SOURCE HEADER | URL: https://archive.org/download/travelsworksofca0001edwa/travelsworksofca0001edwa_djvu.txt | Edition: Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, ed. Edward Arber, new ed. A.G. Bradley, Edinburgh: John Grant, 1910, vol. 1 (True Relation 1608; Map of Virginia & Proceedings 1612; Generall Historie bks 1-2) | Fetched: 2026-09-14 (UTC) by worker B | Raw OCR/plain text, unedited ---- Wired CE WAP apr origin lars eae ye ee ee es aba fit Santa Clara County Free Library & $973.2 Smith, $65 Travels and works of ‘c Captain John Smith. v.l 247919 : ua & Crk — (S24, [Seeenn “CALIFORNIA- WESTERN AMERICANA Santa Glara County Free Library This book may be kept 14 days. A fine of 5 cents per day will be charged on books kept overtime. No books will be issued to persons in arrears for fines. Books must not be loaned by the borrower. Careful usage of books is expected, and any soiling, injury, or loss is to be paid for by the borrower. @ CPL OEM ay a 7 ie aE SIV zS Ee Travels and Works of Captain John Smith Travels and Works Captain John Smith... President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England £5 00-603 1 Edited by EDWARD ARBER, F.S.A. A New Edition, with a Biographical and Critical Tntideene. by Ae Ge BRADLEY PART I. EDINBURGH: JOHN GRANT 31 GEORGE IV. BRIDGE onan Tai NT Santa Clara County Free Library Aawcit - fd a 1st eve ge di aA S: ~ ga Wiha ee hahaa Souven. a § +a KAG CONTENTS PAGE Introduction, Critical and Biographical, by A. G. Bradley 3 : : A : : : 1 Bibliography by Thos. Seccombe - é ¥XXVIL Introduction, including the following Illustrative and Contemporary Documents, by Prof. E. Arber z ; : ; ; ; hax 1606. The London Virginia Company. Instructions by way of advice (Fc. : 2 : » XXxiil 22 June 1607. R. Tindall, Gunner. Letter to Prince Henry + XXXVili 22 June 1607. A Gentleman of the Colony. 4 relatyon of the Discovery of our River Fc. A xl 18 Aug. 1607. D. Carleton. Letter to John Chamberlain : : lvi ? 1607. The Hon. G. Percy. Zhe Plantation of the Southerne Colonie §5'c. « . lvii ?> 1608. E. M. Wingfield. .4 Discourse fe Woesiets «xxiv 7 July 1608. J. Chamberlain. Letter to Dudley Carleton . . | xcli 23 Jan. 1609. J. Chamberlain. Letter to Dudley Carleton . soul EXClit 31 Aug. 1609. Captain G. Archer. Letter announcing arrival of the Third Supply dy TRAY 4 Oct. 1609. Captain J. Ratcliffe. Lutter tothe. Earl of Salisbury Xcviii 15 Dec. 1609. The Earl of Southampton. Letter to the Earl of Salisbury P ; : . ° c ? 1613. Captain H. Spelman. Relation of Virginea : ci ? 1618. Captain J. Smith. Letter to Lord Bacon . oy OXXE 26 Apr. 1607-10 July 1609, The Epic ide of the James river Settlement . ° + CXXIX Bias tow Wey 19 petted e 3 Be santa Clara County Free Library Can dose, Calif CONTENTS Bibliography . : - : . : J. Lenox C. Deane } The Ten States of Smith’s New England Map . J. Winsor CXXXIV Mrs H. Jones. Description of the original painting of Pocahontas cxxxvi A True Relation of Occurrences and Accidents in Virginia, 1608 : : ; F : I A Map of Virginia, with a Description of its Commodities, People, Government, and Re- ligion, 1612. PART 1 To the Hand. By ake Abbay . e e . e 43 Vocabulary of Indian Words, &c. 4 P : 44, 381 The Description of Virginia A 475 343 OF such things which are naturall in V1 ae and bow they vse eee 56, 352 Of their Planted fruits in Virginia and how they vse them . 61, 357 The Commodities in Virginia or that may be had by industrie 63, 359 Of the naturall Inhabitants of 77 uring . . ° 65, 360 Of their Religion 8 : ° ° 74, 370 Of the manner of the Virginians governement ° ° 70, 375 PART II To the Reader. By T. Abbay . . ‘ . . 87 The arrival of the Colony in Virginia : . ° 89, 385 What happened till the first supply . . 94, 391 The arrival of the first supply and the Ships returne : 100, 403 The arrival of the Phenix, her returne, and other accidents 105, 408 The Discoverie of the bay of Chesapeack . 109, 412 The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener. ” What happened the second voyage to discouer the Bay. 116, 421 The Presidencie surrendred to Captaine Smith. "The arrivall and returne of the second supply : : . 421, 433 Letter to the Treasurer and Council of Virginia . ° a Journey to Pamavnke : ° é 131, 448 How we escaped surprising at Pamavnke . . ° 139, 456 Senta Cle ounry rree Librar y San Jose, Calif. CONTENTS. How the Savages became subject to the English é 149, What was done in three monthes hauing victuall. The store deuoured by rats. How we liued 3 monthes of such naturall fruits as the countrie afforded . ; : . 1545 The Arriual of the third supply . 4 A : 161, The Conclusion . . : 4 , 170, Rev. Dr Simmonds’ Postscript ‘ : . . . A Description of New England ; or, Observations and Discoveries in North America, 1616. The Epistle Dedicatory to Prince Charles . Epistle to the Lords, &c., of H.M. Councell for all Plantations, &e. Epistle to the Right Worshipfull aistvitttle &e. Complimentary Verses A Description of New England . : ; j 187, My first visit to New England. : . : 187, The Description of New England : . { 192, My second voyage to New England : Bi, Examination of Daniel Baker, Steward to Captaine Lohn Smith 22s My captivity among the French pirates. : : 224, Complimentary Verses The additional page (see p. cxxxiv) only found in some copies New Englands Trials, 1620. Epistle to the Right Honorable and Worthy aduenters, &c. Bpistle to the Fishmongers Ean of London . : : New Englands Trials % ‘ “ é 2375 New Englands Trials, 1622. Epistle to Prince Charles . , Epistle to the Right Hon. and Right Wor thy Aduenturers” : New Englands ‘Trials and Present Estate . 5 A Plantation in New England. i Letter from New Plymouth. By William Hilton. An Abstract of Letters sent from the pens in New England July 16, 1622 PAGE 465 471 478 497 174 177 178 179 181 695 697 706 . 731 734 736 230 232 235 236 743 251 252 253 259 260 262 CONTENTS. The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles, 1624. Dedication to the Duchess of Richmond . . , a salt FS A Preface of foure Poynts : . - : li eg: Complimentary Verses. ‘ . *. .280 The Detailed Contents of the Genctall Historie : : . 289 Tue First Booxe. The English voyages to the old Virginia Pee: The voyage of Captaines P. Amadas and A. Rarlowe; I 584 ste . 205 Sir Richard Grenuills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter peas 1585 310 The conspiracy of Pemissapan ; the Discouery of its and our returne for England with Sir Francis Drake . ‘ sce BES Thomas Hariot. Obseruations in this Voyage ‘ sm BQ How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieue them ct se2z5 Three Ships more sent to relieue them by Master White « ehRB26 John White. The fift Voyage to Virginia . vl B29 John Brierton. A briefe Relation of . eRtabeabes Ile, dis- covered in 1602 by Captain 2B. Gaindll. : 332 Robert Salterne. A Voyage of Captaine Martin Prinze 1603 . 336 James Rosier. A relation of a Discovery ... by Captaine George Waymouth, 1605 . oh ASST Tue Ssconp Booxe. Of Virginia now planted : 341 A reprint, with variations, of the Fi irst Part by Captain Jobn Smith, of Map of Virginia, at ; ‘ : pp. 44-84 Tue Tuirpd Books. Of the Proceedings and Accidents of the English in Virginia . 383 A reprint, with variations, of the Second Part of the Map of Virginia, edited by Rev. William Simmonds, at - pp» 89-174 Intercalated reprint of Complimentary Verses : 489 Tue Fourtu Booker. The Proceedings of the English after the alteration of the Gouern- ment of Virginia 495 What happened in the first gouernment after the alteration, 1609-10 497 The gouernment resigned to Sir Thomas Gates, 1610 500 The gouernment devolued to the Lord Ja Ware, 1610 . 500 CONTENTS. The government left againe to Captaine George Percie, 1611 The gouernment surrendred to Sir Thomas Dale, 1611 . ‘ The gouernment returned againe to Sir Thomas Gates 1611 The government left to Sir Thomas Dale, 1614 : : The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery, 1616 . ‘ The gouernment left to Captaine Yearley, 1616 ; Relation to Queen dune of Pocahontas, 1616 . < The gouernment deuolued to Captaine Samuel Argall, 1617 ; ‘ A relation from Master John Rolfe, Tune 15, 1618 The gouernment surrendred to Sir George Yearley, 1619 A desperat Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of warre and the Margaret and [ohn, 1620 : The names of the Aduenturers for Virginia, 1620 : Extracts from Councels letters for Virginia, 1620-1. Master Stockham’s Relation, 1621 ‘ . Ss The gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat, 1621. . Gifts and Patents 3 . J. Pory. Obseruations in his trauels, 1621 Capt. Each sent to build a Fort to secure the Countrey, 1622 The Massacre upon the 22 March, 1622 The numbers that were slaine in those seuerall Plantations) 1622 Project and offer to the London Virginia Company, 1622 A particular of such necessaries . . . to prouide to goe to Virginia, 1623 A briefe relation to His Maiesties Commissioners for the reforma- tion of Virginia, 1624 Answers to the seven questions of the Commissioners, 1624 a «0 Seete” "es © © © Tue Fiero Booxsg. The Generall Historie of the Bermvdas, The description of the Summer Iles and their natural commodities A briefe relation of the shipwracke of Henry May The first English ship knowne to haue beene cast away vpon the Bermudas . The first beginning of a Colonie in the Somer Iles, 1612 The rule of the six Gouernors, 1615 . The Gouernment of Captaine Daniel Tucker, 1616 R. Norwood. The diuision of the Summer Les into Tribes, 1618 The Gouernment of Captaine Miles Kendall, 1618 ‘ The Gouernment of Captaine Nathaniel Butler, 1619 Master John Barnard sent to be Gouernour, 1622 What hapned in the gouernment of Master John Harrison; 1623 « Reprint of Complimentary verses ‘ CONTENTS. Tue Sixta Booxe. The Generall Historie of New-England, with a Note on PAGE Newfoundland 693 A reprint with variations of-—Description of New England, at pp. 187-229; and, New Englands Trials, at pp. 233- 248 695, 743 E. Winslow, &e. ibs “Plaitztion in New England, 1620 749 Obiections, Answers, and Considerations, 1624 769 J. Dee. Opinion for the building of ships, 1577 773 R. Whitbourne. Obseruations as to the Newfoundland Ghee. 1622 % . 777 The present estate of Neaw- Plimoth, 1624 ° . Seges An Accidence; or, The Pathway to Experience for Young Seamen, 1626. Epistle Dedicatory to all the Rt. Hon. and most generous Lords of England, &c. . 787 Epistle Dedicatory to the reader ; ; all generous and noble Aduen- turers by sea, &c. 788 A Table of Proportions for the use of great Ordinance 801 The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations of Captain John Smith, 1630. Epistle Dedicatory to the Earls of Pembroke, rie: and Dover 808 The Detailed Contents of each Chapter Re Complimentary verses ‘ 814 The Patent or Safe Conduct of Sigismundus Batori, granting him his Coat of Arms, on g Dec. 16033 and its registration by Sir William Segar, Garter King at Arms, on 19 Aug. 1625 842 Advertisements for the unexperienced Planters of New England, or anywhere, &c., 1631. Epistle Dedicatory to the Archbishops of 7 and York 920 To the Reader . ; cpr Poem on himself, The Sea Marke : : ees The Detailed Contents of each Chapter 6 e ° CONTENTS. PAGE The Last Will, and Epitaph of John Smith. - 967 Index a ‘ 5 ' < j ‘ O78 The Writers of the Poems in the Text. PAGE PAGE 1624. Aywyupos . : . 288 | 1629. Edward Jorden. . 815 1629. Richard Brathwait . 2 BIg | 1024. &. My -, 4 : . 280 1616. Ensign Thomas Carlton 1624. Thomas Macarnesse, a 231, 692 Lincolnshire man . 284 1629. M. Cartner . , . 818 | 1629. Richard Meade . At hy] 1616. John Codrington, of the 1624. Robert Norton 4 . 286 Inner or Middle Temple, 1629. Brian O’Rourke . 819 London . . 181, 492 Michael Phettiplace 1616. Raleigh Crashaw . 184, 493 | 1616. + William Phebe 53493 6s {é Cc) 81 Richard Wiffing PTA, Pf ; ; * °TD | 1624. Rev. Samuel Purchas . 282 1616. John Davies, of Hereford 1616. Sergeant Edward Robin- 181, 491 son. : . 230, 691 1624. John Donne . ; . 284 | 1630. John Smith(?) : . 922 1629. Anthony Fereby . . 814 | 1616. N. Smith, cousin of the 1624. William Grent ; . 288 Author : . 182, 492 1616. R. Gunnell . . 182, 690 | 1629. Solomon Tanner . . 820 1629. Mathew(?) Hawkins . 816 | 1624. T. T. . : ; 28% 1624. Edward Ingham. . 286 | 1624. David Wiffin. < 287 1629. Ditto . - . 818 | 1616. George Wither . 183, 689 1629. Richard James, . 816 | 1624. Edward Worseley . . 285 The Present Edition. The text of the nine books, originally printed in different styles, has herein been normalized as to style of printing; and broken up into convenient para- graphs. .The punctuation has been harmonized with this; and also occasionally altered (though always with reluctance), wherever it plainly conflicted with the sense. For all matter between square brackets [ ], except on fp. ci-cxiv, Prof. Edward Arber is responsible. ILLUSTRATIONS Tue Sutty PorTRAIT oF POCAHONTAS . PAGE ; . a eva THE Rotre PorTRAIT OF POCAHONTAS ° . . CXXXVi FACSIMILE OF THE ENGRAVED TITLE-PaGE oF “ THE GENERALL HiIsTorIE,” 1624 ; - ; : : i 272 Map oF OULD VIRGINIA, WITH A DESCRIPTION OF CAPTAIN SMITH’s ADVENTURES : . ° - 5 342 Map oF VIRGINIA : . . ° . ° 384 Map OF THE SUMMER ISLES. . . ‘ . 624 Map oF NEw ENGLAND, WITH PoRTRAIT OF CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH : : ° . . ‘ 5 694 ARMS OF CapTaIN JOHN SMITH ‘ : ; : 807 CapTAIN JOHN SMITH’s ADVENTURES AMONG THE TURKS AND TARTARS : : , < : ; 820 ARMS GRANTED BY SIGISMUND BatHorRy, DuKE oF TRANSYL- VANIA, TO CapTAIN JOHN SMITH . . 5 : 842 SEAL OF SIGISMUND BATHORY . : é . . 843 Coat oF Arms oF NEw ENGLAND 2 5 c) * 919 INTRODUCTION BY A. G. BRADLEY a “SHE intention of planting English Colonies on the Atlantic coast of North America, as a wedge between the domains of Spain in the South and the vaguer footing of France in the far North, preceded the close of the sixteenth century by some twenty years. Sir Humphrey Gilbert received the first patent from Queen Elizabeth, but was drowned in a storm off Newfoundland while prosecuting his endeavours. His rights were then confirmed to his famous step- brother Raleigh—who out of his abundance and with persistent zeal supplied the means for furthering such enterprises. A quite common misconception credits Raleigh with having been the personal founder of Virginia. As a matter of fact the Queen herself put her veto on his sailing in the expeditions that he nevertheless fitted out. The first one started in 1584 under Amidas and Barlow, but made no lodgment. They touched on the coast of what is now North Carolina, and returned home again with nothing but a name for the new country, to wit—Win gandacoa, which Elizabeth, with at least as much sense as vanity, promptly rejected and substituted that of Virginia in its place. The following year Raleigh sent another party of a hundred men under Sir Richard Grenville, who left them on Roanoke Island and sailed home for fresh supplies. In the meantime Drake arrived, and by their own request carried them off. When Grenville returned he found his people vanished, but whither he could not tell, as they had left no clue; so he sailed away, leaving a guard of fifteen men who were never seen again. Yet another party was li FIV TROD UCEIOR- sent by Raleigh in 1587—one hundred and fifty men this time, including a few women—under White. These, too, were landed on Roanoke Island; but the exigencies of the Spanish Armada prevented succour coming to them till 1591, when White returned, only to find the abandoned remains of their effects, Neither they nor even their bones were ever discovered. The destruction of the Spanish Armada, and the staggering blows struck at Spain on every sea, now opened the way for the English to challenge boldly her claim to North America, and to take up their stand by her side upon the Atlantic coast. Raleigh’s own adventuring in South America withdrew him for some time from England and his pet schemes, but in 1602 he sent one more expedition to Virginia which, however, affected nothing. His troubles with King James now terminated his active career in imprisonment and ultimate death, his Virginia patent then escheating to the crown. If Raleigh was the most active promoter of the colonising spirit which was gradually taking fast hold of England, the great geographer Hakluyt, in so far as was possible to a mere man of the closet, was no whit behind him as a stimulating force, and was much in his confidence. Hakluyt’s influence was immense upon the daring and adventurous minds of England. It seems astonish- ing in these days of universal travel—when a stay-at-home student’s written instructions for colonists or explorers would be a cause of infinite mirth—to think that hardened adventurers by land and sea took with them minute directions as to camping places by the Orinoco, or the best method of treating the Algonquin Indians from this reverend and studious Canon of Westminster. And all this time the man who most of us persist in regarding as the saviour of the first permanent English settlement in North America, and beyond all dispute the fullest and most fascinating chronicler of that epoch-making event, was fitting himself unconsciously for the work. In that portion of this work entitled the True Travels, Part 1, Captain John Smith gives us the story of that early portion of his LUNA? RO DOO ARON, ili life which was passed in Europe, and brings it up to the time when he turned his thoughts towards Virginia and colonisation. The veracity of this bit of his autobiography has been violently attacked by some—occasionally as it seems to us on very flimsy pretexts—and as stoutly defended by others, conspicuously by Professor Arber who devoted years of his life to the subject, and by the late Professor Fiske of Harvard, probably the most illuminating and weighty writer on Early Colonisation that North America has produced. Considering the period, however, at which Smith lived, the nations against or with whom he served, there is little or nothing on the face of his narrative to strain the credulity of any one with a tolerable grasp of history and social progress. With the virtual monopoly enjoyed by the West of England in the patriots and sea dogs of the Elizabethan period, it is an almost welcome change to find one bearing the plain name of John Smith and hailing from Lincolnshire. Our hero was the son of George Smith, a yeoman of that county, a tenant farmer, but owning at the same time freehold and tenements in the neighbourhood. The family had come originally from the north, and would seem at one time to have borne a coat of arms; but John Smith’s mother Alice, at any rate, does appear to have had some claim to gentle blood. The Smiths, in short, belonged to that class which rose to importance in the Tudor period, and must often have differed very little from the small country gentry ot that day, with whom, moreover, they were constantly intermingling. The farm which they held under Lord Willoughby de Eresby was situated near the village of Willoughby, and in the registers of its church is the entry of John Smith’s baptism, January 9, 1580 (by modern reckoning). Four younger brothers and a sister, with the death of two of the first, and that of the father (1596), are also recorded. After an education at the grammar schools of Louth and Alford, young John Smith was apprenticed to a merchant of Lynn—Thomas Sendall—the greatest in all those parts.” Reconciled to this it would seem by mistaken anticipation iv INTRODUCTION. of scouring the seas in his employer’s ships, he chafed at the drudgery of the counting-house which proved to be his actual lot ; and after his father’s death, early in 1596, succeeded in getting away to London, and demanded of his guardians a sufficient portion of his patrimony, which consisted of some freehold pasture land and a sum of money for the purpose of gratifying a desire to see the world, and was naturally refused. After some importunity, however, they gave him ten shillings to be rid of it, and with this substantial remittance he joined his patron Lord Willoughby’s son, a lad then going to Orleans to complete his education, and whose brother was already domiciled there. Smith appears to have been found a superfluous factor in the young Bertie’s scheme of education, and was in consequence despatched home again with a sufficient sum of money. He got no further than Paris, where a canny Scotsman of maturer years, while promising him valuable introductions in Edinburgh, succeeded in reducing his finances to zero. Smith, now in extremity, gladly embraced the offer of one Duxworthy, an English captain of free lances, to join his troop, with which he did some soldiering in Flanders. Thrown out of employment by the peace a year or two later, he started for England, but was wrecked on Holy Island and detained there by illness, brought on apparently by exposure. On recover- ing he made for Edinburgh, where he presented the letters of his Scotch friend, which provided him with some social entertainment, but no practical advancement: so he returned to Willoughby, where his old friends killed the fatted calf and made much of him, after which he acquired some reputation for eccentricity, by camping out in a fair pasture by a wood, with a horse, arms, and a copy of Marcus Aurelius and Machiaveili’s art of war. After exercising his limbs with the first, and his mind with the second in solitude for some time, his friends urged upon him a more conventional existence, and introduced him to an accomplished Italian, in the household of the Earl of Lincoln. By means of this expert Smith transferred himself for a time to the Earl’s establishment, where no doubt greater opportunities for pursuing PINT BR O.D.U OTLOIN. Vv his martial practices existed. But this hardly suited Smith’s adven- turous nature, and he once more sought the Low countries in company with three strange gallants who proved swindlers, both cheating and robbing him, though not without ultimately receiving some measure of his vengeance. Stranded once more, a French soldier came generously to his assistance with guidance and money, eventually landing him at a Breton Castle, whose noble owner proved an acquaintance of the Willoughbys, treated him handsomely, and sent him on his way provided with money and introductions. These last were with a view to forwarding his desire to take service in the wars then raging between the Turks and Austrians. Travelling to Marseilles he shipped for Italy, but a fierce storm arising, the Southerners held him for a Jonah, being an alien and heretic, and flung him overboard near the small island of Santa Maria off Nice, which he reached without difficulty. Two other ships, however, were driven on shore there, and the owner of one proved a neighbour of Smith’s recent benefactor, the noble Breton Ployer. So he took him on board, and after a little successful privateering, from which Smith derived his fair profit, he was landed by his own request. Once more in funds he travelled in Italy, visiting Rome among other places, and satisfying an ardent geographical curiosity which distinguished him through life. His desire to fight the Turks, however, had not waned, and in 1602 he repaired to Gratz, where Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, afterwards Emperor, then lay. Here he was introduced to those military leaders under whom he was to serve and experience wonderful adventures during the next year or two. The Turks were then flushed by some signal successes, and were seriously threatening the Christian nations of Eastern Europe. The bloody ‘campaigns in Transylvania and the Hungarian border, in which Smith now took part, first as a captain and then as a major of horse in the regiment of “ Earl Meldritch,” are related in a manner eminently stirring, and if occasionally egotistical, he is some- times quite the reverse. He had learnt some special method of torch signalling, and won much kudos by it. The sanguinary b vi INTRODUCTION. battles are natural enough, and as has been often pointed out, if Smith were the egregious boaster his detractors declare him, he would not so frequently omit his own name in the relation of valorous deeds that he witnessed or more or less took part in. The names of places not easily identified on a modern Government map and their spelling is sometimes cited against him. In a period when spelling as an exact science did not exist, the sounds of a foreign tongue inscribed phonetically would account for any apparent eccentricities. Imagine, for instance, an Elizabethan yeoman turned loose in Wales, and some years afterwards writing from memory the names of Machynlleth or Pwllheli as he had heard them pronounced! The highly educated Spanish Ambassador to England, writing to Philip the Third from London about Walter Raleigh whom he knew personally, seldom got nearer than Wata Wallee; and Smith’s floundering among the names of the Black Sea littoral or in Transylvania, as he had long ago heard them uttered by different races, is surely a weak indictment. The slaying of the three Turks in single combat between the assembled armies is dramatic enough to arouse the hostile critics. But the grant of arms bearing them with Sigismund’s letter was at any rate passed and registered by Sir William Segar, the Garter King at Arms. That great functionary was deluded, say Smith’s enemies. The arms and the grant from Sigismundus Bathori are reproduced in this volume, and there is no occasion to discuss the strong improbability of Sir William Segar admitting an elaborate fraud in connection with it. Above all, for a man whom the same cities would have us believe was of no account. For, as a matter of fact, Smith’s story of these Eastern campaigns and the main points of his own part are corroborated by, and partly taken from, Zhe Warres of Transilvania, Wallachia and Moldaira, written by Fransisco Ferneza, a learned Italian secretary to Sigis- mundus Bathori, the Prince. These were translated by Purchas for his Pélgrimes four or five years before Smith wrote his True INTRODUCTION. vil Travels, and contained among other things his victory over the three Turks. And this is the chief sum of his offence as a gascon- ader with his critics. It is significant that one of them, an American, is apparently deceived by a form of speech used in letters and documents in those days: even among equals of position when George Smith in his will addresses himself to Lord Willoughby as his “ poore tenant.” The close of Smith’s military career in the East is dramatic enough, for amid the carnage created by a desperate effort of his well-loved leader, Meldritch, to cut his way through overpowering numbers, he was left for dead. Picked up alive, however, he was then chained to a slave gang and sold in the local market. Purchased by a small Turkish bashaw, he was despatched as a present to a Greek Mohammedan lady at Constantinople, labelled as a Bohemian noble, the captive of the bashaw’s own bow and spear. The Turk had an eye on the lady’s favour, but Smith, though he confessed his humble rank, unwillingly gained it to a sufficient extent, at any rate, for his mistress to give him his freedom in the only way she dare, and to send him up to her brother who held a Turkish fief east of the Black Sea. The brother took another view of the business, made Smith “a slave of slaves,” and treated him so brutally that he beat his tormentor’s brains out one day with a flail, dressed in his clothes, and turned his face westward through the hopeless wilder- ness. After much suffering, with the slaves’ iron collar still round his neck, he reached a Russian port, where he was kindly treated, supplied with money, and sent on with the caravans to the West. Ultimately Smith found his way to Leipsic, where his old leaders Meldritch and Sigismund then were. He was welcomed as one from the dead, and readily given his arrears of pay, and more. Well supplied now with funds, Smith had no thoughts of Lincolnshire, but followed his roving instincts to North Africa, with a view to more fighting. Finding the squabbles of the Barbary States not to his taste, he travelled on shore for some viii PNTRODUCRIOR, time with a French skipper, and ultimately seeking the coast, again resolved on some sea adventures in his friend’s ship. Of these they had enough and to spare. On an English captain's ship they were blown out into the Atlantic by a gale while they were supping with him in harbour. After many pretty fights, in the narration of which Smith is the reverse of egotistical, and there is much humour, they got back to the Mediterranean with some profit but much disabled, when our hero at last experiences a craving for home, and satisfies it without further misadventure. Thus ends the early adventures of Smith, which even if they were mainly fiction would be fiction of a stimulating kind, written in delightful contemporary English. One might fairly wonder if any Englishman of twenty-four at that day had seen and done so much. It was in another continent, however, that Smith was to do the work that really mattered, and was to make his homely name ring down the ages. Many Englishmen had fought under Smith against the Turks. Two survived to be with him in Virginia, and their metrical tributes to their old leader’s qualities in the East and in the West will be found in this volume, and are of much value if little merit. Smith found England seething with colonial fervour, and after an interval, of which we know nothing except that he was for a time in Ireland, he caught the prevailing enthusiasm and soon put his share of it into practical shape. Smith’s wanderings in Ireland were prompted, no doubt, by intelligent curiosity. His adverse critics have endeavoured to make capital out of a passing taunt from one of his bitter enemies in Virginia, that he had on one occasion played the beggar in Ireland. One might say that of hundreds of adventurers, young men who have been temporarily stranded for money in the wilds of Western America, for Ireland then was almost as remote and primitive as the wildest West is to-day. At any rate, in a short time he was investing in Virginia stock and going out as one of its council. a ¢ LNTRODOECTIONS 1x Virginia was then a somewhat vague expression, for all the North-American Atlantic coast between the “ pre-empted” rather than settled French territories in Canada, and the Spanish rights in the South recognised to Florida and claimed everywhere. The period of “singeing the King of Spain’s beard”—the days of Drake, Frobisher, and Hawkins, with their destruction of Spanish ships and ports, and seizing of Spanish treasure—had passed away, and given place to more solid and enduring schemes. The first measures had paved the way for the second, which aimed at permanent colonisation. Two attempts on the coast of what is now North Carolina, both sent out by Raleigh, had failed as we have seen from causes not calculated in themselves to discourage further efforts. The country had taken fire, and there was no lack of enthusiasm, though as yet it had nothing like reached its zenith. A permanent footing on the American coast was the absorbing aim of England—partly as a point of attack and defence against Spain on the one hand, and the foreign nations fishing off New- foundland, which was gradually developing into an English possession; partly as a refuge for the unemployed; and lastly, with not injustifiable hopes of finding treasures similar to those which had so vastly enriched Spain in the South—and indirectly England herself. This movement found realisation in the Royal Virginia Company, which, after much haggling with James the First, got its charter in 1606. Its bounds reached from the 34th to the 44th parallel. For the particulars of its constitution we have no occasion here, but its Council in London consisted of thirteen members and there were two separate departments, one for the Northern, or, as afterwards called the New England regime, another for the Southern or Virginia. Broadly speaking, London was mainly interested in the latter; the West of England, with its outlet at Plymouth, in the former. There is still a vague notion that Devonshire had to do with the founding of Virginia, arising probably from the futile attempts of Raleigh, or rather of Raleigh’s employees. Asa matter of fact London has all the credit of the x INTRODUCTION. first and Southern colony which proved the cradle—due greatly, as we think to John Smith—of Anglo-Saxon America. Smith had certainly busied himself greatly in the promotion of this undertaking, and was one of the few actual shareholders who sailed among the 105 hapless pioneers from the Thames in December 1606. A Plymouth expedition started five months afterwards for the North, but after a year’s sojourn at the mouth of the Kennebec, returned baffled. With these first endeavours one source of misunderstanding which caused much suffering must be remembered. The learned geographers knew the latitudes and estimated the climate of North America from the European parallels. Virginia, for instance, they calculated would have the climate of Southern Spain; New England, that of South Britain ; and the winters in both cases proved an unpleasant surprise. Smith sailed with the first flotilla of three ships, of which a redoubtable sailor, Captain Newport, had command, while the civil power, informally as yet, was vested in Edward Maria Wingfield, a person of some social distinction above the rest, a liberal Catholic in religion, an experienced soldier, but a somewhat weak and pompous man. The company was composed of 105 colonists, and got away from the Downs on New Year’s Day, 1607, by our reckoning. Some weeks and much food were wasted in the West Indies, where self-assertive no doubt among a somewhat incapable crowd, consisting largely of broken gentleman and wastrels, Smith soon showed himself a man to be reckoned with, and was put under arrest. The mouth of the Chesapeake and coast of Virginia was made at the end of April, and there the sealed box containing commissions was opened—Wingfield as expected being named president, and Smith one of the council. After some uneventful experiences with wandering natives, the colonists reached the low- lying peninsular forty miles up the James River estuary, which was to become the scene of so much suffering, drama, and death, and the cradle of Anglo-Saxon North America—the historic James- town. Joined to the shore by a narrow neck, it had strategical virtues but no sanitary ones. Here, all equipped in men and INTRODUCTION. xi material, was begun the rude settlement that for three-quarters of a century was to be the capital of Virginia. The delight of this ill- assorted company at the glories of a Virginia May-time soon gave way to the stern realities which few of them were fit to face, Solemn formalities of Church and State were punctiliously observed in this alfresco town, but the rest was mostly chaos. These hundred and five exiles, superfluous, soft-handed sons of small squires and such like, with a stiffening of dubious working men and old soldiers, were supposed to fight the wilderness in return for a precarious allowance of rations. No stimulus to individual energy was present, when the hope of picking up pearls and gold had been dissipated. Their expectations have been a time- honoured historic joke, and most historians are probably not aware that there is actually a gold belt running right down Virginia a hundred miles from the coast into North Carolina; that it has been at many points systematically and scientifically worked for several generations to the moderate profit of some and the loss of many. So the infatuated gallants, who were mostly lying beneath the weedy sod of Jamestown before the year was out, were near gold after all—though neither in the dirt nor in the quartz of such kind as they could have extracted much profit from. Virginia, speaking broadly, consists of three strips running parallel with the coast, each of them about a _ hundred miles in width. The first is Tidewaler, where tidal rivers wind through a flat or gently undulating country to the sea; the second, now known as Piedmont, a land of hill and dale, in contour and colouring when cleared for settlement not unlike Devonshire, and threaded by rapid streams and brooks. The third, occupied by the continuous wooded ranges of the Alleghanies, rising to four and five thousand feet in height. The whole of this region, like the rest of the Atlantic belt of North America, was covered with primeval forest. The rough beginnings of Jamestown were hardly started when Smith ascended the James River about sixty miles to the head of tide water, with vague notions among other things of a strait xii INTRODOCTIOR: through to the Pacific or “South Sea,” the discovery of which was one object of the Virginia Company. Here he and Newport were brought up sharply by those miles of rocks and rapids upon which Richmond now looks down from its commanding hills. Here at that time was an Indian village, where the historic Powhatan, the chief of chiefs among James River tribes, was temporarily quartered. Mountains the Indians could tell of westward but no sea, for a friendly native was already developing into an interpreter. The interest of this first contact with the English and the red man, the humours of their mutual attitude, and its delightful narra- tion by our hero and others, will surely fascinate the reader, and carry him through all the quaint pages of this volume. The sordid jealousies among this handful of ill-assorted and ill-equipped Englishmen—all the headier and more quarrelsome perhaps in their suffering from the very fact they were free-born Englishmen, without discipline or definite aim—by no means destroys the pathos and romance that will always cling to the memory of these hapless pioneers of American civilisation. Well-fed meat eaters and ale drinkers of the Elizabethan period flung into the long, fierce heats of an Eastern Virginia summer, on rations which were soon reduced to a half pint of worm-eaten barley a day boiled in water, and nothing to drink but the brackish water of the James, with an occasional meal of fish. Add to this the strange and unaccustomed labour of providing defensive works and shelters for themselves. Under the pressure of one serious attack, at least, from hostile Indians, clearing and cultivating land was at present out of the question. Newport left them in June, with provisions already damaged by the protracted sea voyage, for ninety days. They had to last for twice that period : at the end of it 30 out of the 105 remained alive. Deer and wild turkeys were in the woods, but how should these unskilled woodsmen, as they pathetically ask, compass the destruction of game rendered wild by the numerous settlements of Indians, who regularly hunted them? Fever did its deadly work, and it was not till late autumn when the wild fowl from the North— IMERGDOECKRON. xiii which there visited and still visit in great numbers the tidal waters of Virginia—and the ripened corn crop bought from the Indians, made men again of the remnant that was left. The leading characters in the drama stand out distinctly, Newport, the skilled and reliable sea captain who went and came from England, and formed the “go-between” of the impatient company in London and its struggling employees. Wingfield, opinionative and unpractical, doing his utmost to prevent any fortification—the first necessity—being erected, lest it should hurt the feelings of the Indians, whose susceptibility to anything but respectful fear was understood by the wiser even in those days. Archer, the feeble joker and lawyer who wanted to hang Smith according to Levitical Law, because in the notable adventure which was over Pocahontas, and eventually saved the Colony, some of his followers had got themselves killed through disobeying his orders. Ratcliffe, who had an alas and was distressed on that account, as well as others. Kendal, suspected of being a Spanish spy, who was executed by the colonists for a plot against the public good, being denounced by the blacksmith as he was actually putting his own head into the noose for treachery, and thereby saving his life. George Percy, brother to the Earl of Northumberland, a good fellow on the whole, loyal to the Colony and a long abiding figure in it, but not over strong in character. Martin, respectable in character but frail in body, Hunt, the devoted minister ; and lastly, Smith’s sturdy supporters Phettiplace, Todkill and others, utility men who were ever ready to assist in his sensible measures. Wingfield was deposed in September, and Ratcliffe became nominally president of the survivors, now huddled in rude shelters on the malarial peninsula, stockaded from the mainland. Smith, however, was the moving spirit, and the qualities of leadership shine through his writings even were there no other witnesses, It was he who traded for corn with the suspicious and uncertain Indians along the coasts, when hunger pinched and starva- tion threatened. And it was he at the close of the year who went exploring up the Chickahomony, and while some way in Xiv LOK RODCCHPTON. advance and alone fell into the hands of Powhatan’s warriors, after an exciting fight with overpowering numbers. For nearly a month Smith was carried about the country, on exhibition from tribe to tribe, sometimes threatened with death, sometimes well treated, till he was brought up for final judgment before the great Powhatan himself, at his regal wigwam on the banks of the York River. Cheery, resourceful, and always observant, he was now, it appeared, actually to suffer the fate which, by Indian custom, was inevitable to a man who had slain tribesmen as Smith had done, while resisting capture on the Chickahomony. Then came the scene with which every schoolboy, every American schoolboy at any rate, is familiar. Smith’s head was actually laid on the fatal stone, and the clubs raised to beat his brains out, when Powhatan’s favourite daughter, Pocahontas, a girl of twelve or thirteen, seized the victim’s head in her arms and averted the coming blow. She did not risk her life, but merely exercised the right common to the women of Indian tribes, old or young, and claimed his person and his life’ as her own property and for adoption into the tribe. Her tender age and all that we know of Smith’s relation towards her is suggestive of pity rather than of sexual love as the prompter of this act, which was within her rights. The great importance of this incident, not merely to Smith, but to the struggling colony in general, and what it owed to the romantic friendship of this young Indian girl, becomes clear enough as the story of Jamestown proceeds. But it is on the veracity of this famous incident that Smith’s literary detractors base one of their gravest accusations against him. And at first sight it seems a most plausible one. No one denies the general facts of Smith’s captivity, for his enemy, the deposed Wingfield, has left record of it, or how he was carried about from tribe to tribe. But the weak spot in the Pocahontas incident lies in the fact that Smith wrote the two accounts of this period, “The True Relation” and “ The General History ” at different dates. The first was written immediately after his deliverance in 1608, to a friend (unknown) in England and was published there, though aaa INTROD OCT.IOWN. XV with the editor’s note that certain things had been suppressed. In this account no mention is made of the Pocahontas intervention, nor of ill-treatment by his captors, while in the “General History ” published in 1624, long after his return to England, Smith relates it at length. Adverse critics affirm that Smith invented it. They ignore the fact that strict orders had been given by the London Company that nothing should be published likely to frighten intending colonists, and that the publisher of Smith’s first letter had implied that something was left out. The late Professor Fiske makes an admirable point in the fact that George Percy, whose reputation for wisdom had suffered somewhat in the “General History,” and who the next year wrote a pamphlet hostile to it and to Smith, would have seized with delight on such a monstrous fable if, as one of the original Jamestown colonists, he had not known it to be true; whereas he made no allusion to it whatever. As to the incident itself, so far from having the fairy tale aroma about it that a European or Oriental stage might suggest, it was quite in accordance with a recognised custom among the North American Indians, and would be found occurring frequently in subsequent narratives of adventure or war among them. This custom was thoroughly understood and recognised in later times, and it is in favour of Smith’s credibility that he relates his story in evident ignorance that his escape was anything but an almost supernatural interposition of Providence. The fact that he was kindly treated and well fed though doomed to die, might be strange in the case of Asiatics or Africans; but the hapless prisoners of Red Indians were quite often well fed and cared for, that they might have more vitality to suffer the awful tortures to which they were generally doomed-—for these were inflicted not from personal animosity, but as a recognised sport, mainly for the benefit of the women. Smith got back to Jamestown early in January on the very day Newport arrived with what is known as“ The First Supply,” and just in time to prevent Master Archer—who seems to have exercised full influence over Ratcliffe, the president—from trying, at any rate, to hang Smith as before mentioned for the loss of his disobedient xvi INTRODUCTION. men, the details of which will be found in the text. One of Smith’s most conspicuous detractors goes so far as to extol this Ratcliffe (or Sicklemore as his real name seems to have been), and the officious attorney Archer, as patriots, though Wingfield himself denounces the latter as the most blatant of mischief-makers. The stout old Newport, however, arrived in time to put an end to such preposterous antics, and when he left, carried Archer with him as well as Wingfield. The first supply consisted of 130 men, 24 of whom were styled gentlemen, and a good store of provisions. On the whole the “ First Supply ” was of worse quality than the original company; and with true British obstinacy refused to learn wisdom from the experience of the others, preferring to pay for it later in the loss of their health and lives. The second ship of this “Supply” had been driven back by tempests to the West Indies, and came in later with 70 more people. More corn was now urgently needed, and Smith, in company with Newport, visited his friend and adopted chieftain Powhatan, again paying for it with glass beads or copper. Smith made two long exploring expeditions this summer up the Chesapeake Bay and reached the Potomac, and while on these surveys made the first map of Virginia here printed and identified with his name. During his absence things went amiss at Jamestown, and on his return Ratcliffe was deposed and Smith became president. Newport returned in September with 70 more persons, including two women. The mortality during this second summer had been kept below thirty souls, or only twenty per cent. of the whole. The council at home, still full of the impossible theories that men so often have—whose interests are in continents they have never seen—now took to scolding, and Newport arrived with peremptory orders to find gold or the South Sea, whereupon Smith broke out into strong language. With a much more hopeless fatuity the English directors had decided to crown Powhatan—sending out the insignia and a suite of bedroom furniture to cement the dignity. As His Majesty would not come LTR ODUCT ION. xvii to Jamestown, Smith and Newport with an armed force had to go to Werowocomoco bearing all this untoward paraphernalia. The coronation is perhaps the most humorous event, both in its inception and performance, in colonial history. How they had to press down the shoulders of the savage monarch, since the action of kneeling suggested vague notions of indignity to his untutored mind, and hurriedly clap the crown on his head. How they dressed him to his great dissatisfaction in a scarlet robe, and terminated the burlesque with a feu de zoze, which sent him howling with terror into the woods, to return half pacified and solemnly present them with his old shoes. When Newport returned, Smith sent back to the Company his completed map and his “rude answer.” The returning ship was freighted with a strange cargo indeed this time, for a gold mania had broken out owing to the discovery of a yellow dirt, not uncommon in the streams and springs in Virginia, which was thought to be impregnated with the precious metal, and a load sent to England, to the ultimate dis- appointment of the poor exiles and the disgust of the Company when the truth was known. Smith seems to have held aloof from this enterprise and regarded it with contempt. Some of the soldier writers in these volumes tell humorous stories of how Smith tried to initiate the “gallants” into cutting down trees; how heartily and merrily they went at it, how soon their poor hands blistered, and how a loud oath accompanied each ill-directed blow, till the president established a penalty in the shape of a jug of cold water to be poured down their sleeve for each recorded oath. But all on such occasions we are told was good humour; and indeed it is almost the only little touch of fun or frolic that enlivens the dreary and pathetic struggle of these ill-found and ill-fitted pioneers, unless indeed the crowning of Powhatan may be accounted an entertainment. Smith’s “rude answer,” forwarded to the Company in London by Newport on the latter’s return in the autumn of 1608, will be found full of sound sense. He spoke of the insensate factions that XViil INTRODUCTION. made a hard job much harder. He begged them to remember that the Indians could only be trusted as long as the fear of the white men was in them. He prayed for the despatch of some practical men—farmers, carpenters, or blacksmiths. Thirty of these would be better than a thousand of such feckless souls as now stood face to face with Indians and starvation. The latter had become suspicious of the evidently permanent intentions of this settlement of pale faces, if not alarmed. They knew that on their corn alone the subsistence of the Colony depended, and began to look askance at beads and copper. Individual settlers, thought- less of the morrow, were trading off by stealth all the tools and implements vital to their existence, and even arms and weapons. Corn had to be forced out of the Indians to avert starvation, and the expeditions for this purpose required a leader at once conciliatory and tactful, but firm and fearless) How Smith achieved these, secured supplies sufficient for the winter, awed the numerous tribes of Indians into a neutral attitude, and finally increased and solidified the buildings and defences of Jamestown, dug wells and cleared land sufficient for a prospective corn crop, is all set forth by himself and others in simple, manly fashion. But in April, the second of the Colony’s history, anew and unforeseen curse fell upon them in the shape of rats, which had been brought over in the various ships, and increased so rapidly as to play utter havoc in the granaries. Fresh foraging for corn had to be ventured ; but the Indians, even when friendly, were themselves by this time short of it. Under these conditions Smith found it necessary to scatter the settlers in groups to live as they could by fishing and gathering berries in the woods. It was this summer, too, that Argyll, a ship’s commander who had thenceforward much to do with Virginia, arrived, bringing word that the Virginia Company had been reconstructed. Indeed, that very June a fleet of nine ships carrying 500 emigrants of both sexes had left the Thames. Lord Delaware under the title of Governor of Virginia, was to come later. Newport had charge of the flotilla, though Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers, INTRODUCTION. *xix Lieutenant-Governor and Admiral, were with it in the Sea Venture. The fleet was shattered by a hurricane. Most of the ships, however, arrived at Jamestown, but the Sea Venture, containing the two high officials for the Colony, was wrecked on the then unknown Bermudas. Gates and Somers were detained there ten months, during which they built a couple of pinnaces and managed ultimately to reach Jamestown. In the meantime there was no one to depose Smith, though the old mischief-makers Archer and Ratcliffe had turned up; and backed by a clamorous horde of ignorant new settlers, the latter called on the president to resign in his favour. That astute veteran, however, backed now by a trusty following of some thirty old settlers, so far from complying, arrested Ratcliffe as a disturber of the peace. This fresh supply of emigrants seems to have been of even worse quality than ever. They were too numerous for effectual restraint ; they quarrelled with the Indians, aroused their enmity, and numbers of them lost their lives. They wasted their supplies, produced nothing, and in short repeated all the follies of the first colonists on a scale more serious from their greater numbers. By the following winter they had brought themselves to the verge of starvation, and were beginning to devour the dead, till a man being at last discovered eating his own wife, whose limbs he had salted, the haggard survivors were shocked into sanity and burned him at the stake, the wretched victim throwing his bible into the flames, and crying out, “ Alas, there is no God!” When Gates and Somers arrived, they found 60 miserable survivors almost too weak to stand. It was then decided to abandon the Colony and return to England. On June 7, 1610, the whole company— newcomers and survivors—went on board and set sail down the river. A melancholy band representing, so it might well seem, the wretched funeral of hopes that had stirred England to its depths for years. Never in history, perhaps, has there been a more pro- vidential and dramatic incident than now occurred. For as the miserable fugitives neared Old Point Comfat they met Lord Delaware, the first Governor of Virginia, with three ships well xx™ INTRODUCTION supplied with men and stores coming to their relief. All was now changed. Jamestown was reoccupied with renewed hope, and though much had to be done and much suffered, Virginia was never again in serious danger; but well sustained by the New Company, with men, money, and stores, and well governed, went steadily forward till the planting of tobacco assured her prosperity, and made her a distinguished Colony and the mother of dis- tinguished sons. But in the meantime Smith had left the Colony in 1609, the year preceding this critical incident and the disaster which brought it on. For whilst returning down the James River from a careful inspection of the site where Richmond now stands, with a view to moving the Colony thither from its unhealthy situation at Jamestown, a bag of powder exploded in his boat and injured him so seriously that a return to England was necessary., So in October this staunch pillar and saviour of the struggling colony left it, as it turned out, for ever. Asa matter of fact he had done his work. The reconstituted Company in London—after the crisis of 1610 was over—was powerful enough to govern and protect Virginia during the rapid development brought about by the tobacco industry and the immigration it attracted. The Pocahontas story is, of course, by far the most luminous feature of this early Virginia settlement in the mind of the general public, vague enough though any knowledge of its details may be. It does deserve, however, some further importance than the mere beauty of the incident merits, for the violent affection of whatsoever nature that Pocahontas conceived for Smith, and her consequent friendship for the English on more than one occasion, seems very probably to have been the means of saving the Colony from destruction. More than once she warned them of her father’s treacherous designs, and during periods of distress she constantly conveyed corn by stealth to the starving settlers, so long as Smith was there. How Argall kidnapped her after Smith’s departure, and brought her to Jamestown as a hostage for Powhatan’s good INTRODUCTION. xxi behaviour; how she afterwards married the widower Rolfe, a gentleman settler and the first to plant tobacco in Virginia; and how she came to England, was féted at Court, and treated as a princess of royal blood, will be found herein fully described. Her interview with Smith in England, and finally her death from pulmonary disease while on the point of returning to the more congenial clime of her native Virginia, lends additional pathos to a story which has no parallel in our colonial annals. The public- house sign of La Belle Sauvage, still recalls the memory of the gentle Indian maid and matron, while many Virginian families are descended from her son, who, educated in England, went out later and settled in the Colony. Smith remained for some time in England. The Virginia colonists, as we have seen, got themselves into dire trouble after his departure. He could not have been altogether a persona grata to the London Company, for he had given them much unasked-for advice of a sound nature, which they had not followed, and suffered accordingly. When Lord Delaware went out, it was in accordance with the aristocratic tendencies of the Stuart period, that rank was indispensable to important command of any sort. There was no place for the yeoman’s son in future, now the Colony was safe. And as a subordinate, with so many ready-made enemies, Smith might well have been a cause of faction. He retained his interest, however, in the Company, and seems to have been occasionally consulted. In 1613 he accepted the command of two ships from London merchants of the Virginia Company, on a voyage of exploration to New England, with instructions to find gold mines —a quest Smith had some contempt for—kill whales, and collect furs. He returned in six months with some sort of cargo, but what was more valuable, with careful surveys and maps of the coast made by himself. Two years afterwards Smith offended the Londoners by refusing the command of a larger expedition to New England, where fisheries were the chief object of interest. He declared himself in favour of all such expeditions starting from Plymouth—firstly, as the then troublesome Thames and Channel é xxli* InTRODUCTION: navigation was avoided; and secondly, because the west country- men were the better fishermen. His last voyage was made from Plymouth to New England, after many disappointments, in a barque of thirty tons, and abounded in adventures that must have reminded him of his youthful days in the Mediterranean and the Bay of Biscay. In the meantime Smith was made Admiral of New England, and made many futile attempts to promote the systematic colonisation of that region ; and apparently spent all his time writing his books and travelling about, distributing them and his maps, and stimulating a patriotic desire for oversea dominion among Englishmen. The famous* Puritan exodus springing from quite other sources in 1620, crossed the line, as it were, of his and his merchant friends’ endeavours, and though it succeeded, the frightful sufferings experienced during the first winter were, no doubt, due to the exclusive and amateur nature of the enterprise. Smith died unmarried in 1631, aged fifty-one, only possessed apparently of his original share in the Lincolnshire estate, and was buried in the choir of St Sepulchre’s Church. A monument was erected over his remains, inscribed with a voluminous epitaph preserved for us by Stow, for the church was destroyed in the great fire of 1661. This brief sketch of a great and insufficiently appreciated Englishman has seemed necessary, from the fact of Smith’s works being arranged in the chronological order of their production and not in that of the achievements related. And, moreover, there is inevitable repetition as well as discrepancies in dates and minor matters, due doubtless to the fact that some accounts were written while the events were fresh in the mind, and others many years after, when memory had failed somewhat. The Z7rue Travels, for instance, covering the most dramatic and earliest portion of Smith’s life—his European experiences in short—was not published till 1629-30, and finds its place in consequence almost at the end of these volumes. These chapters, however, stand alone, and may be read without reference to any others. What is known, however, as * This term is used in a general, not particular, sense. INTRO D OC TALON *xxili the “True Relation” is Smith’s account of the doings of the Virginians till 1608, embodied in a letter already mentioned as sent home by him to England, and published by a friend, possibly the Rev. W. Simmonds. Next, in 1612, came a map of Virginia, with a description of the country from Smith’s pen, a pamphlet purely descriptive of the natural features of the country, and neither historical nor autobiographical. In the same year, published with the other, was Simmonds’ fuller Proceedings of the English Colony in Virginia from their first beginning till the year 1612. This book is compiled from the testimony of various members of the Golony, whose names are attached to it. It covers the same ground as the “True Relation,” but extends three years later. Then came the three works in succession on New England, published by Smith in 1616, 1620, and 1622 respectively. These as regards Smith’s personal adventures all relate to his two voyages to New England, amplified by letters to various people and numerous observations and criticisms. Then in 1624 came the General Historie of Virginia, in six books, much the largest work, part of it a reprint of Simmonds’ and Smith’s book on the same subject published twelve years previously. The first book of the “General History” relates to the many voyages and unsuccessful attempts to settle Virginia before Smith’s time. Books II. and III. are the reprints with variations of Smith’s period in Virginia, above alluded to. Book IV. carries on the history of the Colony from the time he left it till 1624. Book V. is a history of the discovery and settlement of the Bermudas or Somer Isles, and Book VI. reiates wholly to New England, with a map and reprint, with variations of the three works on the same subject before mentioned as published between 1616 and 1620, There remains only the Accidence for Young Seamen published in 1626, an isolated work, and in 1631 Advertisements for the unexperienced Planters of New England or anywhere, etc., appeared as Smith’s last effort. Then there are some thirty poems by twenty-five different authors, most of them eulogistic dedications to Smith by comrades and admirers who had toiled with him or xxiv* INTRODUCTION. served under him. Many hostile critics of Smith, as of most other national heroes, have arisen in recent times, and as many of at least equal weight have sprung to his defence. The former have seized with avidity on every discrepancy of date and obscureness in topographical orthography, and cited quite possible exaggeration as proof positive that their author was a kind of Baron Munchausen. While contemporary evidence they explain away by convenient theories of their own, which sometimes evince a grievous lack of touch with the social conditions of England in Smith’s day. Some of them again are so rabid as wholly to weaken their case. They even seem insensible to the charm and merits of Smith’s literary work—of which any reader may judge—of his patriotic fervour, his common-sense, his keen powers of observation, which again and again would strike home to the practical pioneer even in these widely different times. Nothing in the world arouses jealousies, mis- understandings, bitterness of heart, among associates and employees, more than co-operative enterprises in untried and remote regions. How much more was this the case in the ignorant sanguine efforts of three centuries ago needs no saying. At this day, with every advantage of rapid communication and systematic information, the action of stay-at-home directors and even government depart- ments wears out oftentimes the patience and the spirit of those upon the spot who “bear the burden and heat of the day,” and leads betimes to great disasters. Smith’s attitude to the Virginia Company in London, is an old and familiar story by no means out of date in its general aspect. The successful intrigues of good-for-nothing colonists and employees, whose enmity should have been his highest testimonial, and the indifference of the Company to his services, are eminently typical of all periods of colonisation. Though to the students and the scholars who naturally have had the handling of Smith’s reputation this point of view only is apt to appeal in conventional and academic fashion. In conclusion, it may be worth noting that the criticism of American students either for or against Smith derives no value over that of their British confreres in the same path from a Transatlantic COM TUR OD OC IE ON. ¥XXV environment, unless it be in pointing out more strongly than the others, how much in keeping with the traditional habits of the Red Indians were Smith’s adventures and encounters with them, and for a greater appreciation of the accuracy of Smith’s observa- tions and maps. _ Asa matter of fact, none of these things are disputed or affect the question. The contentious ground is mainly in Europe, and chiefly concerns the publishing, bookselling, social and commercial world of early Jacobean London. No one has worked harder in this field on account of Smith, or had greater advantages than Edward Arber, and his conclusions are well known. If the personal note may be pardoned in such a place as this, I should like to say that the present writer, though an Englishman, spent some dozen years in the same historic valley, though higher up it, in which Smith and his fellow colonists three centuries ago faced the trials of the wilderness. To any one thus situated the impressions made upon the latter, of this fair country, so faithfully and naively recorded, are of peculiar interest. Generations of slave- holders, occasionally the regenerate descendants of the later “supplies” living along the banks of the James in not unpictur- esque or undignified isolation, have contributed in some sort to retain the romance that will ever hang about Virginia, and especially this region of the James River, - Indeed, the counties around the lower James have in the main lost most even of that great rural animation and leisurely well-being that distinguished them through the eighteenth and much of the nineteenth century. The cataclysm caused by the late Civil War and the downfall of slavery was nowhere greater, and scarcely anywhere so great, as here. The seats of that society which represented the full development of the Virginia of Smith and his contemporaries know it no more. Nor, on the other hand, could any echo of prosperous and modern America a few years ago, at any rate, have been heard there. It was by comparison a deserted country, thinly covered with the despondent-looking relics of a regime that had passed away for ever, and for the like of which there xxvi* INTRODUCTION. never again could be any place. That industry and prosperity of a different kind may, nay, already is in parts claiming it again, is not pertinent to these pages. The remnants of the forests through which John Smith and his companies wandered, and Pocahontas _ frisked with her maidens, the thin, sad-looking, weedy fields which generations of their successors cultivated with generations of, on the whole, cheerful negroes, were, within recent memory, as har- monious a setting as the cracked gravestones and fragments of masonry which mark the site of Jamestown, could possibly have in that bustling new world of which East Virginia even yet remains very much of a backwater. FG BIBLIOGRAPHY OHN SMITH’S published writings comprise eight books, the titles of which were as follows:—A True Relation of such Occurrences and Accidents of Note as hath hapned in Virginia since the first planting of that Colony, London, 1608. This was first attributed to a gentleman of the colony, secondly to Thomas Watson, and was not assigned to Smith until 1615. In this work no mention is made of the rescue by Pocahontas, —referred to incidentally as a child of ten, who not only for feature, countenance, and proportion greatly exceeded the rest of her countrywomen, but was “the only nonpareil of the country.” The Relation was followed by a geographical treatise, A Map of Virginia, with a Description of the Country, Oxford, 1612, written by Captain Smith, edited by W[iiliam] S[immonds]. Four years later appeared A Description of New England, London, 1616, which attained to the honour of a German translation in 1628. Some of the same material was used in Mew England Trials (written during his French captivity), London, 1620, of which a second and enlarged edition appeared in 1622. A more important work was The General History of Virginia, New England, and The Summer Isles, London, 1624, reprinted in 1626, 1627, and 1632. In this work the account of Captain Smith’s escape from the Indians in January 1608 is greatly embellished. It is perhaps no injustice to Smith to say that it was improved, for the laudable purpose of presenting Pocahontas in the most favourable light during her visit to England and the Court during the winter of 1616-16017. This improved version was naturally 1 See Madan, Zarly Oxford Press, p. 82. *xxvii XXvili* BIBLIOGER APRS. embodied in the General History, where the princess is represented as the good genius of the settlers at Jamestown. The General History was followed by An Accidence, or the Pathway to Experience necessary for all young Seamen, London, 1626, recast in the following year, and enlarged probably by another hand under the title, Ze Seaman’s Grammar, or, A Sea Grammar, both works and all three titles appearing in use side by side. In 1630 appeared Smith’s much debated autobiography, entitled, The True Travels, Adventures,and Observations of Captain John Smith in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, from Anno Domini 1593 to 1629, together with a Continuation of his General History of Virginia, issued in London about a year before his death, and here reprinted with Smith’s other works in full, There remained only, Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New England, London, 1631, A fuller bibliographical account of these writings, and of their complicated interrelation, is given in Professor E, Arber’s elaborate introduction to the original reprint of them in the Exglish Scholar's Library of 1884. After Smith’s own works, which constitute the sole authority for many of his exploits, the most valuable contemporary sources are Newport’s Dzscoveries in Virginza, first published in 1860 in the fourth volume of Archaeologia Americana; Wingfield’s Discourse of America, in the same collection; and Spelman’s Relation of Virginia (printed London, 1872). Slightly later in origin are Robert Johnson’s Mew Life of Virginia, 1612, and Whitaker’s Good Newes from Virginia, 1613. These chronicles of eye- witnesses were followed in the eighteenth century by Keith’s History of Virginia, 1738, and by the valuable and well- documented History of the First Discovery and Settlement of Virginia, by William Stith, Williamsburgh, 1747 (with which should further be collated Samuel Adams Drake, On the Making of Virginia, 1894, and the new volumes of Virginia Company Records, issued in 1906). Since Thomas Fuller expressed doubt of the veracity of Captain Smith in his Worthzes, Mr Charles Deane, in his Motes on wp tent td hetasartten “ tue a res BYISLLOGCR ¢4P HY. *y xix Wingfield’s Discourse of America, printed at Boston in 1859, was the first to impugn Captain Smith’s latest version of his emotional rescue by Pocahontas. Mr Deane repeated and accentuated his historic doubts in a note to an edition of Smith’s Zrue Relation of 1866, and the same view was supported by Edward Duffield Neill, in his Virginia Company of London (Vol. v., printed separately as Pocahontas and her Companions, London, 1869), and in the same writer’s valuable work on The English Colonisation of America, 1871. Charles Dudley Warner,in his Study of the Life and Writings of John Smith in 1881, treats the Pocahontas episode with sceptical levity. Deane’s views were also supported by Henry Adams, in the North American Review, January 1867; by Henry Cabot Lodge, in his Exglish Colonies in America, 1881 ; by Justin Winsor, in the third volume of his Hzstory of America; and with some reservations by J. Gorham Palfrey, in his Hzstory of New England, 1866, and by Mr J. A. Doyle, in his English in America: Virginia, 1882. Bancroft found a place for the story in the narrative of his Hzstory down to 1879, when in the centenary edition of his History of the United States, he abandoned it, without expressing judgment. Coit Tyler, in his Hzstory of American Literature of 1879, laments that the “pretty story” of Smith and his fair rescuer, as depicted in stone as a relief upon the capital at Washington, should have lost historical credit. S. R. Gardiner, in his Azstory of England in 1883, similarly regrets this piece of demolition by historical investigators, Alexander Brown, in his scholarly Genesis of the United States of America (Vol. ii., 1890), takes an even more pessimistic view. The balance of trained opinion was then, until quite lately, clearly in favour of treating the rescue incident as a poetic figment. An attempt at the strictest impartiality is maintained in the Memoiy of Captain Smith, by Charles Kiltridge True (New York, 1882), in Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, 1888; and in the memoirs of John Rolfe (husband of Pocahontas) and John Smith, in the Dzctionary of National Biography. But Captain Smith has found warm defenders of the general xxx* BIBLIOGRAPHY. sincerity of his narrative, and even of the substantial cotrectness of the Pocahontas episode, in Professor Arber, in his edition of Smith’s Writings, and also in his elaborate memoir of Smith, in the twenty-second volume of the Eucyclopedia Britannica; in Mr William Wirt Henry, an eloquent champion of the Powhatan story, in his Address to the Virginia Historical Society, of February 1882; in Mr John Ashton, who published a recuedl of Smith's Adventures and Discourses in 1883; in Mr Wyndham Robertson’s not perhaps entirely impartial researches into the credibility of his heroine’s achievement, in Pocahontas and her Descendants, 1887; in J. Poindexter’s Captain John Smith and his Critics of 1893; in John Fiske’s Old Virginia and her Neighbours (2 vols. 1897); in the numerous papers and essays dealing with the tercentenary of the founding of Virginia in Scrzbner’s and other American magazines during 1907-8; and in Mr A. G. Bradley’s monograph on Captain John Smith, in the English Men of Action Series, of 1905. Less critical presentations of the exploits of Captain John Smith, based for the most part upon his own True Travels and General History, have appeared as follows :—The Life and Extra- ordinary Adventures of Captain John Smith, by J. Bilknap [1820]; A Life of Captain John Smith, by G. S. Hillard (in Sparks’s Lzbrary of American Biography), 1834; Captain John Smith, by W. Gilmore Simms, New York, 1846; John Smith of Virginia, by George C., Hill, New York, 1858; The True Story of John Smith, by Katharine Pearson Woods (with portraits), London, 1901; The Adventures of Captain John Smith, Captain of Two Hundred and Fifty Horse, and Sometime President of Virginia, by E. P. Roberts (with illustra- tions and maps, based directly upon the 2 vol. issue of this reprint in 1884), London, 1902; Captain John Smith (an attempt to retell the story), New York, 1904. T.S hee at heme SS. INTRODUCTION BY PROF. E. ARBER BARLEY LERE a: 15.9:3+1,0.0'4...A.Dé Vincere est vivere. Accordamuis. ‘g> OHN SMITH “descended of ye Family of Cuardly in ¥7/ Lancashire” is the record of Sir WILLIAM SEGAR, Garter King of Arms, in 1625, see 2. xxiv. As our Author never went to any University, the most reliable information respecting his family will be found in his father’s Will, and the entries in the parish registry of Willoughby juz¢a Alford, in Lincolnshire. Mr. JOHN SWAN, the present District Registrar of the Probate Court, at Lincoln, states there are no Wills in his * charge, of any SMITH at Willoughby in 1592 or 1593; and has obligingly furnished the following copy of GEORGE SMITH’s Will of 1596. In the Name of God, Amen. In the thyrtyth day of Marche a thowsande five hundreth ninety six I George Smith of Willougbie juxta Alford on Marisco in the Countie of Lincolne beinge of good and perfect memorie I thanke God for itt thoughe in bodie weake and paynde doe ordeyne and make this my last Will and Testamentt in maner and forme follow- inge Fyrst I bequeathe my Soule into the mercifull hands of th{eJalmightie God in the mediation of Fesus Chryst myne alone and all sufficientt saviour, and my bodie to be buried within Willoughbie Churche Item I give to Lincoln Minster vjd. Item to ye poore of ye foresaide Willoughbie iijs. iiijd. Item I give to ye Right Honorable my Lord Willoughbie under whome I have many yeares lived as his poore tennant as a token of my dewtifull good will the best of my two yeares old colts Item I geve and bequeathe unto Alice my Wyfe ye ferme which I now dwell in which I houlde by coppie of Court rowle as ye grant of ye Right Honorable my foresaide good Lorde duringe her widdow hoode accordinge to ye custome of his Lordshippe manner of Willoughbie; and ifit shall please God that my saide Wyfe doe marry agayne and take a second husband, then my Will is that my saide ferme shall come to Fohn Smyth my eldest sonne whome I chardge and command to honoure and love my foresaide good Lord Willoughbie duringe his lyfe Item I geve to Alice Smyth my Wyfe tenne pounds of good and tip XX LYGRODEC FIO Me lawfull currant mony of England to be paide unto her att ye quarter off a yeares end next after my deathe Item I will and bequeathe unto ye saide Alice my Wyfe a bed- steade in ye first Chamber with a fetherbedd a coveringe a paire of lynne{n] sheets one blanckett a bowlster with pillow and pillowe beare Item 1 geve to Alice Smyth my doughter tenn pownds of good and lawfull currant monie of England, with a bedstead in the parler and a fetherbedd and coveringe and a blanckett a paire of lynne[n] sheets and a pare of hempen sheets with boulster pillow and pillow beares Item I give to the saide Alice my doughter halfe of all my pewter and brasse And if ye saide Alice my daughter doe dye before ye age of eighteene yeares, I will that all her parte and porcion aswell of money as of other things be equally devided betweene myne executors Item I geve and bequeathe to Robert Smyth my Kynsman fourty shillings of good and lawfull currant monye of England to be given him within one halfe yeare next after my death Item I geve to Fohn Smyth mine eldest sonne and to ye heires of his body lawfully begotten Seaven acres of pasture lyenge within ye territoare of Charleton Magne Item I geve to Frauncis Smyth my younger sonne and to ye heires of his bodie lawfully begotten my two tenements and one Little Close in a certeyn Streete in Lowthe called West- gate And if ye saide Frauncis dye without issue of his bodie lawfully begotten I will that ye saide tenements and close remaine to my said sonne Fokn Smyth and his issue of his bodie lawfully begotten All ye rest of my goods nott yett given nor bequeathed aswell moveable as unmoveable; my debts paied and my bodie honestly brought to ye grounde I will shall equally be devided betwixt my saide two sonnes Fohn Smyth and Frauncis Smyth whome I make the Coexecutors of this my last Will and Testament : and I hartely and earnestly entreate my goode Frende Master George Mettham, to be ye supervisor of this my last Will and Testament to whome I give in consideracon of his paynes xs Wittnesses to this last Will and Testament Thomas Scarboroughe and Bartholomew Lawrence {Extracted from the District Registry attached to the Probate Division of the High Court Justice at Lincoln.) - pa: ot Anns ar INTRODUCTION. xxl The parish register of Willoughby by Alford in Lincolnshire begins in 1538 ; but the earlier portion of it is very worn, and in parts, very illegible. In the seventeenth century, however, a transcript was made of this earlier portion, which still exists. _ By the kindness of the present Rector, the Rev. JOHN S. WARREN, M.A., we are enabled to give the following information of our author’s family. Iohn the sonne of George Smyth was baptized the ixth daie of Ianuarye [1579, or according to the modern reckoning 1580]. This occurs in the original register thus. Iohes smith filius Georgie smith babtizatus fuit ixth die Ianuarie Anno supradicto. Francis the sonne of George Smyth was baptised the vi daie of Nouember [1581}. Richard, the sonne of George Smyth was baptised the xvi daie of Tulie [1586]. Richard Smith was bur[ied] ye xxvi daie of Iulie [1586]. Alice the daughter of George Smith was baptised the first daie of ffebruarie [1589]. Georg(el Smyth of Willoughbi was buried] ye iij day of April [1596]. The original registry of this entry is not now extant. With these entries we may associate another, which perhaps refers to some connection with our Author’s family. Grace the daughter of John Smyth was baptized the x daie of November [1581]. | BS And truly there is no pleasure comparable to that of a generous spirit; as good employment in noble actions, especially amongst Turks, Heathens and Infidels; to see daily new countries, people, fashions, gpvernments, stratagems ; to relieve the oppressed, comfort his friends, pass miseries, subdue enemies, adventure upon any feasible danger for GOD and Country. It is true, it isa happy thing to be born to strength, wealth, and honour ; but that which is got by prowess and magnanimity is the truest lustre: and those can the best distinguish Content, that have escaped most honourable dangers ; as if, out of every extremity, he found himself new born to a new life, to learn how to amend and maintain his Age. J. SMITH, 1630, 2. 962. The wars in Europe, Asia, and Africa taught me how to subdue the wild savages in Virginia and New England in America. J. SmitTH, 1630, 2 925. quitie, having by perusall of my Generall Historie, and F others [t.¢., his other earlier publications}, found that I : 4X had likewise undergone divers other as hard hazards in the other parts of the world, requested me to fix the whole course of my passages in a booke by it selfe. 4. 808. xxii INTRODUCTION, These “ Travels,” SMITH dedicated to the Earls of PEMBROKE, LINDSEY, and DovER : the second of whom, ROBERT BERTIE (who succeeded to the Barony of WILLOUGHBY D’ERESBY in 1601, and who was created on the 26th Novem- ber 1626) Earl of LINDSEY, had, with his brother, twice met our Author during his wanderings abroad : viz., at Orleans, in 1596, . 822; and at Siena, in 1601, p. 827. We know enough of London society in the year 1629, and of the Episcopal censorship of the English press at that time, to be quite sure that no man would have dared to have offered to Sir ROBERT COTTON and those three Earls as trwe travels, a deliberately made up story of adventures which never happened. This alone is sufficient to shew that these ¢rwe travels is an honestly written narrative of personal experiences. 2. That narrative however is fully corroborated by a number of incidental details and minute points, such as the following, occurring in his Works long before he has any thought of writing it. In July 1608, SMITH exploring Chesapeake Bay in an open boat, named a headland, Point Ployer, #%. 110, 414, in memory of the great kindness of Earl PLOYER of Brittany to him, eight years before, J. 825. This name first appears in his Map of Virginia printed at Oxford in 1612. In May—June 1614, he named the present Cape Anne in New England, Cape Tragbigzanda, ~f. 204, &c., in memory of the kindness, if not the personal affec- tion shewn him, while a Christian slave at Constantinople in 1603, by CHARATZA TRAGABIGZANDA, ff. 276, 853, 866: whose brother, TIMOR the Pasha of Nalbrits, he afterwards, in pure self-defence, killed ; escaping away in his clothes and on his horse, across the steppes to the Russian outposts. At the same time in 1614, he named three islands, off Cape Anne the Three Turks Heads, A. 204, in memory of his famous passage of arms at Regal in Transylvania in 1602, p. 838. Both designations were first published in his Description of New England, in June 1616, long before he designed to print his travels. The allusions to what he had seen in his travels in his earlier Works at pp. 56, 59, 62 come in naturally, are true as to fact, and could hardly have been invented. In this connection may be considered our Author’s general reticence about himself in the Zvavels. Evidently his personal adventures are rather under- stated than overstated therein. He was surely not idle on board the Breton ship, in that fight in 1601, in the Strait of Otranto, when she took the Venetian argosy, #p. 826-7 ; or in that other sea-fight in 1604, off Cape Bojador, when the English ship (in which, by stress of weather, he made an involuntary cruise), under the command of Captain MERHAM, whom he so delightedly calls “the old fox,” fought two Spanish men-of-war at once, #f. 878-880: yet of the personal help, which we are sure he gave on both these occasions, he says not a word. So generally, while he is proud of his strategy and devices, he tells us very little of his personal bravery in the various battles in Eastern Europe in which he took part: with the exception of the succession of duels that he fought at Regal in 1602; which he could hardly have left out, seeing he bore the three Turks’ heads in his coat of arms. 3. Whatever difficulty there may be about that manuscript History or Biography of FRANCISCO FARNESE, ~. 788, there is no doubt that Rev. S PURCHAS had it, or a copy of it, in his hands about 1623, or 1624. “. .. The Earle of Me/dritch, with whom [Smzth] going to Vienna in Austria, hee made him Captaine of two hundred and fiftie Souldiers, vnder whose INTRODUCTION. XXill Regiments how he spent his time, this insuing Discourse will declare, as it is written in a Booke intituled, The Warres of Transiluania, Wallachi{a], and Moldauia, written by Francisco Ferneza a Learned Jtalian, Secretarie to Sigismundus Bathor the Prince,” ii. 1363-61, £d. 1625. PURCHAS then gives what in the present Text forms the greater part of Chapters iv.-xi., at AP, 829-852, as “Extracts of Captaine Smiths Transyluanian Acts, out of #r. Fer. his Storie :” which account SMITH says, at £. 852, PURCHAS himself translated, apparently from the Italian. Sefior Don PASCUAL DE GAYAN- Gos has seen a printed Spanish translation of this Italian history, rendered into Spanish by a MONTALVO: but the manuscript History itself is apparently lost. That it existed, and that a copy of it was in PURCHAS’s hands there can be no doubt, as he thus distinctly refers to it at ii. 1366, ‘‘as the Historie at large will plainly shew, the times, place, chiefe Commanders, with the manner and order of their battels, and fights ; to which I refer you.” It is also to be noted that though Vol. ii, of PURCHAS’s Pilgrimes is dated 1625, it was in hand two or three years ; so that this translation being made by him in 1623 or 1624, is fully five years earlier than SMITH’s True Travels. It may also be pointed out that SMITH, with his usual modesty, in giving this portion of his adventures, especially in the account of his fights with the three Turks, at 2%. 829-852, mainly reprints PURCHAS’s “ Extracts ” from FARNESE, 2.é., he chiefly uses the words of another person, and that person a foreigner. 4. A third corroboration of the truth of the Travels will be found in the Com- plimentary Verses, first printed in his Description of New England, in June 1616, pf. 230-1. These Verses are written by two old Officers of his company of 250 men, one of the foyr making up the regiment of 1,000 horse, in which our Author served under Te Earl of MELDRI, in Eastern Europe ; of which regiment, after the victorious combats at Regal, the Earl made SMITH, Major, or second in command, 7. 840. The writers of these Verses, were his Ensign, THOMAS CARLTON ; and his Sergeant, EDWARD ROBINSON : who were the only two Englishmen out of the twelve present, %. 852, who escaped alive from the battle of Rothenthurm (Rottenton) in Transylvania, on the 18th of November 1602; when SMITH was left sore wounded on the battle-field, only to become afterwards a Turkish slave. The testimony as to the Writers’ personal knowledge and admiration of our Author contained in these Verses is precise and valuable. 5. Mr. J. G. PALFREY, in his famous note on the 7vue Travels, in his History of Mew England, i. 89, Ed. 1858, is simply laughable for his ignorance of the regu- lated conditions of publishing books in London during the lifetime of our Author. He states that “hack-writers abounded in London at the time. SMITH was just such a person [!], as, for the saleableness of his narratives, would naturally fall into their hands, and into the hands of their masters, the booksellers. . . . On the whole, the reader perhaps inclines to the opinion that JOHN SMITH was not the sole author of his books.” Mr. PALFREY errs in applying to the lifetime of our Author, the mendacities of the Grub-street era of GEORGE I. and II. Not only were there no “hack- writers,” at that time, for books of colonization, &c.; but SMITH manifestly wrote most of his books for nothing, and between 1616 and 1620 “ divulged to my great labour, cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes and Maps,” J. 941. As a matter of fact, the General History, for which he issued a Prospectus signed by himself, in which he said, “nor shall the Stationers have the copy for nothing,” Xxiv INTRODUCTION. p. cxxvi, did not sell well ; as is proved by the succession of fresh title pages in 1626, 1627, and 1632 to the same text. Mr. PALFREY’s view of our Author is a degrading opinion of one of the most highminded of men, eminently possessing that keen sense of honour which was usual in an English Officer at that time ; and whose perspicuous honesty, had we space, could be demonstrated through every line of the present Text. Yet, in spite of his prejudice, in this same note, Mr. PALFREY is compelled to admit the substantial agreement of SMITH’s account of his Eastern experiences with the known facts of history, So far from the following Text having been written by anonymous hack- writers in SMITH’s name, it will be seen that no one could have been more scrupulously careful than he was, in naming the authorities for everything he prints: so that, as the headlines of the present edition will shew, we have hardly any difficulty in assigning the authorship and date of composition of every page in the Text. The only exceptions to this, are those bits of verse scattered throughout the General History which are intended to “point the moral” of the Story, and which we must attribute to SMITH’s deep religious feeling, wide reading, and not very great poetical powers. For our own part, beginning with doubtfulness and wariness, we have gradually come to the unhesitating conviction, not only of SMITH’s truthfulness, but also that, in regard to all personal matters, he systematically understates rather than exaggerates anything he did. Why New England writers should attack our Author (after the manner of Mr. E. D. NEILL, who says “his writings are those of a gascon and beggar,” Z. 211, Hist. of Virginia Co., &c., 1869) is simply amazing: seeing that SMITH preferred New England, as a colony, to Virginia or any other part of the world, 2. 193 ; that he tried so hard, for years, to go out and end his days there, Jf. 205, 218, 732; and that he actually did effect more, by his advocacy and publications, towards its colonization, than ever he was able to accomplish for Virginia, with all his money, personal services, dangers, and magnanimity. Only Virginia was England’s forlorn hope in colonization in JAMES I.’s reign, and was therefore generally the more perilous enterprise ; especially as James town was 32 miles inland, and the New England settlements were on the coast. 6. We have, by the kindness of G. E. COKAYNE, Esq., Norroy King of Arms, and H. F. BURKE, Esq,, Rouge Croix, personally inspected, in April, 1884, in the official register of Sir WILLIAM SEGAR’s Grants of Arms, at the Heralds College in London, the following record of the Arms granted to our Author, by SIGISMUNDUS BATORI. To Fohn Smith, descended of ye Family of Cuardly in Lanc. Captaine of 250 Soldiers vnder Henry Volda, Earl of Meldritch, &c. A Grant of these Arms in Memory of thre Turks heades which with his Sword before y® Town of Regal he did overcome, kill and cut off, in the Province of Tvansiluania. This granted in a Letter of safe conduct, by Szgzsmond Balthori, Duke of Transilvania, 9 Dec. 1603. %. 371 of a volume labelled Segar’s Grants. E. D. N. 57. There is also in the Heralds College, an unofficial copy (in VINCENT’s Collect- anea, 169, ~. 131), of the Latin Patent and Certificate printed at A. 842-3. It has, however, some variations from the text as given by SMITH, which we have noted in the margin. INTRODUCTION, XXV Of the authenticity therefore of this Grant of Arms, and of the all-important corroboration that it affords to the 7rwe Travels, there is no doubt at all. Therefore though they may offer not a few points which have yet to be cleared up, the general credibility of the Zvavels is beyond question ; and in its clear, graphic and condensed style, the narrative is among the very best written English books of travel printed in SMITH’s lifetime. AN a ae 5, UR Author’s intineraries come next for consideration. Except in Y Eastern Europe, &c., they present but little difficulty. The names, )) where he wrote down phonetically, we have here placed in round brackets. FOHN SMITH’s earlier travels on the Continent. 1596-1600 A.D. ; @t. 16-20. 1596 London. p. 822. | 1600 Shipwrecked at Holy Island or Orleans. Lindisfarn. p. 822. Paris. Northumberland. Rouen. : Leith (Lethe). Havre. ? (Ripweth). p- 823. 1596 A soldier in the French army. ? (Broxmoth). 1596-9 A soldier in the Dutch army. 1600 Enkhuisen (Aucusan). Willoughby. FOHN SMITH’s later Travels on the Continent, until his arrival at Vienna. 1600-1601 A.D.; @t. 20-21. 1600. Tattershall. p. 823. | 1600. Guingamp (Gigan). D- 825. Holland. Rennes (Raynes). St. Valery sur Somme. . 824. Nantes. Dieppe. Poitiers. Caudebeck (Codebeck). Rochelle. Honfleur (Humphia). Bourdeaux. Pontaudemer (Pountdemer). Bayonne. Caen. Lescar. Mortagne. Pau. Pontorson (Pounterson). p. 825. Toulouse. Dinan. Beziers (Bezers), St. Malo. Carcassone, Mont St. Michel. Narbonne. Lamballe. Montpellier. St. Brieuc (Szmbreack). Nismes. Lannion. Avignon. Tonquedeck (Zuncadeck), the Arles. residence of the Earl of Marseilles (AZarcellos). PLouHa (Ployer). Toulon, XXVi INTRODUCTION. 160c. The Isle of St. Mary, near | 1601. Leghorn (Lygorne). Dp. 827. Nice. p. 825. Tuscany. Corsica. p. 826. Siena. Sardinia. Viterbo. Cape Bon (Bona). Rome. , Lampedusa (Lampadosa). Civita Vechia. p. 828. Cape Rosetta (Rosata). Naples. Alexandria. Capua. Scanderoon, Rome. Cyprus. Siena. Rhodes. Florence. The Archipelago. Bolognia. Crete (Candia). Ferrara. Greece. Mantua. Zephalonia. Padua. The Strait of Otranto. Venice. Calabria. p. 827. Malamocco. Sicily. Raguza. Sardinia. Capo d’Istria. Corsica. Laybach (Ludbiano). Antibes in Piedmont (Antibo in Gratz (Grates). Peamon). Vienna (Viexne) FOHN SMITH’s Itinerary in Eastern Europe, &c., until the battle of Rothenthurm Pass, in Transylvania, 18 November 1602. 1601-1602 A.D.; @t. 21-22. Here the names of places, as written by our Author, present some difficulties ; inasmuch as many of the towns had, and still have, two or three names—one German, another Hungarian, and possibly a third Sclavonic: however, many can be identified. We give the usual, which is often the German name, first ; and the countries where they will now be found. HUNGARY. 1601. |Komorn (Komara).] 1601. Ober Limbach ; 77 Hun- B. 835. garian, Felso Landre. (Olumpagh) Stiihlweissenberg; zz Latin Alba _ Regalis. (S trlleweseng) Komorn. (Comora p. 8 ces The plains of ? (Girke). p. 833. [Jn Hungarian Tzigetvar. (Zigetun)]| Buda-Pesth. (Buda)] Grosskirchen, iz Hun- arian Kanizsa. (Caniza)] Gran. (Strigonium)] B. 829. p. 835. TRANSVLVANIA. ? (Land of Zarkam) p. 837. 2? (Regaill). ? (Veratio). p. 841. ? (Solmos). ? (Kupronka). Eisenburg, 7x Hungarian Vasvar. (Esenburg) [Temesvar. (Zemesware)] p. 847. WALLACHIA &¢. The river Aluta (Altus). ~. 847. I aie INTRODUCTION. 1602. Rimnik (Rebrvinke). Retch (Raza). Arjish, on the river of the same name (Argish). p. 848. Pitesti (Peteske). XXVil p. 847. | 1602. Longenaw (Langanaw). p. 849. Rothenthurm, in Hlun- garian Verres Torény (Rottenton). A Passin Transylvania. FOHN SMITH’s Itinerary in Turkey, Tartary, Russia, Gc., till his return to Hermannstadt in Transylvania. 1602-1603 4.D.; @t. 22-23. TURKEY. 2602. Ezther Tchernavda or Rassowa 07 the Danube (Axopolts). Dp. 853. Adrianople. 1603. Constantinople. ? (Sander). p. 854. Serai (Screwe). ? (Panassa). ? (Musa). Lascillo (Lastzd/a), Varna. The Black Sea. Cape (Taur). Cape (Pergilos). Strait of Kertch (Viger). Sea of Azov (Dissabacca). Sirxu (Suvsazx). ? Tcherkrsh on the river Don (Curuske). ? (Bruapo). 1603. Zhe Combra of MER- CATOR (Cambia). p. 854. The Nalbrits of WMER- CATOR (Nalbrits). Dp: 855. (On the Don, £cofolis.) p. 867. (Zumatacke.) a fee (Letch.) (Donka in Cologske.) Neoetod } In Sederia). (Rezechia on the lifer.) (Coroski Bp. 868 (Duberesko (Duzthell (Drohobus (Ostroge Sead } In Podolia.) (Halico é (Colonia } In Polonia.) Hermannstadt (Hermonstat). In Volonia.) eu eu eu Ue ew OU Ue ee ot oe ee FOHN SMITH’s return home from Transylvania. 1603-1604 A.D.; HTUNGARY. 1603. Filleck (F2leck) Tokay (Zocka) GERMANY. Olmiitz (U/micht in Mora- BD. Uta). Prague. (Lipswick in Misenland.) Dresden. In High Kaschaw (Cassovia) | Hungary.) Arva (Underoroway) D. 869. 869. 1603. Dec. Leipsic in Lower Saxony at. 23-24. 1604. Magdeburg. p. 869. Brunswick. Cassell. Wittemberg. Ulm. Munich. Augsburg. ? (Hama). Frankfort. Mayence. The Rhine Valley (Palatinate). Worms. Spires. Strasburgh. XXViii INTRODUCTION. FRANCE. 1604. Gibraltar. p. 869. HP t- aie y ary AFRICA. Orleans. Ceuta (Guia). Down the Loire. Tangier (Zanger). Angers. Saffi (Safee). Nantes. Trip to the town of Marocco (107 miles inland from Saffi), SPAIN. and back. Bilbao. | Sater d SMITHS INVOLUNTARY CRUISE. alla rs The Escorial. Saffi. ; p. 878. Madrid. The Canaries. Toledo. Cape Bojador. Cordova. Santa Cruz. p: 880, Ciudad Real. Cape Ghir (Goa). Seville (Czvzt/). Mogadore. Xeres (Cheryes). Saffi. Cadiz (Cales). San Lucar de Barrameda (Saint HOME AT LAST. Lucas). England. It will be seen that these Itineraries are perfectly consistent, that the Author is always moving forward. PURCHAS thus gives us some more particulars as to SMITH’s return home. “Then vnderstanding that the Warres of MJully Shah and Mully Sedan, the two Brothers in Barbarie of Fez and Moroco (to which hee was animated by some friends) were concluded in peace, he imbarked himselfe for Exgland with one thousand Duckets in his Purse, which after with a great deale more hee employed, in searching more dangers in the West /#dzes, and the vnknowne parts of vnciuilized America.” ii. 1370. It would also seem that SMITH, after his return home, made a walking tour in Ireland. WINGFIELD, in his recrimination, Z. Ixxxix, says of him : It was proued to his face, that he begged in Jveland like a rogue, without a lycence. Of course, this is a distortion. To a man who had tramped or ridden over nearly all Europe, a tour on foot in Ireland would be a small matter. Not satisfied with all this adventure, our Author next turned his attention to the river Oyapok in South America. In the yeare 1605. Captaine Ley, brother to that noble Knight Sir Oliver Ley, with divers others, planted himselfe in the River Weapoco, wherein I should have beene a partie; but hee dyed, and there lyes buried: and the supply miscarrying, the rest escaped as they could. 4. 896. From this it is clear, that as he had hitherto followed the Wars wherever he tartan he tcf I INTRODUCTION. xxix found them ; so now, the times having changed to peace, he gave himself to Colonization : and that having missed going to South America, and Virginia being the next Attempt that offered, he went to Virginia. The James town Settlement did not convert him to the Colonizing Effort to which he henceforth gave his entire energies ; but was his second endeavour in that new life which was now opening to him B. VIRGINIA, 1605-1612 AvsD. 1 aN It is not a work for every one to plant a Colony ; but when a house is built, it is no hard matter to dwell init. This requireth all the best parts of Art, Judgement, Courage, Honesty, Constancy, Diligence, and Experience, to do but near{ly] well’ and there is a great difference between Saying and Doing. J. Smiru, 1620, ps 244s There was a little city, and few men within it; and there came a great king against it, and besieged it, and built great bulwarks against it. Now there was found in it a poor wise man, and he by his wisdom delivered the city ; yet no man remembered that same poor man, Leclesiastes ix. 14, 15. Hen Captain SMITH went to Virginia, the most adventurous part of ¢ his life had passed away. He was often, while there, in most im- AY/55 minent danger ; but nothing that he faced or endured in America, ( vA 7A came up in peril and dread, to that which he had already undergone me 7 in Eastern Europe and Tartary. By this time, he was a hardened soldier ; a wary, foreseeing, and energetic Officer : so that he already possessed more experience of savage and semi-savage life than any other man in the Virginia expedition of 1606-7. Indeed, in his exceeding wariness, he seems to have over-estimated the military skill of the Virginian Indians, by making those forts of which he thus writes in 1629. The Forts Captaine Smith left a building, [are] so ruined, there is scarce mention where they were. 7. 888. Yet had he to find out for himself a way to manage the Virginian Indians, respecting which others wrote, in 1612. Though the many miserable yet generous and worthy adven- tures he had long and oft indured as wel in some parts of Africa and America, as in the most partes of Ewrope and Asia, by land or sea, had taught him much: yet, in this case, he was againe to learne his Lecture by experience; which with thus much a doe having obtained, it was his ill chance to end when hee had but onlie learned how to begin. #¢. 159, 160. In October 1622, he wrote himself— For Virginia, I kept that country with 38, and had not to eate but what we had from the sauages. When I had ten men able to go abroad, our common wealth was very strong: with such a number I ranged that vnknown country 14 weekes; I had but 18 to subdue them all, with which great army I stayed six weekes OVS Lig, DAT XXX INTRODUCTION. before their greatest Kings habitations, till they had gathered together all the power they could; and yet the Dutch-men sent at a needlesse excessiue charge did helpe Powhatan how to betray me. Of their numbers we were vncertaine; but them two honorable Gentlemen (Captaine George Percie and Captaine Francis West, two of the Phittiplaces, and some other such noble gentlemen and resolute spirits bore their shares with me, and now liuing in England) did see me take this murdering Ofechankanough now their great King by the long locke on his head ; with my pistole at his breast, I led him among his greatest forces, and before we parted made him fill our Bark of twenty Tuns with corne. When their owne wants was such, I haue given them part againe in pittie, and others haue bought it againe to plant their fields. For wronging a souldier but the value of a peny, I have caused Powhatam send his owne men to James Towne to receiue their punishment at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremitie they shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled tooke me prisoner; yet God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter the meanes to deliuer me: and thereby taught me to know their trecheries to preserue the rest. It was also my chance in single combat to take the King of Paspahegh prisoner: and by keeping him, forced his subiects to worke in chaines till I made all the country pay contribution ; hauing little else whereon to liue. Twise in this time I was their President, and none can say in all that time I had a man slaine: but for keeping them in that feare I was much blamed both there and here: yet I left 500 behind me that, through their confidence, in six monthes came most to confusion, as you may reade at large in the description of Virginia [ pp. 170, 498]. When I went first to these desperate designes, it cost me many a forgotten pound to hire men to go; and procrastination caused more [to] run away then went. 44. 262-3. And again: I thinke it more strange they should taxe me before they haue tried as much as I haue both by land and sea, as well in Asia and Africa, as Europe and America, where my commanders were actors or spectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I neuer needed to importunate, n{or] could I euer learne to beg: what there I got, I haue thus spent. These sixteen yeares I haue spared neither paines nor money ate Sastche ae INTRODUCTION. xXxxi according to my abilitie, first to procure his Maiesties Letters pattents, and a Company here to be the means to raise a company to go with me to Virginia, as is said: which beginning here and there cost me neare 5 yeares [1604-1609] worke, and more then 500 pounds of my owne estate, besides all the dangers, miseries, and incumbrances I endured gratis; where I stayed till I left 500 better prouided than euer I was: from which blessed virgin (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate habitation of Somer Iles. This Virgins sister, now called New England, an. 1616. at my humble suit by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath bin neare as chargeable to me and my friends: for all which I neuer got shilling, but it cost me many a pound, yet I thinke my selfe happie to see their prosperities. 44. 266-7. Once more, in 1624, he wrote: Hauing spent some fiue yeares [1604-1609], and more than fiue hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and neere as much more about New England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares [1603-1624] I haue here and there not spared any thing according to my abilitie, nor the best aduice I could, to perswade how those strange miracles of misery might haue beene preuented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must insue, but few would beleeue me till now too deerely they haue paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I haue rather left all then vndertake impossibilities, or any more such costly taskes at such chargeable rates: for in neither of those two Countries haue I one foot of Land, nor the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor euer any content or satisfaction at all. And though I see ordinarily those two Countries shared before me by them that neither haue them nor knowes them, but by my descriptions: Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to heare and see those contentions and diuisions which will hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not found, as they haue hindred many hundreds, who would haue beene there ere now, and makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre. For the Books and Maps I haue made, I will thanke him that will shew me so much for so little recompence ; and beare with their errors till I haue done better. 4%. 613-4. For our Author’s own account of his Virginian experiences, the reader should first carefully read his Report &c. to the Royal Commissioners in 1624, at pp. 610-620 ; and his final review of the whole matter in his Advertisements of XXXil INTRODUCTION. 1630, at Af. 927-931. He will then see things with SMITH’s eyes, and from his standpoint. In the second of these accounts, our Author speaks of “I with my party” in the James river Settlement. The Colony soon broke into two divisions, that headed by RATCLIFFE, MARTIN, and ARCHER ; and that which followed SMITH. As everything relating to that Settlement in the present Text, might (however true in itself) be antecedently prejudiced on the ground that it was an ex parte statement; the manifesto of a Party that did zof perish, when the other side did in The Starving Time of 1609-10: we have printedin the following pages of this /ztro- duction all the Eye-witness testimonies we could find, of the state of the Colony during the nearly thirty months our Author was there ; he havingarrived with the Expedition in Chesapeake Bay on the 26th April 1607, and left James town, after having been injured by gunpowder, for England on the 4th October 1609. Here again the result is perfectly satisfactory. These Eye-witness Accounts supply us with a lot of new and most interesting information ; and, above all, afford us a number of important dates on which to pivot the history of those thirty months. Seeing therefore that all this illustrative material only brings out the general truthfulness of the Text at large ; once more, from this fresh test, we accord to our Author a fresh measure of confidence. Undoubtedly, SMITH was the Saviour of the James river Settlement. Before we give these most valuable contemporary documents, it may be well to touch upon the false charge of an imaginary mutiny, which nearly cost our Author his life while on the voyage out to Virginia. It does not appear that SMITH actually did anything at all. WINGFIELD states, #. Ixxxili, that on 17 September 1607, he was fined by the Colony to pay £200 [=£800 zow] to Captain SMITH, #. 389, for that I had said hee did conceale an intended mutany. Also— Master Smyths quarrell, [with me, was] because his name was mencioned in the entended and confessed mutiny by Galthropp. #. xc. STEPHEN GALTHORPE died on 15 Aug. 1607, see #. Ixxi. This accusation appears to have been made at Dominica, on the 24th Mar. 1607, #. lvii-lviii; and during the six days [28th Mar.—2 Apr. 1607] the Ex- pedition stayed at Nevis, Z. lix, our Author says: Such factions here we had, as commonly attend such voyages, that a paire of gallowes was made; but Captaine Smith, for whom they were intended, could not be perswaded to use them: but not any one of the inventers but their lives by justice fell into his power to determine of at his pleasure; whom with much mercy he favoured, that most basely and unjustly would have betrayed him. #. gI0. The exact nature of the wild charge against SMITH will be seen at J. 388. He however remained a prisoner until the Gentlemen in the Colony having on June 6, Z. liii, put up a petition to the Council, he was sworn of the Council on the roth June 1607, %. liv ; or as he puts it at A. 92, 388, he was imprisoned, [for nothing !] 13 weeks. awe o 6 en INTRODUCTION: ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS The London Virginia Company. Instructions by way of advice, for the intended Voyage to Virginia. In the Library of the Congress, at Washington, D.C., in two folio volumes, is a copy of the original Minutes of the London or Southern Virginia Company, between 1617 and the date of its dissolution 16 June 1624. Inthe same volume are copies of documents relating to an earlier period of the Colony ; and among these, the following /n- structions, which have been printed in a modernized form by Mr. E. D. NEILL at Z. 8 of his Astory of the London Virginia Company, Albany, N.Y., 1869; from whence we have here given them. Instructions given by way of advice by us whom it hath pleased the King’s Majesty to appoint of the Counsel for the intended voyage to Virginia, to be observed by those Captains and company which are sent at this present to plant there. S we doubt not but you will have especial care to observe the ordinances set down by the King’s Majesty and delivered unto you under the Privy Seal; so for your better directions upon your first landing we have thought good to recom- mend unto your care these instructions F and articles following. When it shall please God to send you on the coast of Virginia, you shall do your best endeavour to find out a safe port in the entrance of some navigable river, making XXXiil [1606] XXXiV [1606] Introduction, [Zustructions by way of Advice Sc. the Virginia co. choice of such a one as runneth farthest into the land, and if you happen to discover divers portable rivers, and amongst them any one that hath two main branches, if the difference be not great, make choice of that which bendeth most toward the North-west for that way you shall soonest find the other sea. When you have made choice of the river on which you mean to settle, be not hasty in landing your victuals and munitions; but first let Captain Newport discover how far that river may be found navigable, that you [may] make election of the strongest, most wholesome and fertile place ; for if you make many removes, besfdes the loss of time, you shall greatly spoil your victuals and your casks, and with great pain transport it in small boats. But if you choose your place so far up as a bark of fifty tuns will float, then you may lay all your provisions ashore with ease, and the better receive the trade of all the countries about you in the land; and such a place you may perchance find a hundred miles from the river’s mouth, and the further up the better. For if you sit down near the entrance, except it be in some island that is strong by nature, an enemy that may approach you on even ground, may easily pull you out: and if he be driven to seek you a hundred miles [in] the land in boats, you shall from both sides of the river where it is narrowest, so beat them with your muskets as they shall never be able to prevail against you. And to the end that you be not surprized as the French were in Florida by Melindus, and the Spaniard in the same place by the French, you shall do well to make this double provision. First, erect a little stoure at the mouth of the river that may lodge some ten men; with whom you shall leave a light boat, that when any fleet shall be in sight, they may come with speed to give you warn- ing. Secondly, you must in no case suffer any of the native people of the country to inhabit between you and the sea coast ; for you cannot carry yourselves so towards them, but they will grow discontented with your habitation, and be ready to guide and assist any nation that shall come to invade you: and if you neglect this, you neglect your safety. eres The Virginia Co. Instructions by way of Advice &c.| When you have discovered as far up the river as you mean to plant yourselves, and landed your victuals and munitions; to the end that every man may know know his charge, you shall do well to divide your six score men into three parts: whereof one party of them you may appoint to fortifie and build, of which your first work must be your storehouse for victuals; the other[s] you may imploy in preparing your ground and sowing your corn and roots; the other ten of these forty you must leave as centinel at the haven’s mouth. _ The other forty you may imploy for two months in discovery of the river above you, and on the country about you; which charge Captain Newport and Captain Gosnold may undertake of these forty discoverers. When they do espie any high lands or hills, Captain Gosnold may take twenty of the company to cross over the lands, and carrying a half dozen pickaxes to try if they can find any minerals. The other twenty may go on by river, and pitch up boughs upon the bank’s side, by which the other boats shall follow them by the same turnings. You may also take with them a wherry, such as is used here in the Thames; by which you may send back to the President for supply of munition or any other want, that you may not be driven to return for every small defect. You must observe if you can, whether the river on which you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of lakes. If it be out of any lake, the passage to the other sea will be more easy, and [it] is like enough, that out of the same lake you shall find some spring which run{s] the contrary way towards the East India Sea; for the great and famous rivers of Volga, Tan[a}is and Dwina have three heads near joyn[eJd; and yet the one falleth into the Caspian Sea, the other into the Euxine Sea, and the third into the Paloman Sea. In all your passages you must have great care not to offend the naturals, if you can eschew it; and imploy some few of your company to trade with them for corn and all other lasting victuals if you [? they] have any: and this you must do before that they perceive you mean to plant among them; for not being sure how your own seed corn will prosper the first year, to avoid the XXXV [1606] XXXVi [Instructions by way of Advice &c. The Virginia Co [1606] danger of famine, use and endeavour to store yourselves of the country corn. Your discoverers that passes over land with hired guides, must look well to them that they slip not from them: and for more assurance, let them take a compass with them, and write down how far they go upon every point of the compass; for that country having no way nor path, if that your guides run from you in the great woods or desert, you shall hardly ever find a passage back. And how weary soever your soldiers be, let them never trust the country people with the carriage of their weapons; for if they run from you with your shott, which they only fear, they will easily kill them all with their arrows. And whensoever any of yours shoots before them, be sure they may be chosen out of your best marksmen ; for if they see your learners miss what they aim at, they will think the weapon not so terrible, and thereby will be bould to assault you. Above all things, do not advertize the killing of any of your men, that the country people may know it; if they : perceive that they are but common men, and that with the loss of many of theirs they diminish any part of yours, they will make many adventures upon you. If the country be populous, you shall do well also, not to let them see or know of your sick men, if you have any; which may also encourage them to many enterprizes. You must take especial care that you choose a seat for habitation that shall not be over burthened with woods near your town: for all the men you have, shall not be able to cleanse twenty acres a year; besides that it may serve for a covert for your enemies round about. Neither must you plant in a low or moist place, because it will prove unhealthfull. You shall judge of the good air by the people; for some part of that coast where the lands are low, have their people blear eyed, and with swollen bellies and legs: but if the naturals be strong and clean made, it is a true sign of a wholesome soil. You must take order to draw up the pinnace that is left with you, under the fort: and [to] take her sails and anchors ashore, all but a small kedge to ride by; least some ill-disposed persons slip away with her. The Virginia. Instructions by way of Advice &c.| “ I le You must take care that your marriners that go for wages, do not marr your trade; for those that mind not to inhabite, for a little gain will debase the estimation of exchange, and hinder the trade for ever after: and therefore you shall not admit or suffer any person what- soever, other than such as shall be appointed by the President and Counsel there, to buy any merchandizes or other things whatsoever. It were necessary that all your carpenters and other such like workmen about building do first build your storehouse and those other rooms of publick and neces- sary use before any house be set up for any private person: and though the workman may belong to any private persons yet let them all work together first for the company and then for private men. And seeing order is at the same price with confusion, it shall be adviseably done to set your houses even and by a line, that your streets may have a good breadth, and be carried square about your market place, and every street’s end opening into it; that from thence, with a few field pieces, you may command every street throughout ; which market place you may also fortify if you think it needfull. You shall do well to send a perfect relation by Captaine Newport of all that is done, what height you are seated, how far into the land, what commodities you find, what soil, woods and their several kinds, and so of all other things else to advertise particularly; and to suffer no man to return but by pasport from the President and Counsel, nor to write any letter of any thing that may discourage others. Lastly and chiefly the way to prosper and achieve good success is to make yourselves all of one mind for the good of your country and your own, and to serve and fear God the Giver of all Goodness, for every plantation which our Heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted out. XXXVIl1 [1606] [1607] XXXVili Rospert TINDALL, Gunner to Prince HENRY. Letter to the Prince, 22 Fune 1607. (Hari. MS. 7007. fol. 139; in the British Museum.] MIGHTIE PRINCE thought it no lesse than my duty beinge imployed in this voyage of Verginia, In all humble mannor to make your Princelye selfe acquainted with those accidentes which hathe happenned to vs in this our voyage. May it therefore please your grace to accepte at the handes of your most humble and duti- full seruante a Bee of our voyage and draughte of our Riuer hearinclosed by vs discouered where neuer christian before hathe beene, and also to let your grace vnderstande wee are safelye arryued and planted in this Contreye by the prouidence and mercye of God, which wee finde to be in it selfe most fruitefull, of the whiche wee haue taken a Reall and publicke possession in the name and to the vse of your Royall father and our gratious kinge and soueraigne: Thus ceasing for being too tedious and trouble- some vnto your grace, I in all humble mannour committ your Princelye selfe to the protection of almightie God whome on my knees I dayelye praye (as I am bounde) Etna Letter to Priuce Henry.] 22 June 1607. _ to blesse and prosper your godlye and vertuous proceedings: From Iames Towne in Virginia this: 22 of lune 1607. By your Graces most humble dutifull and faithfull seruaunte and Gunner: RUSE ETS TYNDALL. [Addressed] To the highe and Mightie Prince Henry Fredericke prince and heyre apparente of greate Brittaine Fraunce Ireland and Virginia. [Endorsed] Tindall his H. gunner from Virginia. The above-mentioned “dearnall of our voyage,” and “draughte” of the James river (see Z. xli) are apparently now lost. There is, however, a later draught by this Gunner, which now forms Cott. MS. Augustus \., Vol. Il. No. 46, in the British Museum ; which is entitled The Draught by Roberte Tindall of virginia. Anno 1608, XXXIX [1607] [AA. xli, i.) xCVi1. May 21. 1607. xl A Gentleman of the Colony. [? Captan GaBprigL ARCH ER.| A relayton of the Discovery, &c. 21 May—22 June 1607. This is one of the many Relations that were written at this time. It was seen by President WINGFIELD; who, the next year, 1608, refers to it; see Z. lxxvi. Out of the five Gentlemen of the Colony named on the opposite page, this narrative would seem to have been written by Captain GABRIEL ARCHER. The abridgement of the Hon. G. PERCY’s Relation covering this period, we have at #¢. Ivii-lxxiii. The writer, whoever he was, took an important subordinate part in the expedition, discussing matters with the natives, &c. Speaking of the Chesapeake Indians, at Z. xliv, he tells a Chief, on 23 May 1607, That we had warres with them also, shewing hurtes scarce whole received by them, evidently referring to the attack of the Chesapeake Indians on the 26 April previous, when Captain ARCHER was hurt in both his hands, p. \xii: and he was the only one then present, so hurt on that occasion. The way this sentence is written makes us think that ARCHER was speaking of his own wounds. If another person had been writing of him, he would have mentioned Captain ARCHER’s name. Another slight presumption as to the authorship, is that, in the list of Discoverers, he puts his own name before SMITH’s ; and also that the scrivener has written his name in larger letters than he has used in writing those of the three following Gentlemen. [State Papers, Colonial. Vol. I. (1574-1621), No. r5.] A relatyon of the Discovery of our River, from Iames Forte into the Maine: made by Captaine Christofer Newport: and sincerely writen and observed by a gent: of y® Colony. y= Hursday the xxith of May, Captaine ) Newport (having fitted our shallop with 9 provision and all necessaryes belonging to a discovery) tooke 5. gentlemen. 4. Maryners and. 14. Saylours, with whome he proceeded with a perfect resolutyon not to returne, but either to finde y® head of this Ryver, the Laake mentyoned | | | “capearcne,