the Aire, the fishes of the Sea, either in numbers, greatnesse, swiftnesse, fiercenesse, or cruelty : whose actions and varieties, with such memorable observations as I have collected, you shall finde with admiration in my history of the Sea, if God be pleased I live to finish it. [1629] CHAPTER XII. "Extraordinary meanes for building, many caveats, increase of come, how to spoyle the woods for any thing, their healths. Or the building [of] houses, townes, and fortresses, %?Jra**m where shall a man finde the like conveniency, mtanetfor as stones of most sorts, as well lime stone, 6utldtu£t' if I be not much deceived, as Iron stone, smooth stone, blew slate for covering houses, and great w«ys» rockes we supposed Marble, so that one place is called 7<>7* [27] the marble harbour. There is grasse plenty, though very long and thicke stalked, which being neither mowne nor eaten, is very ranke; yet all their cattell like and prosper well there- with : but indeed it is weeds, herbs, and grasse growing together, which although they be good and sweet in the Summer, they will deceive your cattell in winter. There- fore be carefull in the Spring to mow the swamps, and Cawau/ot the low Hands of Auguan, where you may have harsh catuu' 952 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [Jk8?^ [1629] sheare-grasse enough to make hay of, till you can cleare ground to make pasture ; which will beare as good grasse as can grow any where, as now it doth in Virginia : and unlesse you make this provision, if there come an extra- ordinary winter, you will lose many of them and hazard the rest ; especially if you bring them in the latter end of Summer, or before the grasse bee growne in the Spring, comming weake from Sea. All things they plant prosper exceedingly : but one man of 13. gallons of Indian corne, reaped that yeare 364. bushels London measure, as they confidently report, at which I much wonder, having planted many bushels, but no such increase. f^'V The best way wee found in Virginia to spoile the 'JZJs/cr woods, was first to cut a notch in the barke a hand broad fiuturtatui roun(j about the tree, which pill off and the tree will sprout no more, and all the small boughs in a yeare or two will decay : the greatest branches in the root they spoyle with fire, but you with more ease may cut them from the body and they will quickly rot. Betwixt those trees they plant their corne, whose great bodies doe much defend it from extreme gusts, and heat of the Sunne ; where that in the plaines, where the trees by time they have consumed, is subject to both : and this is the most easie way to have pasture and corne fields, which is much more fertile than the other. In Virginia they never manure their overworne fields, which is very few, the ground for most part is so fertile : but in New-England they doe, sticking at every plant of corne, a herring or two ; which commeth in that season in such abundance, they may take more than they know what to doe with. *om$aint Some infirmed bodies, or tender educats, complaine of %Z1£1Za ^e piercmg c°ld, especially in January and February; ZZIIdy. yet the [28] French in Canada, the Russians, Swethlanders, Polanders, Germans, and our neighbour Hollanders, are much colder and farre more Northward ; [and] for all that, rich Countreyes and live well. Now they have wood enough if they will but cut it, at their doores to make fires ; and traine oyle with the splinters of the roots of firre trees for candles : where [as] in Holland they have little or none to JctfTeS] or ine Path-way to erect a Plantation. 953 build ships, houses, or anything but what they fetch from [1629-30] forren Countries, yet they dwell but in the latitude of Yorkshire ; and New-England is in the heighth of the North cape of Spaine, which is 10. degrees, 200. leagues, or 600. miles nearer the Sunne than wee, where upon the mountaines of Bisky I have felt [in 1604, p. 869] as much cold, frost, and snow as in England. And of this I am sure, a good part of the best Countries and kingdomes of the world, both Northward and Southward of the line, lie in the same paralels of Virginia and New-England, as at large you may finde in the 210. page of the generall history [p. 710]. [/.196.] Thus you may see how prosperously thus farre they Proviso* have proceeded, in which course by Gods grace they may fge/s™Zr continue; but great care would be had they pester not *?ey£rsai their ships too much with cattell nor passengers, and to make good conditions for your peoples diet, for therein is used much legerdemaine : therefore in that you cannot be too carefull to keepe your men well, and in health at Sea. In this case some masters are very provident, but the most part so they can get fraught enough, care not much whether the passengers live or die ; for a common sailer regards not a landman, especially a poore passenger ; as I have seene too oft approved by lamentable ex- perience, although we have victualled them all at our owne charges. CHAPTER XIII. Their great supplies, present estate and accidents > advantage. Ho would not thinke but that all those trials 1630. had beene sufficient to lay a foundation for a J^nt plantation ; but we see many men many mindes, ^tate. , and still new Lords, new lawes : for those 350 men with all their cattell [29] that so well arived and promised so much, not being of one body, but severall mens servants, few could command and fewer obey, lived 954 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [Jct5^! [1630] merrily of that they had, neither planting or building any thing to any purpose, but one faire house for the Governour, till all was spent and the winter approached ; then they grew into many diseases, and as many incon- veniences, depending only of a supply from England, which expected Houses, Gardens, and Corne fields ready planted by them for their entertainment. It is true, that Master Iohn Wynthrop, their now Governour, a worthy Gentleman both in estate and esteeme, went so well provided (for six or seven hundred people went with him) as could be devised ; but at Sea, such an extraordinarie storme encountred his Fleet, con- tinuing ten daies, that of two hundred Cattell which were so tossed and bru[i]sed, threescore and ten died, many of their people fell sicke, and in this perplexed estate, after ten weekes, they arrived [in June-July 1630] in New- England at severall times : where they found threescore of their people dead, the rest sicke, nothing done ; but all complaining, and all things so contrary to their expectation, that now every monstrous humor began to shew it selfe. And to second this, neare as many more came after them, but so ill provided, with such multitudes of women and children, as redoubled their necessities. Tfu/ruitso/ This small triall of their patience caused among them coMHterftit*. nQ smau confusion, and put the Governour and his Councell to their utmost wits. Some could not endure the name of a Bishop, others not the sight of a Crosse nor Surplesse, others by no meanes the booke of common Prayer. This absolute crue, only of the Elect, holding all (but such as themselves) reprobates and cast-awaies, now make more haste to returne to Babel as they tearmed England, than stay to enjoy the land they called Canaan : somewhat they must say to excuse themselves. Those he found Brownists, hee let goe for New-Plimoth ; who are now betwixt foure or five hundred, and live well without want. Some two hundred of the rest he was content to returne for England, whose clamors are as variable as their [30] humours and Auditors. Some say they could see no timber of two feet diameter, some the Country is all Woods ; others they drunke all the Springs and oTctS?63of] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 955 Ponds dry, yet like to famish for want of fresh water ; [1630] some of the danger of the rattell Snake ; and that others sold their provisions at what rates they pleased to them that wanted, and so returned to England great gainers out of others miseries : yet all that returned are not of those humors. Notwithstanding all this, the noble Governour was no way disanimated, neither repents him of his enterprise for all those mistakes : but did order all things with that tem- perance and discretion, and so releeved those that wanted with his owne provision, that there is six or seven hundred remained with him ; and more than 1600. English in all the Country, with three or foure hundred head of Cattell. As for Corne they are very ignorant, if upon the coast of America, they doe not before the end of this October [1630. This fixes the date of the writing of these Advertise- ments] (for toies) furnish themselves with two or three thousand bushels of Indian Corne, which is better than ours ; and in a short time cause the Salvages to doe them as good service as their owne men, as I did in Virginia ; and yet neither use cruelty nor tyranny amongst them : a consequence well worth putting in practice ; and till it be effected, they will hardly doe well. I know ignorance will say it is impossible, but this impossible taske, ever since the massacre in Virginia [22 Mar. 1622], I have been a su[i]ter to have undertaken but with 150. men, to have got Corne, fortified the Country, and discovered them more land than they all yet know or have demonstrated [p. 588] : but the Merchants common answer was, necessity in time would force the Planters [to] doe it y. 590.1 themselves ; and rather thus husbandly to lose ten sheepe, than be at the charge of a halfe penny worth of Tarre. Who is it that knowes not what a small handfull of Nouwii. Spaniards in the West Indies, subdued millions of the inhabitants, so depopulating those Countries they con- quered, that they are glad to buy Negroes in Affrica at a great rate, in Countries farre remote from them; which although they bee as idle and as devilish people as any in the world, yet they cause them quickly to bee their best servants. Notwithstanding, [31] there is for every foure or five naturall Spaniards, two or three hundred Indians and 956 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JctST<5^! [1630] Negros ; and in Virginia and New-England more English than Salvages that can assemble themselves to assault or hurt them, and it is much better to helpe to plant a country than unplant it and then replant it : but there Indians were in such multitudes, the Spaniards had no other remedy; and ours such a few, and so dispersed, it were nothing in a short time to bring them to labour and obedience. It is strange to me, that English men should not doe as much as any ; but upon every sleight affront, in stead to amend it, we make it worse. Notwithstanding the worst of all those rumours, the better sort there are constant in their resolutions, and so are the most of their best friends here ; and making provision to supply them, many conceit they make a dearth here, which is nothing so ; for they would spend more here than they transport thither. One Ship this Summer [1630] with twenty cattell, and forty or fifty passengers, arived all well ; and the Ship at home againe in nine weekes : another for all this exclama- tion of want, is returned with 10000. Corfish,and fourescore Kegs of Sturgion ; which they did take and save when the season was neare past, and in the very heat of Summer ; yet as good as can be. Since another ship is gone from Bristow, and many more a providing to follow them with all speed. Thus you may plainly see for all these rumours, they are in no such distresse as is supposed : as for their mis- chances, misprisions, or what accidents may befall them, I hope none is so malicious, as attribute the fault to the Country nor mee : yet if some blame us not both, it were more than a wonder. For I am not ignorant that ignorance and too curious spectators, make it a great part of their profession to censure (however) any mans actions, who having lost the path to vertue, will make most excellent shifts to mount up any way; such incomparable connivency is in the Devils most punctuall cheaters, they will hazard a joint, but where God hath his Church they wil have a Chapel ; a mischiefe so hard to be prevented, that I have thus plainly adventured to shew my affection, [32] through the weaknesse of my abilitie. You may easily know them by their absolutenesse in opinions, holding experience but J. Smith.1 Oct. 1630.J or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 957 the mother of fooles, which indeed is the very ground of reason ; and he that contemnes her in those actions, may finde occasion enough to use all the wit and wisdome hee hath to correct his owne folly, that thinkes to finde amongst those salvages such Churches, Palaces, Monuments, and Buildings as are in England. [1630] CHAPTER XIV. Ecclesiastical! government in Virginia, authority from the Arch Bishop, their beginning at Bastable now called Salem. Ow because I have spoke so much for the body, give me leave to say somewhat of the soule ; and the rather t :cause I have beene demanded by so many, how we beganne to preach the Ecclesiasti- callgovem- ment in Virginia. Gospell in Virginia, and by what authority; what Churches we had, our order of service, and maintenance for our Ministers ; therefore I thinke it not amisse to satisfie their demands, it being the mother of all our Plantations, intreat- ing pride to spare laughter, to understand her simple beginning and proceedings. When I went first to Virginia, I well remember wee did hang an awning (which is an old saile) to three or foure trees to shadow us from the Sunne, our walles were rales of wood, our seats unhewed trees till we cut plankes, our Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees. In foule weather we shifted into an old rotten tent ; for we had few better, and this came by the way of adventure for new. This was our Church, till wee built a homely thing like a barne, set upon Cratchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth; so was also the walls: the best of our houses [were] of the like curiosity ; but the most part farre much worse workmanship, that could neither well defend [from] wind nor raine. Yet wee had daily Common Prayer morning and evening, r/. $ 1.] every Sunday two Sermons, and every three moneths the 958 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [J- Smith* ct.r<*>. [1630] holy Communion, till our Minister died : but our Prayers daily, with an Homily on Sundaies, we continued two or three yeares after, till more Preachers [33] came : and surely God did most mercifully heare us, till the continuall inundations of mistaking directions, factions, and numbers ^s-6?"]69, °^ unProvided Libertines neere consumed us all, as the Israelites in the wildernesse. ntZusat Notwithstanding, out of the relicks of our miseries, time this day. and experience had brought that Country to a great happi- nesse ; had they not so much doated on their Tabacco, on whose furnish foundation there is small stability : there being so many good commodities besides. Yet by it they have builded many pretty Villages, faire houses, and Chapels, which are growne good Benefices of 120. pounds a yeare, besides their owne mundall industry. But lames towne was 500. pounds a yeare, as they say, appointed by the Councell here, allowed by the Councell there, and confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of all England, An. 1605. to master Richard Hacluit Prebend of Westminster : who by his authority sent master Robert Hunt, an honest, religious, and couragious Divine; during whose life our factions were oft qualified, our wants and greatest extremities so comforted, that they seemed easie in comparison of what we endured after his memorable death. 1/UttZi'/ Now in New-England they have all our examples to teach inSaitm. them how to beware, and choice [choose] men, wee [being] most ignorant in all things, or little better; therfore presage not the event of all such actions by our defailments : For they write, they doubt not ere long to be able to defend themselves against any indifferent enemy ; in the interim, they have Preachers erected among themselves, and Gods true Religion (they say) taught amongst them, the Sabbath day observed, the common Prayer (as I understand) and Sermons performed, and diligent catechizing, with strict and carefull exercise, and commendable good orders to bring those people with whom they have to deale withall into a Christian conversation, to live well, to feare God, serve the King, and love the Country ; which done, in time from both those Plantations may grow a good addition to the Church of England : but Rome was not built in one octST63o.] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation, 959 day, whose beginnings was once as unhopefull as theirs ; [1630] and to make them as eminent shall be my humble and hearty prayers. [34] But as yet it is not well understood of any authority Tie they have sought for the government and tranquillity of j^/ST*/ the Church, which doth cause those suspicions of factions fR$lgj£ in Religion ; wherein although I be no Divine, yet I hope without offence I may speake my opinion as well in this, as I have done in the rest. He that will but truly consider the greatnesse of the Turks Empire and power here in Christendome, shall finde the naturall Turkes are generally of one religion, and the Christians in so many divisions and opinions, that they are among themselves worse enemies than the Turkes : whose disjoyntednesse hath given him that opportunity to command so many hundred thousand of Christians as he doth ; where had they beene constant to one God, one Christ, and one Church, Christians might have beene more able to have commanded as many Turkes, as now the Turkes doe poore miserable Christians. Let this example remember you to beware of faction in that nature : for my owne part, I have seene many of you here in London goe to Church as orderly as any. Therefore I doubt not but you will seeke to the prime ™eessttyo, authority of the Church of England^ for such an orderly order and authority as in most mens opinions is fit for you both to authortty' intreat for and to have, which I thinke will not be denied ; and you have good reason, seeing you have such liberty to transport so many of his Majesties subjects, with all sorts of cattell, armes, and provision as you please, and can provide means to accomplish : nor can you have any certaine releefe, nor long subsist, without more supplies from England. Besides, this might prevent many incon- veniences may insue, and would clearely take away all those idle and malicious rumours, and occasion you many good and great friends and assistance you yet dreame not of ; for you know better than I can tell, that the maintainers of good Orders and Lawes is the best preservation next God of a Kingdome: but when they are stuffed with hypocrisie and corruption, that state is not doubtfull but 900 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [J^ . [1630] lamentable in a well setled Common-wealth, much more in such as yours, which is but a beginning, for as the Lawes corrupt, the state consumes, [35] CHAPTER XV. The true model! of a plantation, tenure, increase of trade, true examples, necessity of expert Souldiers, the names of all the first discoverers for plan- tations, and their actions, what is requisite to be in the Governour of a plantation, the expedition of Queene Elizabeths Sea Captaines. N regard of all that is past, it is better of those slow proceedings than lose all, and better to amend late than never. I know how hatefull it is to envy, pride, flattery, and greatnesse to be advised, but I hope my true meaning wise men will excuse, for making my opinion plaine : I have beene so often and by so many honest men intreated for the rest, the more they mislike it, the better I like it my selfe. Concerning this point of a Cittadell, it is not the least, though the last remembred : therefore seeing you have such good meanes and power of your owne I never had, with the best convenient speed may be erect a Fort, a Castle or Cittadell, which in a manner is all one. Towards the building, provision, and maintenance thereof, every man for every acre he doth culturate to pay foure pence yearely, and some small matter out of every hundred of JctS?63of| or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 961 fish taken or used within five or ten miles, or as you please [1630] about it; it being the Center as a Fortresse for ever belonging to the State, and when the charge shall be defrayed to the chiefe undertaker (in reason) let him be Governour for his life : the overplus to goe forward to the erecting another in like manner in a most convenient place; and so one after another, as your abilities can accomplish, by benevolences, forfeitures, fines, and imposi- tions, as reason and the necessitie of the common good requireth ; all men holding their lands on those manners as they doe of Churches, Universities, and Hospitals, but all depending upon one principall, and this would avoid all faction among the Superiours, extremities from the comminalty, and none would repine at such payments, when they shall see it justly imployed for their owne defence and security. As for corruption in so small a Government ; you may quickly perceive, and punish it accordingly. [36] Now as his Majesty hath made you custome-free for ^dition, seven yeares, have a care that all your Country men [that] of trade shall come to trade with you, be not troubled with Pilatage, "^do,™ Boyage. Anc[h]orage, Wharfage, Custom e, or any such tricks as hath beene lately used in most of new Plantations, where they would be Kings before their folly ; to the discouragement of many, and a scorne to them of under- standing : for Dutch, French, Biskin, or any will as yet use freely the Coast without controule, and why not English as well as they. Therefore use all commers with that respect, courtesie, and liberty [that] is fitting ; which in a short time will much increase your trade, and shipping to fetch it from you : for as yet it were not good to adventure any more abroad with factors till you bee better provided. Now there is nothing more inricheth a Common-wealth than much trade : nor no meanes better to increase than small custome, as Holland, Genua, Ligorne, and divers other those places can well tell you ; and doth most beggar places where they take most custome, as Turkie, the Archibdagan lies, Cicilia, the Spanish ports, but that their 61 962 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [itfSJt [1630] officers will connive to inrich themselves, though undoe the State. In this your infancy, imagine you have many eyes attending your actions, some for one end, and some onely to finde fault ; neglect therefore no opportunity, to informe his Majesty truly your [of] orderly proceedings, which if it be to his liking, and contrary to the common rumour here in England, doubtlesse his Majesty will continue you custome free, till you have recovered your selves, and are able to subsist. For till such time, to take any custome from a Plantation is not the way to make them prosper ; nor is it likely those Patentees shall accomplish any thing, that will neither maintaine them nor defend them, but with Countenances, Councells, and advice, which any reasonable man there may better advise himselfe, than one thousand of them here who were never there : nor will any man, that hath any wit, throw himselfe into such a kinde of subjection, especially at his owne cost and charges ; but it is too oft seene that sometimes one is enough to deceive one hundred, but two hundred not sufficient to keepe one from being deceived. [37] shards I speak not this to discourage any with vaine feares, ziory. but could wish every English man to carry alwaies this Motto in his heart ; Why should the brave Spanish Souldiers brag; The Sunne never sets in the Spanish dominions, but ever shineth on one part or other we have conquered for our King : who within these few hundred of yeares, was one of the least of most of his neighbours ; but to animate us to doe the like for ours, who is no way his inferior. And truly there is no pleasure comparable to [that of] a generous spirit ; as good imploiment in noble actions, especially amongst Turks, Heathens, and Infidels ; to see daily new Countries, people, fashions, governments, strata- gems ; [to] releeve the oppressed, comfort his friends, passe miseries, subdue enemies, adventure upon any feazable danger for God and his Country. It is true, it is a happy thing to be borne to strength, wealth, and honour; but that which is got by prowesse and magnanimity is the JcuS.*] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 963 truest lustre : and those can the best distinguish content, [1630] that have escaped most honourable dangers ; as if, out of every extremity, he found himselfe now [? new] borne to a new life, to learne how to amend and maintaine his age. Those harsh conclusions have so oft plundered me in Provisoes those perplexed actions, that if I could not freely expresse ^/JESS** my selfe to them [who] doth second them, I should thinke my selfe guilty of a most damnable crime worse than ingra- titude ; however some over-weining capricious conceits may attribute it to vaine-glory, ambition, or what other idle Epithete such pleased to bestow on me. But such trash I so much scorne, that I presume further to advise those, lesse advised than my selfe, that as your fish and trade increaseth, so let your forts and exercise of armes ; drilling your men at your most convenient times, to ranke, file, march, skirmish, and retire, in file, manaples, battalia, or ambuskados, which service there is most proper ; also how to assault and defend your forts, and be not sparing of a little extraordinary shot and powder to make them mark-men, especially your Gentlemen, and those you finde most capable, for shot must be your best weapon : yet all this will not doe unlesse you have at least 100. or as many as you can, of expert, blouded, approved good Soul- diers, who dare boldly lead them ; not to shoot a ducke, a goose or a dead marke, but at men, from whom you must expect such as you send. The want of [38] this, and the presumptuous assurance of literall Captaines, was the losse of the French and Spaniards in Florida, each surprising other; and lately neare the ruine of Mevis, and Saint Christophers in the Indies [pp. 901, 910]: also the French at Port Riall [p. 517], and those at Canada, now your next English neighbours : Lastly, Cape Britton not far from you, called New-Scotland, Questionlesse there were some good Souldiers among them, yet somewhat was the cause they were undone by those that watched the advantage of opportunity : for as rich preyes make true men theeves; so you must not expect, if you be once worth taking and unprovided, but by some to bee attempted in the like manner : to the 964 Advertisements for the vnexpei'ienced, [Jct^ Smith. 1630. [1630] prevention whereof, I have not beene more willing, at the request of my friends to print this discourse, than I am ready to live and dye among you, upon conditions su[i]ting my calling and profession to make good; and [to make] Virginia and New-England, my heires, executors, adminis- trators and assignes. i0?£reuce Now because I cannot expresse halfe that which is Vf mow necessary for your full satisfaction and instruction prime dis- belonging to this businesse in this small pamphlet, I coverts referre vou to the generall history of Virginia, the Summer pianttrs. j]eSj an(j ^ Cw -England ; wherein you may plainly see all the discoveries, plantations, accidents, the misprisions and causes of defailments of all those noble and worthy Cap- taines; Captaine Philip Amadas, and Barlow; that most W- 303-340-1 renowned Knight Sir Richard Greenvile, worthy Sir Ralph Layne, and learned Master Hariot, Captaine Iohn White, Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, Captaine Martin Pring, and George Waymouth ; with mine owne observations by sea, rivers and land, and all the governours that yearely suc- [//. 625-688.] ceeded mee in Virginia. Also those most industrious Captaines, Sir George Summers, and Sir Thomas Gates ; with all the governours that succeeded them in the \tp. 696-7.] Summer lies. Likewise the plantation of Sagadahock) by those noble Captaines, George Popham, Rawley Gilbert, Edward Harlow, Robert Davis, lames Davis, Iohn Davis, and divers others ; with the maps of those Countries. With it [or rather in The true Travels &c] also you W- 895-9"-] may finde the plantations of Saint Christophers, Mevis, the Berbados, and the great river of the Amazons; whose greatest defects, and the best meanes to amend them are there yearely recorded, to be warnings and examples to them that are not too wise to learne to understand. 1.39J What is requisite to This great worke, though small in conceit, is not a Gmernow wor^e f°T every one to mannage such an affaire, as make a of a discovery, and plant a Colony, it requires all the best parts W?w,7o5-] °^ art' judgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence, and industry, to doe but neere well ; some are more proper for one thing than another, and therein best to be imployed, JctST63o.] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 965 and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and [1630] misimploying men in their undertakings. Columbus , Curtes, Pitzara, Zotto, Magellanus, and the rest, served more than an apprentiship to learne how to begin their most memor- able attempts in the West Indies, which to the wonder of all ages, successfully they effected ; when many hundreds farre above them in the worlds opinion, being instructed but by relation, scorning to follow their blunt examples, but in great state, with new inventions, came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous and couragious. I say not this to detract any thing from their noblenesse, state, nor greatnesse ; but to answer those questionlesse questions that keepe us from imitating the others brave spirits, that advanced themselves from poore Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, and their King to be one of the greatest potentates on earth, and the fruits of their labours his greatest glory, power, and renowne. Till his greatnesse and security made his so rich remote f**.m and dispersed plantations such great booties and honours, eo/qu!lnT to the incomparable Sir Fr. Drake, the renowned Captain f™beths Candish, Sir Richard Luson, Sir John Hawkins, Captaine ca/taines. Carlile, and Sir Martin Furbisher, &c. and the most memorable and right honourable Earles, Cumberland, Essex, Southampton, and Nottingham that good L[ord], Admirall; with many hundreds of brave English Souldiers, Cap- taines and Gentlemen, that have taught the Hollanders to doe the like. Those would never stand upon a demurre who should give the first blow, when they see [saw] peace was onely but an empty name, and no sure league, but impuissance to doe hurt ; found it better to buy peace by warre, than take it up at interest of those [that] could better guide penknives than use swords. And there is no misery worse than [to] be conducted by a foole, or commanded by a coward; for who can indure to be assaulted by any, see his men and selfe imbrued in their owne bloud, for feare of a checke, [40] when it is so contrary to nature and necessity, and yet as obedient to government and their Soveraigne, as duty required. 966 Advertisements for the vnexperienced. [JcuTili [1630] Now your best plea is to stand upon your guard, and provide to defend as they did offend, especially at landing. If you be forced to retire, you have the advantage five for one in your retreat, wherein there is more discipline, than in a brave charge : and though it seeme lesse in fortune, it is as much in valour to defend as to get ; but it is more easie to defend than assault, especially in woods where an enemy is ignorant. Lastly, remember as faction, pride, and security, pro- duces nothing but confusion, miserie, and dissolution ; so the contraries well practised will in short time make you happy, and the most admired people of all our plantations for your time in the world. lohn Smith writ this with his owne hand. The last Will^ and Epitaph of Captain John Smith. 1631. Last Will, and Epitaph of Captain John Smith. E have printed the following from the original Will in the Will Office of the Prerogative Court at Somerset House, London. It is numbered St. John 89. It would seem from the wording of this Will, as if our Author died in the house of Sir SAMUEL Saltonstall, in St. Sephulchre's parish. The Will. In the name of God Amen. The one and twentieth daie of June in the seaventh yeare of the reigne of our soveraigne lord Charles by the grace of God King of England, Scotland France and Ireland Defendour of the faith &c. I Captain Iohn Smith of the parish of St. Sepulchers London Esquiour, being sicke in body, but of perfect mynde and memory, thankes be given vnto Allmightie God therefore, Revoking all former wills by me heretofore made, Doe make and ordeine this my last will and testament in manner fol- lowing. First I commend my soule into the handes of Allmightie God my maker hoping through the merites of Christ Iesus my Redeemer to receave full remission of all my sinnes, and to inherit a place in the euerlasting kingdome. My body I committ to the earth from whence it came, to be interred according to the discrecion of myne Executours here- under named. And of suche worldly goodes whereof it hath pleased God in his mercie to make me an vnworthie Re- ceaver, I giue and bequeath them as hereafter followeth. 970 [Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith. aijunei63i. First I give and bequeath vnto Thomas Packer Esquiour one of the Clerkes of His Maiesties Privy Seale, and to his heires for euer, all my houses landes tenementes and hereditamentes whatsoeuer scituate lyenge and being in the parishes of Lowthe and greate Carleton [p. xx] in the Countie of Lincolne together with my Coate of Armes. Item my Will and mean- inge is, that in consideracion thereof the sayd Thomas Packer shall disburse and pay all such sommes of money and legacies as hereafter in this my Will are giuen bequeathed and reserued not exceeding the somme of fowerscore poundes of Lawfull mony of England, That is to saie : First I reserue vnto my self to be disposed as I shall thynke good in my life tyme, the somme of twentie pounds. Item he shall disburse about my funerall the somme of twentie poundes. Item I give and bequeath out of the residue of the fourscore poundes as followeth, viz1 I give and bequeath unto my much honored and most worthie friend Sir Samuel Saltonstall Knight the somme of fyve poundes. Item to Mistris Tredway the somme of fyve poundes. Item to my sister Smith the Widowe of my brother the some of tenn poundes. Item to my cousin Steven Smith and his sister the somme [of] six poundes thirteene shillinges and fower pence betweene them. Item to the said Thomas Packer, loan his wife and Eleanour his Daughter the somme of Tenne poundes among them. Item to Master Reynoldes the Saymaster [Assay Master] of the Gt>uldsmiths Hall, the somme of fortie shillinges. All which legacies my meaning and Will is shall be paid by the said Thomas Packer his heires executours or administratours within one yeare after my Decease. Item, I give vnto Thomas Packer, sonne of the above sayd Thomas Packer, my trunck standing in my chamber at Sir Samuell Saltonstalls house in St Sepulchers parish, together with my best suite of aparrell, of a tawney color, viz1 hose doublet ierkin and cloake. Item I give unto him my trunke bound with iron barres standing in the house of Richard Hinde in Lambeth, togeather with halfe the bookes therein, to be chosen by the said Thomas Packer and allowed by myne Executours ; and the other halfe parte of the bookes I giue unto Master Iohn Tredeskyn [? Tra- descant] and the said Richard Hynde to be divided betweene them. ai June 1631. Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith.] 97 1 Item, I nominate apointe and ordeine my said much honored friend Sir Samuel Saltonstall and the said Thomas Packer the elder, ioynt executours of this my last Will and testament. the marke of the + sayd Iohn Smithe. Read acknowledged, sealed and deliuered by the said Captain Iohn Smith to be his last Will and testament in the presence of us who have subscribed our names per me Willelmum Keble Senior civitatis London, William Packer Elizabeth Sewster Marmaduke Walker, + his marke. Wytnes. Probate issued to Thomas Parker on 1 July, 1631. The Epitaph, Two years after our Author's death, appeared MUNDAY and Dyson's enlarged edition of Stow's Survey of London, 1633 ; in which, at^. 779, will be found the following Epitaph : This Table is on the South side of the Quire in Saint Sepulchers, with this Inscription. To the living Memory of his deceased Friend, Captaine Iohn Smith, who departed this mortall life on the 21. day of Iune, 1631. With his Armes, and this Motto, Accordamus. Vincere est vivere. Here lies one conquer'd that hath conquer'd Kings, Subdu'd large Territories, and done things Which to the World impossible would seeme, But that the truth is held in more esteeme. 972 {Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith. x63i Shall I report his former service done In honour of his God and Christendome: How that he did divide from Pagans three, Their Heads and Lives, Types of his Chivalry : For which great service in that Climate done, Brave Sigismundus (King of Hungarion) Did give him as a Coat of Armes to weare, Those conquer'd heads got by his Sword and Speare? Or shall I tell of his adventures since, Done in Virginia, that large Continence : How that he subdu'd Kings unto his yoke, And made those Heathen flie, as wind doth smoke ; And made their Land, being of so large a Station, A habitation for our Christian Nation : Where God is glorifi'd, their wants suppli'd, Which else for necessaries might have di'd ? But what availes his Conquest, now he lyes Inter'd in earth, a prey for Wormes and Flies ? O may his soule in sweet Elizium sleepe, Vntill the Keeper that all soules doth keepe, Returne to Iudgement, and that after thence, With Angels he may have his recompence. Captaine John Smith, sometime Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of New England. INDEX All personal Names (except in the Titles and Contents pages, and the List of Adventurers at pp. 549-560); and also of all names of places in the New World. The following abbreviations have been used:— Pres., President; Gov., Governor; Bp., Bishop; Rev.. Reverend; Col., Colonel; Maj., Major; Capt., Captain; Lieut., Lieutenant; Ens., Ensign; Serg, Sergeant; Corp., Corporal; (?) signifies that the Christian name is not given. The spelling of the Indian names in the text is often inconsistent, c and k, i and y, u and « frequently interchanging, and vowels being occasionally dropped out : therefore references have been given to words that seem to be the same, regardless of variations of spelling. The same word, as indexed, may therefore signify chief, tribe, wigwam, district, or river. Possibly, also, two persons of the same name are occasionally indexed as one. Where places are well known, they are given in the modern spelling. Most of the Old World names of places in the text, will also be found in the Itineraries at//, xxv-xxviii. Aa, P. Van der . . . cxxxi-ii Aaron xci Abbay, T. . 42, 86, 88, 129, 445 Abbot ; Archbishop of Canter- bury, George 920 Abbot, F 217, 732 Abbot, J. 108, 131, 159, 384, ,, 4". 448, 46S, 476, 508 Abbot, M 663 Abdy, A 664 Aberdeen in New England,232,7oo Abraham .... 228, 741, 934 Accomack, cxxxiv, 55, 69, 109, 192, 205, 232, 351, 365, 413, 567, 569. 595. 6991 7°7> 7*9> 884 Accommticus . 192, 204, 206, 232, 699, 706, 718, 720, 938 Acocisco 721 Acohanock 55, 351 Acquintanacksuak . . 53, 349 Acrig, G 132, 448 Acton, (?) 311 Adam, a Dutchman . 139, 456, 477i 487 Adam and Eve . 228, 568, 741, 934 Adams, Capt. (?) xcv Adams, H. B cxviii Adling, H 390 Agamatack or Appamatuck . 7 Aggawom . 192, 232, 697, 699, 706, 938 Aywyvfiog 288 Aladin, Pasha 849 Alberton, R 108, 412 Atderton, 1 782 Alderton, Mrs 7?2 Alexander, Sir W. . . cxxxiii Alexander the Great . 180, 504 Alicock, Ens. J., lxxi, xc, 93, 39° Allen, (?) 3« Altom, Capt 767 Amadas, Capt. P. . 280, 283, 305-11, 3*9> 9^5 Amalgro, (?) 580 Amazon river . . 896-8, 939, 964 America, passim. Ames, J 42 Amocis 38 Amoris, Pasha .... 833, 835 Amoroleck 428-9 Amphion xci Anchanachuck 19 Ancocisco . . 192, 203, 206, 232, 700, 706, 717, 938 Ancocisco's Mount . . 232, 700 Angoam 204 Anmoughcawgen . 232, 700, 706, 717, 938 Anne, Cape, xxii, cxxxiv, 232, 259, 699, 718, 720, 783, 926 Anne, Queen 530 Anone 20 Antigua 903 Apalatsi xli Apamatecoh Iv Apanaock 12 Apelles 921 Ap Hugh, D 129, 445 Aplon, Serg. (?) 900 Apocant ........ 14 Appamatuck . xlix, lv, lxv, 18, 25, 50-2, 79, 130, 346, 347. 348, 375, ,400, 447, 5™, 583 Appamatuck, Chieftainess of, xlix, lv, 7, 25, 400 Aquascogoc .... 311, 327 Aquohanock 567 Arahatec . xliii-1, Hi, lv, 6, 7, 79 Arahatecoh ...... .xliii Arahatec's Joy . xliii, xlv, xivii Arawacos 906 Archer, Capt. G. . xxxii, xl-i, lxii, lxxiv-v, lxxix, lxxx-i, lxxxii-iii, lxxxv-vii, xc, xciv- viii, 5, 10, 22, 23, 93, 97, 105, 161, 164, 166, 389, 394, 408, 444, 479, 482, 484, 500 Archer, H 871-72 Archer's Hope, 8 miles from James town lxvi Argal,Capt., afterwards Sir S., xcvi, xcviii, ci, civ, cix, cxviii, cxxix, 159, 166, 171-3, 476, 503,506, 511-2, 515, 517, 521, 527. S29. 535-6. 538-9, 54o, 601, 613 Argent, Dr. (?) 603 Argent, J 603-5 Arrohateck 79, 375 Arrowhatocks .... 51, 347 Arsahattock 508 Arsatecke, Arsetecke, or Arahatec 6, 7 Arseek 415 Arsek 11 1, 415 Arthor's assigns 664 Arthur 283, 303 Arundell, J 310-n Arundell ; Thomas, Baron of Warder 337 Asbie, J lxxi Ascacap 13 Asher, G. M cxix Ashley, A 802 Ashton, J. ..... . cxxxii Aspinet 757 Aspinwall, Col 2 Assacomoco 568 Assan, Pasha 833-4 Atquacke 601 Atquanachukes ... 55, 351 Atquanahucke 119 Atquanchuck . 55, 119, 124, 351, 423, 437 Attamuspmcke . . . . . 13 Attanoughkomouch.the Indian name for Virginia . . cxxxvi Attoughcomoco 567 Augawoam 764, 938 Augoam 718 Auguan 951 Aumughcawgen, 192,203,706, 7»7» 938 Ayres, T 663 B Bacon, Sir F. ; Baron Veru- lam cxxi Baggly [? Bagnall\, A. . . 132 Bagnall, Surg. A., 116, 384, 421, 427, 432-3, 449 Bagnell 664 Bahanna 232, 700 Bahoma, Gulf of .... xc* 974 Baker. Index . Canterbury. Baker ; Steward to Captain Smith, D., 217, 221, 223, 732, 734 Baldivia 197, 711 Baldwine, (?) 575~6 Bale, J 664 Bancroft; Richard .Archbishop of Canterbury . . . xci, 958 Banke, The . . . 227, 736, 740 Banks, J 664 Barbadoes . . 902,906,910,964 Barber, G 607 Barbotier, De la . . . . 633-4 Bargrave, Rev. T 566 Bargraves, Capt. (?) ... 540 Barker, J 654-5 Barkley's assigns, G. . . 663-4 Barlow, Capt. A. . . . 305-10 Barlow. (?) . . . cxxxv, 2, 964 Barmadas 48, 344 Barnard, J 687 Barnes, J 42 Barnes, R 108, 411 Barnet, W 888 Barra, Capt 224, 736 Barret, (?) 646 Barret, Serg. T 542 Barron, C 664 Barrow (?), a pirate .... 914 Bartlet, (?) 645-6 Barty [i.e., Berth's Isles, see Lindsey] Isles in New Eng- land .... 232, 700, 766 Barty, P 822 Barwicke, Capt. (?) . . . . 571 Barwick [i.e., Berwick] in New England . . . 232, 699 Bashabes of Pennobscot . . 192, 206, 339-40, 706, 720 Baskerfield, (?) 852 Basse [i.e., Bass] in New Eng- land, The 232, 700 Basse, Lieut. (?) . . . . . 576 Bast able [i.e., Barnstable] in New England . . 232, 699, 949 Bates, (?) 800 Bavell, (?) 852 Bayley, R 329 Bayley, W 108, 411 Beadle, G. . . 126, 129, 439, 445 Beadle, J 129, 445 Beast, B lxxu, 300 Becam lx Becklefield . . 841, 847, 849 Beckwith, W. . . . 108, 412 Bedford's Tribe 662 Begolgi 851 Beheathland, R. . . 93, 101, i3»» 139. I42-3. 300, 404, 448, 456, 458-9 Belfield, R 108, 412 Bell, H 129,446 Bell, P 889 Benifield, (?) 900 Bentley, W. . 108, 121, 158, 4". 448,475 Berkley s plantation, Capt (?) 582 Bermondas 172 Bermondoes . . . . . . 171 Bermuda . xciv, exxii, exxix, cxxxiii,48, 171, 191, 244, 268, 344. 499i 50i» 503. 5*0. 5I6~7» 613,6x5, 625, 633, 635, 638-9, 645, 681 Bernardo 903 Bernard's assigns, J. . . . 662 Bernard's heirs, J. . . . 663-4 Bertie, afterwards Lord Wil- loughby d' Eresby, and created on 26 Nov. 1626 Earl of Lindsey ; the Hon. Peregrine 822, 827 Best, fa) 663 Best, Capt. E 696 Beverley, R cxxxiii Bickar's house, W 583 Bicque lx Bishop (?), a pirate .... 914 Billington, F 753 Bims, R 898, 900 Bishop (?), a pirate .... 914 Bishop, T 852 Blasco 580 Blount, Capt. (?) .... 561 Bockner, T 311 Bogall Pasha 853 Bohemia, Queen of ... . 277 Bohun, Dr 506, 548 Bolus river. . 53,111,116, , , 349,421,424 Bond, (?) 900 Bond, M 664 Bonit's Plantation, E. . . . 583 Bonniel, J cxxxiii Boothe, Serg. W. . . . 528-9 Bos«pn in New England . . exxxiv, 232, 699 Bough (?), a pirate .... 914 Bourchier, Sir H 621 B[o]urne 800 Bourne, J. . . 109, 116, 131, 421 Bourne, J. .... . 108, 413 Bourne, Point 424 Bourne, W 802 Bouth, I xo8, 412 Box, W. 479, 503-4 Boyse s wife 593 Bradford [Second Governor 0/ the Pilgrim Fathers], W., xi, exxxii, 750, 762, 782 Bradley, T 129, 445 Bradshaw, H xvii Braithwait, R 814 Brandon . . . . 283, 303 Branford [i.e., Bradford, IV.] 751 Brazil . . . lviii, 225, 737, 939 Bremige, (?) 310 Breton, Cape .... 634, 963 Brewster, W. [Ruling: Elder of the Pilgrim Fathers] . . 782 Brickley Hundred . . . 582-83 Brierton, J 335 Brimstead, Capt. (?) ... 873 Brinsley, Rev. J. . . cxxxiii Brinton, E. . 94, 123, 131, 138-9. 390, 436. 448. 455. 456 Bristow [i.e., Bristol] in New England 232, 699 Bristow, R 108, 412 Britton, J 664 Brock, R. A. ... xiv, xvii Brocket, Capt. (!) .... 873 Brookes, E. . . . lx, 94, 390 Brookes, J. . . . xli, 93, 390 Brookes, Sir J 590 Broumfield, A 664 Browewich, J 310 Brown, E 390 Brown, J. C cxxxi, a Brown, J 448 Browne, (!) 573 Browne, E lxxi Browne, O xli Brumfield, A 663-4 Brumfield, J 94, 390 Bruster, Capt (?) 539 Bruster, W., lxxi, xc, 93, 390, 782 Buckingham ; George Villiers, Duke of exxxvi Buckler, A. . . . . 123, 436 Budendorfe, Baron . 841, 847-8 Bugola, Z 834 Buley, J 256, 697 Bull, J 87a gur,gh'N 9?5. Burk, J cxxxiii Burke, H. F xxiv Burket, W. or R . . xo8, 412 Burras [or Burrowes], Anne . 129, 130, 446-7 Burras, J 129, 446 Burre, J 4x2 Burrowes [or Burras] . . . 130 Burton, G. . . 129, 131, 445, 448 Busca, G. 831, 835-6, 840, 845-7. 850, 852 Butler, Capt. N., 603-5, 624, 666,669-87 C C, 1 819 C, W. cxxxiii Cabot, J. . . . 280, 283, 304 Cabot, Lewis 304 Cabot, Sautius 304 Cabot, Sebastian .... 304 Cadmus xci Caesar, J. , 276, 285, 460, 504, 814-6 Cage, A 329 Cage, D. . . 217, 223, 732, 736 Caldicot, C 648-9 California 188, 702 Callamata, The Lady, 276,814, 867 Callicut, W 125, 438 Callis 9x3 Cambia, Lord Pasha of. . . 844 Cambridge in New England, 232, 700 Campbell, C. . . . . cxxxiii Canaan 954 Canada . exxi, 119, 176, 243, 253. 267, 423, 772, 891, 934, „ . , „ 937. 944. 947. 952 Candish, Capt 965 Cannada . 237, 243, 253, 267, 367, 696, 963 Canning, W 662-3 Canterbury ; George Abbot, Archbishop of 920 Canterbury ; Richard Ban- croft, Archbishop of . xci, 958 Cantrell. Index Crofts. 975 Cantrell, Point 424 Cantrill, W., 107, 109, 41I1 413, 529 Capahowosick ... 20, 401 Capawack 205, 764 Capawe 697 Capawucke, cxxiii, 205, 264, 697, 7°ii 7ao, 764. 938 Cape Anne, xxii, 232, 259, 699, 718, 720, 783, 926 Cape Charles in Virginia . 48, 109, 177. 344. 413 Cape Cod . cxx, 192-3, 205-6, 699, 228, 232, 696, 699, 706 -7, 719-20, 732, 747, 752, 762, 938, 942 Cape Comfort, see Comfort Point lxiii Cape de Salinos 906 Cape de tres Puntas . . 903 Cape Fear 310, 326 Cape Henrick, see Cape Henry. Cape Henry in Virginia, lxiii, ci, cii, 5, 24, 31-2, 48, 91, 100, 109, 177, 344. 387. 403. 413 Cape James . 232, 260, 699, 701, 707, 7»o, 741, 749 Cape Tragbizanda . 206, 232, 699 Capper, J. ... lxxxiv, 94 Careless Point, on the James river li Carew, G. 696 Caribes 906 Caribes lies .... 901, 903 Carleton, D. . . lvi, xcii, xciii Carli(s]le ; James Hay, Earl of .... 901,903,910,965 Carlton, Ens. T. . . xxin, cxxviii, 230-1, 692, 852 Carter, C . 638, 640-2, 648, 650 Carthagena .... 679, 681 Cartner, M 818 Carver, W. {First Governor of the Pilgrim Fathers) . . 751 Cassatowap 568 Cassen, G. . cxv, 82, 94, 98, _. 377, 390. 395 Cassen, T. .... 94, 390 Cassen, W 94, 390 Castutia lx Caswell, R. 663 Caswell, W. 663 Catataugh, brother to Wahun- sonacock or Powhatan . 17, 30, 81, 135. 376 Causey, N., 108, 411, 575, 885, 888 Cavendish, altered (from 1618) to Devonshire, Tribe . . . 662 Cavendish, Baron . cxx, 663, 685 Cavendish, of Hardwick, William 852 Ca[ve]ndish, T. {Th* Third Circumnavigator of the Globe) 310 Caw-cawwassoughes . .51, 347 Cedar Isle 50, 346 Cekacawone . . 113, 4*7,586 Cera, Marquis of . . . 260, 757 Chamberlain, A 664 Chamberlain, J., lvi, xcii, xciii, 663 Chamberlain, R 664 Chamberland, R 664 Chambers, E. , Master of Cap- tain Smith's ship . 221-4, 734~6 Champlain cxxxiv Chanoyes, Madame, 277, 739, 814 Charatza Tragabigzanda, see Tragabigzanda. Chard, E 640-3, 649 Charitie Fort 510 Charles city in Virginia . . 582 Charles Fort, Bermuda, 503, 644, 686 Charles Fort at Kecoughton . 507 Charles Hundred .... 538 Charles Prince of Wales ; after- wards Charles I. . . xxxi, cxxxiv, 176-7, 232, 243, 251, 267-7, 699, 77i. 845, 892, ^ , . . ^?l6> 937. 949. 969 Charles river in New England, cxxxiv, 232, 259, 699, 892, 949 Charles town in New England 949 Charlton 949 Charlton in New England . 949 Charowne 739 Chaunis Temoatan .... 314 Chawonests .... 313, 317 Chawonock . 20, 32, 55, 132, 158, 309. 312. 314-5. 35i. ^ 449, 474. 570 Chawonocks 313 Chawopoweanocke . . 130, 447 Chawum, 192, 205-6, 232, 699, 707, 719, 720 Chechohomynies .... lxxxv Cheisc xliv Chepanoc 312 Cherley, (?) 776 Chesapeacks . cxxvii, 5, 19, 31, 50-1, 55, 113, 189-90, 312, 346-7, 43o, 431-2, 570, 604, , t> .7°3>7°.4. 9" Chesapeake Bay, xxii, xxxu, cxix, 42, 412, 569 Chescaik lv Chesseian bay xli Chessipians . . . xliv, 1, 316 Chester, A 544 Chester, Capt. A 548 Chesteven, R. . . ... 890 Chesupioc bay. . . Ixi, lxiii, 50 Chevi[o]t Hill in New Eng- land .... cxxxiv, 232, 699 Chicahamanya 37 Chickahamania, 11, 13, 27, 37, 38, 50-1, 70, 80, 97-8,127, 152, 341, 346, 366, 375, 394-6, 440, 468-9, 514-15, 527, 538, 601, 603 Chickahamaniar 37 Chickahamaniens .... 27 Chickahaminos 153 Chickahominy . . xii, lxxiv, lxxxv, cxv Chili 197, 711 Chippanum 315 Chiskiack . . .50, 52, 347, 585 Chissell, W. . . 223, 732, 736 Chissiapiacke Bay ... 5, 19 Chissick, W 217 Chrashow, R., see Crashaw. Christmas, J 897 Chroshaw, R., see Crashaw. Churchill, A. and J. . . cxxxii Cinquoateck 30-1 Cipo 300 Clarke, C. xli Clarke, J. . . . 129, 310, 445 Claudius 566 Clement VII., Pope . . 827-8 Cley, (?) 662 Clinton (?), a pirate .... 913 Clitheroe, C 664 Clovill, E. . . liii-iv, 93, 390 Cloyburne (?) Surgeon . 564, 885 Coderington, I., cxxviii, 129, 181, 443. 445, 476, 492 Coe, T. . 101, 108, 131, 146, 166, 168, 404, 411, 448, 463 Cokayne, G. E. . . xvii, xxiv Cole, (?) 508 Colon 283 Columbus, C. . 43, 191, 211, 216, 228, 248, 272, 280, 304, 580, 705, 725, 730, 784, 965 Collier, S., Capt. Smith s page, 94, "3, 132, 39o, 436, 449, 599 Colhngs, H 129, 445 Collins (?), a pirate .... 914 Collson, J xli Collumber, The Lady . ..824 Comfort Point, lxiii, xcix, 119, 129, 155, 170, 430, 442, 472, 497, 525 Commada ..'.... 71 Comouodos 37 Compton, F 852 Coneconam 697 Cony Isle, Bermuda . . . 661 Cooke (?) Captain . . . 329-30 Cooke, R. 390 Cooper, D. . 217,223,732,736,888 Coote, C. H xvii Cope, Sir W lvi Copland, Rev. P. . . cxxxiii Cornelius, (?).... 476, 613 Cortes Hernando . 191, 228, 504, 600, 705, 965 Cortes, M 802 Cotson, J liv Cotton, R. .... 108, 412 Cotton, Rev. J. . . . cxxxiii Cotton, Sir R. . . xxi-ii, 808 Couanacus 757, 763 Coubatant 758-9 Couper, C 329 Couper, M. . 219-20, 700, 701 Coupers Isle, Bermuda. 630, 647, 661, 686 Covell, T. 662 Cowper, T. .... 94, 39° Coxendale 510 Crampton, (?) . . . . 697, 739 Crashaw, R. . cxix, cxxvui, 129, 131, 139, 143, 145, 174, 184, 445, 448, 456, 460, 462, 493, 586, 591-3, 596-8, 600-2 Crashaw, Rev. W. . . cxxxii-iii Croatan . . lxxvi, 310, 317, 326-7, 329-31 Crofts, R., lxxxii-iv, lxxxviii, 93,390 9j6 Crookdeck. Index Gibson. Crookdeck, J xli Crump, (?) 873 Crux, Santa 517 Cuardly, Family of . . xix, xxiv Cuba 903 Cuderington, see Codrington. Cuffe, J 664 Culnits,(?) 833-4 Cumberland, Earl of . . . 965 Cundy, i.e.,Condee, Prince de, 738 Cursell, (?) 824-5 Curtine, Sir W 908 Curzianvere, (?) 824 Cuscarawaoke .... 414, 418 Cushman, R. . . . cxxxiii, 250 Cuskarawok .... 414, 418 Cutler, R 108, 411 Cuttawomen, two districts on the Topahanock river . 18, 5a, 348, 426 Dale.Sir T., cxxv, 172, 478, 506-10, 512, 514-8, 520-1, 525, ., T , 527. 536, 616, 653 Damenls Isles .... 206, 720 Daniel xii Dans[e]ker (?), a pirate . . .914 Dare, A. 328-9 Dare, E 328 Darius 563 Dartmouth in New England, 232, 700 Dasamonpeack . . 316-7, 327-8 Dauxe, J 129, 445 Davers, Sir J 664 Davies, Capt. J 525 Davies, of Hereford, J. 181, 491 Davis, Capt. (?) xcv, 170, 479, 497 Davis, Capt (?).... 642-3 Davis, J. . . 696, 802, 887-8, 964 Davis, R 696, 964 Davison, G 564, 852 Dawse, T. . 129, 158, 446, 475-6 Dawson, W 108, 412 Deale, J. ....... xli Deane, C. . xiv, xvii, cxviii, cxxx, cxxxiv-v, 2, 176, 234 Deceado 903 Dee, J., 238, 245, 253, 269, 694, 743i 773 De la Warr ; Thomas West, Baron, xcvii-viii, cxx, cxxv, cxxxiii, 131, 161, 171-2, 448, 476, 478, 487, 497, 500-1, 503, 505-7. 536-7» 616, 639, 929 Delawne, G 663 Delbridge, J 662, 664 De Nombe, Capt 901 Depreau, the Lord .... 824 Dermer, T. . cxxiv, 217, 258, ■^ ., , . *6?> S42> 732, 747, 770 Devils, Isles of 633 Devonshire Tribe . . . 662-3 Devonshire ; William Caven- dish,Lord Cavendish,created m 1618 Earl of ... . 662-3 Dier, W., 101, 156, 166,168, 404, 472 Dig^by, T., Pilot of Smith's ship . . . 217, 221-2, 732, 734 Diggles, Sir D 663 Digs, (r) 800 Dig's Hundred 510 Dike, J 662-3 Dirmir, T., see Dermer, T. Discuba 906 Ditchfield, E 663 Dixon, R. 94, 390 Doddridge, Judge .... 893 Dods, J. . . 94, 131, 390, 448 Dohannida 218 Dohoday 732 Dolet R 108, 412 Dominica, xxxii, lviii, 5, 00, 310, 329, 386, 544 Donne, Rev. J. . . cxxxiii, 285 Dover ; Henry Carey, Earl of, xxii, 808 Dowman, W 129, 445 Dowse, T. . . . 129, 158, 475-6 Drake, Sir F., ix, 188, 196, 280, 287, 315, 318, 324, 702, 710, 965 Du Bartas 585 Dulcina 910 Dumbarton in New England, 232, 700 Duxbury, Capt. E. . . . .822 Each, Capt. (?) .... 570-1 Easton (?), a pirate .... 914 Ebersbaught, the Lord . 828, 830 Edenborough in New Eng- land 232, 700 Edgar, King . . .245, 269, 773 Edmonds, Sir T. . . . 226, 739 Edward, Old .... 94, 390 Edward VI. . 238, 254, 304, 743 Edwards, (?) 688 Edwards, R 663 Elfred, Capt 667-8 Elfrid, Capt. D. . . . . .646 Elizabeth fort in Virginia . . 510 Elizabeth Isles, 189, 332, 334, 338 Elizabeth, Queen, ix, 245, 269, 383, 304-5, 336, 773-4. 826, 913-4 Elizabeths city .... 586-7 Ellis (?), a pirate 914 Ellis, D. . . 129, 131, 446, 448 Eiwin, P cxxxvi Elyot, (?) 283 Emerson, W 887-8 Emmanuel, King of Portugal 504 Emry, T. . Ixxxvi, cxv, 15, " "6, 94, 390, 395-6, 401 England, New, 937, and/«. Ensenore 315-6 Epenew 264, 697, 701 Erondelle, P cxxxii Essex, Earl of 965 Estotiland 283 Etheridge, G 664 Euripides 326 Euens, J 635 Evans, (?) 540 Eve .... 228, 568, 741, 934 Falling-crick 585 Falls on the James river, Vir- ginia, The . xliv, cii, 17, 19, 48, 82, 92, 105, 109, 125-6, 162-3, i6?, 409 Farfax,(?) 538 Farnese, Francisco, xxii, xxiii, 788, 806, 852 Farrar, J. . . 271. 540, 544, 561-2, 621, 663 Farrar, N. . 62, 543, 662, 687, 885 Farrer.W 58a Fawmouth [i.e., Falmouth] in New England . . 232, 699 Felgate, W. . 605, 646, 664, 685 Fenton, R. . . . 384, 389, 403 Ferdinand of Austria. Arch- duke 828,831,835 Ferdinando, S. . 310, 326, 328-9 Fereby, A 814 Fernezsa, see Farnese. Fetherstone Bay . . • 119, 426 Fetherstone, R. . 108-9, "6. 119,411, 413, 421, 426 F[i]eld, T ... . . 108, 41a Fisher, (?) 646 Fisher, B 786 Fitch, M xli, liv, xcv Fittiplace, see Phettiplace. Fleming (?), a pirate .... 913 Fletcher, J 663 Florida . . xxxiv, 47, 189, 280, 305, 310, 343, 702-3, 934, 939. 963 Floud, (?) .... 446, 887-8 Flowerda[r'.*., Florid*} Hun- dred 583 Flower, G lxxi, 38$ Force, Peter .... cxxx-i Ford, R. . 93, 131, 139, 145, 389, 448, 456, 462 Forest, G. . . . 108,411,481 Forest, Mrs 129, 446 Forest, T 129, 445 Fortescue, Sir N 621 Fox, Capt. L. ... cxxxiii Fox, T 129, 446 Francis, a Dutchman . 139, 150, 456, 467. 487 Frith, R 390 Frobisher, Sir M. . 280,304,965 Fry (?), a pirate . . . 221,734 Fuller, M 603-5 G Gabriel 661 Gage, T cxxxiii Galthorpe, S. . . xxxii, lxxi, xc Gany, W 603 Gardiner, (?) 311 Garret, W 94. 39° Gates Fort . . . . . .... 644 Gates, Sir T., xciv-v, xcvii- viii, cii, cxxv, 161, 1 71-2, 478, 499. 500-1, 503-4, 506, 509, 517, 521, 615, 616, 635, 688, 964 Gayangos, Don P. de . . xxiii Gearing, J 66* Genoway, R xli Gentleman, T. . . 23*, 254, 743 Gibs, Lieut. (?), plantation . 583 Gibson, T 44* Gilbert. Index Jennings. 977 Gilbert, Capt. B 332 Gilbert, Capt. R. . . 696, 964 Gilbert, Sir H. . . . 280, 304 Gilbert, Sir J 696 Ginner, (?) 685 Gipson, T 129, 131, 448 Gittnat, P 108, 412 Goade, (?) 234, 274 God ward, T xli Gonzago, (?) 831 Goodwin, W 654-5 Goodyson, R 108, 412 Gookin, (?) 565, 584 Gordon, Sir R. . . . cxxxiii Gore, R 664 Gore, T 94, 390 Gorges, F cxxxiii Gorges, Sir F. . 219-29, 256, 731 Gosling, J 217, 732 Gosnold, A., 93-4, 99, 101, 143, 389-90, 402, 404, 460 Gosnold, Capt. B. . . xiii, xxxv, lxxi-ii, lxxv-vi, Ixxviii, Ixxxix, xc, cxxix, 6, 8,89, 91, 93i 95. 189, 280, 332-3, 336, 385, 387. 389. 39i. 703. 964 Gosnold's Bay 430 Goston, Sir. F 621 Goughland 21 Go[u]lding, G 94. 39° Gower, T lxxi Gradon, R 108, 412 Grampus Bay 752 Granada 903 Grandville, (?) 831 Granganameo, 306-8, 311, 313, 3x5 Grasscocke, R. . . . 900, 905 Graves, N 448 Graves, T. . . . 129, 445, 569 G[ray], R cxxxii Greene, H 310 Greenwel's assigns (?)... 662 Grent, W 288, 873 Grenvill, W 310 Grenville, Sir R, 280, 283, 305, 310, 318, 325-7, 964 Griffin, 0 339 Grivill, W. 108, 411 Groonland 283 Grualgo . . . 839 Guadaloupe, lviii, 90, 386, 544, 903 Gudderington, J. see Coder- ington,J. Guiana, cxxxiii, 248,272, 784,896-8 Gundamore [i.e., Gondomar], The Lord 897 Gunnell, R. . . 182, 690, 816 -unter, (?) 802 Garganay, E. . . . 108, 411, 529 H H., I cxvii, 4 Habamok |. 763 Hagthorpe, G. . . . cxxxiii Hakluyt, Rev. R, cxxxii, 148, 267, 305, 336, 465, 772, 958 Hall, J 217 Halthrop, or rather Galthorp, 390 Hamden, (?)...... 763 Hamilton ; James Marquis of, 662 Hamilton's Tribe 662 Hamor, Capt. R., cxxxiii, 507, 517, 520,535, 575-6, 592, 598, 601-2 Hancocke, N,, 129, 132, 446, 448 Hanno 304 Harco[ur]t, Capt.R.,cxxxiii, 896-8 Harcote, M 896-8 Harding, (?) 663 Hardwin, (?).... 129, 446 Hardwicke, (?) 852 Harford, J 108, 412 Harison, (?) 575 Harison, T 654 Harlow, Capt. E. . . 696-7, 964 Harper, J 108, 411 Harriot, T., 55, 189, 234, 310-1, TT 3i5. 3i7» 3i9» 325. 685, 703, 964 Harrington, E., lxxii, 384, 390, 403 Harrington's Bay .... 259 Harris (?), a pirate .... 914 Harrison, J 687 Hartwell, A. 877 Harvie, D 311, 329 Harvy, Sir J 888 Harwood 561 Harwood's assigns, L. . . . 664 Harwood, Sir E. . . 662 Haryson, H 129, 445 Hassinnunga . 71, 367, 427, 428 Hatorask, 311,317, 325-7, 329-30 Hawkins, Ma 817 Hawkins, Sir J 965 Hayman, Gov. R. . . cxxxiii Hening, W. W. . . . cxxxiii Henrico island [i.e., penin- sula] . . . ___509-io, 566, 582 Henry, Cape, Ixiii, ci,cii, 2, 5, 24, 31-2, 48, 91, 100, 109, 177, 344. 387. 403, 413 Henry, Fort . . . 503, 507, 519 Henry, Prince, xxxviii, 177, 509,896 Henry VII 304 Henry, W. W cxviii Herbert, W 42 Hercules] . . 180, 242, 891, 937 Herd, J 94 Hewes, (?) 802 Hewes (?), a pirate .... 914 Hewes, J 310 Hewes, Rev. L., 648, 650, 655, 685 Hewet, Sir T 664 Hide, N 663 Hide, Sir L. 663 Hidon, J 664 Higginson, Rev. F., cxxxiii, cxxxv Hill, E 587. 596 Hill, G 108, 411 Hilliard, A 651 Hilliard, G. S cxxxii Hilliard, N cxxxvi . 129, 446, 660, 688 . . . . 250, 261 97o 910 • 310, 331, 633> 903 Hillyard, (?) Hilton, W. . Hinde, R. , Hinton, A. Hispaniola . Hixon, T 098 Hixon.W 898 Hobamock . 758-60, 765, 767-8 Hobson, Capt. 701 Hog Bay, Bermuda .... 679 62 Hog Island .... 143, 500 Homer 81$ Hondius, J. . . cxxxiii, cxxxv Hope, T. . . 101, 108, 404, 412 Hopkins, S 750, 756 Hore, (?) 283 Hotchkiss, Maj. J. . . xvii, cxix Houghton Isles in New Eng- land 232, 700 Houlcroft, Capt. (?) ... 500 Houlgrave, N 94, 390 Hoult, J 129, 445 How, G 326-7, 329 Hubbard, Gov. W. . . cxxxiii Hull in New England . 232, 699 Hulsius, L., cxxx, cxxxii, cxxxiv Hume, D 822 Hunnewell, J. F. . . xviii, ci Hunt, (?) 129, 219, 220, 445, 754 Hunt, Rev. R.,lxxxviii,xc-xci, 9°> 93i 99. io3> 264, 385-6, 389, 402, 407, 698-9, 958 Hunton, Dr. A 664 Hutchins, (?) 887-8 Hutson [i.e., Hudson] YL. . cxix, 191, 704 I I., R cxxxii-iii Iapazous ..... 511-2, 542 Ingham, E 286, 818 Ingram, W 217, 732 Ipswich in New England, 232, 699 Ireland, (?) 889 Irrohatock 52, 348 Isabella of Spain, Queen, 43, 248, 272, 784 Itopatin 539 Itoyatin 570 Izabella, in Hispaniola . . . 310 Jackson, R xli Jacob, Serg. T. . . . Ixxii, 390 Jacobopolis lvi Jacobson's assigns (?)... 663 Jacobus Rex xlvi Jamaica 903 James City 582-3 James Fort . . xl, xli, lvi, lxix James I. . lxix, 163, 245, 269, 278, 283, 337, 477, 482, 515, 755, 760, 774. 822, 903, 931, 914, 046 James Port lxx James, R. ..... . 577, 816 James River . xxxix and passim James Town, situated in the district of Paspahegh, xxxix, lvi, and passim Jansen cxxxvi Jason . 280, 690 Jefferay, (?) 806 Jefferies, Capt. J. . . cxxxiii Jefferson, Capt. (?).... 900 Jennens, Abr . 264 Jennens, Abr 264 Jenness, J. S. . . . . cxxxv Jennings (?), a pirate. . . 914 97$ Jeremy. Index Massachusit. Jeremy 847-50 Jobson, Capt 873 John ; Lord Archbishop of Canterbury 877 Johnson, Alderman R. . cxx, 663 Johnson, E cxxxiii Johnson, W 94, 390 Johnson, W 108, 413 Jones, Capt. (?) [The Captain of the Mayflower, when she took out the Pilgrim Fathers in 1630] 7.50-1' 702 Jones, Mrs. H. . . xvii, cxxxvi Jones, Serg. (?) 900 Jones, Sir W 621 Jones, W 234 Jorden, E 635, 815 Jorden, S 584 Judwyn, T 663 Keale, R. . . 109, 1x6, 413, 421 Keales Hill 413 Keath, Rev. (7) . . . 644, 650 Keble, W 971 Kecoughtan, lxiii, 9, 19, 50-1, 96, 1x4, xx6-7, 132, 346-7, 393, 419, 421-2, 449, 507, 511, 538, 585. 592, 599. 6o3» 6x0, 887 Keffer, P 108, 4x2 Kekataugh, brother to Wahun- sonacock or Powhatan . 17, 30, 8x, 135, 376, 451 Kemps, 151, 155, 157,468,471. 474 Kendall, (?) 311 Kendall, Capt G. , lxxii.lxxvii, lxxxii, Ixxxiv-v, 8, 13, 91, 93, Kendall, Capt. M., '648,' 650,' 666-70, 681 Kendall, E 642-3 Kennebec . 192, 203, 232, 700, 706, 717, 938 Kerby, Capt .... 668, 681 Kewasowok 321 Killingbeck, R. . . 108, 411, 538 Kind woman's care .... xhx King, Bp. J. . . cxxxiii, cxxxvi King, Capt (T) . . . xcv, 479 King. R. 662 King's Castle, 644, 654, 669, 675, 678, 685-6 King's River .... lxix, xcvi Kingston, E Ixxiii, 390 Kinsock 151 Kiptop[ek]e .... 567, 569 Kisell, Baron 828-30 Kiskiack [? also Chesiack] 24, B>i 37. 13a. 449 Kiskirk 21 Kissanacomen 528 Lane, Sir R. 55, in, 189, Kitchin(T) 508 ight, T. . . . . Kuskarawaock . . Knis 648-9 35i Laertes . • . Laguna . . . Lambert, T. . Lancaster, Capt . . . 8x9 . . .633 . 132, 448 . • • 633 I 283, 310-n, 319, 326, 416, 703, 964 La Nelie 824 Langam, Capt G. . . 256, 697 Langley(?) 900 La Roche, Capt. . . 823, 826-7 Larshan, Baron 824 Laudonniere xii Lavander, T 129, 446 La Warr, Lady de . . . . 534 La Warr, Thomas West, Baron de, xcvii, cxx, cxxv, cxxxiii, 131, x6i, X71-2, 448, 476, 478, 487. 497. 500-1, 503, 505-7. 536-7, 616, 639, 929 Lawrence, B xx Lawson, Capt 500 Laxon, Ens. W., 94, 155, 390, 472 Laydon, J. . . 94, 130, 390, 447 Layford, Rev. J 782 Le{e]ds, T 108, 411 Lefroy, Sir J. H 624 Leicester ; Robert Dudley, Earl of 42 Leigh, H. . . 129, 157, 445, 473 Leith in New England . 232, 700 Lenox, J cxxxiv-v, 2 Leo, John 873 Lescarbot, M cxxxii Levett, C cxxxiii Lewes, J. . . . 108, 412, 665 Lewis, (?) 664 Ley, Capt .... xxviii, 896 Ley, Sir O xxviii, 896 Lilly, J ci Limbo, Isles . . xn, 4x4-5, 424 Lincoln ; Henry de Clinton, Earl of 823 Lindsey ; Peregrine Bertie, Earl of . .822 Lindsey ; Robert Bertie, Earl of .... xxii, 808, 822, 827 Linnes, the Fryer . . 283, '303 Littleton, (?) 910 Locker, N cxxxvi London or Southern Virginia Co., xxii, xxxiii, cxx, cxxii- iii, cxxv, 189, and passim Longbridge Isle, Bermuda . 661 Long, H 659 Lopez, 0 874, 877 Lower, (?) 646 Lowick, M 129, 445 Lowmonds [/.*., Lomonds] in New England . . . 232, 700 Lownes, Capt 540 Lownes, (?).... 2, 234, 274 Love, W. . 94, 131, 176, 390, 448 Lucas, (?) 546 Luckin, E 663 Lucretius 743 Luddington, T 311 Luson, Sir R 965 M M., S 28X Macanoe 38 Macar, 0 583 Macarnesse, T. 284 Machiav[e]ll[i] 823 Macock, Capt S. Macock's Divident 54o, 583 • • 583 Madock, Prince of Wales, 283, 303 Madyson, Capt. . 593, 596-8, 602 Magalhaens, 191, 705, 737, 939, 965 Mahaskahod 428 Mahomet 833, 871 Malado, Mount 510 Malgo 283, 303 Mahgo 698-9 Mallard, T. . 129, 158, 446, 475-6 Mamanahunt . . . .12, 527-8 Mamonacke 26 Man, J 664, 786 Manacam 25 Manamet 764 Manapacumter 21 Manchester, Duke of . . cxx Mandeville ; Henry Montagu, Viscount 621 Mandoags 316 Mangoacks 312-5 Mangoags . . 55, 158, 351, 475 Mangoge 20 Mangrove Bay, Bermuda . 679 Mannahoacks, 52, 55, 71, 348, 351.366,437.429 Manoa 895 Manosquosick xx Mansa ....... 12 Mansfield, J. . ... 648-50 Mansils Tribe 66a Manteo . 3x0-1 x, 314, 316, 326-8 Mantivas 29 Mantoack 321 Mantua, Duke of .... 831 Marcum, R 568 Marcus Aurelius 823 Margarita 903 Mari[a]galante . . . lviii, 903 Markham, R. xlt Marraugh tacum, 18, 52, 348, w .. , ,r- , 424-5.429-30 Martha s Vineyard .... 333 Martin Brandon's Hundred . 583 Martin, Capt J., xxxii, lxxiv, lxxvii; lxxix; lxxx, lxxxv, lxxxvi, lxxxix, xcv, xcvii, xcviii, 8-11, 13, 22-3, 35-6, 38, 9*. 93, 95-7. 104-9, i6i-a, 164, 166, 170, 387.389-90. 39»i m 394.. 408-9 ,4". 479, 481, 497. 5oo Martin, J. (? bis son, lxxxix) __ . m Ixxi, 94, 390 Martin, G 94 Martin. R. 663 Martin's Hundred . . 576, 583 Marvyn, (?) 311 Mascassaber 397 Masherosqueck . . 192, 706, 938 Mason, Gov. J cxxxiii Mason, J . . 311 Massachets Mount,cxxxiv,232, 699 Massachewset 206 Massachusets River, cxxxiv, 232, 699 Massachusett, 192-3, 204, 206, 699, 707. 7i9. 720-1, 754, 762, 764-5,767, 892, 926, 933, 938-9, 949 Massachusit 206 Massasowat. INDEX. Newfoundland. 979 Massasowat .... 758. 763 Massasoyt . . . 754-6, 758-60 Massasoyts . . . 707, 754, 756 Massawomekes, cxiv, 54-5, 71-a, 1x1-12,114, 116-9, 349- 51, 367.415-6. 420-4, 437-8 Massawteck 426 Massinacake 438 Massinnacacks ... 71, 366 Matapoll lv Matchspeak 426 Matchot 513, 5x7 Matchqueon 418 Matcumps 638 Mathews, Capt 885 Mathias, Archduke . . 831, 835 Matinack 720 Matinnack .... 206, 232, 700 Matoake, see Pocahontas . cxxxvi Mattachusits 7x9 Mattachust 763-4 Mattahunt . 13, 192, 204,706, 719.938 Mattanenio lvn Mattapamient, 13, 17, 37, 51, 53. 72, 79. 146, 347. 349. 367. 375, 398, 463, 569, 601 Mavazo, (?) 852 Maxes, T 129, 445 Maxmillan, Duke 835 May, C 603 May, H 633-4, 638 May, W 108, 412 Meade, Bp. W. . . . cxxxiii Meade, R 8x7 Mecaddacut 203 Meca[d]dacut . . 192, 232, 700, 706, 717, 938 Mecuppom 426 Medina, Duke of, 238, 254, 744 Meldri or Meldritch ; Henry Volda, Earl of, xxii-xxiv, 828, 831, 833, 835-7, 840-2, 844, 847-8, 849-51, 869 Mehndus xxxiv Menapacant 30 Menapacute 17 Menatonon . 309, 312-14, 3x6, 328 Mercosur, Duke de . . . 831-6 Mercury, see Mercaur. Mercy, Baron de 825 Merham, Capt. . xxii, 877-880 Merifield, R. . . . 900, 902-3 Meronocomoco, or rather Werowocomoco 399 Meteren, E. van .... cxix Metinnicus . ao6, 332, 700, 720 Mettalina 544 Mettham, G. xx Mevell, F. 664 Meverill, F. 664 Mevis, see Nevis, lix-x, 90, 386, 506, 544, 903, 909-10, 963-4 Meworames 20 Mexico 600 Mexico Bay 3x5 Michael, Vayvode of Wal- lachia .... 836, 847, 852 Michaell, (!).... 108, 412 Middleton, Capt 561 Midwinter, F. . . lxxi, 94, 390 Mildmay, Sir H. . . . 9x8, 950 Milemer, T 852 Milford Haven in New Eng- land 232, 699 Miller, R. . . . 223, 732, 736 Miller, T 221, 734 Millington, W 646 Millin, T 664 Milman, (?) X29, 446 Mil[m]er, R 108, 412 Minter, J 221-4, 734-6 Miter, or Miller, R., 217, 223, vr u 1 L j 73a' 736 Mohaskahod 427 Moll, E 567 Molyneux, R xo8, 411 Momford Point 424 Momford,T. ,109, 116,384,413, 420-1 Mona lx-i, 90, 386 Monacans, xlvi-vii, 1, 19, 25, 29, 5o, 55, 7i-3, *°5, "1, 124- 5. 135. 146, 163-4, 346, 351, 366-8, 409, 427, 434, 437-8, 443. 45i. 463. 481-3, 612 Monacum 29 Monahassanuggs 71 Monahassanughs 366 Monahigan, cxxi, 187, 206, 232, 541, 696-7, 700, 720, 762, 936 Monanacah Rahowacah . . xl vi Monanacans 1 Monanis 206, 720 Monasickapanoughs . . . 366 Mone, Capt 164 Moneta lxi Monferrat 824 Monica 90, 386 Monomete 762-3 Monopet ........ 697 Montalvo ...... xxiii Montserrat .... lix, 903 Moone, Capt. . . xcv, 479, 482 Moratico .... xxx, 3x4, 4x6 Moratocks .... 3x2-3, 315 Moraughtacunds, 52, 348, 424- 5, 429-30 More, E 664 More, Gov. R. . 641-50, 653, 670, 678 More, R. 663-4 Morgan 572 Monnogh . 13 Morish, Corp. E. . . . lxxi, 390 Morley ; Henry Parker, Baron, 897 Morley, (?) 446 Morrell, (?) 129 Morrell, Rev. W. . . cxxxiii Morton, M. . . Ixii, 5, 91, 896 Morton, N cxxxiii Morton, R. . 107, 109, 411, 413 Morton, T cxxxiii Mosco 424-8,430 Moses . xci, 531, 812, 836, 838, 840 Moshoquen . . . 192, 706, 938 Mouhemenchughes . . 71, 438 Mounslic, T. . . . . . . lxxi Mourt, G. . . cxxxiii, 250, 694 Moutapass # ; 586 Mouton, T. . . lxxiii, 390 Moverill, F 664 Mowhemenchughes .... 366 Mowhemenschouch .... 438 Moyaoncer 20 Moyaones . . 113,4x7,586,596 Moyowance 52, 348 Moyses, Z 838, 841, 846 Moysonicke or Moysenock . 13 Mulberry Isle 583 Mulberry Point 500 Mulberry shade . . . xlviii-ix Mulgro, Bonny 839 Mulhneux, R. . . . 411, 852 Mully Befferres . . . 870, 877 Mully Hamet 870-1 Mully Sedan . . xxviii, 870-7 Mully Shah . . xxviii, 870-7 Muscamunge 312 Mustapha, Pasha . . . .851 Mutton, R. . . . 94, 390 N Nacotchtant, civ, 52, 1x3, 348, 417, 586, 592 Nahapassumkeck .... 192 Namaschet 756-9, 762 Namenacus 567-9 Namikeck, 192, 204, 232, 699, 706, 7x8, 938, 949 Namontack, 24, 37, 102, 124-5, 128, 405, 437-8, 441, 5x7, 569, 638 Nandtaughtacund . 52, 348, 398, 426-7, 42? Nansamunds, 31,33, 50-1, 129, 135, 162-3, 346-7, 430-2, 446, 452, 481, 508, 570, 501-2, 599 Nantaugs tacum 18 Nantaquak xxx, 415 Nantaquans 530 Nantaquond 401 Narrohiggansets . . 755, 758, 760 Nasnocomacack . . . 192, 707 Nassaque . . . 192, 706, 938 Nauirans or Nauiraus . . xlv-lii Naukaquawis 24 Nause xxx, 4x5 Nausit .... 205, 754, 757 Nautaughtacund 52 Nawset, X92, 205, 707, 720, 762, 764, 938 Nazatica. . 596 Nederspolt, Earl . . 847-9, 851-2 Nedom, (?) 685 Nechanichock 13 Necosts 596 Neill, E. D., xxiv, xxxiii, cxx, cxxv, cxxxiii Nelson, Capt F., xli, xcii, cxvii, cxxix, 33-40, 100, 105, 403 Nelson, (?).... xcv, 2, 409 Nelstrop, R xo8, 4x2 Nemattanow .... 572, 587 Neus 309 Nevis . xxxii, lix-x, 90, 386, 506, 544, 903, 909-10, 963-4 New Albion . . 194, 702, 7x0 M ew Andolosia . . . 188, 702 New England, xxxi, and passim Newfoundland, cxxii, cxxxiii, 980 New France. INDEX. Phettiplace. 195-9, SOI, 223-4, 227-8, 239, 241, 244, 255, 257-8, 265, 268, 304. 473, 501, 541 1 598, 634, 641, 668, 709, 711, 713, 714, 716, 736-7, 740, 741, 744, 747, 773,777.78o-i New France, 188, 191, 225, 700, 702, 738 New Granado . . . . t88, 702 New-Plymouth, 250, 260, 264, 488, 757. 759, 764> 766, 768, 781-3, 892, 926, 941-3, 954 New Scotland 963 New Spain 188, 702 Newport, Capt. C, passim. Newport, Father 124 Nicols, W 663 Nicholes, J 108,411 Noah. . . . 228,741,934,951 Nohono 697 Nomabona 309 Nonesuch Island . 165,483-4,661 North, Capt. (?) 897 North, Capt. R 896-9 North ; Dudley North, Baron, 896 Northumberland ; Henry Percy, Earle of 448 Norton, Capt. (?) 586 Norton, R. 286, 800 Norton, T 129, 445 Norumbega . . cxx, 242, 696 Norwich in New England, 232, 700 Norwood, R. . 630, 632, 638, 642, 653, 661 Nottingham, Earl of . . . 965 Nova Francia .... 47, 343 Nuport, Capt., see Newport. Nuports-newes . 565, 584, 591 Nusconcus, 176, 192, 203, 696, 706, 717. 838, 937 Nuse.Capt. (?) 561, 586, 592-3,595-6 Nusket 232, 700 Nusoik 309 O Oberwin, Baron . . . 841, 851 Obtakeest 766 Ocamahowan, Ocanahonan, 17, 20, 508 Occam 308-9 0*Conor, D 129, 445 Ohanock 312 Okanin[d]g[e] .... 152, 469 Oke . . 75-6,78,370-1,374,393 Okisco 316 Onaucoke 567 Onawmanient . 52, 112, 348, 398, 417, 601 Onianimo 569 Opachisco 514 Opechancanough, xxx,l, cxvii, 8, 15, 16, 19, 29, 30, 39, 81, 103, 135, I39-41, H4-5, 262, 376, 396, 398-9, 4o6,45i. 456-, 8, 461, 5i4. 528-9, 539-40, 562, S65, 569, 57»-3» 578, 586-7, . , 591,593,596-9,601 Opitchapan, 30, 81, 135, 376, 399, 45i, 59i Opposians 312 Oraniocke ..... 12, 340 Orapakes, civ-v, 51,80-1, 151, 375-6, 396, 468, 472 Orinoco 895-6 O'Rourke 819 ORPHEUS junior,szz Vaughan, cxxxiii Osocon 317 Outponcas 71, 367 Owen, R. 583 Oxford in New England, 232, 699 Oyapok . . . xxviii, cxxiv, 896 Ozinieke 601 Ozinies . . 55, 351, 527-8, 585 P P., C. 819 Pace 578 Paccamaganant 568 Packer, T 970-1 Packer, W 971 Paconekick . . 707, 758, 938 Paget's Tribe 662 Paget ; William Paget, Baron, 662-3 Pagit's Fort, Bermuda . 644, 657, 678, 686 Pa[i]ne,W 662-3 Painton, Capt. T. . . . 897, 903 Pakanoki . . . 707, 756, 758 Palfrey, J. G. . cxxxiv, xxiii-iv Palmer, W 663-4 Pamacacack 52, 348 Pamaunche's palace .... li Pamaunkee . 1, lv, lxx, lxxvi, lxxxvi-vii,civ,cxi,cxv, cxxvii, 17, 18, 20-1, 23, 29-30, 33, 37,5i, 65, 75, 79, 103, 114, 123, 131, 138-9, 142, 185, 347, 360, 37i, 375, 395-6, 398, 406, 419, 424, 436, 448, 455-6, 459, 493- 4, 5i7, 569, 572, 577, 585, 59i, 593, 596-7, 599, 601, 602, 611, 884, 911-2 Panawicke 23 Papaschicher 518 Paquipe 311 Parker, Capt. C 897 Parker, W 519-20 Parsons, Father R 828 Partridge, 164, 217, 223, 482, 732, 736 Pasharnack . . . 102, 706, 938 Paspahegh . . xxx, xli, Ixiv, lxvi, lxvii, lxviii, lxxv, lxxvii, lxxxii, cxxvii, 7, 11, 12, 16-7, 19, 20, 22-3, 25, 30, 33, 37-8, 51, 107, 150, 152, 185, 263, 347, 467-8, 493, 503, S42..585, 611, 9" Paspaheghans . . xli, 11, 26, 38-9 Paspahegs ... ... 503 Paspeiough, see Paspahegh. Paspeiouh, Paspeiouk . . xli, lv Pasptanzie ciii-xiv Passataquack, 192, 204, 232, 699,706, 7x8, 938 Passaquenock 312 Passe, Simon de . . . . cxxxv Pataromerke 20 Patawomeke, ciii-xiv, 53, 71, 112-3, Ti6, 119, 146, 172, 192, 348, 367, 398, 416-8, 421, 424, 428, 463, 498, 503, 5", 542, 586, 591-3, 596, 600, 606 Patience Fort 510 Patuxet .... 264, 707, 754 Patuyet [i.e., Patuxet). . .757 Pau[g]huntanuck . 192, 706, 938 Pawatah, or Powhatan, xliii, xlv, xlvii, xlix, 1 Pawatahs Tower . . xliii-v, lxix Pawetan, see Powhatan . . cv Pawmet, 192, 205, 707, 719-20, 764, 938 Pawtuxunt . 53, 71, 119, 146, , 34,8-9, 367, 424, 463, 567 Payankatank, 18, 52, 82, 114, 119, 348, 378, 398, 419, 430 Pazaticans 586 Peacock, N. . 94, 131, 390, 448 Pearce, Mrs 887 Pechmo 697 Pecksnot 765 Pekeninne 697 Pelham, Capt 901 Pembrocks Bay 259 Pembrocks Fort . . . 644, 686 Pembroke's Tribe .... 662 Pembroke ; William Herbert, Earl of 663, 808, 893 Pemissapan . . . .313, 315-7 Pemmaquid, 176, 189, 192, 203, 232, 696, 700, 706. 717, 937-8 Penington, J 390 Pennington, R lxxi Pennistonne, A 663 Pennobscot, cxx, 192-3,203,206, 232,700,706-7, 717-8,720-1,767,938 Pennobscots 938-9 Pentecost harbour .... 338 Perce, (?) 583, 664 Perce, A 885 Perce, W 108, 412 Percy, Lieut. , afterwards Capt., afterwards Gov., the Hon. G., xxx, xl, xli, lvi, lvii, Ixxii, lxxxiv, xc, xcvii- viii, cii, cxviii, cxxix, 93, 127, 130-1, 139, 142, 144, 155, 162, 166, 170, 262, 384, 389, 434, 438, 440, 447-8, 456, 458, 461, 468, 472, 476, 481, 485, 488, 497-8, 503, 505-6, 888 Pericles .... 245, 269, 774 Perigrines Mount 423 Perkins, F 108, 412 Perkins, F 108, 411 Perry • 57" Perse, T 58 Peryman, N 31 Pett, (?) xcv Pewhatan, or Powhatan . . 17 Pewhatan, or Powhatan . . 19 Pharaoh 644 Phelps, T 129, 445 Phettiplace, M., xxx, cxxviii, 107, 131, 185, 262, 404, 411, 448, 463, 493 Phettiplace, W., xxx, cxvii, cxviii, cxxviii, 86, 89, 104, Philpot. Index . Rolfe. 981 107, 131, 140, 148, 165, 169, 185, 262, 404, 411, 448, 457, 46S, 493 Philpot, H 129, 445 Phips, R 662 Phitz-James, Capt. . . 164, 482 Pickhouse, D. . lxxi, xc, 93, 390 Piemacum 309 Pierce, J 271 Piggase, D lxxi, xc Pike, L. 0 cxx Pinkerton, J. C cxxxi Pisjng's Point 424 Pising, Serg. E.,94, 116, 131-2, 390, 421, 448-9 Pissassack 426, 429 Pit, Sir W 621 Pitzaro . . .191, 580, 705, 965 Placentia . . . 227, 736, 740 Plate, River 197 Plimouth in New England, 232, 699 Ployer [? Plottha], Earl of xxii, 825-6 Ployer Point . . • . 110,414 Pocahontas, x, xxx, Ixxiv, cxv- cxviii, cxxvii, cxxxi, cxxxvi, 38-9, 86, 107, 169, 263, 276, 400-3, 410, 436, 455, 460, 498, 511-2, 514, 525, 529-35, 814, 911 Pocapawmet 192 Pocopassum . . 192, 706, 938 Pocoughtronack . . . . 20, 25 Pohatans Towre lxix Point Comfort, lxiii, xcix, 119, ™9» 155. 170, 43o. 442, 472, ™ , , ™ 497' 52S Polaloga, T 823 Pollard, (?) 661,666 Pollison, M. ...... 311 Pomeiok .... 309,311,327 Pontauncat 145 Pontius Pilate S28 Poole, (?) .... 596-8, 737 Poole, J xli Poomory, Viscount . . . . 825 Poor Cottage . . . xlii, lxviii Poot, Dr. J. 885-6 Popham, Capt. G. . . 696, 964 Popham side of the James river, as distinguished from the Salisbury side . . . xlii-iii Popham, Sir F., 188, 227, 697, 741 Popham, Sir J., Lord Chief Justice . . . 189, 696, 893, 932 Popogusso 321 Port Cotage lxviii Porto Rico . . . . lx, 310, 903 Pory, J. . . . lvi, 540, 567-70 Pory, P 108, 411 Potapaco 52, 348 Pot, Dr. (?) 564 Pots, R., cxvii-viii, 86-7, 89, 108, 165, 169, 411, 488 Poughwaton, or Powhatan, lxxv Poule, (?) 542 Poulson, (?) 662, 664 Pountas, J 561 Powas 766 Powatah [*.<•., Powhatan], the Under Chief living at the place of this name (xliii, 1, lxix) ; the Little Powhatan (cii) as distinguished from the supreme chief Wahunsona- cock or Powhatan, who lived at Werowocomoco, 12 miles (lxxvi) from James town, and afterwards at Orapakes, 50 miles (151) by land. Powel brook 583 Powel, Capt. H 906 Powel, Capt. W. . 482, 594, 603 Powell, (?) 129, 446 Powell, Capt. (?) . . . 656-78 Powell, Capt. J 907-8 Powell, Capt. N. . 86, 89, 93, 101, 116, iao, 131, 139, 142-3, 158, 164, 390, 404, 421,433. 456, 458-9. 475. 529. 540, 575. 583 Powell, H 131, 448 Powell, J., . . . 108-9, 4I2> 413 Powell's Isles 424 Powetan or Powhatan . . ciii Powhatan, a place, 51-2, 91, 165, 483 Powhatan or fames river . 32, 50 Powhatan or Wahunsonacock, iS and passim Po[w]hatan River of, or James river .... lxviii, cii Powhatans, lxxvi, lxxxvi, 7, 26, 34, 71-3, 75, 82, 92, 124, 134. 156, 35i. 366-8, 371, 387, 427, 451, 47o, 472, 5i3 Powmet, or Pawmet . . . 764 Poyrunne, (?).... 176, 739 Prat 283 Prat, J. . . . 129, 131, 445, 448 Prat, R 329 Predeox (?) . . . . 311,317 Pretty, G 108,411 Price, (?) 508 Prince, Rev. T. . . . cxxxiii Pring, Capt. M. . 280, 336, 964 Prinne, Capt 888, 902 Proctor, Mrs 584 Prodger, R 108, 411 Profit, J. . 94, 109, 116, 131, „ , , ^ 39o, 413, 421, 448 Profit s Pool . .... 424 Puet, H 654 Purchas, Rev. S., xxii, xxiii, xxviii,lvii, cxxix,cxxx, cxxxi, cxxxiii, 282, 770, 806 Purfoote, (?) 806 Pursser (?), a pirate .... 913 Q Quaddaquina 755 Queen's bower .... xlix-1 Quick's assigns, (?).... 662 Quineth, Owen 303 Quioquascacke .... . cv Quiranh, Quiranck, Quirank, xlii, xlvi-vii, li Quiyough .... 52, 348, 418 Quiyoughcohanocks, 50-1, 77, 79. 158, 346-7. 373-4, 475 Quiyoughcosughes . . 78, 374 Quiyoughkasoucks . . 393, 395 Quiyoughquosick .... 22 Quonahassit . , 192, 205, 719 R Rahowacah, Monanacah . xlvi Raleigh, Sir W., xii, cxxv, cxxxiii, 55, 121, 132, 158, 189, 280, 283, 305, 310, 325, 434, 443, 449, 474. 895-7 Ransacke, A 108, 412 Rapahannos Towne . . . lxv Rappahanna . . lxiv, lxv, lxxi Rappahanock river, lxiv-lxv, lxxi, 55, 348, 351, 398, 419, 424, 426, 429-30. 463 Rasawrack . . 16-7, 21, 142, 459 Rassaweak 366, 459 Rassawmeake, chief town of Monacans 71 Ratcliffe, alias Sicklemore, Capt. J., xxxii, lxxiii-iv, lxxix, lxxxiii, lxxxv, lxxxix, xc, xcv, xcviii-ix, ci, civ, cxxix, 8-10, 91, 93-5, 103-4, "4-15, 119, 122, 161-2, 164, 166, 170, 337. 387. 389. 391-4. 404. 408, 411-2, 420, 432, 435, 440, 442, 444. 479, 480, 482, 484, 497, 498, 500, 513 Rat Isle 226, 739 Raven, (?) 638 Rawhurt 38, 401 Read, J., Ixxxiv, 12, 94-5, 109, 132, 390, 413, 448 Read Point 424 Rebecca, Lady, see Poca- hontas ...... 529, 535 Re, Isle de . cxxvii, 176, 912, 945 Reynolds, (?) 970 Rhodes, J 898, 900 Riccard's Cliffes, m, 415, 419 Rich, (?) 661 Rich, R cxxxii Rich, Sir N cxx, 664 Richmond ; Frances, Duchess of cxxxi, 274-5 Rickahake 570 Righkahauck 13 Rio Grande 340 Roanoke,2o,23, 308 -17,325-7,328-9 Robert, a Polonian .... 528 Roberts, E 663 Roberts, jun., E. . . . . 662 Robinson, J., lxxxiii, lxxxvi, cxv, 15-6, 93, 390, 395-6, 401 Robinson, Mistress M. . . 543 Robinson, Serg. E., xxiii, cxxviii, 230, 691, 852 Rochdale Hundred .... 510 Rodes, C 108, 413 Rodoll, Prince . . 840, 847-9 Roe, Sir T 896 Rogers, (?) 3" Rogers, R 663 Rolfe, A cxxxvi Rolfe, John [or Thomas, p. cxxxvij (also spelt Wroth), cxxxvi, 514, 520, 525, 529, 539-40, 543 982 Rolfe. Index Southampton, Rolfe, Thomas, his son, hy Pocahontas 535 Romulus 488 Ro[o]ds, W. . . lxxii, 94, 390 Roonock 30 Rose, (?) 139, 446 Rosier, J 340 Rosworme, see Rttsswurm 832-3 Rowcroft, alias Stallings, E., 217, 223, 258, 539-40, 732, 73<5. 746 Royal, Port . . 517, 647, 963 Royde, W 900 Roydon, Capt. M. . . 256, 697 Rudolph II. of Germany, Emperor 824 Russawmeake 71 Russe, A 311 Russell, Dr. W., 86, 89, 108-9, ... II4-IS, 4". 4^3, 419-20 Russell, J., 126, 129, 131, 133, I39-40, 144. 439. 445,448, 450, 454, 450-7. 461 Russell, W. . . . cv, 129, 445 Russel's Isles . . . no, 4x3, 567 Russwurm, Earl . . 832-3, 835-6 Rut 283 S Saba be Sackville, Sir E. , exx, 664, 687-8 Sackwell (?), a pirate . . .914 Sagadahock . 172, 189-90, 192-3, 203, 206, 232, 696, 700, 704, 706-7, 717, 720, 938, 964 Sagoquas . . . 192, 232, 699 Sakaweston 697 Salem 949, 958 Salisbury ; Robert Cecil, Earl of . . . . xcviii-ix, c, 442, 893 Salisbury side of the James river, as distinguished from the Popham side . li, lv, lxxvi Salter, D 3ix Salterne, R. 336 Saltonstall, Capt. C. ... 902 Saltonstall, Sir S., 802, 809, 902, 969, 970-x Saltonstall, W. . cxxxiii, exxxv Salvage, Ens. T., cli, ciii, 27, 31,37-8,102,108,405, 412,517,567-9 Salvage, R., xo8, 132, 139,412, 448, 456 Sambage, W. . . . . 129, 445 Samoset 754"5 Samson 179 Samson, J 329 Samuel, (?) a Dutchman, ciii, 139, 456, 477 Samuel ; Archbishop of York, 920 Sanders, R. .... 654, 656 Sanderson, W 305 Sandford (?) 176 Sands, T. 93, 390 Sandwich In New England, 232, 700 Sandys, G. (poet) 564, 574-7, 663 Sandys, Sir E. . exx, 540, 662-4 Sandys, Sir S 663-4 Sandys Tribe .... 664, 678 S»r» 599 Sarapinagh 415 Sasanow 206, 721 Sasquesahanocks, 53, 55, 65, 71, 118, 349-51, 361, 367, 422, 424 Sassanow's Mount, 206, 232, 699 Satquin 206, 720, 938 Sawocatuck 193,717 Sayres (?), a pirate .... 9x4 Scar 763 Scarborough, T xx Scheibler, Carl F. . . . exxxii Scipio 228 Scot, (?) X29, 446 Scot, E 664 Scot, G 664 Scoutan, Capt. 671 Scrivener, M., lxxxvii, exxix, 23. 27-32, 34-5, 37-8, iox, 104- 5, IO7, X09, 115, 119, X22, X27- 31,143)404,407,409,411-21420- i» 432, 435, 438, 440-2, 446-7, 460 Seaman, (?) 696 Secassaw 192, 707 Secobeck 426 Secotan 309, 311, 327 Secowocomoco ... 52, 348 Sedan, T 476,613 Segar, Sir W., xvii, xix, xxiv, 806, 843, 845 begocket . 192, 203, 232, 700, 706, 717, 938 Segotago .... 192, 706, 938 Sekawone 52, 348 Sendall, Th 822 Sewster, E 971 Shackaconias .... 71, 367 Shakahonea 427 Shasghe, The I.ord .... 824 Sheffield's plantation . . . 582 Sheffield, T 582 Shelly, H 635-7 Shephard, M 664 Sherwin, T. 890 Short, J 390 Short, Old, the bricklayer . . xc Shortridge, J., 129, 131, 445, Shuter*s [i.e., Shooter's] Hill' 4 in New England . . 232, 700 Sicklemore, M., X08-9, 116, 131-2, 158, 411-3, 421, 448-9, 474 Sicklemore, Point .... 424 Sicklemore, see Ratcliffe, lxxxv, xcix Sigismundus Batori, xxiii, xxiv, 272, 776, 7 777-8 White, B xli White, Capt. J. . . . 908, 964 White, Capt. W. . . . 896, 899 White, J., 283, 326, 329, 331, 351, 482 White, Mrs. 751 White, P 751 White, Rev. J. . . . cxxxiii White, W. . . lxxiii, 94, 164, 390 Whitson Bay 336 Whitson, J 336 Whonkenteaes ... 71, 367 Wichaguscusset 762 Wick[h]am, W 540 Wiffin, D 287, 580 Wiffing, R., cxxviii, 86, 101, 108, 144, 146, 148, 159, 185, 404, 4", 460, 463, 465, 476, 493 Wighcocomoco . 52, 65, no, 348, 361, 414-5, 424, 586 Wilcocks, Capt 567 Wiles, B 108, 412 Wilkinson, W., Surgeon, 94, 390 Williams, (?).... 129, 446 Williams, Capt 697 Williams, N 852 William the Conqueror. . . 824 Willoughby d'Eresby, Pere- grine Bertie .... xix, 822 Willoughby d'Eresby ; Robert Bertie, Lord, see Lindsey, xxii. 424, 822, 827 Willoughby Isles in New Eng- land 232, 700 Willoughby, Sir H. ... 304 Willowbyes River .... $aj Wilson, a pirate 914 Wilson, (?) 1 Wimp, (?) 57a Winauh, Winhauk . xli, li-ii, lv Wingandacoa . . . 306, 309-10 Wingfield.Capt.E. M., xxviii, xxxii, xl, liii, lxxiii-xci, cxviii, 6, 9. 89, 91, 93, 97, 105, 385, „,. . 387. 389, 39i, 394, 408 Wingina . 306,309-11,323,327 Winne, Capt. P., . 122, 127, 129-30, 139, 151-2, 157, 435, 438, 44o, 443, 445-7, 456, 462, __ 467-9, 473 Winne, H 129, 445 Winslow, E., cxxxiii, 694, 751, . 756, 763-4. 769 Winsor, J. . . xiv, xvii, cxxxiii-v Winthrop, Gov. J., xi, cxxxv, _, o- r, 0l8' 9*6' 947, 954 Winwood, Sir R 664 Wiseman, R 663 Wither, G 183, 690 Wittawamat .... 763, 765 Wocohon 310, 329 Wodall, J 664 Woddiffe, Capt 542 Wolleston, H., 129, 445, 736-7 Wollisio [i.e., Winslow] . . 755 Wollistone (?), a pirate . . . 914 Wolverstone, Capt 908 Wood, B 310 Wood, Capt., xcv, 164, 479, 482 Wood, Ens 668 Wood, J 310 Wood, J., a Frenchman . . 654 Wood, R -890 Wood, W cxxxiii Woodhouse, Capt. . . 688, 880 Worley, R. . . 108, 131, 411, 448 Worseley, E 285 Wotton, T., Surgeon, xli, xc, „ 94, 39o, 392, 402 Wright, E 802 Wroth, J. [? also Rolfe] . 663-4 Wyat, S. F., 562, 564, 570, 573, 603 Yarington, G. 129, 131, 445, 448 Yearley, Sir G., 525-7, 529, 535, 538, 540, 562, 567, 583, ,r , ^ , ,594-5.599.885-6 York, Duke of [afterwards Charles I.] 48, 344 Youghtanund, lv, ciii, cv, 17, 21, 37, 5i» 79. 80, 146, 347, m 375- 398, 463, 585. 601 Young, W 108, 412 Zarvana, Earl . 841, 847, 849, 852 Zoto [i.e., Solo] . . . 705, 965 Zucchero cxxxvi Zuchelli, Madame . . cxxxvi Zizimmus, Pasha .... 849 Finis coronat opus, Smith, John Travels and works of Captain John Smith A new ed, PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY %