RAW DOWNLOAD (complete file, unedited except for this header) DESCRIPTION: Irene A. Wright, Further English Voyages to Spanish America 1583-1594 (Hakluyt Society 1951), complete uncorrected OCR URL FETCHED: https://archive.org/download/FutherEnglishVoyagesToSpanishAmerica15831594/FutherEnglishVoyagesToSpanishAmerica15831594_djvu.txt DATE FETCHED: 2026-09-14 ============================================================================== WORKS ISSKK!) BY Ubc Ifoahluvt Sodetv FURTHER ENCI.ISH VOYACKS TO SPANISH AMERICA >‘) r 5 8 3 .* 2. Captain Juan Melgarejo to the Crown, Puerto Rico, July 30, 1583 . . • ■ • • • 3. Don Juan Sarmiento de Villadrando to the Crown, La Margarita, October 20, 1583. 4. The municipal authorities to the Crown, Puerto Rico, October 22,1583. 5. Diego Menendez de Valdes to the Crown, Puerto Rico, October 24,1583. 6. An Irish gentleman to Cornelius, Bishop of Killaloe, -, April 6, 1585 . . . ... 7. Diego Menendez de Valdes to-, Puerto Rico, June 7 = j 5 8 5 • . 8. Diego Fernandez de Quinones to the House of Trade, Havana, June 23, 1585. 9. Don Diego de Alcega to the House of Trade, Havana, June 23,1585. 10. Enrique Lopez, statement made at Fayal about Novem¬ ber 18,1585.' 11. Licentiate Aliaga to the Crown, Santo Domingo, Novem¬ ber 30, 1585. 12. Licentiate Aliaga to the Crown, Xagua, January 13, 1586 13. Licentiates Fernandez de Mercado and Baltazar de Villafane to the Crown, Hispaniola, January 14,1586 . vii 3 4 5 6 8 9 10 11 12 15 16 19 CONTENTS viii Doc. 14. Licentiates Mercado and Villafane to Don Diego de Zuniga, Hispaniola, January 14, 1586 . . page 22 15. Antonio de Ovalle to the Crown, La Yaguana, January 21, 1586.24 16. Alonso Rodriguez de Azebedo to Diego Fernandez de Quinones, Bayaha, January 22, 1586 .... 25 17. The Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral to the Crown, Santo Domingo, February 19, 1586 . . . . 27 18. Fray Juan de las Parras to Alonso de la Torre, Cartagena, February 16, 1586.29 19. The Audiencia of Santo Domingo to the Crown, Santo Domingo, February 24, 1586.32 20. The City of Santo Domingo to the Crown, February 26, 1586.38 21. Tristan de Oribe Salazar to a correspondent in Panama, Turbaco, March 5-11, 1586. 41 22. Undated, unsigned relation of the sacking of Cartagena by Drake in 1586.46 23. Pedro Fern&ndez de Busto to the Audiencia at Panama, Turbaco, March 12,1586.52 24. Santos de Vergara, statement made at Nombre de Dios, March 22, 1586.57 25. Diego Daga to the municipal authorities of Havana, Punta de la Canoa, April 8,1586 60 26. Don Pedro Vique y Manrique to the Crown, Cartagena, April 8,1586. 62 27. Francisco de Alba et al ., depositions made at Cartagena, April 20-May 5, 1586.' 64 28. Diego Hidalgo Montemayor to the Crown, Cartagena, May 23, 1586. .129 29. Pedro Fernandez de Busto to the Crown, Cartagena, May 25, 1586 137 30. Don Luis de Guzman and Alonso de Tapia to the Crown, Cartagena, June 1,1586 . . . .148 31. The City of Cartagena to the Crown, June 4, 1586 . . 160 32. Pedro Men^ndez Marquez to the House of Trade, San Agustin, June 17,1586 . . . . , .163 CONTENTS Doc. a * on The royal officials of Florida to the Crown, San Agustin, June 17,1586. P a S e 34. Don Francisco de Varte to the Crown, San Lucar, June 25, i5 86 . 35. Pedro Sanchez, deposition, Havana, June 28,1586 . 36. Gabriel de Luxan and Diego Fernandez de Quinones to the Crown, Havana, June 28,1586 • 37. Juan Bautista de Rojas to the Crown, Havana, June 26, 1586. 38. Alonso Suarez de Toledo to the Crown, Havana, June 27.15 86 .; 39. Licentiate Francisco Marquez de Villalobos to the Crown, Jamaica, June 27,1586. 40. Pedro de Arana to the House of Trade, Havana, June 28.1586 .. 41. Gabriel de Luxan to the House of Trade, Havana, June 29, i 5 86 . 42. Rodrigo Fernandez de Ribera to the Crown, Santo Domingo, June 30,1586. 43 - Juan de Lepe and others, depositions made at Havana, June 30,1586.. 44. Gabriel de Luxan and Diego Fernandez de Quinones to the Crown, Havana, July 1,1586 .... 4A. Alonso Suarez de Toledo to the Crown, Havana, July 3, 1586.. 46. Pedro de Arana to the House of Trade, Havana, July 4 j i 5 88 .; 47. Alonso Sancho Saez to the Crown, San Agustin, July 12, 15 86 .. 48. Pedro Menendez Marquez to the Crown, San Agustin, July 17,1586. 4.Q. Don Pedro de Lodena to the Crown, Cartagena, July 30, 15 86 . 50. Francisco de Avila to the Crown, Cartagena, August 8, 15 86 .. 51. Alonso Sancho Saez and Miguel de Valdes, depositions made at San Agustin, August 12,1586 X CONTENTS Doc. 52. Pedro Menendez Marquez to the House of Trade, San Agustin, August 30, 1586. page 202 53. Diego Fernandez de Quinones to the Grown, Havana, September—, 1586. 204 54. Juan de Posada to the Grown, San Agustin, September 2, 15 86 .* -205 55. The House of Trade to the Crown, Seville, September 5, 1586.206 56. Garcia Fernandez de Torrequemada to the Crown, Santo Domingo, February 1, 1587.220 57. Pedro, Indian, precis of deposition, Cartagena, February 16,1587.226 58. Rodrigo Jorge, deposition, San Lucar, March 1, 1587 . 229 59. Diego Fernandez de Quinones to the president of the House of Trade, Havana, March 22, 1587 . . . 230 60. Diego Menendez de Valdes to the Crown, Puerto Rico, June 11, 1587.231 61. Pedro Menendez Marquez to-, Havana, June 22, *5 8 7.232 62. Pedro de Arana to Juan de Ybarra, Havana, July 22, 1588.233 63. Pedro Alvarez de Ruesga to the Crown, Havana, July 23, 1588.235 64. The royal officials to the Crown, Havana, August 13, 1588.236 65. Pedro de Arana, summary examination of Pedro Diaz, Havana, March 21, 1589 ...... 237 66. Pedro de Biedma, deposition, La Margarita, April 21, 1589* * ..241 67. Francisco Carco, deposition made at Havana, November 6,1589 . . . . . . . . . 243 68. Diego Menendez de Vald6s to the Crown, Puerto Rico, May r 3 > * 59 ° .... .... 244 69. Lope de Vega Portocarrero to the Crown, Santo Domingo, July 4, 1590 . . . . . .244 70. Rodrigo de Rada to Juan de Ybarra, Havana, August 20, 1590. . . . . . . . . 245 CONTENTS XI 71 Tuan de Oribe Apallua to the Crown, Havana, August .. ^ 246 72 Luis Alfonso Flores to Juan de Ybarra, Havana, August ' ' . 256 23, ... 0 73. Juan de Oribe Apallua to the Crown, Havana, August 24 > ! 59 0 . 257 74. Diego de la Ribera to the Crown, Havana, August 24, ..^ 75. Juan de Texeda to the Crown, Havana, August 24, 1590 . 260 76. Juan de Texeda to the Crown, Havana, September 5, 1590 . 260 77. Antonio de Vera, deposition made at Seville, October 20, .. 261 78. Lope de Vega Portocarrero to the Crown, Santo Domingo, June 15, 1591 • • • • • _ • 2 ^ 3 79. Hernando Mendez Carrasco, certificate of services rendered, June 23, 1591._ 2 ®4 80. Francisco Moncayo, etc., depositions, services of Miguel Romero rendered June 23,1591. 2 ®4 81. Lope de Vega Portocarrero to the House of Trade, Santo Domingo, July 15,1591. 26 5 82. Juan de Texeda to the House of Trade, Havana, July 27, 1591 • - • .. 2 ®® 83. Juan de Texeda to the Crown, Havana, October 2,1591 . 267 84. Juan de Salas to the Crown, Havana, October 9, 1591 ■ 268 85. Aparicio de Arteaga to the House of Trade, Cadiz, October 10, 1591 ...•••• 2 7 ° 86. Antonio Navarro to the House of Trade, Lisbon, October .. 273 87. Pedro Alvarez de Ruesga to the Crown, Havana, Novem¬ ber, 1591. 279 88. The Licentiate Manso de Contreras to the Crown, La Margarita, June 4,1592. 230 89. Diego Martin de Angulo to the Crown, Puerto de Caballos, June 15, 1592 . . • • ■ • 281 90. The Licentiate Manso de Contreras to the Crown, Santa Marta, July 14,1592 . • • ■ • • • 283 CONTENTS xii Doc. 91. Don Pedro de Lodena to the Grown, Cartagena, July 28, r 59 2 . page 92. Juan de Texeda to the House of Trade, Havana, August 16-21,1592. 93. Robert Frost, deposition made at Cartagena, September 12, 1592. 94. Don Pedro de Lodena to the Grown, Cartagena, Septem¬ ber 15, 1592 ........ 95. Juan de Texeda to the House of Trade, Havana, Septem¬ ber 17, 1592 . 96. Lope de Vega Portocarrero to the House of Trade, Santo Domingo, December 14, 1592 97. Diego Perez to Lope de Vega Portocarrero, La Saona (?), December 18, 1592 .... 98. Cristobal Pantoxa, Luis Lirango, Lope de Quintanilla, depositions made at Havana, October 20, 1593 . 99. Pedro Alvarez de Ruesga, interrogatory presented at Havana, April 26, 1594, and depositions 100. Antonio de Barrios, interrogatory presented at Santa F<5, December 20, 1594.. 284 295 297 299 300 301 302 304 306 308 INDEX 310 ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS ‘The famouse West Indian Voyadge made by the Englishe fleete ... Newlie come forth by Baptista B.’ . • Frontispiece From W. Bigges, A summarie and true discourse of Sir Frances Drakes West Indian Voyage, London, R. Field, 1589. (British Museum, G. 6509.) Reduction J. The Caribbean and the Spanish Main . . opp.page XVI Drake’s Assault on Cartagena • „ page xlv Florida and the Atlantic Coast ■ page Ixi ‘Saint Iago 5 . . between pages 6/7 ‘Saint Domingo 5 . 33 33 38/39 ‘Cartagena 5 . * 33 33 54/55 ‘Saint Augustine 5 . * 33 33 1 66/167 The preceding four plans from Bigges, op. cit. Reduction £. Notes on the Plans from Bigges’s ‘Summarie and true discourse’, 1589 The only known copy of Richard Field’s edition (second issue) in which the general chart by ‘Baptista B.’ [Boazio] is found is that of the Grenville Library in the British Museum (G. 6509); and it is now commonly held that the map was not issued with the book. Two copies of the map—the Grenville copy and another now in the John Garter Brown Library—have a printed text pasted along the bottom edge. This is a summary narrative, or ‘log’, of Drake’s v oyage of 1585-6. Copies of the text alone, as a broadside, are in the library of the Society of Antiquaries ofLondon and in the New York Public Library. The four city maps, the engraver of which has been conjectured to be Jodocus Hondius, are found in variant forms, with or without text pasted below, in different editions and translations of Bigges’s narrative. The English text is here reprinted from the Grenville copy (G. 6509) of Field’s edition of 1589. xiii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES Acts of the Privy Council , New Series. London, 1890- arghivo GENERAL de indias. [Unpublished documents in the Archives of the Indies, Seville. Cited as A. del.] bigges, Walter. A summarie and true discourse of Sir Francis Drakes West Indian voyage. London, 1589. [Cited as Bigges, Discourse from the reprint of Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations , Glasgow, 1903-5, vol.x.] CABRERA DE cordoba, luis de. Filipe Segundo, Rey de Espana. Madrid, 1619; reprinted 1876-7. Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English affairs preserved in .. .the Archives of Simancas, 1558-1603. Edited by M. A. S. Hume. London, 1892-9. [Cited as Span. Cal. or Sp.C.] Castellanos, juan de. Discurso de el Capitan Francisco Draque que compuso Joan de Castellanos 1586-7. [Edited by A. Gonzalez de Palencia from pt. 3 of Elogias de varones ilustres de Indies.] Madrid, 1921. -Another reprint, in the Obras. Caracas, 1930—2. corbett, sir Julian Stafford. Drake and the Tudor Navy. London, 1898. - Papers relating to the Navy. See infra: Papers ... - The Successors of Drake. London, 1900. fernandez duro, cesAreo. La Armada Invencible. Madrid, 1884-5. hakluyt, richard. The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation. [Reprint.] Glasgow, 1903-5. hawkins, sir richard. The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt. London, 1622. [Cited from Hakluyt Society edition, Ser. I, No. 57, 1878.] hume, martin a. s. Calendar of Letters and State Papers. See supra: Calendar ... Papers relating to the Navy during the Spanish War, 1585-1587. Edited by J. S. Corbett. London, 1898. (Publications of the Navy Records Society, vol. 11.) XV XVI BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES primrose log. The discourse and description of the voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Mr. Captain Frobiser. B.M., Royal MS 7 c. xvi, f. 166. [Cited, as Primrose log , from Papers relating to the Navy , ed. Cor¬ bett, 1898.] quinn, d. b. The Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. London, 1940. (Works issued by the Hakluyt Society, Ser. II. no. 83, 84.) rowse, a. l. Sir Richard Grenville of the Revenge. London, 1937. Spanish Calendar. See supra: Calendar of Letters .. . Williamson, j. a. Sir John Hawkins. London, 1927. wright, Irene a. Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main , iy6g~ij8o. London, 1932. (Works issued by the Hakluyt Society. Ser. II. no. 71.) -7 he Early History of Cuba, 14Q2-1586. New Y ork, 1916. - Spanish Documents concerning English Voyages to the Carib¬ bean, 1527-1568. London, 1929. (Works issued by the Hakluyt Society. Ser. II. no. 62.) INTRODUCTION H enry, king of Portugal, the last of the line of Avis, died early in 1580, leaving no immediate male heir to the throne. Philip II of Spain promptly seized the country in the right of his wife, who was a daughter of John III, grandfather of the previous king, Sebastian. If Spain had been formidable before, she appeared doubly formidable now that she held the entire Penin¬ sula, Sicily, Naples, Sardinia and the Duchy of Milan; all the area which has since become Belgium and Holland; the Portuguese settlements in Africa, the whole of the East Indies; and all of the Americas. ‘Europe saw herself. . . threatened by a new and living Roman Empire.’ 1 As for England, her very existence was menaced by it. Therefore Elizabeth lent an ear to the entreaties of a Portuguese pretender—Don Antonio, prior of Crato, a natural son of a younger brother of John III—and, if not to seat this pretender upon the throne of Portugal, at least to use him to advance English interests and to divert Philip II, became a leading motive in the policy pursued by Elizabeth and her councillors. The story of the dance they led the prior of Crato during the next few years after Henry’s demise, is a tale of sixteenth-century diplomacy which might well have remained entirely outside the scope of a volume dealing, like this, with English expeditions to the Caribbean, the Main and Virginia, had it not been for the part in it that fell to William Hawkins, elder brother of John Hawkins, and, possibly, for the further interesting if unim¬ portant fact that Don Antonio haunted the Spanish Indies in these years—reported to be here, there, and everywhere—as restless and intangible as a ghost. In England, Drake was just back from his voyage of circumnavi¬ gation. It was said that he had left factors in the Moluccas. 2 In 1582 Edward Fenton led forth an expedition which was intended to establish English trade in those islands but early turned back, a failure. Before it regained England another had sailed which, as the 1 Sir Julian Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy , London, 1912,1, pp.. 324-55 J A. Williamson, Sir John Hawkins, London, 1927, pp. ~ 2 . . Francis Drake [voyage of circumnavigation] ... the Moluccas, island of Terrenate, loaded spices and left English factors to trade . . -p. 8, Account of What Happened to Francisco Vera, A . de I 70-3-26, Lima 93. xvii xviii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Spanish ambassador informal his master, was planned to t advantage of the general situation ereated by Philip's seizure f Portugal and to develop Fnglish business in the Past. On ioNove° ber 1582 Mentlo/.a reported to the king that seven sail had beenT" some time ready at Plymouth for a distant expedition. He gave the° r names as the Primrose of hondon, ;;oo tons, the .Minion, 180 Bal Hastings, 1 on, two ships of 1 Irake’s of mo tons eaeh, and a pinnace^f 80. This, omitting (wo long boats also mentioned, makes six not seven. 1 They were bound, he said, (hr the island of San Thome and the coast of Brazil, and thence would go to the Moluccas. ‘The name of the commander is surprising', adds Dr. Williamson," in deal¬ ing with this matter. 'It was none other than William Hawkins brother of John, a. man now over sixty years of ago . . . William Hawkins must have sailed not long alter the date of Mendoza’s report, 5 Dr. Williamson does not consider the Spanish ambassador’s assertion, that tint destination of their expedition was the Moluccas to constitute conclusive evidence that it was so; nor, indeed, can the supposition be maintained in the face of the ‘Draft of a letters patent for Mr. W. Hawkins,’ 3 found by Dr. Williamson, under the terms of which Hawkins probably put to sea. The purport of this document is that William Hawkins is empowered to make a voyage to the coasts of Africa and America ‘for the better discovery of alf trade of mer¬ chandises in the said coasts.’ Further, William Hawkins and his company were to be licensed ‘to serve Don Antony, K. of Port, against his enemies.’ Given the (brm of the document, it seems possible that this licence may have been granted as an amendment of the draft in its original shape, or it may have been laid down as a condition. Apparently Hawkins’s principal purpose, well in keeping with the policy of his house, was indeed to make a voyage ‘lor the better discovery of all trade of merchandises .. And it was to Africa and America that Hawkins went with Richard Hawkins John’s only son, accompanying him as vice-admiral. Nevertheless, as he proceeded upon this voyage he visited Santiago in the Gape Verde Islands and there, according to the narrator of a subsequent expedition, the people of the place did him ‘great wrong ■' ■ w ^en they did both break their promise, and murdered many of his men ... 4 It will be recalled that Drake too seems, in 1585, to 4 Cf Document No. x.post. * Williamson, op.dt., p. 40,. * Ibid, p. 400. * W, Bigges, ASummarie and True Discourse of Sir Francis Drakes West Indian as presented in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (Glasgow, >903-5), x, p. 109. Voyage, THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA xix have had a special grievance 1 against Santiago to avenge. Something occurred there. Precisely what it was has still to be learned; as it remains to be determined what relation, if any, this occurrence may have borne to the above-mentioned draft licence ‘to serve Don Antony, K. of Port. 5 and to Manuel Cerrada’s seizure of the Cape Verde Islands for Don Antonio early in 1583. For although a Spanish armada had utterly defeated Don An¬ tonio’s at St. Michael’s in the summer of 1582, the prior nevertheless continued his negotiations for support in foreign courts, evidently with some success, since in January following (1583) a fleet described as thirteen sail ‘with 3000 men said to be Portuguese and French’ 2 seized the Cape Verde Islands for Don Antonio, sacked the city of Santiago, and did other damage at Isla de Fuego, after which the expedition may have broken up. One minor unit 3 appeared in the Spanish Indies shortly thereafter; and so did William Hawkins s formidable squadron, 4 which also was accused 5 of participation in the Cape Verde affair. Whatever share the English may have had in the hostilities there, Spanish documents (Nos. 1-5, 66) of this present collection, bearing upon Hawkins’s conduct after his arrival in the Indies, suggest that if the 1583 voyage was a very lucrative one, as was reported 6 at the time, the profits were obtained peaceably in the course of cautious barter, since here we discover Hawkins in June 1583 dredging for pearls at La Margarita. 7 Presumably he had come up from a recon¬ naissance of the Brazilian coast. Reading between the lines of these Spanish documents, it appears almost certain that he was at the same time disposing profitably of merchandise he carried. Interest in the pearl fisheries at La Margarita and around Puerto 1 Corbett, op. cit., n, p. 27. The inference might well be that his two vessels with t his Hawkins expedition suffered damage there. Gf. p. xxxin post. 2 A. de 2-5-1 /20, Patronato 265, item 38. 3 A. de 53-6-8, Santo Domingo 74, items 136 and 137; 53-4-11, Santo Domingo 51, Lie. Arceo to the Grown, Santo Domingo, May 25, 1583, all concern¬ ing a small Portuguese vessel, a prize, which seems to have deserted from the expedition. . 4 ‘I do not know what vessels these can have been, nor is there any information to show whence they sailed 1 , is written in the margin of the report which the Council for the Indies made to His Majesty (Madrid, September 20, 1584) in trans¬ mitting the gist of Sarmiento de Villandrando’s despatch (Document No. 3, post) and recommending that the governor’s request for artillery and munitions be granted. This consulta is to be found in A. de /., 140-7-34, Indiferente General 740* » Cf. Documents Nos. 1 (p. 1, note 5), 4 and 5. 6 Williamson, op. at., p. 4 ? 5 * . 7 Document No. 3 post. The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins (London, 1622) in The Hawkins" Voyages (Hakluyt Society, Ser. I, No. 57,1878), p. 314. XX ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Rico was especially keen in these years. 1 Pearls were a large item in the thriving contraband trade which the French were doing all through the Indies, particularly among the islands since the galleys 2 which now patrolled the Main had somewhat disturbed illicit business conditions along the coasts of the southern continent. Having departed from La Margarita, Hawkins reappears at Port Vargas on the west coast of Puerto Rico, where he overhauled his ships 3 took in water, obtained information and possibly kept a rendezvous. Certainly other vessels came up promptly, and he was seen to sail away in their company at the end of July 1583. Since Hawkins did not reach Plymouth until late in November, 1 it seems unlikely that he laid his course direct for England. Neither did he attack Havana, as some in Puerto Rico thought he might. 5 That city heard presently of French corsairs, numerous as usual, along the north coast of Hayti, some of whom seem to have bartered slaves to persons residing in Jamaica and around Bayamo, at just this time. 6 If Hawkins was among them, or with others reported from La Margarita 7 and the Main, further infor- 1 4. j e /. 53 _5_ I4) Santo Domingo 80, many documents, including Don Pedro Rengifo de Angulo to the Crown, Puerto de Plata, March 13, 1582; td. to id., March 28, 1583; Ruy Diaz de Mendoza to the Crown, Santo Domingo, May 16, 1583; 53-6-8, Santo Domingo 74, items 131, -2, -3, the royal officials to the Crown, Santo Domingo, January 16 and May 21, 1583. n 2 A. de I., 69-2-23, Panama 13, Don Luis Fernandez de Cordoba to the Crown, Nata April 30,1580; item 51, the Audiencia to the Crown, Panama, April 25, 1583, r4._4.l4, Santo Domingo 182, the town council to the Crown, La Margarita, January 20, 1581; 53-6-7, Santo Domingo 73 , item 116, the city to the Crown, Santo Domingo, April 8, 1581. 3 Documents Nos. 1, 2, and 4, post. Cf. Sir Richard Hawkins, Observations ,op. at., p. 212. 4 Spanish Calendar , 1580-6, No 362 (pp. 510-11). 5 Document No. 2 post. 6 A. de 54-1-15, Santo Domingo 99, Luxan to the Crown, Havana, December 16,1583.^^ j came# which was in August [1583], there were on the coast of this island seven ships, English corsairs, who looted a vessel laden with wine from the Canaries which lay at anchor in this port, and took part of [the cargo of] another ship which had begun to unload. They seized what had not been brought ashore. ,—The Licentiate Castro to the Crown, La Margarita, February 2, 1584. 1 he easiest conclusion—that this was Hawkins on his way back—is rendered unsafe by deponent’s statement in Document No. 66 that, having cleared from La Margarita, Hawkins‘made no other call here’, ^ „ Cf. A. de l., 54-4-7, Santo Domingo 185, depositions concerning the services ot Pedro Diaz de Orrego, at La Margarita, especially the mention of ‘John of Ham¬ burg’. Evidently there were a number of English corsairs abroad upon the Carib¬ bean at this time. _ T a -p TT) A AND VIRGINIA THE MAIN, FLORIDA, XXI .nation than I now P«te» must be obtained m order to tdent.fy “viable - may have been the coin jeweb, ££%£% which Hawkins brought home, * 1 , Lj ons at which he arrived were obtained at firs, banand he^o»cteo„te ^ ^ ^ he even more so. Indeed, the h rather than ‘marchan- d‘5 S m«yhn“h.m’.heprim. object of his eapedition. a, least m of little immediate interest an have known more of the The governor of Puerto Ri , r u i y of 1583 than he thought it English and their a site for a advisable to confess, believed ^h ^ J ceptionally illuminating to permanent settlement. I R . yyjiiiam Hawkins returned Low whether or notfrom^Puerto Rico^ ^ ^ ^ A ican to England by w a Y ofth « 6 erha ps as he passed along continent, as John Hawk ^ a Le 0 f coaste then indefinitely designated making a proper reconnaKsanc f Found Land or Cod¬ as La Florida, Jacan ^rumbega,^ of the fisheries (los Bacalaos). n y ^ definitely upon North America, English seems after 155 D i orat ion had already been made. to which various voyages of explo £ld Sim0 n Fernandez In 1578 a Portuguese ^^SLdo) was master of th z Falcon, (also known as Fernan °° r . . q* Humphrey Gilbert’s first imrnndcd by Water ^"V.hc Mowing May * expedition, bvhichmadeforAVV ^ ^ sma il vessel, returning In 1580 he sailed from „ t No _ oq post reference is in three or four “ onth f S ' th L e voyages concerning which little is made to one or other of f 1 ^, Lf ention ally or unintentionally, known. In this document, eit e is confused with the the Portuguese Ferdmandos r Phi i ip Amadas and Barlow. 6 voyage undertaken m 1 5«4 by Captains rm p .Of A.bU 87-4-7. 8*»“ •f 3 ' "J I* ™ ”“*,1 • toutedW« P™"" “ ^ tz:zL ; te *~te “ d is™"2;. , ,C. 9 m..,7T7. •stfiggsisSsiSir e The first voyage made to the coasts qfm ed;atdy upon the issue of his charter tions (Glasgow, 1904), vm, pp- 2 97 3 • ^ barks to spy 0 ut the new country PMip 0,1 “ xxu ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Simon Ferdinando may have approached the North American continent by way of Florida and explored the Carolina-Virginia coast, rather than regions further north as has been generally supposed. Certainly Amadas and Barlow preferred the southerly route. Possibly the Portuguese as their pilot led them on a summer course to what he, 1 like the Indians, considered to be ‘the best part of all that coast,’ i.e., the general vicinity of Roanoke island and Chesapeake Bay. I do not know that this country furnished either expedition with gold and silver and notable peltry, although Walker, who sailed the year after Ferdinando’s reconnaissance, brought home such promising souvenirs of the lands he visited. It may be accepted that the natives slaughtered Ferdinando’s men (‘. . . the Indians ate 38 Englishmen . . .’), but it was Amadas and Barlow who carried two aborigines away from Jacan, or Virginia. The pair returned 2 in 1585 with Sir Richard Grenville and Ralph Lane who in that year, for Sir Walter Raleigh, undertook to set up England’s first permanent establishment in the New World. 3 Both and Launceston family which was connected with the Hawkinses, and Arthur Barlow, who had served under Ralegh in Ireland, were in command.’—A. L. Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville (London, 1937), p. 199. 1 Cf. Document No. 65 post for statement that Ferdinando selected the location of the first English establishment in North America. (‘. . . induced them to settle there...’). 2 Cf. Document No. 39 post, Hakluyt, vm, pp. 316-7, and Holinshed, n,pp. I401-2. 3 Under date of June 11, 1585, Don Alvaro de Bazan wrote the House of Trade from Lisbon (A. de 41-6-1/36, Contratacidn 5101) that he had advices to the effect that ‘Sir Richard Grenville left England with seven small vessels to settle in Naranbel, which is the region previously mentioned between Florida and the Codfish[eries]. ’ Naranbel would seem to be a version of Norumbega, Of their [the English] intentions nothing is known except that they expect more ships and appear to intend to settle. It is presumed that they will go to Florida or to an island 30 leagues long which lies in the Bahama [channel], by which the fleets must sail.’ The governor and royal officials to the Grown, Havana, June 23,1585, in A. de 42-107/12, Contratacion 5107. * * • Yesterday afternoon a pinnace carrying despatches arrived from the Indies which brought news that... there are many English corsairs abroad there. They were seen in Puerto Rico with eighteen ships and eight pinnaces and they took many horned cattle, cows with calf, and yearlings, for breeding purposes. They left a message written on the bole of a tree reporting their arrival to the other ships of the company which were to come there. They said they were not bent on war, but were going to settle an island which His Majesty never cared to settle, which is called Trinidad, and Dominica, where they say they left six ships . . Antonio Orta ‘merchant, burgher of Lisbon’, to-from La Terceira, July aa, 1505, m A. de 43-1-1/3,Contratacion 5197. * * * Where they were going to settle could not be learned then or since; but I have had a letter from the governor of Florida saying that certain Indians saw them pass XX111 THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ferdinando and Amadas accompanied this new expedition. Captain Amadas was ‘admiral of the country 5 under Lane. It would not be illogical to suppose that he sailed on board the Lion, third largest vessel of the fleet. The English record of the voyage states that Grenville s ships were early scattered by storm. 1 Document No. 39 this collection makes it plain that in the vicinity of Jamaica a vessel, of the burden ascribed to the Lion , met with experiences less pleasant than usual in those times and in that quarter. Since all on board were starving, twenty of the less useful men, including officers, were set ashore on the unpopulated northern coast of that island, of whom two survived to face the Abbot of Jamaica half a year later. Of these two I suggest that the Abbot’s informant quoted in Document No. 39 post was Captain Philip Amadas. 2 I am not aware whether, beyond the appearance of his name on a list, 3 there is any proof that he actually arrived at Roanoke at this time. If he survived Seville as well as Jamaica, he might, however, have proceeded thither with relief in 1587. . T . Similarly, I should like to see further evidence that the Lion rejoined her consorts at Las Boquillas, or Mosquito Bay, on the south side of Puerto Rico, which was evidently the rendezvous fixed before the expedition left England or, indeed rejoined elsewhere at any time. . . . , Grenville anchored in Mosquito Bay on May 10/20 with a squad¬ ron which the governor of the island describes 4 as ‘two large vessels 5 , one of them obviously the flagship Tiger . She may have been alone except for prizes until nine days later, when the Elizabeth came up. A pinnace was built, possibly to replace one of the two which had along the coast. Nothing further is certainly known of them.’—Gabriel de Luxan to the Crown, Havana, October 24, 1585, in A. de /., 54-1-15, Santo Domingo 99. 1 Cf. The Voyage Made by Sir Richard Grenville for Sir Walter Ralegh to Virginia in . .. 1555, fin Principal Navigations, , vin, p. 311 ( £ .. . a storme in the Bay of Portugall »\ 2 Duarte was a not infrequent Spanish rendering of Edward, but 'Don Armedes suggests nothing whatever unless it be the surname Amadas, the title don implying that he was a gentleman. Observe the statement that he claimed to be second m command of Grenville’s expedition. This identification is however a long shot. ? 3 Principal Navigations, vm, p. 317. See ibid., p. 417: this would date Amadas s earthwork building 1587. Lane left Virginia in 1586. 4 Document No. 7 post. n R v™' 5 Documents Nos. 7 and 9 post. Cf. The Voyage, and Rowse, op. at., p. 206. The reception given the Elizabeth was more than a ‘schoolboyish exhibition of good spirits’; storm had badly crippled Grenville’s enterprize and the reappearance of this vessel was cause for rejoicing. XXIV ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN , been ‘adjoyned for speedy service” when the original Meet c ] ca . i'roin Plymouth. At: the end of May Grenville's couunund \ V a said :: to be ‘three large ships and two pinnaces’. Documents Nos 7 (), and 11 post deal with their stay of about three weeks in JL'uerto Rico.'* 0 At Mosquito Hay the English Jorlilied themselves in order to build their pinnace in safety. The Spaniards rode down and looked them over. There was some parleying. Evidently the subsistence et< which the English wanted was not lortheoining, despite the Spaniards’ promise to furnish it. The English I Dm captured (wo vessels and, apparently as ransom or some part of the ransom which they demanded lor them, obtained fowls, hogs, horned cattle horses and mares. Prisoners (nken bought their liberty ‘for ,r 0o( i round sunnnes.’ ' 5 By the iirst of June with live sail including prizes' 1 (Irenville was at La Isabela, a port on the north coast o| 11 ispaniola visited by John Hawkins in ijjtrp Their, in the grateful shade ofgrren boughs'which roofed the temporary banqueting halls erected Ibr the'purpose, Ciicnville ;md lame, dressed in their best, sal down to ‘a sumptuous banquet . . . served . . . all in plate, with the sound of trumpets and consorted musickc’ to which they had invited ‘the governor of La Isabela’. This guest of honour'may have been the warden of the fort at I uerto Plata or one o 1 the (wo alcaldes marines of Ha, Isabela, both of whom were accused of shameless trallicking with foreigners 11 He rode to the banquet accompanied by ‘a lusty fryer and twenty othei Spaniards, with their servants and negroes,’ and after they had dined, the Spaniards for their part entertained the English with an exhibition of riding and bull-lighting. ‘In the nieano time . .. our English Generali and the Spanish Governour discoursed betwixt t em of diveis matters, as o( tlie: state ol (he Gountrcy, the multitude of the Townes and people, and (he commodities of the iland.’ Reading especially Document No. 11 post in comparison with Lane’s n , oL ^ “ n0t P° ssihl(; to I>:ub light judgment upon Mis Catholic Majesty’s officers (warden or alcalde) who, over the crude banqueting board of June, 1585, contributed their share to the fall * The Voyage, p. 310. 2 Document: No. 7 post. 'p7 3 h “, 7 ,;* m rms ’""" h **** ; a * •*****>*•« RoddmfLw’v 4 " 3 T I9 v Sant0 Domin &° Francisco Gonzalez to Licentiate uglier Rivero, La Yaguana, December hi, ir.Ba 7 Corbett, op. cit., n, p. 17 and note. . XXV THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA of Santo Domingo city which followed within half a year. Document No. io post is an account of Grenville’s capture, on his way back from Virginia to England, of the Santa Maria de San Vicente , Cor- niele’s ship’—the prize which ‘made’ his voyage. 1 What was Santo Domingo like at the beginning of the year 158b— that original seat of Spanish government in the New World, 90 years after its founding? Even then its comparative antiquity and former importance had invested the first capital, of Spam s coloma empire with such glamour that it is difficult to visualize it as it was, rather than as it has been depicted in song and story ever since those nights when Francis Drake himself sat long at supper and boasted how, would the queen aid but a little, he could make her mistress of the wealth and power which, after the middle of the sixteent century, Santo Domingo represented in men’s imagination and memory, rather than in actual fact. Those who remember the place as it was 40 years ago will not, out of the relics of depai te gieatness still to be discovered, find it easy to reconstruct this chief jewel 1 Philip IPs American crown; or, having correctly estimated t _ e ci y as it was in Drake’s day, readily set aside modern standards and realize its relative wealth, strength and importance m comparison to its sister cities in sixteenth-century Europe and America. ‘In all this island, Catholic Majesty,’ wrote* the acting warden of Santo Domingo’s fortress in 1582, ‘m all this island, whic is m ee large and uninhabited, there are some six or seven thatched villages, and only this city of 500 houses of which most (anyhow, many) have fallen in and are unoccupied. Masters and servants—m villages and on estates, whites, Indian half-breeds and mulattoes—m all, there are scarcely 2000 men, many without weapons, living m an abandon¬ ment which cannot be exaggerated. Not only are French corsairs o be feared, but also the negroes, lest they revolt (as some have, who from time to time have done and continue to do great damage). 1 Cf. Documents Nos. 57 , 59 and 65 post. The Navarrete CoUection of tramaipts in Madrid contains authenticated copies of documents bearing Grille 1 k85 voyage of which Rowse made good use in his biography Richard GrmsUU of the Revenue My best endeavours did not discover at Seville the originals of those aocreditedlo the Archive of the Indies; which is not to say that they are no longer where indubitably Navarrete found them. Document No loSifthat towhichRowse refers on his pp. (Information contributed Z5&-E No. 225 , P . so6, Mendoza to the Crown, London, March i, 1582. 3 Cf. Corbett’s estimate of the place, op. cit.,11, p. 33 - . , r - t0 the a A. de l, 53-4-1 1 , Santo Domingo 54 Clemente Grajeda de Guzman to to Crown, Santo Domingo, May 25, 1582. XXV * ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN There are in the island more than 25,000 negroes. 1 If these rise and join the outlaws it means general perdition. 5 From the sea Santo Domingo looked formidable. As he approached it, in July * 5^3 Licentiate Cristobal de Ovalle, incoming president of the Audiencia, governor and captain-general—that is, first judicial civil and military authority of the island—‘saw the fort, old and new’ as one of the strongest in Christendom. 52 It hung over the river’s bank and dominated the only entrance, by way of that stream, to the haven which lay inside the bar. Along the river, with streets running parallel to it at right angles to the sea, the city must have straggled then much as it does today. Close by the fortress, on the same principal plaza, stood the cathedral. The Franciscan monastery rose at some distance, on higher ground. This and the Dominican monastery were rich and important. The Mercedarian monastery was less so. The two nunneries (Santa Clara and Regina Angelorum) were humble indeed. Of the secular buildings, the official residence of the judges of the Audiencia and the government warehouse would seem to have been the most imposing. Equally handsome were the best residences of the leading citizens. These were spacious substantial homes of heavy masonry, built on ample plans, and to their furnishing Asia as well as Europe had contributed. Tableware was porcelain as well as plate; linens came from Holland and England; silks from France and the Orient. 3 Nominally, the city was walled. In fact it was not so. 4 Gates it had, but they were flanked with the commencement—the promise only_ 1 ‘There is such a multitude of negroes in this city that during Lent they cannot be sustained except it be with meat. . .’-Ovalle to the Grown, Santo Domingo, June 16, 1584, in A. de 53-4-11, Santo Domingo 51. * 4 * L >. 54 - 3-1 L Santo Domingo 51, Cristobal de Ovalle to the Crown, Santo Dommgo, October 30, 1583. 3 The statements of this paragraph are based especially upon the memorials and petitions for help formulated in Santo Domingo in the spring and summer of 1586. Compare Bigges, , op. at., and The discourse and description of the voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Mr. John Frobiser, etc., B.M., Royal MS., 7 .c., xvi, ff. 166 etseq., printed m ^^ ers re ^ atln S t0 the. Navy during the Spanish War 1585-7, ed.J. S. Corbett (N.R.S. u* i 5 c- P 't I6 v 18 ’ This relation is hereafter referred to as‘ the Primrose log’, the name which Sir Julian gave to it. See his Drake and the Tudor Navy, 11, p. 4 n. Muro tem'an, pero mal entero conque la ciudad est& cercada, pues la parte que llaman Matadero r „.. w dizen ^ ue d61 estd desamparada .. —Juan de Castellanos, Discurso de el Capitcm Francisco Drague, ed. Parra Leon Hermanns (Caracas, I93 a), n, p. 307. Cf. the illustration accompanying Bigges’ Discourse, here reproduced, pp. 38-9, where the engraver represents walls where there were none. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA XXV11 of walls, which dwindled into cactus hedges. 1 It was firmly believed that the place could not be attacked by land. The documents here presented (Nos. 12, 13 et seq.) stress that conviction. It was not supposed that any landing could be effected upon that coast except, and that not too easily, by way of the River Ozama itself which is the harbour of the city. Therefore, unguarded, unwatched, from 4 the great gate 5 called Lenba, the main road ran westerly through dense thicket toward the Hayna River and the sugar plantations 2 and cattle ranges, upon the prosperity of which the welfare of the city depended. It was also accepted that Santo Domingo was impregnable from the sea, unless it were against attack by an over¬ whelming force. Upon assuming office President Ovalle looked first to the fort which defended the approach by water. 3 When he came to inspect it more closely he found that although it is the strongest and most important in the Indies, in strength comparable to many in Spain, its wardens have lived carelessly ... In consideration of his forebears 5 services as well as in recognition of his own capacity, Don Rodrigo de Bastidas, senior, held the wardenship of the fort 4 for his son of the same name, then a youth of twenty. 5 The office was exercised, however, by the elder Bastidas’s son-in-law, Clemente de Guzman Grajeda. 6 They kept livestock in the fort, 5 the recently arrived president continued, £ and the gate was open all day. Portuguese and Castillians, without distinction, have been standing guard I have ordered the cattle out of the fort and that a sentry e posted at the gate with a halberd . . .’ 7 In fine, Ovalle established what he assured the Crown was a becoming state of military isci- pline. 8 1 Cf. Documents Nos. 12,42, 56, etc., post. . ... ,, . a ‘The sugar mills of this island are the principal properties in it. —Ovalle to tne Crown, Santo Domingo, June 16, 1584, in A. de /., 54-4-”. Santo Dommg0 51 ' They were feeling the competition of the Andalusian sugar industry. a His despatch of October 30,1583, previously mentioned. Ibid. 5 A. de /., 78-3-9, Santo Domingo 900, H 5, f. 43 reverse, ddula, San Lorenzo, June 4,1586. The young man was even then petitioning for possession of his office. J 0 Or Graieda de Guzman. There is a carelessness evident in the signatures which suggests that, as a matter of fact, the acting warden could not write and those who siened for him were not particular as to the order of his surnames. . 87 A. de I., 53-4-11, Santo Domingo 51, Ovalle to the Grown, Santo Domingo, 8‘There Is in the fort better discipline than ever before—such discipline as is suitable ’—Ibid. Yet, in its instructions to its procurator (after its fall to Drake), the city alleges that when the enemy arrived the fort had no artillerymen, nomumtions and that its ordnance was unmounted. Cf. these instructions, A. de I., 53-8-7, Santo Domingo 73. XXV111 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN He inspected what artillery there was and trained it on the water¬ line of vessels seeking to enter the port. He endeavoured also to supply powder, which was very scarce. 1 In vain had the acting warden been asking for long range artillery, balls and artillerymen. Most remarkable of all is the fact that this fortress had no regular garrison. Under the terms of a contract between him and the Crown the elder Bastidas was supposed to maintain one there. That he did not do so was part and parcel of the general laxity into which the whole colony had fallen. Relying utterly upon the accepted opinion that Santo Domingo could not be attacked from any other direction, Ovalle strengthened its defences along the river, built a breastwork, planted a battery therein, and maintained a lookout at Point Caucedo, to advise him of approaching sail. It should be remarked here that there was no naval force stationed in the Indies at this time, either at Santo Domingo or elsewhere. 2 Two galleys had arrived in the summer of 1582 to patrol the coast and so to discourage illicit trade, especially on the northern shore of the island. By 1586 the flag-galley had been lost by wreck. The other, the Santiago^ even earlier declared to be unseaworthy, had recently been recovered from murderous mutineers only by the personal 1 ... faltavan salitrosas invensiones que suelen impeler globos ardientes. . .—Juan de Castellanos, n, p. 304 —the poetical but not inaccurate Discurso previously cited, which from here forward may be profitably compared with corresponding documents. 2 Cf. Corbett, op. cit 1, p. 38, note 1. Alvaro Flores de Quinones commanded the galleons of the guard which cleared from Cadiz on April 19, 1586. Gf. A. de /,, 143-3-16, the House of Trade to the Crown, Seville, April 21, 1586. This armada took an unusual course that year, sailing north from Dominica to Puerto Rico, where it arrived on July 11, 1586. Cf. Diego Menendez de Valdds to the Crown, Puerto Rico, July 11, 1586, in A. de /., 54-3-6, Santo Domingo 155. From Puerto Rico the armada proceeded to Santo Domingo and Cartagena, following in Drake’s wake. The Spaniards in the Indies prayed (cf. Document No. 14 post) that it might overtake and give him his deserts. As a matter of fact Alvaro Flores had explicit instructions to ‘give Drake no trouble’, in that he was expressly forbidden to fight unless in self-defence. He had no punitive mission in the Indies at this time. His very stringent orders were to bring the plate home in safety, i.e., to defeat the real purpose of Drake’s raid, which was to interrupt the stream of Philip’s incoming wealth. And this Alvaro Flores accomplished. Cf. A. de /., 2-5-2/10, document dated December 28, 1585, marginal note in Philip’s own hand, ordering that Alvaro Flores be ‘especially told that he is going out to bring back my revenues and those of private persons promptly and safely; and that he is to attend to this task and to no other, not even if the corsair shall have established himself on land, for if this be the case order will be issued from here to seek him out and punish him.* the MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA xxix courage of its commander, Don Diego Osorio. It lay in Santo Domingo harbour. 1 Qvalle held a muster of his available land forces. 2 There were three companies of foot—500 harquebusiers—‘all handsome effective troops, 5 he said. These were the townsmen only. There was another company formed by seamen; and another of landsmen, meaning, evidently, persons who could be assembled from the neighbouring estates—in all, another 200 men. There was still another company of a hundred horse, mostly armed with harque¬ buses. In fine, 800 territorials, with whom the president was well pleased. To support them he intended to organize the people of the interior, that from the various settlements they might come up under their own officers to support the city in any emergency. Then, too, certain of the negroes might be ‘inspired 5 by the promise of liberty to aid in its defence in case of need. Satisfied with his pre¬ cautionary measures, the president wrote to the Grown that he heard the French were planning to take the island, but he feared no force that could be sent against it—not even ‘all France 5 . 3 About ten o’clock on the morning of December 31/January 10, 1 585/6, word came that the night before seventeen vessels had been seen at anchor off Point Caucedo, 4 that is, six leagues east of the city. The colony had received no official warning to expect an enemy, although this had been sent. 6 Unofficial advices there had been, however, concerning a great fleet leaving England. Nevertheless, 1 A. del., 53-6-4, Santo Domingo 70, Licentiate Rodrigo de Rivero to the Crown, Santo Domingo, September 10, 1582; 53-4-4, Santo Domingo 51, Ovalle to the Crown, Santo Domingo, October 31, 1583; 53-1-14, Santo Domingo 14, Informa¬ tion, Santo Domingo, February 1, 1587. Cf. Document No. 13, post, etc. 2 His despatch of October 30, 1583, cited. 3 A. de I., 53-4-11, Santo Domingo 51, Ovalle to the Crown, Santo Domingo, November 4, 1584. 4 Alcedo, 11, p. 28. 5 Documents Nos. 19 and 20, post. 6 Mendoza states that Drake bragged that he took the city despite the fact that it had been warned (Sp. C„ 1580-6, pp. 612-3, No. 473)- Cf. Documents Nos. 19, 20 and 56 post especially. When, in July 1586, the city drew up instructions for its procurator {A. de L, 53-6-7, Santo Domingo 73, Document 130), that it had re- ceived no warning was especially stressed, and the blame for its ruin was laid upon the Crown for this very reason, and because its previous appeals for arms, munitions, etc., had been disregarded. Cf. Documents Nos. 28 and 30 post, enclosure, for men¬ tion that the English took advice-boats, which may have been carrying the warning to Santo Domingo which therefore never arrived. ... las dos tomaron ... y uno pudo llegar a Cartagena...—Castellanos, op. cit., p. 3 ° 5 * ... a causa del navio que tomamos ... son inadvertidos.— Ibid., p. 306. XXX ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN the surprise was complete. Actually, for a moment it was thought that these were Spanish ships; yet, since some suspected that they were not, the call to arms was sounded through the city. 1 In a smaller craft, since the one galley still on the Santo Domingo station was not in condition to go to sea, Captain don Diego Osorio was sent out to reconnoitre. He returned to report that from their lines, heavy armament and other indications, he deduced that these vessels were an English fleet. 2 So they were, and a formidable fleet, with Francis Drake in command. It was now a dozen years since Drake had sailed the Caribbean. In 1573, though the flag of Saint George flew high at his mainmast head and he went home rich with gold taken from the packtrain he had robbed near Nombre de Dios 3 , £ el Capitan Francisco’ was at that time £ a private man of mean quality,’ 4 and only one courageous sea-captain among many. Since then a 'large winde’ indeed had wafted him forward, around the world and into royal and popular favour, until now off Santo Domingo he stood: Sir Francis Drake, admiral and general, upon the deck of a queen’s ship 'with all the budding forces of the coming sea-power [of England] gathered at his back ... If the influence of sea-power on history is what has been claimed for it, then this moment marks an epoch .. .’ 5 For Drake’s appearance off Santo Domingo was Elizabeth’s announcement of war on Spain and upon all that Philip II repre¬ sented, which was dominance in Europe, absolute mastery in America, control of the seas, and Catholicism. The first shot fired here tore away the dissimulation which for 59 years had veiled the activities of the English in the Caribbean. Hitherto they had used subterfuge to mask the advancement of their own interests against Spain—the interest, first, of exploration; then of trade; and next of covert war in commerce destroying. Now, indeed, the Catholic king was boldly challenged openly to fight for his triple (political, religious and commercial) monopoly of the West, in which Elizabeth had never acquiesced even when admitting Philip’s claim to it. And behind Drake, as he bore down upon Spain’s colonial capital, rode not only the future of Protestantism and of Tudor England, but also the future of North America; for had the outcome of the war which was thus begun been other than that which the defeat of the In- 1 Compare throughout with Documents Nos. 12 et seq.> post. 2 Documents Nos. 13,19, and 20 post. 3 Wright, I. A., Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main (Hakluyt Society, Series II, no. 71,1932), p. xlv. 4 Corbett, op. cit , 9 1, p. 191. B Ibid., n, p. 24. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA XXxi vincible Armada presently foretold, not half but the whole of the western hemisphere must, for better or for worse, forever have borne the stamp of Spanish Catholic culture. Had England not success¬ fully challenged Spain’s c new and living Roman Empire, 9 it is interesting (though idle) to speculate as to who would have challenged it, and when; and equally idle to imagine what an Hispanic North as well as South America might have meant to the world. Certainly the non-existence of much that figures formidably in its affairs today. Drake had left England on 14 September, 1585. 1 He had called at Vigo, where his truculence advertised his temper. Thence he steered for the latitude where His Catholic Majesty’s fleets might be encountered, apparently with every intention to take any that he might find. Indubitably, to take the fleets was part, if not the major part, of Drake’s design. 2 Now, the New Spain fleet had set out from San Juan de Ulua on 19 May, 1585, reached Havana safely and there hoped in vain that the Mainland fleet, with its protecting galleons, and the ships from Santo Domingo would come in promptly. Without them, however, on July 21 Don Diego de Alcega, 3 commanding 30 vessels out of Mexico, Honduras and Jamaica, sailed from Havana for Spain. Off the Spanish coast Juan Martinez de Recalde with galleons was out to convoy him safe to port, but failed to find him. Instead, at Cape Saint Vincent Alcega met the adelantado of Castile 4 and they were Padilla’s ‘galleys of Spain’ which brought the Mexican fleet safely into San Lucar, in the third week of September. 5 On October 7 Don Antonio de Osorio reached Terceira with the Mainland fleet. In Spain the greatest anxiety was felt for his 1 Compare throughout with Bigges’s Discourse and the Primrose log. 2 Documents Nos. 28 and 29 post. 4 I cannot persuade myself that he has not designs upon the fleets from Nombre de Dios and Santo Domingo/—Don Alvaro de Bazan to the House of Trade, Lisbon, October 13, 1585, in A. de /., 42-1-7/2, Contratacion 5107. c Since the queen did not forget to send the vessels which were at the codfisheries, neither, I think, will she overlook the Indies, the islands, and the ships plying to and from these parts/— Id. to id., Lisbon, October 23, 1585, in A. de I., 41-6-1/36, Contratacion 5101. Cf. Papers relating to the Navy, p. 69, a plan of the campaign, drawn not by Drake and after he had left Cape Verde for the Indies. 3 Cf. Documents Nos. 8 and 9, post. * Don Martin de Padilla, Conde de Santa Gadea, captain general of the galleys of Spain. 5 A. de l, 41-6-1/36, Contratacion 5101, Alcega to the House of Trade, Bonanza, September 22, 1585. Cf. A. de /., 42-6-3/7, Contratacion 5169, ff. 63 reverse and 64. XXX11 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN safety. Despite the season enemy vessels were extraordinarily numerous along his route . 1 Don Alvaro de Bazan heard that there were forty enemy sail offFinisterre. 2 Madrid foresaw the possibility of what was there described as ‘a great disaster 5 . Just as he had failed to find Alcega, so now Recalde and his galleons failed 3 to find Osorio and the Mainland argosy. Recalde was shortly thereafter succeeded in command by Alvaro Flores de Quinones. Again it was the adelantado of Castile with his galleys who on October 16 fell in with Osorio's ships and escorted them into San Lucar. In their holds arrived the greatest treasure ever brought home by a fleet which had not wintered in the Indies . 4 1 A. de 41-6-1/36, Contratacion 5101, Don Alvaro de Bazan to the House of Trade, October 23, 1585, Lisbon; 47-1-7/2, Contratacion 5107, Vega de Fonseca to the House of Trade, Madrid, October 18, 1585. 2 A. de /., 41-6-1/36, Contratacion 5101, Bazan to the House of Trade, Lisbon, October 15, 1585. 3 Much to Don Alvaro’s c great regret and worry.’ Cf. his letter to the House of Trade from Lisbon, October 13, 1585, in A. de 42-1-7/2, Contratacion 5107. 4 In A. de /., 42-6-2/6, Contratacion 5168, vi, ff. 50 and 50 reverse, are to be found two statements, record copies of communications from the House of Trade to the Crown, dated, respectively, September 29 and October 25, 1585, at Seville. The first shows that according to the manifests Don Diego de Alcega’s fleet brought His Majesty revenues which are described as follows: ‘On account of the royal treasury, New Spain and Honduras, 197,316,578 maravedis; revenues of the crusade, Mexico and Guatemala, 6,923,150 maravedis; on account of the appropriation for the royal armada for the Indies, 11,984,100 maravedis; proceeds from notarial offices and collectorships, 3,936,650 maravedis; separate account, fines, 10,943,500 maravedis; for the office of the treasurer of the mint of Mexico, sold to Juan Luis de Ribera, 7,937,800 maravedis; on account of the office of assayer, the mint, Mexico, 4,022,650 maravedis; proceeds from sale of a municipal councilman’s office, Los Angeles (Puebla), Mexico, 885,800 maravedis; lease made to Francisco de Quintana Duenas of the office of treasurer, the mint, Mexico, 230,050 maravedis; permit granted to Cristobal Cuello’s ship to cross as second advice-boat of this fleet, 180,600 maravedis; surplus of appropriation allowed for transportation of Your Majesty’s bullion to Vera Cruz, 62,350 mara¬ vedis. Total brought for Your Majesty as royal revenues on these said accounts from New Spain and Honduras, 244,423,228 maravedis. Further, for Your Majesty, 3! ounces of jewels of all sorts; and . . . for merchants and private indivi¬ duals, and proceeds from deceased persons’ estates, 732,978,214 maravedis.. The second reads: ‘Statements of the manifests of ships constituting the fleet which has just arrived from Tierra Firme, General don Antonio Osorio command¬ ing, have been drawn and show that there has been received for Your Majesty on account of royal revenues 532,501,300 maravedis; revenues of the crusade in the New Kingdom of Granada and Los Reyes (Lima) and Quito, 7,747,860 mara¬ vedis; fines, New Kingdom of Granada, 774,000 maravedis; procuratorship sold to Pedro de Acevedo, 130,000 maravedis; others sold in the city ofTunja, 355,500 maravedis; an office of notary, Audiencia of Panama, 4,092,000 maravedis; offices sold in the city of Lima, 2,242,240 maravedis. Total for Your Majesty on account of royal treasury and these items, 548,427,400 maravedis. For the increase in salary THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA XXXU1 For once, or rather once again, Drake’s ‘luck’, legendary 1 even then, had failed him. Well might he exclaim: ‘. . . it escaped us but twelve hours the whole treasure which the King of Spain had out of the Indies this last year, the cause best known to God; and we had at that instant very foul weather.’ 2 It is not too much to say that thus, at its outset, was Drake’s enterprise frustrated, for unquestionably to seize Philip’s treasure and so to weaken 3 him while correspondingly strengthening Eliza¬ beth was the very core of his design. For a moment His Catholic Majesty had faced a disaster; but, both fleets safe in harbour, the worst that Drake could do was to humiliate him by despoiling his colonial cities in a raid. That year’s golden egg safely deposited in the Spaniard’s purse, the Englishman could but pluck the overseas goose that laid it. Given the humour into which his subordinates fell presently, as made evident at Cartagena, it seems possible that neither Drake nor they realized what thin pickings awaited them in Philip’s Indies as, having settled old scores at Cape Verde, 4 they turned their bows to the west. The English watered at Dominica and spent Christmas at Saint Christopher’s, where Drake cleansed and aired his ships and somewhat refreshed his men, already beset by sickness. At Saint Christopher’s (apparently in a council of war) it was resolved to attack Santo Domingo. If from Saint Christopher s Drake sent an advanced squadron forward to reconnoitre and to seek communication with disaffected persons 5 on shore, those of the members of Your Majesty’s royal Council for Indies, 7,201,480 maravedis. Further, for Your Majesty 1012 marks and if ounces of pearls of various kinds; 84 grains of pearls classified; and 516 pesos and 2 tomines weight of emeralds, second class; 403 pesos weight of emeralds, third class; a pine of silver which weighs 12 marks from the new mines of Caxatambo. And for merchants and private persons and on account of deceased persons’ estates, 1,787,060 maravedis...’ Obviously, these statements do not take into account ‘unmanifested’ bullion and jewels, which were sometimes found to amount to more than that which was mani¬ fested as law required. They detail only the ‘cash’ revenues of the Crown, and ‘cash’ receipts on account of private persons. 1 Cf. Documents Nos. 6 and 21, post. 2 Papers relating to the Navy, p. 84. Cf. Documents Nos. 27 (Bravo’s deposition) and 28 post. 3 ‘The principal revenue to which recourse is had for the relief of His Majesty’s necessities is that which comes from the Indies.’—Licentiate Hernando de Vega to the House of Trade, Madrid, November, 1565? kt T de 42 ~i~ 7 / i2 j Contra- tacion 5107. 4 Cf. pp. xix ante, and note 1. 5 Corbett, op. cit., 11, p. 34. There were no outlaws in Santo Domingo comparable with the ‘maroons of the Isthmus’. The negroes at large in the distant mountains of that island were of no such heroic type. XXxiv ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Spaniards who reported upon subsequent events seem to have been uninformed of it, although some renegades 1 were seen in the enemy’s company and were accused of having shown the English the way by which they attacked that city. From a captured pilot the English may have obtained some in¬ formation concerning its position, but he can hardly have told them much that they did not already know. Drake must have been well aware that the harbour was protected by a difficult bar at the river’s mouth and commanded by a castle. The pilot may have furnished news of recent works built for the further defence of the waterfront. As soon, too, as the enemy appeared, Osorio’s galley was brought into such position that her artillery could damage any craft seeking to enter, and two or three vessels were £ purposely drowned’ 2 on the bar. Drake must long have known that the adjacent coast was hazardous, but evidently he refused to admit the Spaniards’ univer¬ sally accepted belief that no landing could be effected except under the castle’s guns, in the haven of Santo Domingo itself. Late on the night of that Friday which brought the Spaniards their first news of strange sails off Point Caucedo, certain of his ships (which were seen as they sailed westward past the city) landed a force estimated from 800 to 1400 pikes and muskets. The men were safely piloted through surf at Hayna. By dawn this operation was complete. These Spanish documents show that no picket was on duty at Hayna, so confidently was it assumed that no landing could possibly be accomplished at that point. 3 As a matter of fact, no efficient watch seems to have been kept anywhere along the coast. 4 If signal fires 5 were lighted as the English drew near, certainly they conveyed no warning to the threatened city. Having marched from Hayna at eight o’clock, the English forces had been on their way for hours before a scouting party, riding along the coast, discovered them and retired with the news. So having set ashore at Hayna the troops which under Lieutenant General Christopher Carleill and Captain Anthony Powell approached the city by land from the rear, Drake returned to his ships. Saturday morning dissipated any faint hope the Spaniards may have been entertaining that this fleet would pass Santo Domingo by. Instead, when day brightened, they discovered that 1 Documents Nos. 14,16, 37,55, enclosure 2, etc., post. 2 Cf. illustration in Bigges’s Discourse , here reproduced, pp. 38-9, item DD. * Documents Nos. 14,15,19, 20 post. 4 Document No. 12 post. 6 Gf. illustration in Bigges’s Discourse, here reproduced, pp. 38-9, item A. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA XXXV large vessels had taken the place of the smaller craft they had watched sail westward the night before; and these smaller vessels reappeared also. They estimated Drake’s full strength at thirty to thirty-four ves¬ sels, of varying sizes, heavy galleons among them. 1 These now tacked back and forth before the town. When the fort fired upon them its balls fell short, so displaying the weakness of the Spanish artillery, and wasting powder. The English did not consider it necessary to reply. 2 Toward mid-morning, however, the enemy ships took up menacing positions; and about noon whatever defence the Spanish within the city may have hoped to offer was shattered by receipt of the dire tidings that in two columns, with 'music playing and standards flying, 5 a large body of English was resolutely and rapidly advancing by land from the direction of Hayna. Panic ensued. From his ships the enemy watched the exodus. 1 £ .. . Drake had gathered around him a fleet of twenty-five sail, amongst which were the Elizabeth Bonadventure, 600 tons, and the Aid, 250 tons, of Her Majesty’s. The rest were all private ships. Largest of them was the galleon Leicester, of 400 tons, which had been Fenton’s flagship in 1582. The London contingent included several of the finest vessels in the subsidized mercantile marine, with the redoubt¬ able Primrose at their head. The rest were mainly West-Country vessels. In all, the ships numbered twenty-one and the pinnaces four.’ A salt-bark captured off Finisterre was added to these, under the name of Drake, thus 'raising the whole force to twenty-six sail...’ ‘Drake’s flag was hoisted on the Bonadventure, and around him was gathered as brilliant an assembly of officers, whether from family connections or services, as a commander could desire. His own flag-captain was Thomas Fenner, one of the most daring and experienced officers of his time. His vice-admiral was Martin Frobisher, who honoured the little Primrose with his flag. Francis Knollys, the queen’s cousin and Leicester’s brother-in-law, was rear-admiral in the galleon Leicester. Captain Edward Wynter, son of Sir William, commanded the Aid, and Christopher Carleill was lieutenant-general commanding the land forces and the Tiger. Thomas Drake, the admiral’s youngest brother, had Sir Francis’s ship, the Thomas Drake. Tom Moone, one of the oldest and most devoted followers of his corsair days, had another, the Francis. Amongst others whom he had trained in his voyage around the world were Captain George Fortescue in the bark Bonner, Captain John Martyn in the bark Benjamin, Edward Careless, also called Wright, whom Hakluyt calls the excellent mathematician and engineer, in the Hope, of 200 tons, and Richard Hawkyns with his first command as captain of the galliot Duck. Under Carleill was a regular military force with Captain Anthony Powell as “sergeant-major”, or chief of the lieutenant-general’s staff, and two “corporals of the field”, or aides-de-camp. The whole force, including soldiers and sailors, numbered 2,300 men.’—Corbett, in his excellent introduction to Papers relating to the Navy, pp.x-xii. 2 Cf. Castellanos, op. cit., p. 308. Again, from here forward compare the appended Spanish documents with Bigges’s Discourse, the Primrose log, and Corbett’s version of these events presented in his Drake and the Tudor Navy, n. See also A. K. Jameson, ‘Some New Documents dealing with Drake’, in English Historical Review, January, 1934. XXXVi ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Some of the more valiant sought to rally foot and horse to oppose Carleill’s advance. The English perceived some attempt at defence and approached respectfully , 1 well supported by the ordnance of their ships, which had taken up such stations that their fire swept the field. Against that bombardment and against Carleilhs musketry nothing could hold undisciplined civilians. They made for the nearest cover. Those few whose military training or sense of duty sufficed made a last stand at the Lenba gate, where there were three pieces of artillery. They fired at least one shot from one of these. Evidently it was fired when the English were within close range and some were killed. Nevertheless Carleill came on, at a rapid pace, in solid array. His pikes were levelled against the strongest power in Christendom, in the proudest citadel of the New World. He had no means of knowing that beyond the Lenba gate dereliction and cowardice had already betrayed the city. At first push Spain’s ‘ancientest’ colonial bulwark collapsed, discreditably. By five o’clock that afternoon the banner of Saint George was unfurled above the towers of Santo Domingo and the English ships ‘shot off their ordnance for joy having won the town’. 2 Each leading a column, Carleill and Captain Powell met in the plaza" a place ofvery faire spatious square ground’, the heart of the city. The fort held out a little longer, but that night its warden, other officers and what soldiers they had been able to detain inside it, took their unceremonious leave by way of the river. Their departure gave Drake control of the anchorage and of all the shipping in the haven . 3 ‘Thus the Spaniards gave us the town for a New Year’s gift .’ 4 Casualties had been three or four on each side. 1 See the illustration accompanying Bigges’s Discourse, reproduced here, pp. 38-9. This very interesting picture of Santo Domingo and the attack corroborates the Spanish documents in the matter. They do not, however, mention any attempt to use cattle to disorganize the English columns (item T), which is not conclusive proof that it was not made. 2 Papers relating to the Navy , p. 79. 3 Document No. 20 post states that the English took five vessels from the harbour, and burned others. Among the latter was the galley (cf. the Primrose log, p. 14); evidently President Ovalle’s order to burn this, if he issued it, had not been effec¬ tively carried out (cf. Document No. 12 post). In summarizing the news he had at the beginning of May from the master of a vessel just arrived in San Lucar from Puerto Rico, De Varte wrote to the Grown: 4 . . . three ships out of New Spain laden with flour called at Havana and went to Santo Domingo where they must have fallen into the enemy’s hands, for they had not been warned; and so also Gaptain Palanco and his wife who left from La Margarita for Santo Domingo with a ship, in which they had more than 30,000 ducats. 5 —From San Lucar, May 3, 1586, in A. de /., 143-3-16, Indiferente General 1037. 4 The Primrose log, p. 15. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA XXXV11 If in the taking of Santo Domingo no such fierce fighting occurred as his compatriots seem to describe in writing of the matter, never¬ theless in the light of these Spanish documents Drake’s timeliness, audacity and his ability to command stand forth undiminished. They shine indeed in comparison with the Penn-Venables fiasco of 1655. For not only did Drake take the city unwarned, but also he came suitably supplied, attacked at a favouring season of the year, landed at the right place (thereby accomplishing the impossible), advanced quickly and vigorously, warmly supported his army from his ships, and once in possession of the place, took every precaution against offence. 1 So deeply were all Spaniards involved in this disaster shamed by it that even Latin loquacity was checked: through all the Spanish documents which I have seen concerning the fall of Santo Domingo an unusual reticence 2 is evident. It is as though, perhaps by actual 1 c . . . he fortified himself there and threw up barricades made of lime and brick which he carried along in three vessels . . . the corsair has four great galleons in Port Ocoa and 22 off Santo Domingo and four at Gaucedo . . .’ Don Francisco de Varte to the Crown, San Lucar, May 3, 1586, in A. de I43“3 _I ^5 Indiferente General 1097. Cf. the Primrose log, p. 15: ‘. . . we had in every street at the outside of the town round about made rampires and planted ordnance and guarded them with men ...’ Cf. Bigges, Discourse, p. 112. 2 However, it seems incredible that it could have been possible to enforce silence concerning certain incidents which both Bigges in his Discourse and the Primrose log (pp. 16—17) describe, i.e., the hanging of two friars, the lancing of Drake s negro servant and the execution of a Spanish officer by the Spaniards themselves at Drake’s demand. . In his Discurso Castellanos does describe (p. 310) the maltreatment,.humiliation and execution of two aged Dominicans whom the English found in their monastery upon taking the city. Citing L. Cabrera de Cordoba’s Felipe Segundo, in, p. 178? in his edition of the Discurso Gonzalez Palencia gives their names: Fray Juan de Caravia and Fray Juan de Illanes, lay brother. The editor saw no documents at Seville referring to their martyrdom. The cruel despatch of a negro servant might have passed uncommented upon, but it does seem that had any officer of His Catholic Majesty been executed, a sacrifice to Drake, he must have had relatives to claim consideration from the Crown by reason of so notable a ‘service’ rendered by him. __ At the same time, it is equally incredible that these things should be any sixteenth- century writer’s invention. Had the colonial authorities conspired to keep them quiet—highly improbable, since there was no real reason for doing so—there would not have been lacking an enemy to some or all of them to advise the king in his councils of the deceit; or a gossipy commentator to relay, as rumour, the facts from some other colony. Yet I have seen no mention of these particular incidents in any Spanish document. # _ With respect to another which Corbett recounts (op. cit., n, p. 41, Non sumcet orbis’) see Document No. 18 post, the escutcheon which Drake removed from the Audiencia building:‘. .. serico doselyarmas reales ...’ according to Castellanos, op. cit., and according to Bigges, op. cit., ‘very notable marke & Token of the unsalable ambition of the Spanish king and his nation.’ c XXXV111 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN agreement, the persons who must lay the facts before Philip in his Council for Indies were determined to offend His Majesty’s Catholic eyes and ears with as few ‘impious’ details as possible. 1 Documents Nos. 12-14 are the earliest accounts of the attack, written from Xagua, whither Licentiates Mercado, Villafane and Aliaga withdrew. No. 15 is interesting as showing what Spaniards who were not actually in Santo Domingo city at first supposed to have occurred there; 2 and No. 16 suggests what they thought of it when they learned the truth. It will be remarked that Captain Ovalle 3 states that the president led the resistance, 4 such as it was, which the English met as they approached the Lenba gate, whereas in Document No. 14 (somewhat franker than Nos. 12 and 13) Licentiates Mercado and Villafane deny that he had any part in these encounters. According to his own version, 5 President Ovalle The sins of the inhabitants of this, Your Majesty’s city of Santo Domingo, multiplied so exceedingly . . . Divine Justice permitted it to be sacked by English enemies of God and of Your Majesty. In despoiling it these bold unbelievers gave free rein to their infidelity and to the remorseless hatred they entertain against the greatness of Your Majesty’s royal name as defender of the sacrosanct estate of the church and his holiness’ reputation. I will not go into details in order not to offend Your Majesty s pious eyes . . .’—The abbess, Santa Clara nunnery, to the Crown, Santo Domingo, no date, in A. de /., 54-1-12, Santo Domingo 96. 2 In a similar letter of the same date addressed presumably to the governor of Cartagena, Ovalle states that Warden Bastidas was killed in defending the fort. Francisco de Viamonte, writing from La Yaguana at the same time, adds the younger Bastidas and Captain Diego de Osorio to the list ‘of those supposed to be killed because they were in the fort’. Cf. A. de 2-5-2/21, Patronato 266, item 50-4. Certainly Osorio survived. Cf. note 5, p. 19 immediately following. Possibly related to President Ovalle, but probably not. 4 Cf. p. igpost, note r. 6 e( E tor failed to find in the General Archive of the Indies the report to the Crown which President Ovalle must have made upon Drake’s seizure of Santo Domingo or the despatch which the royal officials sent forward under date of February 23. Cf. theirs of June 30 in A. de /., 53-6-8, Santo Domingo 74 (192). However, among the appendices to Angel Gonzdlez Palencia’s edition (Madrid, 1921) of Castellanos D is cur so de el Capitan Francisco Draque is included an ‘Account of What Happened in Santo Domingo upon the Arrival of the English, Written by President Ovalle,’ printed from a manuscript described as ‘a copy of Ovaile’s letter’, the shelf mark of which is 109, No. 2, of the manuscript collection in the Instituto de Valencia in Madrid. In this relation Ovalle recounts the arrival of the enemy off the island on Friday, the 1 oth, Osorio’s reconnaissance and report that the ships were English and numbered over 30. That night neither he nor any of the judges of the Audiencia, whose activity he commends, attempted to sleep. He ordered the fortress to make ready to resist, summoned the foot and horse, and laid three hulks across the bar to close the entrance to the haven. ‘That night I had 1500 men’, he declares. He asserts that when the moon rose the English attempted to enter the harbour but were prevented. A party was sent to Guibia to prevent a landing there. This, however, was effected at Hayna, where 1600 men were set ashore, a galleon lost, THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA XXXIX rode forth in the direction from which the enemy was approaching, was thrown with his falling horse into mud, returned to his house to clean up and when he set out again met his people in full retreat, with them fell back to the river and there embarked for Ozama with Licentiate Arceo. It was stated that as he went he ordered the galley to be burned. Ovalle says that when he left the enemy was in possession of the city, the English colours raised 1 on government house (i.e., it was four or five o’clock in the afternoon). In Document No. 19 an inclusive ‘we 5 avoids what was doubtless an odious dis¬ tinction between President Ovalle and Licentiate Arceo who fled by way of the river, and Licentiates Mercado and Villafane, younger men, 2 who had at least lingered long enough to see English pikes and muskets near at hand. Documents Nos. 17, 19, 20 and 42 post are official relations. The and a brother of Drake’s nearly drowned. But for these mishaps and the fact that the troops lost their way in advancing on the city, says Ovalle, the English would have come down on Santo Domingo by surprise ‘and slit all our throats and taken our women and property’. Ovalle says he sent scouts to Hayna and received contradictory news. Mean¬ while, his forces had shrunk from 1500 to no foot and horse, ‘all together not worth four good fighters’. These no breakfasted in his residence after which he set out at their head to take the field. In a narrow muddy street his exhausted horse lay down in a puddle. He then returned to his house to change his clothes, leaving the Licentiate Villafane in command. Ovalle says that he arrived at the city gate just in time to see the Spaniards retire. Finding himself abandoned he proceeded to the harbour where he was entreated to embark. The enemy was by that time in the city, his flag flying from Santa Barbara church and the government houses. The enemy ships were bombarding the place. He and Licentiate Arceo therefore embarked at four o’clock and plied up river until seven next morning. He had left his wife and nieces behind. With no change of shirt, he adds, he wandered from estate to estate for eight days. Cf. A. de 53-6-4, Santo Domingo 70, papers in the case against Baltazar Lopez; Santo Domingo 15, Medrano’s information. Resenting Licentiate Mercado’s manners as he exhibited them under stress, Baltazar Lopez, secretary of the Audiencut) refused to recognize Licentiates Mercado and Villafane, alone, as con¬ stituting that court, i.e., as possessing authority to order him about. The quarrel accumulated papers from which it appears that President Ovalle and Licentiate Arceo fled first to Hoqama. Licentiates Mercado and Villafane had gone to Xagua. They named Nigua as a rendezvous whither what effectives could be assembled were to proceed, to meet them; and presently they moved up to a sugar estate on the Hayna River from where as a base they hoped to annoy the enemy. Gf. A. del., 2-5-2/21, Patronato 266, item 50-4, p. 2, Mercado and Villafane to the authorities at La Yaguana, from Xagua, January 14,1586. 1 ... plantaron sus vanderas y estandartes en las casas excelsas y reales ...—Castellanos, op. tit., p. 300. 2 In very different connection President Ovalle had recently commented upon their youthful impetuosity. He himself died at the end of November, 1586; cf. Document No. 56 post. xl ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN most interesting paper, possibly, is No. 56 wherein the Spanish official who came into closest contact with him has left us a vivid picture of Francis Drake. Against the background of a blazing, desecrated city, there he stands: rotund and rubicund, 1 cheery and open-handed, a braggart able (obviously!) to make good his boasts; an alert imperious commander, obeyed and feared by his men even at a moment when lawless passions must have been straining at the leash, or loose. Santo Domingo was subjected to organized pillage. Galley-slaves whom the Spaniards had unchained that they might aid in its defence assisted the English ‘lutherans’ to ruin the city; and presently departed in their company. 2 All its holy places, 3 which were the abode not only of the Roman religion but also of what beauty, what culture the city knew—what music, what art, what drama, what literature it could boast—all were given over to insult and destruc¬ tion. 4 Nothing—neither the king’s strongbox nor the city’s hospitals —was spared. 5 The English trumpets sang as rich booty 6 in coin, plate, jewels and fine raiment was brought forth from the altars of the churches and from the bedchambers of the leading citizens. 7 In fairness it should be added that by the laws of war, as then prac- 1 Hes hombrc rojo de gracioso gesto, menos en estatura que mediano; mas en sus proporciones bien compuesto y en pldtica, medido cortesano. respuestas vivas, un ingenio presto en todas cuantas cosas pone mano, en negogios mayormente de guerra muy pocas veces oningunayerra—Castellanos, op. cit., p. 302. 2 Cf. the Primrose log, p. 16; and A. de 147-6-5, Santo Domingo 49, Don Diego Osorio to the Grown, Santo Domingo, June 30, 1586. Also Acts Privy Council , New Series, xiv, p. 205, mention of Turks, galley-slaves, Drake took to England upon his return. Others remained at large in the island or made off with French corsairs. M. de 54-1-10, Santo Domingo 94, informacUn on behalf of the cathedral, Santo Domingo, March 18, 1586; 58-1-14, Santo Domingo 14, others on behalf of the Dominican monastery, Santo Domingo, April 17-20, 1586; on behalf of the nunnery, Regina Angelorum, June 6-26, 1586; 54-1-12, Santo Domingo 96, Fr. Francisco Pacheco to the Grown, Santo Domingo, May 24, 1586; Fray Gabriel de Sotomayor, for the Mercedarians, Santo Domingo, June 9, 1586; Fray Manuel de la Gru z , on behalf of the Franciscans (February, 1589); and a communication from the abbess of the Santa Clara nunnery, no date, previously cited. 4 Cf. Castellanos, op. cit., p. 310. 8 A. de 53-6-14, Santo Domingo 14, informacion on behalf of San Nicolas hos¬ pital, Santo Domingo, June 2, 1586. Cf. Documents Nos. 17 and 42 post especially. 4 ° quintas variedades de riquezas.. .-—Castellanos, op. cit , p. 308. 7 53-6-14, Santo Domingo 80, Probanza de las perdidas del Licenciado Baltazar de Villafane , Santo Domingo, June 6,1586, a picturesque document. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA tised, the English were moderate. The city had not surrendered on summons. It had been taken by assault. Those of its inhabitants who had not fled or who returned to save what they might, were evidently penned into the cathedral s chapels and held for ransom. 1 For the gutted shell of the city Drake demanded first a million and then 100,000 ducats. 2 Since these were not forth¬ coming he began to bum and to demolish. When from the bush, where they had huddled in incredible disorganization, 3 the people and their officers saw the flames and smoke arise, they closed a bargain at a quarter of this latter amount. To raise these 25,000 ducats the people of the city, from the archbishop, Don Alonso Lopez de Avila, 4 down, laid into the scales their personal treasures—‘pearls, gold, jewels, silver, chains and ear-rings 5 , 5 much of the cathedral plate, the table service of the richer residents. In consideration thereof Drake left standing 300 dwellings, the desecrated cathedral, the shattered, blackened and empty shells of monasteries and nunneries, hospitals and hermitages, the fort, the government house where President Ovalle lived, the wharves and the city hall. 6 It would almost seem that he spared only what it would have been very difficult to destroy ? Having held Santo Domingo for a month, the English went their way. As Document No. 17 post says, they carried with them every¬ thing they cared to take, or could transport—galley-slaves, negroes, cannon-balls, artillery, clothing, treasure, subsistence. 8 Poor as its loss left Santo Domingo, the total and the quality of this booty must have seemed unsatisfactory 9 to a commander whose preceding 1 Document No. 17 post. . . p 2 £ . . . Ducats of five shillings sixe pence the peece [i.e., pieza or “piece 55 of eight reales] . . . 5 Bigges, op. tit., p. 114. Cf. p. lvi, note 6, post. Documents Nos. 18, 19, 20, and 56 post. Cf. A. de I., 53-6-14, Santo Domingo 80, information, Ysabel de Andrada, Garcia Ferndndez de Torrequemada’s widow, May, 1588. 3 ( . . . gooo men of the country and negroes had assembled and awaited the armada from Spain to fall upon the enemy.’—Don Francisco de Varte to the Crown, San Lucar, May 3, 1586, in A. de /., 143-3-16, Indiferente General 1097 (recounting latest advices received). 4 Cf. Castellanos, op. tit., p. 311. 5 j[ m fa 54-1-10, Santo Domingo 94, the information on behalf of the cathedral already cited, especially the testimony of Alvaro Maldonado who was present when these articles were weighed. Cf. Document No. 17 post. . 6 The information on behalf of the cathedral, cited, testimony of Juan Caballero Bazan. 7 Cf. Bigges, Discourse, p. 114. 8 Ibid., pp. 115-6; the Primrose log, p* 17* 9 Sp. C., 1580-6, pp. 601-2, No. 467, unsigned advices from London, August 8, 1586; pp. 612-3, No. 473, Mendoza to the Crown, Paris, August 27, 1586; pp. 617-8, No. 479, id. to id ., Paris, September 6,1586. xlii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN exploit in the Caribbean had netted him hundredweights of clean bullion. From Santo Domingo, his fleet increased by four or five vessels 1 which he had found in the haven or taken on the coast during his sojourn there, the Englishman now laid his course for Cartagena. If Drake planned, earlier, to attack La Margarita 2 certainly he had abandoned the intention. According to Document No. 55 post, enclosure No. 2, he was advised 3 against calling at Rio de la Hacha! and according to Document No. 49, enclosure, he approached the Main in the vicinity of Santa Marta 4 and steered thence for Cartagena. The documents herewith presented concerning Drake at Carta¬ gena are numerous and diversified. Indeed, it would seem that they leave nothing to be desired. 5 In point of time they lie between lebruary 16, three days before the English appeared off that city, and August 18, when they had been gone little less than four months! They should be compared throughout with Bigges’s Discourse and the Primrose log. In No. 18 post the story of the storming of the city is begun by the dean of its cathedral. In No. 22 it is continued by an unidentified person who says Drake held him as a hostage. Nowhere else does it appear that any hostages were required or given. The story is retold in No. 21 by Tristan de Oribe, who seems to have conducted the 1 See Documents Nos. 21, 22, 29, 35, 55, enclosure 2, etc., post for mention of one good vessel he seized. Cf. Corbett, op. cit., 11, p. 38, n. 1; Gonzdlez Palencia, 06. tit., p. 250. Reservaron los miembros del demonio un grande galleon a maravilla ... era nao del gran varon Antonio Cor$o 3 vezino rico de Sevilla .. .—Castellanos, op, cit., p. 309. 2 Corbett, op. cit, , n, p. 42 and note 1; Papers relating to the Navy, p. 70. 3 Cf. Document No. 18 post, mention of Drake’s generous offer to Maldonado concerning Rio dela Hacha. 4 Corbett, op, cit., n, p. 42 and note 2; Papers relating to the Navy, p. 71. The editor has discovered no Spanish document bearing upon any call which Drake may have made anywhere—neither at Gabo de la Vela nor at Rio de la Hacha—prior to his arrival at Cartagena. Cf. Sp. C. 1587-1603, No, 20, pp. 18 et seq. The entry here concerning Rio de la Hacha would suggest that this statement emanated from Drake himself who had good reason to remember conditions there and the treasurer in particular. 5 These documents are so numerous that to cite them properly becomes difficult. The following account of Drake’s seizure of Cartagena is based solely upon them m comparison with Bigges’s Discourse and the Primrose log, with some reference to Corbett s work in Drake and the Tudor Navy, previously cited, n. Castellanos’ Discourse, op. cit ., pp. 321 et seq., is a remarkably accurate account of the events under consideration. Compare it especially with Document No. 27 post. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA xllii negotiations with Drake for the ransom of the place and to have seen more of the English leader than any other Spaniard there, unless it were Captain Alonso Bravo Hidalgo de Sotomayor. In Nos. 23 and 29 we have Governor don Pedro Fernandez de Busto’s version of these events, and in No. 28 that put forward by Don Pedro Vique y Manrique, commander of the galleys, on whom blame for the loss of the city fell heavily indeed, largely because he was the one military officer of experience and reputation there and might have been expected to conduct himself creditably. As soon as the Audiencia of Santa Fe heard that the enemy had taken Cartagena that court commissioned 1 his majesty’s governor and captain general of Santa Marta, Don Diego Hidalgo Monte- mayor, 2 to proceed immediately as special judge to investigate the matter. On April 17 Hidalgo Montemayor presented himself to the municipal authorities of Cartagena who were then at Turbaco. Next day he served notice of his commission upon Governor Fernandez de Busto in the Franciscan monastery. The governor recognized his authority, even while protesting that enmity had inspired the ap¬ pointment. The judge began immediately to assemble evidence from those persons most able, if not always most willing, to tell what occurred. In Document No. 27 we have a handsome series of the depositions he received from participants in the disaster. Surely they tell the story from every possible point of view—from that of the distinguished commander of the king’s galleys (who in vain tore his beard and cursed his forebears!) to that of the humble captain of the free blacks who had to be told to run away from the English as his betters were already running like sheep 5 . 3 Particularly interesting is the statement furnished by Captain Alonso Bravo, who was Drake’s prisoner, to whom ‘Captain Francis’ must have talked rather freely at meals. Assuredly Special Judge Hidalgo Montemayor pos¬ sessed complete information, if not an unprejudiced mind and pen. In Document No. 28 we have the relation he made to the Crown. Documents Nos. 24, 25 and 50 are accounts by individuals who had a share in the catastrophe. Document No. 30 is the royal official’s excellent report to the Crown. No. 31 is the city’s. No. 49 is that made by Governor Lodeha, who succeeded Fernandez de Busto immediately after the enemy’s 1 For his commission, dated at Santa Fe, March 30, 1587, see records of his pro¬ ceedings in A. del., 72-5-18, Santa Fe 89. 2 Brother to Captain Alonso Bravo and therefore, some said, incapacitated to act in respect to matters in which the captain was involved. Cf. Document No. 29 post . 8 The Primrose log, p. 20. xliv ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN departure. Its enclosure and No. 57 show what sort of information was supplied, to the Spaniards by deserters from Drake’s fleet (one an Italian, one an Indian). Document No. 34 shows in what brief terms Philip II was informed of the further humiliation which had been laid upon him in the capture of Cartagena, a stronger place, more important to him in his administration of his American colonies, than was Santo Domingo. At this date Cartagena was not the marvellously walled city it later became; yet its position was strong. It was defended not only by swamps which made difficult an attack by land from the east but also by the character of the coast upon which it faced, for there was no immediate approach for ships and the prevailing wind might easily carry vessels past the harbour (difficult or impossible to enter in bad weather), it being almost out of the question for them then to beat back. Further, the city was protected by the inaccessibility of its inner haven, entrance to which from the lagoon or outer harbour was by Boqueron channel through which only small vessels could pass, and even these only at high tide. The only fortification, however, was a blockhouse on the Boqueron channel, some little distance from the town. This single small fort dominated that channel and the bar between the anchorage in the outer harbour, where the galleons of the armada of the guard were wont to lie, and the inner haven with its wharves on the city’s edge. At neither entrance to the lagoon, or outer harbour {mar chica, little sea), i.e., neither at Boca Grande nor at Boca Chica, further west, did defence of any kind exist at this time. 1 2 There were two galleys and a tender stationed at Cartagena: the Santiago, flag-galley, the Ocasion and the Napolitana, frigate.® The galleys may have been hardly seaworthy 3 but they were well manned 1 See Bigges’s map here reproduced, pp. 54-5, and the Spanish map of later date, herewith presented (opp. p. xlv) from A. de. /., Panama 51, showing harbour defences planned at a later date. ... something quite different from the frigate of the next centuries ... a special kind of galley, with one mast and from eight to twelve oars on a side, sometimes decked and sometimes not . . .’—Corbett, op. cit, i, p. 159, n. 3. £ . . . peculiarly swift and of small draught . . Ibid., p. 10. Cf. Juan Bautista Caullo (?) to the Crown, Cartagena, April 28, 1585, in A. de 72-5-17, Santa F6 88, for statement that the saetm Santa Clara grounded in Cartagena harbour on March 23, 1585, and was out of commission when the English appeared. Its six pieces of ordnance were lying upon the city quay and its captain, Juan de Castaneda, was acting for Don Pedro Vique in command of the flag-galley. Cf. Documents Nos. 22, 23 and 24 post. The English eventually burned the saetia, \ . or “arrow” ..., a kind of launch with three lateen sails’—Corbett, op. cit., 1, p. 10. 2 A. de 140-7-34, Indiferente General 740, consulta of March 5, 1583. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA xlv and well supplied with munitions and subsistence. Moreover, when the emergency arose additional men from the city were sent on board. Their commander was the veteran Don Pedro Vique. The two captains under him also held royal commissions. 1 The highest authority in Cartagena, however, was the governor and captain general, Don Pedro Fernandez de Bus to, whom the accompanying documents describe, correctly or not, as a cantan¬ kerous old 2 man, possibly confused by too many unsolicited recom¬ mendations 3 proffered by self-appointed military advisers. In any event it is clear that he deferred to Don Pedro Vique who was per¬ suaded to leave the immediate command of his galleys to his subordinates and to assume responsibility for the operations on land. 4 It is made very plain in these documents that there was no garrison or any other disciplined military force in Cartagena when Drake appeared. Here, as at Santo Domingo, the civilian population was expected to constitute the ‘main-battle 5 . In very early January Governor Fernandez de Busto received certain war materials and advices from Spain warning him to expect a formidable English fleet. 5 Immediately he laid the news before the municipal authorities and the military officers in the city at the time, and it was then or shortly after resolved to convey women, children, monies, merchandise, etc., into safety in the interior; 6 to warn Nombre de Dios and Panama; to strengthen Cartagena’s defences; to call up the Indians, to summon reinforcements from Mompox and Tolu; and to organize both horse and foot—white, red and black men—under their respective officers. Weapons and munitions were assembled and inspected and ordnance, of which there was plenty, was mounted and made ready for use. Earth-works and batteries were planned to protect the several avenues of approach to its beach and the city. On January 24 or 25 came word from La Yaguana 7 that Santo Domingo had fallen and that Cartagena was Drake’s 1 Document No, 2 7 post, Vique’s deposition. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid., Cuevas 5 deposition. 4 For Don Pedro Vique’s participation in these events see Documents Nos. 25 and 27 post, especially his own extraordinary deposition. See also Captain Martin Gonzalez’s deposition in criticism. Cf. Castellanos, op. cit, pp. 322-3. 5 Under dates of November 24, 1585, January 4 and 19, February 2 and 8, 1586, despatches were addressed by His Majesty and by the House of Trade to the authorities at Cartagena, copies of which are appended to the depositions which constitute Document No. 27 post. Cf. No. 22 post. 6 Documents Nos. 22, 23 and 27 post, Da$a’s deposition. Cf. Bigges, op. cit., p. 126. 7 Cf. Documents Nos. 15, 22, 27, 29, 30 enclosure post; Castellanos, op. cit., p.323 xlvl ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN next objective. Further councils were held and further effort exerted to strengthen the place. The suggestion went unheeded that a battery should be planted 1 on Hicacos Point to damage the enemy as he negotiated the narrow entrance to the lagoon by Boca Grande, but artillery was placed in a trench out toward Tesca, Hanged Man’s Swamp, in good barricades 2 at the ends of streets leading into the town from the beach, in con¬ venient locations on the beach itself, and especially in a considerable work—a masonry wall 3 with a ditch before it—which was partly built (but not completed) across the Galeta, that narrow spit of land by which the enemy must come if he advanced upon the city from Hicacos. Previous experience had shown that this was indeed the weakest spot in Cartagena’s position—almost the only one where an assault might feasibly be attempted. Now, it had been decided that the galleys should not leave the inner haven, either to meet the enemy on the open sea or even to dispute his entrance into the lagoon. Instead, further to strengthen the Caleta they were to come up, should the enemy appear there, lie bows on to the land, and with artillery and small shot enfilade his attacking party as it faced the trench. It was later claimed that Don Pedro Vique promised to land men from the galleys to help to hold that work . 4 On February 16 a small vessel came in on board of which was Don Francisco Maldonado. He had been present in Santo Domingo when the English took that city and his story of what occurred there and of Drake’s strength and purpose to deal similarly with Cartagena so markedly diminished 5 the people’s confidence in their ability to 1 Document No. 27 post, Martin Gonzalez’ and Cuevas’ depositions; Documents Nos. 28 and 50 post, 2 2 7, Francisco de Avila’s deposition, etc., etc. 4 Ci. Castellanos, op. at., p. 327. _ 3 Compare the documents^, especially No. 29 wherein the governor enumerates his forces after the debacle, i.e., when he had no reason to exaggerate, with Fer- ?, Ur05 (Madrid, 1896), n, p. 396, who places the number 1024 men, and with Vique s deposition, Document No. 27, where the Spanish sUength appears to have been 989 men, both calculations exclusive of the galleys. streiWh IttV 111 ^ dep0sitl0 . n Ca P tain Bravo estimates the total available Spanish s “ D< “ 5o -“■ -“T—. ™l?° m J are Bl ^ ges ’ s ma f (PP‘ 54 - 5 ) with the Spanish map of later date re¬ produced opposite p. xlv. I have not discovered Corbett’s authority for his assertion that Drake went in by Boca Chica (op. cit., n, pp. 45-6). Bigges seems to threes P ^‘ h f tbe English emered by ** ^b°m mouth wllch ‘layTome ^ ^ < Westward of the to wne’, i.e., by Boca Grande. Spanish Pedr^v- express A° ■ ast , omshment ’ at the manoeuvres. In his deposition Don KAjjlSS “ ,h ' “” y " ,md by Eo “ - d °“ THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA xlix all. 1 Late on Wednesday night, possibly because Don Pedro Vique was furnishing no men from the galleys, Captain Alonso Bravo and his company were called up from another part of the defences 2 and ordered to hold this unprotected portion of the Caleta pass. A half dozen wine butts were rolled up, behind which the men were to find what shelter they might, and these they filled as best they could, scooping up loose sand with their hands. About ten o’clock on Wednesday night scouts sent toward Hicacos Point reported that the enemy was landing, but the truth of this report was questioned. Horsemen sent thither a little before midnight to discover the fact came back with assurance that all was quiet. Governor Fernandez de Bus to may have inferred that nothing would occur before the next day when, evidently, it was expected that Drake would demand the city’s surrender and by such parley give ample notice of his intentions. 3 In any event, the governor seems to have gone to sleep in his hammock on the beach and it is probable that a good many of his soldiers made the most of the opportunity to slip away from the posts they had been occupying since very early afternoon, if only, like Don Pedro Vique, to get c a bite 5 to eat. The governor had ordered 4 a very considerable body of Spaniards and Indians forward to lay an ambuscade on the way the enemy must follow if he advanced by the Caleta. They were to let the English pass and then fall upon their rear, thereby distracting and disorganizing them. This meant, obviously, that they must allow their own retreat to be cut off. Instead, as the enemy approached they retired. This defection was serious—a bad beginning indeed, as Don Pedro Vique remarked. 5 The English claim 6 to have met a hundred horsemen in the bush through which they made their way with difficulty, following an incompetent guide. These horsemen, falling back, or other scouts who had been sent out, brought to the main body of the defence at the Caleta the news that the enemy was indeed surely coming on. 1 Special Judge Hidalgo Montemayor measured these distances, and they were set down in the records of his proceedings, A. de /., 72-5-18, Santa Fe 89. See also Document No. 27 post, Liranzo’s and Bravo’s depositions. In document No. 28 Hidalgo Montemayor misstates the uncovered distance—if his own official figures are correct. 2 The Canapote fortification, east, on the beach. Cf. Document No. 27 post, Ball¬ esteros’ deposition. 3 Document No. 30 post, enclosure. 4 Documents Nos. 22 and 30 post, enclosure. 5 Cf. Document No. 27 post, his deposition and Martin Gonzilez’s, and No. 30, enclosure. 6 Bigges, op. cit., p. 116. 1 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN A signal shot was fired. Don Pedro Vique hurried back from the fort where he had gone to encourage its captain and men with heartening words, of which he seems to have been prodigal. As he passed astern of the galleys he ordered them to their position, bows on, at the Galeta. There, what men had not slipped away under cover of darkness stood at their posts. Drake had set ashore perhaps 1000 men under Carleill at Hicacos Point. In boats, under Vice-Admiral Martin Frobisher, he had sent another party toward the fort and the entrance to the inner haven which was guarded by that blockhouse and a locked chain that had been swung across the channel. Whether this was a feint 1 to draw attention from the true attack at the Galeta or an attempt to occupy the inner haven, seize the bridge and so, practically, to surround the city, the Spanish documents in any event bear out the Primrose log’s description of it as a lively engagement from which, discouraged by the fort’s artillery 2 and the chain, Frobisher saw fit to retire, some¬ what damaged. The English may have made a second attempt 3 to force an entrance to the inner haven. It would seem that the enemy was still firing upon the fort when day broke and its warden was able to see that the men at the Galeta and the galleys had not come off as well as he. Following the sea-wash (after some uncertainty under a poor guide), Carleill’s column had pressed on through the black night. Sampson and Goring led the forlorn, Sergeant Major 4 Powell the main-battle, and Captain Morgan brought up the rear . 5 Of this formation 6 the Spaniards could see little but the enemy’s lighted match, for not a glimmer of dawn had as yet relieved the murkiness of that third watch. The galley Ocasion fired, artillery and small shot, aiming at the 1 Gf. Bigges, Discourse, p. 117; the Primrose log, pp. 18 and 19; and Corbett, op. a/., 11, p. 46, note 1. Gf. Document No. 27 post, Mexia Mirabafs deposition; and Documents Nos. 21, etc., 29, etc. 2 ‘They had planted 16 pieces against us in the castle.’—The Primrose log, p. 19. This tallies exactly with Captain Mexia Mirabal’s statement in his deposition, Document No. 27 post. 3 Documents Nos. 27 post, Mexia Mirabal’s deposition; No. 28. 4 These Spanish documents refer repeatedly to the English sargento mayor (cf. Captain Bravo’s deposition, Document No. 27 post), but the editor inclines to believe that the talkative English officer they mean was Carleill rather than Powell. Cf. Documents Nos. 30, enclosure, and 57. Frobisher was the Spaniards’ other good informant: cf. Documents Nos. 27, Vique’s deposition, and 30, en¬ closure. 5 Bigges, Discourse, p. 119-20. 6 The English square formation is repeatedly called their ‘squadron’ in the pertinent documents appended. Cf. Corbett, op. cit, 1, p, 42, n. 3. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA H lighted match. From behind the protection of their masonry wall and wine butts the Spaniards in the trenches fired their ordnance, harquebuses and muskets. The flag-galley fired as her sister ship had done, ordnance and small shot. In the glare of the artillery the enemy was seen to hesitate. But Carleill had kept his men near the sea’s edge as he felt his way forward. It is possible that, to avoid the poisoned stakes which they knew had been set out, the English advanced actually wading through the water. 1 In any event, the Spanish fire went high. Carleill 5 s picked forlorn now discovered the vulnerable breach in the Spanish work. Where the masonry wall ended in hastily placed wine butts he made his assault with good long English pikes, and here he encountered Captain Alonso Bravo and his men, with whom the English closed. Now was there shouting, invocation of patron saints, exchange of insults, and the clash of steel. The English main-battle, ordered to come on, advanced yelling. The Spaniards answered with their classic war-cry of ‘Santiago y cierra EspanaP To which Don Pedro Vique added the further encouragement: ‘They are heretics and few!’ Captain Bravo was heard to shout: ‘Here, soldiers! Here, lancers!’ And again, ‘Here, Spaniards!’ When his superior called for Spaniards Cosme de la Sal, 2 ensign of Bravo’s company leaped forward with his flag in one hand, his sword in the other, and there Carleill himself slew him as he fought ‘very manfully to his life’s end. 5 Then a voice was heard crying, in Spanish: ‘Retire, gentlemen, for we are lost!’ Whether this was Captain Bravo’s or not, seems not to be proven. 3 In any event, it was heard; and heeded. Those who had not heeded it immediately found themselves presently alone at the Caleta. No efforts which Governor Fernandez de Busto, Don Pedro Vique and lesser men there may have made or failed to make sufficed to check the rout which followed as, ‘with pikes roundly together’, the English broke through the Caleta at its weakest point. 1 Bigges, op. cit., p. 119; p. liv post, n. 2. Castellanos, op. cit., says (p. 1 75 > c f* P* I ® 4 ) that the English captured two negroes who warned them of the poisoned stakes. Cf. Document No. 30 post, enclosure. 2 Or De la Sala or De las Alas? Bigges, op. cit., p. 118. See also A. de L, 72-5-18, Santa Fe 89, papers of his widow, Juana de Miranda, who assembled evidence of the manner of his death; cf. Document No. 27 post, depositions of Lirango Ariza and Alonso Bravo. 3 Bartolome Lopez accuses Bravo in defending himself against Lodena’s charges against him, in A. de /., 72-5-18, Santa Fe 89. It was alleged that Bravo was responsible for the loss of Cartagena because he went forward of the wine butts instead of remaining behind what shelter they afforded. He seems to admit that he did this, in his deposition in Document No. 27 post. Hi ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Untrained, inadequately armed 1 and very poorly commanded, the Spaniards ran for the shelter of their city. Neck and neck with them, or sometimes a little ahead, ran the English. Dense darkness still enveloped all alike, making it im¬ possible to distinguish friend from foe. English and Spanish together fell in and out of the trenches upon the beach and near the Domini¬ can monastery. Many a curious incident occurred . 2 Neither in these trenches, where it was hoped that in just such a crisis they would halt and re-form, did Cartagena’s defenders make any creditable stand. They ran their best into the town and through it and out upon the other side, by the San Francisco bridge leading to the open country . 3 Captain Martin Polo, on duty on the swamp road, and the horse which the governor had sent down to him, 1 heard the noise of the battle at the Caleta and hastened back to the city, only to meet the panic-stricken mob which poured over that bridge. With a dozen or so men at his back—all that remained of his company—Captain Polo rode in and exchanged some shots with the enemy . 5 The English were now in possession of the market-place, where they were cheering Saint George. They moved to cut Captain Polo off from the bridge, whereupon he made his way back to it and it may for a moment have seemed that the Spaniards might rally there, for some hundreds of them, including the governor and Don Pedro Vique, had paused at the Franciscan monastery. Paused, but apparently these officers made no real attempt to exercise command. Instead, ignoring demands for orders, they gathered up their horses’ reins and rode away from Cartagena. Don Pedro Vique had had time to send an order to the galleys to make their way out of the inner harbour and down the lagoon to 1 ‘Our pikes were somewhat longer than theirs, and our bodies better armed; for very few of them were armed: with which advantage our swordes and pikes grew too hard for them, and they were driven to give place. 5 —Bigges, op. cit., p. 118. Castellanos, op. cit., p. 189, mentions that the English pikes were long. Cf. Docu¬ ment No. 27 post, Francisco de Avila’s deposition. 2 See Bravo’s, Lirango Ariza’s and Agustin’s depositions in Document No. 27 post. The latter two would be difficult to surpass in naiveti. See also Document No. 22 post and Castellanos, op. cit. 3 pp. 194 et seq. 3 Document No. 27, post , Daga’s deposition. 4 Note that the governor thought he saw lights at sea as the English approached the Caleta, which suggested that still more enemy troops were being landed upon the city’s beach; therefore he sent the horse to reconnoitre just before the enemy attack at Caleta. Cf. Documents Nos. 22, 27, Francisco de Alba’s deposition and Mexia Mirabal’s; 29, 30 enclosure. 5 *. . . we wanne the Market-place, albeit they made head, and fought a while before we got it...’—Bigges, op. cit., p. 118. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Hii Boca Chica, where he said that he would rejoin them, riding down by land. As they were steering for Boqueron channel, where Captain Mexia Mirabal was from the fort signalling them to draw alongside to his support against the English artillery fire still battering him from the outer harbour, it seems that their crews mutinied. On board the Ocasion a barrel of powder was accidentally set afire. The slaves were unchained, and leaped overboard. 1 The captain of the flag-galley heard a voice urging him to go to the support of Captain Martin Polo at the bridge. In consequence, and amidst the greatest disorder, the galleys ran aground at Jesamani and their convict- and slave-rowers fled into the country where, as had been the case at Santo Domingo, their lawlessness added to the existing confusion. And that night these vessels were burned by Don Pedro Vique s order. The fort held out all Thursday, under fire, its captain claims, both from the enemy in the city, where the English turned upon him Spanish guns captured at the Caleta, 2 and also from their ships in the lagoon which continued to play their artillery upon the block¬ house. His garrison diminished by desertion and possibly lacking munitions, Captain Mexia Mirabal demanded reinforcements. Since he could not furnish these and to hold the place longer was a useless gesture, the governor ordered the evacuation of the block¬ house. 3 Sullen in their discomfiture, the governor, Don Pedro Vique, other officers and citizens withdrew to the Indian village of Turbaco, to their estates, to nearby villages, or even returned presently to the city. Drake was undisputed master there. English leadership won and held the place. Discreditable as the defence they offered may have been to the Spaniards, thereby despoiling the English victory over them of the glory which enhances a hard fight, that victory was nevertheless a very considerable achievement to Drake’s credit. By sheer audacity, military skill, organization and courage, he had taken the most important city upon the Spanish Main a place strong in itself^ duly warned, and sufficiently manned and armed to have enabled 1 ‘And the slaves and Spaniards in the galleys fell together by the ears, so that the Spaniards killed many of their slaves, and some they took with them, and very many of them did swim to us . . .’—The Primrose log, p. 20. Cf. Documents Nos. 24, 27, Martin Gonz&lez’s deposition, 28, post. See Castellanos, op. cit., pp. 195 etseq. 2 Document No. 27 post, Mexia Mirabal’s and Cuevas depositions. 3 ‘The Spaniards kept their castle still, yet at last on a sudden fled away.’—The Primrose log, p. 20. liv ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN it to render a far better account of itself than it did. 1 The Spanish oss was seven or eight killed; the English, about 29, most of whom seem to have met death not at the Galeta (where the Spanish fire went high), but in the city during the fighting in the streets after daybreak on Thursday morning. 2 Here, as at Santo Domingo, Drake occupied the principal square and made himself safe against any possible attempt on the Spaniards part to retake the town. 3 He brought his fleet closer in now occupying in tne outer harbour the anchorage where His Catholic Majesty’s armada was wont to lie when in that port He proceeded to careen some of his ships. Because the people had had warning, which enabled them to remove their treasure, merchandise and chattels from the city, the sack of Cartagena yielded Drake little booty although his thorough search eventually discovered much of the bulkier sorts of mcrchan- disc (soap, oil, wines, etc.) which had been hidden because they could not be removed. Negotiations 4 for the ransom of the city began early—-as early as the day after the English occupied it, when a citizen named Tristan de Orive approached Drake in the matter. Apparently the English¬ man insisted 5 that the governor and Bishop fray don Juan de A \ de l ’ 7 2 -3-6, Santa Fe 1, Document No. 72, the Council for Indies to His Majesty, an arraignment of Vique and Busto. Both were in prison near San Lucar in Spam before the end of 1587. Cf. Dr. Bujada to the Crown, Sevilla, December 11 1507, m the same legajo. ’ ’ '• • • the 7 S alled man y of °ur men in the town.’—The Primrose log, p. 20. ' ' 1 at the e . ntrill g (of the city) ... was some little resistance, but soone over- come it was, with few slaine or hurt. They had joyned with them many Indians, whom they had placed in corners of advantage, all bowmen, with their arrowes most villainously empoysoned, so as if they did but breake the skinne, the partie so touched died without great marvell . . .’ (Cf. Document No. 27 post, Vique’s deposition.) . some they slew of our people with their arrowes; some they likewise mischmved to death with certaine pricks of small sticks sharply pointed, of a foote an a a e ong, the one end put into the grounde, the other empoysoned, sticking last up right against our coming in the way, as we should approach from our landing towardes the towne, whereof they had planted a wonderful! number in the ordinarie way. but our keeping the sea-wash missed the greatest part of them very happily.’— 0p - P; 1 r 9 - Cf - Documents Nos. 27, Bravo’s deposition; No. 23 post. ,, , T! „ d thls * own of our fashion, and planted their own ordnance against them. The Primrose log, p. 20. Cf. Documents Nos. 22 and 23 post. Concerning these negotiations see especially Documents Nos. 27, Francisco de Avilas and the royal officials’ depositions; 21, 31; and Gonzdlez Palencia, op. cit., PP* 33 1 2. Cf. Bigges, op. at, pp. 125-6. See Documents Nos, 29 and 30, enclosure, or s a ement t at the English made the first move—a message sent by a man described as a trumpeter or again an artilleryman. 6 Documents Nos. 21, 27post, Francisco de Avila’s deposition. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA lv Montalvo should act for the Spanish, i.e., their highest officers. He issued a safe-conduct to these gentlemen who, despite Don Pedro Vique’s indignant protests, went into the city to treat with the enemy in his camp. They went accompanied by a considerable retinue and we may safely assume that Drake extended to them an impressive hospitality at the headquarters he had established in the handsomest house in the city, which was his prisoner’s—Captain Alonso Bravo’s—residence . 1 The Spaniards offered 25,000 ducats for the city, a sum which Drake spurned. He said that the empty shell of the place had cost him blood and he at first refused to consider less than 500,000 in fine gold. Angered to see himself called a pirate in the royal despatches which he found lying open upon the governor’s table 2 where the governor had dropped them when the enemy fleet was sighted, Drake’s manner seems to have aroused the bishop to protest at his remarks concerning the Catholic Majesty of Spain and the grandes 2 of Castile. In any event, the ecclesiastical dignity was ruffled and the bishop presently advised against paying the enemy any ransom at all. The governor continued to negotiate but, failing to arrive at an agreement, after about a week withdrew on the ground that he had no authority to negotiate. One infers that he feared to proceed in the face of the bishop’s and Don Pedro Vique’s opposition. Don Pedro Vique claims that he besought the governor to bring up men from Turbaco and join him and his in a night attack upon the enemy in the city; but declares that the most he accomplished was to move Busto to lead some 200 in that direction, to a place from which they watched Don Pedro and a few friends ride closer and exchange shots with the English, whose accounts of this matter agree with his that he accomplished nothing, 4 The truth was that the Spaniards did not desire to anger the enemy lest he should destroy their houses. To hasten the negotiations for the ransom to a satisfactory con- 1 It was Captain Goring, commanding the pikes of the forlorn, who captured Captain Bravo. Cf. Bigges, op. cit., p. 119, with the Spaniard’s own lively account of the matter contained in his deposition in Document No. 27 post. 2 Document No. 29 post. 3 Castellanos, op. cit., pp. 208 et seq. Cf. Gonzilez Palencia’s edition, pp. xlvii, 076 (194). The word used, corsario, was losing its original meaning (of experienced seaman, i.e., cruiser) and acquiring that of pirate, to which Drake objected. And so did Sir Richard Hawkins; cf. his Observations, cited, p. 318. 4 ‘All the while we were in this town the Spaniards gave us no fight, but they threatened us, showing themselves some times an hundred and two hundred in a troop, and shot at us, but soon would run away.’—The Primrose log, p. 21. Cf. Document No. 27 post, Vique’s deposition. Ivi ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN dusion, after due notice Drake commenced to burn and rase- beginning the destruction with the least valuable structures* on the cutshuts of the town I he Spaniards offered him 30,000 ducats and te burned some of the better houses. He threatened to blow up the whole place unless it were promptly redeemed and brought out bombs with whtch to do it.* The people appealed* to the governor and to the bishop to permit them to act for themselves; the governor consented and the bishop gave it as his opinion that they miofit in good conscience so proceed. Through their emissaries the citizens proffered 80,000 ducats, then 100,000 which sums Drake declined. 5 At this juncture three arches of the new cathedral fell in. The Spaniards assumed that Drake had wantonly damaged the structure but die Inmrose log states that it was the concussion following upon the firing of a large piece of artillery which brought the edifice dowm Be that as it may, the damage done effected the negotiations and Drake now accepted 110,000 ducats for what remained of the city, a sum he reduced to 107,000 in bullion rather than accept 12,000 ducats in jewels, etc. 5 He had burned and demolished the buildings covering the greater part of the city’s area, but not the most or the best of its edifices, for he had not yet touched the central portion. Many of the houses still standing were damaged—windows and doors broken in. In addition to the cathedral, the Augustinian and Dominican monasteries had suffered. 7 To raise the required sum the citizens had recourse to His Majesty s revenues, which were ‘loaned’ to them, and to other deposits. They obligated themselves to repay, and it was estimated that every man whose property was spared became liable for about one-fourth of its value. Further, Drake required 6,000 ducats from 1 Document No. 29 post. ! T ?iSi°¥ C ".*p“ we ”“ h ' d ” p *“’ 4 c "“ u “ d ~“ h w “ 1 6 c /' °P\ clL > p- I2 3> for the recommendation of a council of war that the Spaniard's offer be accepted. Evidently dissatisfaction among DrakeV mL was ° • r V^ Du ,f t T, VaIUed at xr C shilIings sixe P ence sterling.’—Bigges, op. tit., p. Captain Bravo?^ D ° CUments Nos ' 2 3> a ? P ost > depositions of the royal officials and ’ D ,°“ No - 2 7 P°*t> Ballesteros’ deposition and (omitted) Special fudge Hidalgo Montemayor’s brief official statement of the damage done J ® THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ivii Captain Alonso Bravo, for his release and ransom of Ms own and relatives 5 real estate, but remitted 1000 which would have fallen to him as his personal share, exacting payment of 5000 ducats only. He obtained further amounts from their masters for the return of slaves who had gone over to the English, or been seized; and, similarly, for any merchandise, furniture and the like, held by him which the owners or others were willing and able to buy back. He refused to ransom any of the artillery 1 and carried it all away. Further, he affected to consider the Franciscan monastery 2 and the fort at Boqueron, and a certain farm on Carey island, to be not included in the general agreement, and for the Franciscan house obtained a considerable sum of money. The Franciscan church he spared as a graceful courtesy to his prisoner, Captain Bravo, whose wife 3 s very recent burial there Drake himself had attended. After blowing up the blockhouse he withdrew to his ships; and departed from the harbour on April 10, leaving Cartagena utterly defenceless, poor, humiliated and discouraged. Four days later the English reappeared, brought back because the best vessel (Coco’s) they had taken at Santo Domingo was leaking badly. Although as he approached Drake sent word ahead that no harm was intended, the people of Cartagena were nevertheless much alarmed. Evidently Drake unloaded and burned this now unsea¬ worthy ship, shifted his cargoes about, baked bread and otherwise prepared himself for the long voyage before him. He left the city finally on April 24. At Cartagena there had been disagreement among the English officers. 3 Although three important cities had fallen—Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands, Santo Domingo and Cartagena—the booty so far obtained was much less than the English had anticipated in their overestimation of c the wealth of the Indies 5 . Sickness had depleted their ranks. 4 It must have been very evident that they were in no 1 Gf. Bigges, op. cit., p. 134. 2 Ibid., Bravo’s deposition, and Document No. 24 post. 3 Bigges, op. cit., pp. 121 et seq. Gf. Document No. 27 post , Vique’s and Bravo’s depositions, and note especially the remarks attributed to Frobisher; Documents Nos. 22, 28, 29,30. 4 Document No. 27 post, Bravo’s deposition; Bigges, op. cit., p. 120; the Primrose log, pp. 14, 21. See A. de /., 72-5-21, Santa Fe 92, papers of Antonio de Barrios (1:594) for his statement (question No. 7) that he poisoned the dr inkin g water of Cartagena at the time of Drake’s occupation. Barrios’ account of his share in hap¬ penings there at that time, made eight years later and in demand of preferment, do not ring true; but that he made this claim and summoned witnesses to prove that Drake desired his capture or death because he had poisoned the water, is at least interesting. The editor has seen no other mention of any such poisoning. Jviii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN condition to undertake much more; and that anything more they might then undertake would not yield the profit for which they had hoped. In a council of war it was decided that no attempt to hold Cartagena should be made. For evacuating the city Drake was gravely criticized. To a student of Spanish papers it must seem that he could not in reason have done otherwise. The physical condition of his men justified withdrawal. Had he undertaken to remain, despite that ‘liberal tendency 9 which moved Spanish colonials to do good business with ‘heretic lutherans’ when they could, to a man they would nevertheless have turned upon him at first sight of His Catholic Majesty’s armada, such was their certainty that its arrival must accomplish the enemy’s complete undoing. It does not seem possible that so far from home England could have sustained a naval station on the Main, or anywhere in the Caribbean, against the hostility of the land (which was very deep and real, despite the colonists’ willingness to trade) and against Spain’s opposition on the sea, once she saw fit to exert her seapower (as she had not yet done at any time in America). In any event, not only did the English abandon Cartagena, but also Drake admitted before he left that he was deferring until a more propitious occasion 1 that attack upon the Isthmus for which the Spaniards understood that he had come prepared with 2 presents for his black allies, the cimarrones, and with pinnaces in sections, 3 ready for easy portage to the Pacific Ocean. 4 He steered for Cape San Antonio, where he sought firewood and fresh water. Apparently the English were not too happy as they lay off that western end of Cuba. Potable water was not easy to find. Seemingly they could not make Puercos River, where it was to be had in plenty. Many were sick. Estimates of Drake’s strength at this point vary from 1200 to fewer than 500 sound men in the fleet. Their morale must have been affected by the continuous heavy mortality among them and the comparative failure of the expedition, which was now obvious to all. Bigges relates that Drake exerted himself to hearten his men by his presence and by his example; and it is curious to observe that his spirit did not pass unobserved by the Spanish whom he held prisoners. 5 At San Anton a council of war was held. If Drake had not 1 Document No. 22 post. 2 Documents Nos. 22,23, post, 5 Ibid., No. 49, enclosure. * It h possible that Drake actually expected to seize ‘incalculable riches’ at Pearl Island. Gf. Spanish Calendar, 1587-1603, No. 20, pp. 18 et seq. 5 Corbett, op. cit ., 11, p. 55; cf. Document No. 55 post, enclosure No. 2. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA lix previously abandoned all intention to attempt Havana or to lie in wait for the New Spain fleet, which he surely must have known would remain at Vera Cruz, being duly warned of his presence, it is certain that he did so now, in this council, when, it would appear, the resolution was reached, or confirmed, to continue upon a course for home by way of Virginia. Extra artillery was stowed below decks. Documents referring to the passage of the English fleet round the west end and along the northern coast of Cuba are very numerous at Seville. From among them Nos. 35-38, 40 and 41 have been selected for presentation. 1 No. 35 is a deposition made at Havana on June 26, 1586, by an Aragonese seaman whom the English captured off Cartagena. He escaped from them at San Anton and brought to Havana the most direct and interesting information the authorities there obtained concerning Drake. This person must have made another, probably earlier deposition, a summary of which constitutes enclosure No. 2 with Document No. 55. Although it is difficult to give much credence to a man who asserted that Drake was a Portuguese well known to possess a familiar spirit,' 1 nevertheless it is interesting to note what this seaman had to say concerning the council of war held off San Anton, Drake’s address to his prisoners, presumably especially to his Moorish prisoners (his assurance that he would return them to their own country) , 3 and his fear that news of a Spanish attack on England might be awaiting him in Virginia. Nos. 36, 37, 40 and 41 are despatches from various officials at Havana to the Crown and the House of Trade, each from his own point of view telling the story of Drake’s appearance and disappear¬ ance. Even more graphic and illuminating is No. 38, written by an eminent and outspoken citizen named Suarez de Toledo who, in passing, describes Virginia as he and Pedro Menendez saw that region. . These documents, and many others which were consulted, relate that the first of the English vessels were sighted from the Morro (headland) of Havana at about three o’clock on the afternoon of May 29th. They were swift pinnaces chasing a ship which was coming up from Campeche laden with dyewood. She made Havana harbour, and a shot from the Morro and another from the Punta turned her pursuers backs. 1 Compare throughout with Bigges and the Primrose log. 2 £ ... muchos dan por testimonio _ que deve de tener algun demonic. 5 —Castellanos, op. cit., p. 46. 3 Gf. Papers relating to the Navy, p. 95,11. 2; Corbett, op. cit. 9 11, pp. 62-3; 147,0.1. lx ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN For months 1 the whole island of Cuba had been up in arms. To the defence of Havana troops had assembled from every settlement* powder and arms had come from Seville; and reinforcements had arrived from Mexico. Defensive works had been constructed to supplement the city’s fortifications and on May 30, when Drake sailed by, a much greater force than he had encountered at Carta¬ gena stood ready c to take the covetousness out of him 5 . The weather was propitious 2 but the English made no attempt to land. Instead, Drake anchored off Bucaranao 3 where, apparently, his object was to obtain water. Once his pinnaces seemed to threaten Havana. By June 4 he had disappeared and, as Governor Luxan put it, these coasts rested from their unpleasant expectancy. There remained, however, much fear lest the enemy linger in Florida, i.e., upon the Atlantic coast of North America, thence at his leisure to sally in the spring to continue his depredations among the Antilles and along the Main. On June 6 Drake appeared off Saint Augustine. From among papers at Seville bearing upon his visitation there, Documents Nos. 32, 33, 43-8, 51-5, have been selected for inclusion in this present volume. 4 Nos. 32, 33, 43, 47, 48, 51, 52 and 54 are accounts of the matter furnished to the Crown and to the House of Trade by participants and eye-witnesses: the governor, the royal officials of Saint Augustine, two soldiers and a seaman. Nos. 44, 45, 46 and 53 are versions added by the governor, the warden and the accountant of Havana, and by that loquacious private citizen, Alonso Suarez de Toledo, whose opinion of Florida (including ‘Vir¬ ginia 5 ) was low. No. 55 is a vivid picture of conditions at sea at the moment. They surely required that every trusted advice-ship’s master be a discreet hero and a wily diplomat, quick to run and resourceful in ruse and negotiation. Governor Pedro Menendez Marquez of Florida had been warned. He had hastily built a timber fort 5 on an islet in a position to com- 1 A de 42-1-8/3, Contratacion 5108, Fernandez de Quinones to the House of Trade, from Havana, February 3, 1586. 2 Gf. Papers relating to the Navy, p. 24; Corbett, op. cit., 11, p. 54. See Documents Nos. 37 and 41 post . 3 These Spanish documents show that Drake did not call at Matanzas. Compare Corbett, op. cit., 11, p. 54, with Documents Nos. 36, 38, etc. * Compare throughout with Bigges’s Discourse and the Primrose log. 5 Fort San Juan del Pinillo. *. . . we found it built all of timber, the walles being none other but whole Mastes or bodies of trees set up right and close together in maner of a pale, without any ditch yet made, but wholy intended with some more time; for they had not yet finished al their worke, having begunne the same some three or four moneths before: so as, to say the trueth, they had no reason to keepe it, being subject both to fire, and easie assault/—Bigges, Discourse , p. 130. Ixii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN mand the channel by which vessels must enter to reach the town of Saint Augustine, and especially the bar which they must cross to do so. When the look-outs he kept posted for the purpose signalled that sails were approaching, Menendez Marquez went into this fort with the men he had detailed to its defence. Meanwhile, the women and children and chattels were conveyed some distance to a place where supposedly they were safe. Early on June 7 the English fleet, lying in a half moon off the bar, sent small craft to explore it. 1 Menendez Marquez’s artillery fired upon them and the governor believed that his show of resistance drove them back to their ships. In any event, that afternoon the English landed men in formidable numbers, but necessarily at a disadvantage in that they must still cross water to get at the town. 2 Again the Spanish guns seem to have discouraged them, so that they took shelter behind some sand dunes and apparently sent to the fleet for reinforcements and ordnance, a shot from which brought down the Spanish ensign. Since martial music was heard the Spaniards understood that the commander-in-chief himself had come ashore. 3 That night, Carleill, directing land operations, sent to reconnoitre the Spanish fort. Inside it, the governor held a council of war and forthwith evacuated, carrying out only his colours and his arms. His attempt to save his artillery 4 by burying it was betrayed by deserters who informed the English that the garrison had gone. The Spaniards’ withdrawal should not be too harshly condemned. 5 Apparently it was hastened by the attitude of the aborigines, who began to sack the town as soon as the English opened their attack upon the fort. The Indians’ hostility made it evident that the non- combatants in their retreat were not safe from the tomahawk and the scalping-knife. The governor and his garrison of 60 or 70 men joined the women and the children to protect them. The English occupied the fort that same night and the next day made their way to the town, which they entered without meeting any resistance worthy the name. 1 L .. none amongst us had any knowledge thereof at all. 5 —Bigges, op. cit., p. 128. 2 Gf. Bigges 5 s plan, reproduced herewith, between pp. 166-7. 3 Documents Nos. 43, 51 post; the Primrose log, p. 24. . . Here the Generali tooke occasion to march with the companies himselfe in person, the Lieutenant generall having the Vantguard .. .*—Bigges, op. cit ., p. 128. 4 Falcons. Documents Nos. 43, 44 post. Cf. Bigges, op. cit. , pp. 129, 130. 6 . . like faint-hearted cowards they ran away.’—The Primrose log, p. 24. Documents Nos. 32,43-5,54, etc., post. Gf. Bigges, op. cit., pp. 129-31. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ixiii The English remained in possession of Saint Augustine 1 about a week. When they left they burned it and the new fort and destroyed the gardens, orchards and maize-fields in its vicinity. Here there was no talk of ransom. Carleill had advanced with red flags flying, which meant no quarter. Indeed, the people could have paid no ransom. Drake obtained all that he could possibly have wrested from them when in the fort he took His Majesty’s strong-box 2 con¬ taining some 6000 ducats. He obtained also a dozen pieces of artillery and what munitions there were. At no other place he touched did he leave such utter desolation behind him. Presumably Santa Elena, a more northerly military outpost, escaped similar treatment at Drake’s hands only because he could not find it (so the Spaniards believed) or, locating it, dared not attempt the dangerous entrance to its harbour. 3 That Drake called at Saint Augustine and looked for Santa Elena toward the end of a voyage when his strength was low and his desire to get home must have been keen, would seem to suggest that what he sought and obtained in Florida was some refreshment, the opportunity to calk at least one vessel, occasion to humiliate 4 Pedro Menendez’s carnal and political heir, and, in ruthlessly destroying his establishment, to cripple and unfit him to assume an aggressive attitude toward the English settlement in Virginia. The Spaniards observed that the enemy did not destroy the Indians’ village close by the Spanish town of Saint Augustine, but, on the contrary, sought to gain their friendship. 5 The English called at Oristan, for wood and water, and the con¬ cluding paragraphs of the Primrose log 6 suggest that they suspected the Indians there of planning to attack them treacherously. From 1 e .. . a little Towne or Village without walls built of woodden houses as the plot doeth plainely shew . . .’—Bigges, op. cit., p. 129. These were timber and frame structures; cf. Document No. 47 post. There were no coquina or masonry houses in Saint Augustine at this time, insistent assertions to the contrary notwith¬ standing. 2 Documents Nos. 33, etc.; Bigges, op. cit , p. 130. 3 This post was now abandoned, by Don Juan de Texeda’s order. 4 Cf. Document No. 48 post, for the governor’s own statement that the English seemed to show particular animosity against him. Preeminently a seaman, Menendez Marquez had been sent to govern Florida because a strong and com¬ petent man was needed in a crisis which had arisen there. 5 ‘There was nine of the savages set up a flag of truce about two miles from the town, which our men found and carried them to another.’—The Primrose log, p. 25. Cf. Document No. 54 post. 6 See p. 26. There seems to be something omitted in the first paragraph between the words ‘garrison’ and ‘and there we understood.’ hdv ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN that point they proceeded to Roanoke, where Lane’s settlement was struggling to maintain its existence. Because Drake had carried away negroes whom he could not hold as slaves in his own country, and small craft unsuitable to the Atlantic crossing, and agricultural implements of all sorts, the Spaniards considered it certain that he meant to establish a per¬ manent settlement in the Indies 1 or to strengthen one already established in the region which they called Jacan. 2 As Drake lay off Roanoke island proffering Lane what support he might desire, a storm 8 blew up, drove certain of his vessels ashore wrecked Lane’s supply ship, and so disheartened the colonists that they decided, in panic, to return to England on board the ships of Drake’s fleet. If to strengthen the Virginia establishment that it might serve as a base for further enterprizes was indeed a part, perhaps a very important part, of Drake’s general scheme, then here at the end, as at the commencement, of his voyage Drake failed, although by no fault of his in this instance, certainly. He set sail from Roanoke in mid-June, 1586. Hardly was he out of sight before a supply ship arrived which Raleigh had sent out with relief. 4 Finding Roanoke deserted, it returned to England. In mid-August Sir Richard Grenville came up, as he had promised to do, with further support. Where the English establishment had been Grenville found only an empty fort and two corpses, hanging. From an Indian prisoner he learned 5 that Drake had taken the settlers home. Unaware that it had been decided to abandon Roanoke in favour of Chesapeake Bay, Grenville left there fifteen or eighteen men with provisions for two years, and sailed away. Document No, 65 post throws considerable new light upon this voyage. The best English source for the history of it 6 has nothing to 1 Documents Nos. 44,46, 53, 54, 59 post . 2 Documents Nos. 52, 61 post. ‘. ,. they have settled on the Florida coast, as we have previously reported and advised His Majesty and your lordship. By way of Florida it has been learned that they are settled in the Xacan .. Luxan and Qpmones to the House of Trade, Havana, no date (end of 1585 or first half of 1586), m A . de /., 42-1-8/3, Gontratacion 5108. 8 The Primrose log, p. 27; Bigges, op. ciL, p. 133; Lane’s Account, Principal Naviga¬ tions, viu, pp. 344-5. 4 Ibid., p. 347. 6 Cf. Rowse, op. cit. , p. 234, for statement that Grenville ‘cannot have known at this time that it was Drake who had taken off the colony...» . l r The third made b a ship sent in theyeere 1386, to the reliefe of the Colony planted mVirgtma , at the sole charges of Sir Walter Ralegh , in Principal Navigations , vni, pp. 346-8. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 1XV say of Grenville’s adventures off Finisterre, of his unsuccessful attempt on Porto Santo, of his recrossing of the Atlantic to New¬ foundland or his return to the Azores. There he evidently did pro¬ cure some booty, but not enough to ‘make 5 this voyage as the prize taken off Bermuda in 1585 had ‘made 5 the preceding. Doubtless these ‘exploits done by him in this voyage, as well outward as home¬ ward 1 were too far below anticipation to merit recording. He reached England late in December, 1586. 2 Drake had reached Portsmouth at the end of July. According to contemporary judgment his expedition had been very far indeed from ‘a triumphant success 5 . 3 If triumph is achievement of objective, he had failed. He had gone out to get treasure. In enormous quantity on board the Mainland fleet it had eluded him in October, 1585, at the outset of his voyage. At Santo Domingo and at Cartagena he had obtained something, to be sure; but the accounts 4 of the proceeds of the undertaking show that if it paid a dividend of fifteen shillings in the pound Drake and his officers were left largely out of pocket. The plunder in ordnance was indeed considerable. The damage done in destruction of fortifications was little: a blockhouse spoiled at Cartagena, a timber fort burned at Saint Augustine, a frontier post at Santa Elena abandoned. The fact is there were as yet no fortifica¬ tions in the Spanish Indies worthy the name. The loss of three galleys (one at Santo Domingo, two at Cartagena) was inconvenient, but not serious to Spain. These galleys were immediately replaced. Even the loss in shipping was comparatively small—at most a dozen traders of which only one (Congo’s vessel) was of sufficient importance to occasion lamentation. The loss in stores at Cartagena was enough to be mentioned, for the English there helped themselves to supplies intended for the galleys and the galleons. Property loss in public edifices and private homes looted, damaged and destroyed was large. It seems to have been less at Santo Domingo than at Carta¬ gena. As for Saint Augustine, the settlement was momentarily obliterated. Many an individual must have been left bankrupt. Certainly in all the Caribbean, in every island and on every coast, Drake spread in his wake humiliation, fear and poverty. ‘Far more 1 Ibid., p. 348. 2 Gf. Rowse, op. cit. } p. 235. 3 Corbett, op. cit, n, p. 58. See Acts of the Privy Council (New Series), xv, pp. 76-7, for statement that the voyage was not accomplished ‘with so good successe as was hoped for’. 4 Ibid.; Papers relating to the Navy, pp. 85 et seq. Gf. Acts of the Privy Council (New Series), xvi, p. 63. Ixvi ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN important’, however, ‘was the moral effect in Europe .. . i. For th moment Spanish credit was completely shattered .’ 2 ' ' 6 Yet Drake had not succeeded in stopping the stream of Philin’s American supply, for the homebound Mexican fleet under Don Juan de Guzman left San Juan de Ulua on July x 2 ir )86 and reached Havana on August 2, where its captain-general found stringent orders to stay. He disobeyed and with 30 sail from Mexico Honduras and Santo Domingo left there after only nine days He reached San Lucar on November 5, 1586, having lost seven vessels on the way, but by storm, not to enemies. He saved the bullion and some merchandise from all of them. This fleet brought safely home about two and a half millions in gold and silver, pearls, cochineal hides, ginger, dyewood, indigo, sugar, etc. It is true that the lamer revenues from the Main were delayed a year, but that they were so delayed was due in very large part, if not entirely, to conditions which advance news of Cavendish’s enterprise had created in the 1 acme.' Meanwhile, Captain General Francisco de Novoa took out another Mexican fleet, which reached San Juan de Ulua at the end of September, 1586. 4 Drake himself was not the man to be content with what he had accomplished. It is no wonder that he had little to say of an exploit which, while it may have filled all Europe with amazement, had profited him and his queen little in cash and nothing whatsoever in conquest or colonization. In America, the immediate result of Drake’s aggression was that, confessing his weakness even before he knew how thoroughly the Englishman had demonstrated it to all the world, Philip at last undertook to fortify his Indies to defend themselves. Hitherto he had relied upon his naval strength and never really exerted it to protect them. He had come to realize that it was unequal to the task even before Drake had advertised that fact. ] ^ r f mac * a °f Captain General Alvaro Flores had been des- patched-* from Cadiz in Drake’s wake, to bring home the plate. With it sailed Campmaster Juan de Texeda and Engineer Juan Bautista ; ? e ex ‘ r “ rd ! na 7 impression the expedition made in Europe when a — domination seemed inevitable.’—Corbett, in Papers relating to the 2 Corbett, Successors of Drake , n, p. 58, I587 ~ l6 ° 3, PP ‘ 258-601 No - 26l > M andin 42 - 1 - 8 / 3 , Contra- Contralto 5“ **** ^ deSpatches to be found “ A * 42-r-8/3, ^ PadfiC had ******* business and transportation Sant ° D ° min S° la6 > Rodrigo de Rada to the Crown, Havana, p^atelnS^tfd from New W ^ for Your Majesty More than 100 vessels will leave. A^na to YhT 7 S w dS overl ’ 8 oo = 00 °A^- in A. del, 5m> Santo DonJngoMs Ybarra = Havana ’July 6-ia, 1587, July !:'if 1 587? 4_2 ~ 4 ’ Sant ° D0m “ g0 la6 » Mvaro Flores to the Crown, Havana, THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ixix The last week of September found him at San Lucar. He had suffered loss, but not from corsairs. 1 The New Spain fleet which Alvaro Flores convoyed home (July- September, 1587) had, as has been said, come out toward the end of 1586 and from Dominica had sent ahead to La Espahola two galleys that had crossed in its convoy to replace those which had formerly patrolled the island’s coasts. In the middle of October these galleys, Don Diego Noguera Valenzuela 2 commanding, went out after a corsair, sank his ship, and seized a bark, a pinnace and a prize which he had taken. Captain Noguera reported that this man was a famous French trader. Document No. 58 suggests that perhaps he was part of a joint English-French expedition. After this encounter the galleys proceeded to the north coast where they captured a corsair, who was hanged, and it is possible that this was an Englishman. His name is given in these Spanish documents as ‘Roberto Coleto 5 . 3 Among his men, condemned to the galleys and sent to Cartagena, was one ‘Davit Taller (Tailor?) 5 . The Santo Domingo galleys circumnavigated the island and re¬ turned to their base at the end of February, 1587. Noguera claimed that the corsairs then abandoned La Espahola and went to La Margarita and the pearl fisheries of the Main where apparently they did do a good deal of damage. 4 As for Noguera’s galleys, they rotted in Santo Domingo harbour, lacking supplies and munitions. Noguera declared that their inactivity was precisely what the people of the island desired, that they might continue unmolested to trade with roving foreigners. 5 In May, 1587, Governor Pedro Menendez Marquez was searching 1 The Trinidad and three lesser vessels were lost on the bar as the fleet crowded into San Lucar in a violent storm. Other vessels put in at Lisbon and at Cadiz. Cf. despatches in A. de 42-1-8/3, Gontratacion 5108; and especially the Duke de Medina Sidonia to the Crown, San Lucar, September 27, 1587, in 143-3-17, Indiferente General 1098. 2 His despatches to the House of Trade and to the Crown, from Bayaha, Feb¬ ruary 6; Santo Domingo, May 20, 1587; February 6, 1588, in A. de /., 42-1-8/3, Gontratacion 5108; 53-6-4, Santo Domingo 80. 3 A. de 72-5-21, Lima 92, petition, Cartagena, December 23,1593. * A. de /., 54-4-15, Santo Domingo 193, Luis de Rojas to the Grown, Santiago de Leon, March 31, 1587; 54-4-23, Santo Domingo 201, that city to the Grown, April 7, 1587; 54-4-28, Santo Domingo 206, royal officials of Rio de la Hacha to the Grown, May 13, 1587; *. . . corsairs took six or seven ships between here and Caracas during this last March ...’—Town council of La Margarita to the Crown, April 7, 1587, in 54-4-4, Santo Domingo 182. 5 See, for instance, A. de /., 78-2-1, Santo Domingo 868, Vol. G.3, f. 137 reverse, cidula t San Lorenzo, May 11, succinctly reviewing conditions especially on the north coast of La Espahola. E lxviii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN If one can see it as a great game which Elizabeth and Philip p ayed, like chess, upon the Caribbean and the Atlantic with merchant vessels laden with cochineal and indigo, dyewood and sugar, ^ for pawns, then the Spanish knight moved forward against Drake s immediate successors was that fine and fortunate captain general of armadas named Alvaro Flores de Quinones. As has been said, he sailed from Cadiz in the early spring of 1586 to bring home the plate menaced by Drake at sea. He spent the summer and winter of that year between Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. From the Mam he sent reinforcements—men, artillery, munitions as he was able to provide them—to Havana (for that port and for Florida), and to Puerto Rico—where it seemed that the English might attack again. 1 On December 13 Miguel de Erasso came into Cartagena with a fleet from Spain and two days later appeared the two new galleys sent to replace those so ignominously lost in the preceding February. Im¬ mediately, while the galleys fared forth after corsairs, Alvaro Flores escorted Erasso’s fleet to Nombre de Dios and worked ‘like mad’, he said 2 , to unload, to despatch the ships’ cargoes, to get the plate down irom Fa-nama, 3 and to lade and clear thesevessels for theirreturnhome. The plate was so late in arriving at Panama that not until 9 June 1587, was Alvaro Flores able to leave from Cartagena. Avoiding Cape San Antonio, he reached Havana on July 2. That year’s home- bound Mexican fleet, under Captain General don Francisco Novoa had preceded him into Havana by about a week 4 and on 13 1011/ 1587, Alvaro Flores sailed thence for Spain, with over too vessels (from the Main, Santo Domingo, Honduras, Mexico). There were nearly nineteen millions 5 on board them in plate, jewels and mer¬ chandise. News of Drake’s major operations on the Spanish and Portuguese coasts had reached the Indies and Alvaro Flores was by no means sure that he would not encounter the English on his course. 6 ^Despatches m i, de /., 54-2-4, Santo Domingo 126, and in 42-1-8/3, Contra- taci6n 5108. Munitions were sent from Spain also. 6 Colteamcidnsma 13 ^ UP ° n despatches to be found in A - & G 42-1-8/3, of taasure f there EnSliSh “ ^ ^ disor ® anized business and transportation Julyi 3 fi587 4 ~ a ~ 4 ’ Sant ° Dom “ S ° I26 ’ Rodri S° de Rada to the Crown, Havana, ™ ada brin S s Prom ^ Main sixteen millions for Your Majesty and ^ m ; , andfrom New S Pabi the viceroy sends over 1,800,00c pesos. More than t oo vessels wtU leave.. .’-Arana to Ybarra, Havana, July 6^2, f 5 87 m A. de L } 54-2-4, Santo Domingo 126. ’ D /} Julyl't* 587 54 ~ 2 “ 4, Sant ° D ° ming ° I26 ’ Alvaro Flores t0 the Crown, Havana, THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ixix The last week of September found him at San Lucar. He had suffered loss, but not from corsairs. 1 The New Spain fleet which Alvaro Flores convoyed home (July- September, 1587) had, as has been said, come out toward the end of 1586 and from Dominica had sent ahead to La Espahola two galleys that had crossed in its convoy to replace those which had formerly patrolled the island’s coasts. In the middle of October these galleys, Don Diego Noguera Valenzuela 2 commanding, went out after a corsair, sank his ship, and seized a bark, a pinnace and a prize which he had taken. Captain Noguera reported that this man was a famous French trader. Document No. 58 suggests that perhaps he was part of a joint English-French expedition. After this encounter the galleys proceeded to the north coast where they captured a corsair, who was hanged, and it is possible that this was an Englishman. His name is given in these Spanish documents as fi Roberto Coleto’. 3 Among his men, condemned to the galleys and sent to Cartagena, was one ‘Davit Taller (Tailor?)’. The Santo Domingo galleys circumnavigated the island and re¬ turned to their base at the end of February, 1587. Noguera claimed that the corsairs then abandoned La Espanola and went to La Margarita and the pearl fisheries of the Main where apparently they did do a good deal of damage. 4 As for Noguera’s galleys, they rotted in Santo Domingo harbour, lacking supplies and munitions. Noguera declared that their inactivity was precisely what the people of the island desired, that they might continue unmolested to trade with roving foreigners. 5 In May, 1587, Governor Pedro Menendez Marquez was searching 1 The Trinidad and three lesser vessels were lost on the bar as the fleet crowded into San Lucar in a violent storm. Other vessels put in at Lisbon and at Cadiz. Cf. despatches in A. de 42-1-8/3, Contratacion 5108; and especially the Duke de Medina Sidonia to the Crown, San Lucar, September 27, 1587, in 143-3-17, Indiferente General 1098. 2 His despatches to the House of Trade and to the Crown, from Bayaha, Feb¬ ruary 6; Santo Domingo, May 20, 1587; February 6, 1588, in A. de 42-1-8/3, Contratacion 5108; 53-6-4, Santo Domingo 80. 3 A. del., 72-5-21, Lima 92, petition, Cartagena, December 23,1593. 4 A. de 54-4-15, Santo Domingo 193, Luis de Rojas to the Crown, Santiago de Leon, March 31, 1587; 54-4-23, Santo Domingo 201, that city to the Grown, April 7, 1587; 54-4-28, Santo Domingo 206, royal officials of Rio de la Hacha to the Grown, May 13, 1587; *. . . corsairs took six or seven ships between here and Caracas during this last March ’—Town council of La Margarita to the Crown, April 7, 1587, in 54-4-4, Santo Domingo 182. 5 See, for instance, A. de 78-2-1, Santo Domingo 868, Vol. G.3, f. 137 reverse, c&dulay San Lorenzo, May 11, succinctly reviewing conditions especially on the north coast of La Espahola. Ixx ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN the north coast of Florida for a northwest passage 1 and the English settlement 2 concerning which the authorities at Havana as well as he had received somewhat _ sarcastic inquiries from their better- informed superiors in Spain. 3 The governor found nothing. There was nothing to be found, as John White and Simon Ferdinando even then approaching with ‘a new colonic’ 4 for Virginia, were to learn. The men whom Grenville had left at Roanoke had vanished. If Hakluyt is correct in his statement 5 that on June 18/28 White and his three ships were at Mosquito Bay on the south side of that island, then they can hardly have been those vessels which on the 8th of that month sailed by the colony’s capital on the north coast and left a warning for the governor of Puerto Rico concerning a larger number of English vessels even then approaching. 6 Nor does it appear that it could be they to whom the royal officials refer in their despatch which states that on the 20th the city of San Juan de Puerto Rico was thrown into a state of alarm by three English ships with two pinnaces which passed by. Certainly White’s were not the only English vessels in the Caribbean at the moment. 7 It was one of at least three sent out by Sir George Carey, Captain of the Isle of Wight, which at just this time off Havana captured a ship coming up from Santo Domingo and half a dozen smaller craft beside. 8 Two galleys had been sent from Spain to protect that coast, » Documats Nos. 61, 65 post; A. de /., 139-7-14, Indiferente General 54:, 1, f. 7 reverse, cidula, Madrid, November 27, 1586. ^ return t^ 1 E^hman will have fortified in Florida in order to of TYade T eS , ab o Shmen ^ ° fhls °/ vn next Year.’—Francisco de Varte to the House f ‘Hert th f u Se P tember 3 > 1586, in A. de /., 42-1-8/3, Contratacion 5108. bav W Y ‘ m 38 t0Ward 1116 Cod &heries the English have a fort on a bay. Since your honours say not a word of this we do not believe it can be true If Padfc’and bec^ ¥ unfortanate because they would be so close to the Tralr tn i b of ‘hedamage they might do in those Indies.’—The House of fo T 1 1 g0Ve 7 10 ^ and warden at Havana, from Seville, December 15, 1586, m A. de 43-1-20/2, Contratacion 5186. 0 ^ 4 P /^ ipal J i avisations > PP- 386-403. Cf. Documents Nos. 62 and 65 poet. * j btd -> P- 387 . 5 Document No. 6o, post. . ‘" 2 “ J r ne 2 °, thr f EngIish shi P s with ‘wo pinnaces passed this port. The city Ricc/to S Hout nf W T St r d p P ° n T def —.’-The royal offidals of Puerto Sto concerning two advice-caravels taken by English in 8 Document No. 62, post. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ixxi Captain Cristobal de Pantoja in command. 1 They had arrived at the end of September, 1586, and very early in 1587 had an encounter with French corsairs off Cape Corrientes, but when, in late June or early July, they went to Matanzas after the Englishman who had seized the Santo Domingo vessel, he had gone on his way to Virginia. He must have arrived there very shortly indeed before John White Tel with the maine of Virginia 5 on July 16, since this rover found no sign of Grenville’s men nor any ‘new colonie 5 either, but only a branded mule. By way of the Newfoundland Banks and Ireland the English sailed to Bristol, to dispose of their booty there. In the summer of 1588 Carey’s ships returned. 2 Documents Nos. 62-4 furnish glimpses of them. At least the Spaniards believed they were the same ships that had been there in 1587 which in 1588 hunted for plunder through the Old Channel, as, without defence and in disorder, the Santo Domingo fleet that year came into Havana, to join other shipping for the trans-Atlantic crossing. The Isle of Pines, on the south side of Cuba, begins to emerge as a pirate rendezvous. 3 Now, in 1587, looking forward a year, the Duke de Medina Sidonia and Antonio de Guevara had called attention to the fact that if reports then emanating from England concerning the activities of Drake and Hawkins were true, in 1588 not 25 or 30 galleons would suffice to assure the safe wafting over of the Crown’s colonial revenues; and the expense involved in making ready such a fleet to convoy them would be enormous. Therefore they suggested that a dozen small swift vessels be constructed, pre¬ ferably in Biscay, for the purpose of transporting the treasure belonging to the Crown and to private persons, the idea being to rely upon speed, as embodied in such craft, rather than upon strength, i.e., on galleons. 4 Accordingly, in 1588, with instructions 1 A.de 54-2-4, Santo Domingo 126, Francisco de Moncayo to the Crown, Havana, November 25, 1586; Christbbal de Pantoja to the Crown, Havana, December 30, 1586. 2 c — about fifteen days ago five ships appeared. It could not be learned whether they were corsairs or friends.’—Don Diego Noguera y Valenzuela, Santo Domingo, July 30, 1588. ‘They say four small English ships have been seen off this coast but they have not been seen here for many days.’—Martin Perez de Olargabal to the Crown, Ocoa, August 30, 1588. Both hxA.de /., 53-6-14, Santo Domingo 80. s A. de /., 54-2-4, Santo Domingo 126, Alvarez de Ruesga to the Crown, Havana, July 2i, 1587. 4 A. de /., 143-3-17, Indiferente General 1098, ‘Statement of the manner in which in 1588 His Majesty’s treasure and that belonging to private persons may be brought from the provinces of Tierra Firme, Peru and the kingdoms of New Spain and Honduras’, San Lucar, March 31, 1587, signed by the Duke de Medina Sidonia and Antonio de Guevara. kxii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN to bring home the plate, Alvaro Flores proceeded to the Main in command of ‘an armada of certain light vessels raised on the coast of Andalusia 9 . This was a new development in the Spanish system. Hitherto the galleons had conveyed the plate and protected the fleets. Now the conveyance of the plate was to be entrusted to smaller, swifter vessels (frigates, galizabras), which sailed without regard for the merchant¬ men. 1 On ordering the substitution (in 1588) of these ‘certain light vessels 5 for the galleons of the guard, the Grown frankly stated 2 that the heavy vessels were needed for other important work, that is, for the ‘enterprize against England 5 . 3 The colonial authorities on the Main were to assure private persons owning plate that the light armada would carry their treasure safely. Also these authorities were to see to it that all the treasure was embarked in that light armada. Alvaro Flores 5 vice-admiral, Gonzalo Monte Bernaldo, 4 was sent to Mexico to bring away the Mexican plate in four small speedy vessels. He was to rejoin his commander in Havana. Alvaro Flores came into that harbour on August 2, 1588, with the treasure from the Main. Monte Bernaldo had not yet arrived. On August 14 Alvaro Flores left without him. He reached San Lucar on October 22 with nine frigates and the Tierra Firme bullion. He had left orders for his vice-admiral to winter in Havana. Accordingly, although Monte Bernaldo reached Havana on the last of August, 1588, not until 15 February, 1589, did he sail from that port. Nine merchantmen cleared with him. 5 He saw them through the Bahama channel and then, since they were delaying him, left them in good order and hastened forward. He entered San Lucar on April 1. 6 Thus were that year’s revenues brought to Spain without 1 s . . . henceforth we hear of the Armada, fregatas and flotas of the West Indian trade ..Corbett, op. ciL, 11, p. 338. Sir Julian’s account of these matters is some¬ what confused. 2 A de /., 140-2—4, Indiferente General 582, n, numerous orders to colonial authorities. 3 i.e., the plan to invade. 4 Numerous despatches in A. de 140-2-4, Indiferente General 582,11. 6 A de I., 54-1-34, Santo Domingo 118, the royal officials to the Grown, Havana, August, 9, 1588; Arana to the Grown, Havana, September 5, 1588; 54-2-4, Santo Domingo 126, Tomds Bernaldo de Qpiros to the Crown, Havana, September 5, 1588, etc.; i 43 - 3 _I 7 s Indiferente General 1098, Don Francisco Tello to the Crown, San Lucar, October 22,1588. 6 A. de 143-3-18, Indiferente General 1099, the Duke de Medina Sidonia to the Grown, San Lucar, April 1, 1589; and Monte Bernaldo’s deposition of that date in the same legajo. Ixxiii THE MAIN., FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA any serious interference. Indeed, the C lnvencible Armada had given the English work to do at home. ? In 1589 they were as occupied with the c Counter-Armada . Yet it may be assumed that Michelson and Mace 1 were not the only Englishmen in the Indies that year. Within nine days of its month of April twelve enemy sail were seen to pass by Puerto Rico. 2 An Englishman with two ships came near to carrying off the artillery from Bayaain .La Espanola. 3 They were English who chased two vessels along the Havana coast in May, 1589, one of which ran aground to escape. 4 At most, however, these were still petty marauders, did small damage and occasioned little or no real alarm. Among the islands and on the coast of Spain the situation was very different. A large fleet of vessels bound for the Antilles and Mexico left Spain in July, 1588, Martin Perez de Olazabal in command, 5 and an especially strong fleet (41 sail) for the Main was hurried off in the middle of March, 1589, under Diego de la Ribera. 6 At the end of April Alvaro Flores was ordered to proceed to Cartagena with two galizabras fresh from the Biscay ways. 7 His vice-admiral, Juan de Oribe Apallua, had preceded him. There they were to take over half a dozen of the best ships of the fleet, convert them into men-of- war at the expense of the rest (in men and artillery), and use them to reinforce the six armed vessels which had gone out with the fleet, for the safe conveyance of that year’s treasure. The ships so stripped of men and guns remained on the Main, with Diego de la Ribera, ostensibly to protect Cartagena against the English, wdien, in the middle of September, 1589, Alvaro Flores and Martin Perez left Havana for the return passage with nine galleons laden with all the treasure 8 convoying 50 or 60 vessels of the combined fleets. 9 1 Principal Navigations, x, pp. 156-7. *... ship called the Dogge ...’ 2 A, de I ., 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, Juan de Texeda to the Crown, Havana, June 4, 1589. , z A. de 54-3-23, Santo Domingo 172, Lope de Vega Portocarrero to the Crown, Santo Domingo, July 4, 1589. 4 Document No. 67 post. 5 A. de I., 143-3-17, Indiferente General 1098, numerous despatches. s A. de L, 143-3-17, Indiferente General 1098, Tello to the Crown, San Lucar, December 18, 1588; 140-2-4, Indiferente General 582, n, instructions to Ribera, f. 27 et seq., Madrid, February 22, 1589; 143-3-18, Indiferente General 1099, Duke de Medina Sidonia to the Crown, San Lucar, March 143 * 5 ® 9 » e tc., etc. 7 A. de /., 140-2-4, Indiferente General 582, n, f. 46 reverse et seq., instructions to Alvaro Flores, San Lorenzo, April 30,1589. 8 A. del., 143-3-18, Indiferente General 1099, the House of Trade to the Crown, Seville, December 8,1589. . . , .. 8 A. de L, 143-3-18, Indiferente General 1099, Martin Perez de Olazabal to the Crown and Diego de Soto to the Crown, San Lucar, October 293 *589* Ixxiv ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN These ships were early scattered by storm. One, apparently a galleon was abandoned at sea, all on board and the treasuJ it earned having been transferred to another vessel.* Alvaro Flores’ flagship and another vessel also richly laden with gold, silver and d e r h n mt0 ^ T , erCdra ’ 2 as Linschote n 3 ha g s picturesquely described. Eventually they made Lisbon safely. Six galleons aid l good many merchantmen, under Vice-Admiral Oribe Apallua came into Fayal only to find the place ruined. Cumberland had passed that way Oribe Apallua set ashore the treasure for which nf rtTfTrf vi 1 ? 6 ’ bUt n °c CVen Under heavy guard in what was left the fort did it seem safe, for the harbour was not good and the expedition which Drake and Norreys led against Lisbon had, on ispersmg, let too many enemy ships loose among the islands and jJong the coast, of Spain. TWore, upon receiptof assume £ the enemy was scattered and not sailing in strong squadrons, Oribe Apallua reladed the treasure into his ships and made sail for San Lucar, where he arrived safely at the end of November with his six galleons and the thirteen merchantmen who had chosen to remain m is convoy rather than take their chances in running for home alone^The English had taken some toll of the fleets but it was little indeed m comparison with ‘the wealth of the Indies’ which poured* “ Th a P t a D L°" 5 u eV i lle bef ° re the y fiar * 5^9 came to its close Path r ^r ake S f aid had lndeed ushered in a new era for His Cathohc Majesty s western colonies may have been less obvious at m 7 an j S° W beCame U P° n the land - Campmaster Juan de Fforls f n r er t n T eU had returned t0 Spain with Alvaro In rcSn ember > 15 8 7 , having made a very thorough inspection. In 1589 they went out agam, and everywhere—at Puerto Rico Cartagena, Nombre de Dios, San Juan de Ulua, Havana-unde^ Texeda s general supervision, exercised from Havana, the Spanish began u P° n extensive fortifications.' This brought latSfand a'd- S “ ^ ° f P eo P le (garrisons, workmL, slaves) and a directly corresponding increase of local prosperity. crosfmf 4 Indiferent = Gen cral 1099, Oribe Apallua’s account of his cro^mg, arrival at the Azores, call at Fayal, etc, in his despatch of November % despatches> indudins the t Principal Navigations, vn, pp. 68, 69. 3 9 ‘ ° f Tr3de t0 ^ Cr ° Wn ’ Madrid, NweLLIs^SrandSanri Texedas’ instructions, THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA IxXV At sea, as we have seen, the immediate effect of English activity was to create the light armada. To those concerned, the use of small swift vessels to carry the plate may have seemed irregular—a tem¬ porary expedient rather than definite part of a large and well-planned programme of naval expansion, which it was. Nevertheless, it must have been obvious that the expedient was proving successful, for in the vessels of the light armada the plate was reaching Spain quickly with no loss. It should be well noted that although the English sometimes made hauls of gold, silver and pearls—manifested or unmanifested—from captured merchant vessels, it is not recorded that they ever took a Silver galleon 5 or any 'silver frigate 5 either. Very elastic it was, that light armada, presently called simply 'the frigates 5 . It consisted of as many good sailers as were needed or could be provided which, under secret orders 1 and experienced commanders, moved back and forth as circumstances required. In 1590 Juan de Oribe Apallua 2 returned to the Indies in com¬ mand of the armada to fetch the fleets. The Tierra Firme fleet con¬ sisted of those vessels which had been left behind in 1589 on the Main with Diego de la Ribera. Artillery, cordage, men, etc., had been sent out to them. 3 To Mexico went Rodrigo de Rada 4 with orders to bring the New Spain plate to Havana in the small vessels which had taken over Viceroy Luis de Velasco and Gomez Perez das Marinas, governor for the Philippines. He was at the same time to escort merchant vessels from San Juan de Ulua to Havana. That year’s light armada consisted of two galizabras 5 which left 1 See, for example, A. de /., 140-2-4, Indiferente General 582, 11, f. 60 et seq orders to Marcos de Aramburu and Martin Duarte Bernaldo, issued from Madrid, December 16, 1589. 2 A. de /., 140-2-4, Indiferente General 582, n, . 87 et seq,, Oribe Apallua’s commission; f. 93 reverse et seq,, his instructions. This is the ‘John de Orimo’ of Hakluyt’s version of intercepted letters, Principal Navigations, x, p. 158. He left Gibraltar on May 18, 1590, according to Juan Sanz de Oyanguren to the Duke de Medina Sidonia, Gibraltar, May 19, 1590. 3 ‘We who have remained here are thirteen good ships.’—Diego de la Ribera to the Crown, Cartagena, November 2, 1589, in A. de L, 143-3-18, Indiferente General 1099, Cf. a list of the same date in 42-1-8/13 Contra tacion 5108. Gf. 140-2-4, Indiferente General 582, n, f. 60 reverse et seq., the Crown to the House of Trade, Madrid, December 16, 1589. 4 Instead of Monte Bernaldo, Incapacitated at the last moment. Cf. A. de 140-2—4, Indiferente General 582, 11, f. 60 reverse et seq., 140-7-35, Indiferente General 741, Ybarra to the Crown, Seville, February 22,1590. s A. de 130-7-14, Indiferente General 541, in, f. 19 et seq., contract, Aranjuez, April 15, 1589, the Crown with Agustin Espinola to provide these vessels. Agustin lxxvi ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Cartagena 1 on July 8 in command of Pedro Menendez MarrmW and on the 23rd of the same month 3 went forward from Havana for Spam with a precious cargo. On September 3, i, qo hard dl W? r by storm and firing his guns to attract immediate attention, Menem dez Marquez made the port of Viana in Portugal. ‘Laden with 5 d ~ the trea ff Ae Main he came safely under^he protection of its castle* while, undoubtedly, the English were si! Seville by n^e-trainJ^ 6 “ ^ " bought* to At the end of April, 1590, certain vessels belonging to John Watts or Wattes of London Merchant’ 7 had reached Dominica While one, the Littlejohn , lingered there another, the Hopewell, with the pinnace John Evangelist, steered for Puerto Rico. 8 Document No 68 post shows that the latter was observed as she passed along the south side of that island Document No. 69 post is the Spanish version of her encounter with the galley which Governor Vega compelled to go out from Santo Domingo harbour to attempt, at least, to protect vess el5 approaching on the usual course from Spain. 9 • ” 7 ' tD Crown, Havana, August 3, J-A. de I 153-1-6, Indiferente General 2661, Oribe Apallua to the Crown .taSi D °”" g ° ” 7 ’ R ‘ b "* “ *= He left Florida on May iq, reached Seville on Tulv *7 tkPo onri t at sea his element Of* A a ’« t o t j* r ^ Y 7 > 5 9 j ^rid was now back I- ’™W e “ ent - „• A - de L > >43-3-18, Indiferente General loqq, his common! cation to the Crown, Seville, July 7, 1589. 99 communi ' nl-ii t 7 i; 54 r a r i 5, £ ant0 Domin S° 12 7, Rada to the Crown, Havana Tulv so- °" b J U * to August 2,1590. Cf. Document No. 77 Aorf ,J y3, A. de l., 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109, Antonio de Puebl—(?) to Ybarra Viana September^, 1590; 139-7-14, Indiferente General 541, m, f67 reverseS to Pedro Menendez Marquez, San Lorenzo, September 22 i sqo etc cm L , l^So aA&rente GCneral 11 °°’ ^ ° f Trade » ^ CrXsevme, 5 Documents Nos. 68-77 post. Fueftef Madrid 7 Anrii r fr^ ferent m? e ro al 54 ’’ ’’ f ' 122 ’ !nstructi °ns to Conde de iTiti A P nl 1 G >591- The bullion was in bars weighing 25 to 30 pounds begun > . rbett ' ° P ' ^ P ' 336- England>s Organized commerce-destroying’ had 8 Principal Navigations, vm, pp. ^,06 et seq THE MAIN 5 FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ixxvli On July 2/12 the Hopewell was joined by Edward Spicer in the Moonlight and Joseph Harps or Harris in pinnace Conclude . 1 Including prizes, this little squadron was now perhaps eight vessels. That same day they sighted fourteen sail—the Santo Domingo fleet venturing after delay upon its course for Havana. The English, gave chase, and the second enclosure with Document No. 71 post 2 is an excellent account of their capture of three units of the fleet— El Bum Jesus , which the English correctly considered to be the vice-admiral, and two smaller vessels which were driven ashore near the harbour of Santiago de la Vega. The story in these deposi¬ tions neatly supplements Hakluyt’s version. It is told from two different points of view, viz. from that of the despoiled owner of El Buen Jesus who had left the convoy and steered west, vainly seeking safety apart from his companions, and from that of the master of La 'Trinidad , captured near Yaguana from which the English took what French corsairs had left on board her. This man was a prisoner on a small light vessel, possibly the John Evangelist , which chased Vicente Gonzalez, acting general on the harried Santo Domin¬ go fleet, into the harbour of Jamaica with seven or eight of his convoy vessels. The Littlejohn came up in time to join in this fight. With prizes and prisoners the English ships then came on to Cape San Antonio. Arriving first, the Moonlight and Conclude had of necessity to stand by inactive while the Mainland fleet and Oribe Apallua’s galleons—22 or 23 sail—rounded the cape. The very next day the Hopewell came up, just too late. Later still, the Little John reached the cape with two pinnaces (one probably the John Evangelist). The chagrin of the English at so narrowly missing the opportunity to attempt, at least, to cut out a few prizes was obvious to their Spanish prisoners. 3 This mainland fleet and armada came into Havana harbour on July 29. 4 With his small vessels and certain merchantmen 5 from 1 The news they brought out of England was promptly disseminated, as appended documents show. If, as Corbett states (op. cit. } n, p. 348) details of the English naval campaign for 1590 have not been preserved, these Spanish versions of it acquire special interest. Cf. Rowse, op. cit., p. 288. 2 See also Documents Nos. 70, 72, 74, 77. 3 Documents Nos. 71, enclosure No. 2; 74 post. 4 A. de I.y 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, Oribe Apallua to the Crown, Havana, August2, 1590. 5 Rada’s fleet consisted of at least nine sail when he left San Juan de Ulua. Cf. in A. de 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, a relation by Domingo de Leagui, captain of the advice-boat which left Havana on August 3 and reached Spain September 21,1590. See also Document No. 77 post. lxxviii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Mexico, Rodrigo de Rada had entered on the 13th 1 minus three of his convoy. They had separated from the rest and Wed becalmed. 2 68 ’ The Littlejohn attacked two of these vessels. 3 The third fled back to Mexico. 4 The first enclosure in Document No. 71 describes this en¬ counter, 5 from which the Spaniards emerged in worse condition than Hakluyt’s account of it implies. As soon as Oribe Apallua reached Havana (July 29), Cristobal de Pantoxa, commanding Cuba’s two galleys—the San Agustin and the Brava —was ordered to San Antonio where Oribe Apallua had not failed to see the two English sail which were there as he rounded the cape. A vessel was expected from La Margarita with pearls. Pantoxa was to remain off the west end of the island to escort her safely around that danger point. However, this vessel put in at Cartagena and therefore Pantoxa was s um , moned to return to Havana, from where he wrote in early September that the galleys had been unable to find any enemies anywhere. 6 Oribe Apallua’s instructions had been to leave Havana for Spain with the united fleets not later than July 25. 7 At nine o’clock on the mght of August 9 he received other orders 8 to leave not later than August 10. Since he could not clear on 24 hours notice, because of the condition of his ships and especially because the season was so 1 In ^ 4 . de l., 54 2-5, Santo Domingo 127 are to be found many despatches to the Crovra and to Secretary Ybarra from naval officers and other persons which establish dates of arrival and departure of vessels. 2 The English also were ‘becalmed .. . winde . . . very scarse . . Cf. Document No. 70 post, , ! The J e< ? lt ” I s “ debted to Professor Qjiinn for distinguishing between the Little John and the John Evangelist-, for establishing that the Moonlight belonged to William Sanderson and that Master Harps’s pinnance was the Conclude, Joseph Harris, captain; for drawing attention to the Little John’s participation in the fight off Jamaica; and to the fact dial this vessel did not join the Moonlight and the Hopewell off the west end of Cuba, but followed a litde after them eastward along the north coast of Cuba. * A. de /., 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, Rada to the Crown, Havana, September 7 j i 59 °- 6 See also Document No. 77 post. White’s meagre story of this incident may possibly be explained by his distance from the action. The Hopewell would logically have kept out of shoal water. s 7 * Am e J *> 54-2-5. Santo Domingo 127, Oribe Apallua to the Crown, Havana, August 2; Pantoxa to the Crown, Havana, September 5, 1590. Cf. Documents Nos. 75>7 vposL. # 1590** ^ L> 54_2 ~ 55 Santo Domin §° 127, Texeda to the Crown, Havana, August 3, 8 Document No. 74 post Ixxix THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA far advanced (the 'hurricane season 5 imminent), he had no recourse but to winter in Havana. 1 Escorting the advice-boat sent with the news of the decision so to winter, vessels carrying monies to pay garrisons in Florida and Puerto Rico, and still others despatched to the Canary Islands for supplies, Luis Alfonso Flores 2 went out from Havana toward the end of August with a small squadron under orders to clear the coast of enemies so that foodstuffs for the detained fleets and the galleons might come into Havana unmolested. Alfonso Flores saw his convoy through the Bahama channel and by early September he too was back in port, reporting that neither had he seen any enemies. 3 The Hopewell and Moonlight had gone to Virginia where John White, on board as the Spaniards knew 4 5 * 7 , found only relics of the lost colony 5 . The editor has seen no evidence that the Spanish had anything whatsoever to do with its disappearance or were even aware of that tragedy, but the probability of its occurrence is indi¬ cated in Document No. 65. In Spain, news of the decision to hold the fleets in Havana until the spring of 1591 occasioned panic. Reflecting the grief of the busi¬ ness interests at Seville, the Council for Indies 0 recommended that an adequate naval force be sent to bring them home and to teach the English renewed respect for Spain. Humiliating as was the position of His Catholic Majesty ’s officers, Corralled 5 , as Texeda put it, 6 while 'audacious Englishmen 5 without shame 7 dared them at their own doors, in seeking to quiet agitation at Seville the Crown insisted 8 that neither Havana nor the shipping in its harbour was in any immediate danger. Yet there seems to have been at least one occasion when Oribe Apallua saw fit to station ships at the harbour mouth to protect the port and the vessels of the united 1 A. de /., 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, minutes of the council so resolving, Havana, August 9, 1590. The decision was made in Havana, not in Spain. Cf. Corbett, op. cit., 11, p. 349. 2 Documents Nos. 71-7 post. 3 A. de /., 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, his of September 7, 1590 to the Grown. Cf. Document No. 76 post. 4 Documents Nos. 71, enclosure No. 2; 74 post. 5 A. de 140-7-35, Indiferente General 741, the Council for Indies to His Majesty, Madrid, October 30, 1590, etc., etc.; 143-3-19, Indiferente General 1100, many related documents. 8 Document No. J5p°st. 7 Principal Navigations, x, p. 163. Cf. Wright, I. A., Historia Documentada de San Ckristobal de la Habana en el Sigh XVI (Havana, 1927),!, pp. itfet seq. M. de /., 140-7-35, Indiferente General 741, the Council for Indies to His Majesty, Madrid, November 19,1590. Ixxx ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN fleets and the armada lying in Havana bay against the possibility that the enemy might attempt to force an entrance 1 and his demands 2 for men and ordnance to strengthen the fleets and armada suggest serious apprehension. A better cause for general alarm would seem to have been the situation off the coast of Spain itself and among the islands, where Hawkins and Frobisher were endeavouring to 'constitute a double blockade 5 . 3 'Owing to Philip’s precautions’, however, they met with nothing of any great value. 'Though by their captures the admirals were able to prolong their cruise until October, they had nothing tangible to show for their pains or to cover expenses.’ They had taken only those wilful vessels 4 which chose to disregard orders and to steal away from Oribe Apallua to attempt the crossing alone. In Havana, as the winter wore on, Oribe Apallua, Ribera, Rada and their subordinates bickered and quarrelled; and Camp-master Texeda pressed work on six handsome 5 frigates he was building for the service rendered by the light armada. 'A new kind of man-of- war specially designed for treasure-carrying, 5 they were reported in England to be 'built after the labra fashion, but the keel long galley-wise . . . made on purpose for swift sailing with oars.’ 6 Con¬ structed of 'excellent good and incorruptible’ 7 Cuban timber, Texeda’s frigates were indeed fashioned for speed, yet they had the strength to fight anything they could not outsail. To their creation the campmaster gave the best 8 of his administrative ability and by 1 Document No. 77 post; see also No. 74. 2 A. de 148-1-18, Indiferente General 1957, iv; 139-7-14, Indiferente General 541,111. 3 Corbett, op. cit, 11, p. 348. Cf. Documents Nos. 71, enclosure No. 2; 74 post. 4 Derrotadas, arribadas. But see also A. de /., 148-1-8, Indiferente General 1957, iv. Oribe Apallua was blamed. Cf. Corbett, op. cit., p. 350, reference to Linschoten’s description of. . spoiled men . .. cursing the Englishmen and their own fortunes, with those that had been the causes to provoke the Englishmen to fight. 5 5 *. . . like those the Adelantado Pedro Menendez built . . .’—Martin Perez de Olazabal to the Crown, Seville, October 21, 1590, in A. de /., 143-3-19, Indiferente General 1100, in praise of their excellence and suitability. For a detailed criticism of them see the Duke de Medina Sidonia to the Crown, San Lucar, February 3, 1592 and Ybarra’s reply, Madrid, February 15, in 143-3-21, Indiferente General 1102. Cf. Principal Navigations, x, pp. 158,160. 6 Cf. Corbett, op. cit., 11, p. 338, and note, reference to Birch, Memoirs of Elizabeth, 1, p. 82. 7 Principal Navigations, x, p. 164. 8 His despatches to the Crown and especially to Juan de Ybarra in A. de 1 . 54-1-15 and 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 99,127, etc. Ixxxi THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA the summer of 1590 one vessel was ready for service—the one which went out with Luis Alfonso Flores after Watts’s ships and m White s wake that August. The trial proved her worth. 1 Texeda was ordered 2 to rush work on his frigates. Onbe Apallua was instructed 3 to remove from his ships all the gold and silver, pearls and more precious merchandise of both fleets, to lade it into the new craft and with them to proceed to Spain as soon as possible, leaving Ribera with the galleons to escort the merchantmen home at a seasonable time. Accordingly, accompanied by three shallops and two barks which they outsailed, the four frigates which Texeda had been able to complete left Havana on February 10, 1591. 4 The Santiago, the Duquesa and the Texeda reached the port of Cascaes m Portugal on the night of March 12. 5 The fourth, Oribe Apallua’s flag-frigate, the Marquesa, had separated from these in a storm which somewhat delayed them all and tried their strength, but she made San Lucar on March 19. 6 They had brought safely over five or six millions m gold and silver, and 800,000 ducats worth of cochineal. From Lisbon the bullion landed there was carried to Seville by mule-train. 7 By sea in early April Luis Alfonso Flores took the frigates and the cochineal round to join the flag-frigate at San Lucar. Ail four vessels were ordered to proceed to Cartagena immediately- Pedro Menendez Marquez was commissioned to command the light 1 A. de /., 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, Texeda to the Crown, Havana, Septem¬ ber 5, 1500. Cf. Document No. 74 post. 2 A. de 140-2-4, Indiferente General 582, n, £ 103, cidula, November 14, 1590. At the same' time Texeda was ordered to make six, or at least four, more frigates, i.e ten or twelve in all. Gf. Document No. 82 post. . s At his own suggestion. Cf. A. de /., 54-2-5* Santo Domingo 127, his to Ybarra, Havana, September 5,1590. 4. ‘There go four frigates . * . 5 — Texeda to Ybarra, Havana, February 10, I 59 ®» in A . de /., 54-1-15, Santo Domingo 99. ‘They have cost His Majesty 50,000 ducats and money is still being spent on them. They are built as never were any others which have left this harbour/ Gf. his of the same date to the House of Trade, 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109, also referring to the ‘frightful 5 cost of the ' & A. de 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109; 153-2-3, Indiferente General, 2686, many despatches. , _ T rrT , , 6 A. de 42—1—9/4, Contratacion 5109, Oribe Apallua to the House 01 Irade, San Lucar, March 19,1591- . , ... ?A. de 153—2—3, Indiferente General 2686, for various despatches describing the conveyance of the bullion weighing down over a thousand mules; 139-7-14, Indiferente General 541, in, ff. 122 et seq., various cidulas to Esteban de Ybarra, Vice-Admiral Alonso de Chaves Galindo, Captain Luis Alfonso Flores, etc., etc., Madrid, March 27,1591. Ixxxii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN armada as now constituted by Texeda’s frigates, with Luis Alfonso Flores as his vice-admiral. 1 Because money was desperately needed in Spain 2 Menendez Marquez was ordered to leave with one frigate and two shallops for Tierra Firme at once to fetch it. Alfonso Flores was to follow with the other three frigates as soon as he could. Juan de Salas was to convey certain troops to Puerto Rico in three flyboats 3 and then join Menendez Marquez at Cartagena. Ribera was instructed to wait in Havana for the 1590-91 New Spain fleet 4 , General Antonio Navarro de Prado commanding, and for Menendez Marquez and the light armada. However, if the latter had not arrived there by 25 July, 1591 (the date finally set), Ribera was to leave all the treasure in the forts of Havana for the frigates to pick up when they should appear, himself proceeding to Spain with the assembled merchantmen. The order to wait reached Ribera on 7 March, 1591.5 Otherwise he would have left Havana within that month. Their 1590 campaign had discredited Hawkins and Frobisher. Permitted to join Drake in the retirement forced upon men who were considered to have failed, they were replaced by Lord Thomas Howard and Sir Richard Grenville. 6 The Earl of Cumberland, also, was at sea upon his fourth voyage. 7 English ships swarmed along the Portuguese and Spanish coasts and then, since the treasure-frigates had escaped them, converged upon the Azores by which the fleets must pass. His Catholic Majesty warned his officers on land and sea, /., 139 2 1, Indiferente General, 11, ff. 1 et seq, } Menendez Marquez’s commission, Madrid, April 20, 1591, and instructions; ff. 7,16 reverse, Luis Alfonso Mores commission and instructions, etc., etc. * 39_2 ~ l5 Indiferente General 433, n, f. n reverse, cidula to Texeda, Madrid, April 20,1591. 3 Gf. Documents 81,83, Q^post. A. de 139-2-1, Indiferente General 433, n, £.31 reverse* It left Spain in August 1590 and reached San Juan de Ulua at the beginning of January, 1591 with a heavy loss of vessels wrecked by storm at the very entrance to that port. A little later some of the surviving vessels were sunk in the harbour itself. Cf. A. de 153-1-6, Indiferente General 2661, Antonio Navarro to the Crown, off Grand Canary, August 14, 1590; id. to the House of Trade, San Juan de Ulua, December 24,1590. J * 3 A. del., 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109, Ribera to the House of Trade; 54-1-15, A rf °/ It £da t0 ^ e Cr ? wn > bo* from Havana, March 99, 1591. Cf. ^ * 3I ’ Pard0 ’ M * y a5 '- ,59I « *° * Gf. Corbett, op. tit., 11, pp. 351 e t seq. {ts ^ C- Williamson, George, Third Earl of Cumberland (Cambridge, 1920), pp 70 THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ixxxlii everywhere, to be on guard against c Lutheran corsairs 5 . To protect homebound merchantmen he ordered Don Alonso de Bazan to the islands with a good strong fleet which had been raised in the mean¬ time. In accordance with specific instructions 1 so to do, on 16 May, 1591, with seven ships, two zabras and the galleys, Ribera set out from Havana for Cape San Antonio to wait there for Navarro’s New Spain fleet and to escort it safely into Havana harbour. Exclusive of the galleys Ribera had 2000 seamen and soldiers in his command. His artillery was not all that he might have desired but it was the best he could collect from the merchantmen at Havana. He had stores sufficient for two months. The New Spain fleet was expected in the second half of June. Up to the middle of that month no enemies appeared upon the north coast of Cuba although they were reported to be thick around Santo Domingo. 2 From the south side, however, came word that no fewer than eighty sail had been seen in one body steering west through the Old Channel. From Santo Domingo this word was sent to Cartagena and, via Puerto Plata, to Spain. 3 ®y J 3/2 3 June,, 1591 ‘3. ships of the honorable sir George Carey knight, then marshall of her Majesties houshold, and captaine of the lie of Wight, 54 had come up to Cape Corrientes and there fallen in with Ribera’s patrol. Followed c a memorable fight’, particularly between one of these vessels (the Content) and Ribera’s squadron, especially the galleys, Cristobal de Pantoxa in command, which formed part of it. According to the English account 5 of this incident Ribera’s best vessels had been engaged before the psalm-singing fighters on board of the Content looked forth and descryed two saile more to the offen 5 A. de 140—2—4, Indiferente Genera! 582, n, f. 123 reverse, cidula^ January 4. 159 ** 2 A, de /., 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, Rada to Ybarra, Havana, May 5; Ribera to Grown, Havana, May 6, 1591; 54-1-15, Santo Domingo 99, Texeda to the Crown, Havana, May 16, 1591; 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109, Don Antonio de Mendoza to the House of Trade, Havana, May 22 j id. to td. > June 19, 1591 j i 53 “ 2 “ 3 j Indiferente General 2686, Gonde de Fuentes to the Grown, Lisbon, June 1,1591. Gf. Document No. 78 post. 3 Document No. 81 post. Only a little earlier Governor Vega Portocarrero had heard of 30 sail at La Palma which threatened to visit Santo Domingo and Puerto Rico, he said. Cf. his ofjune 5,1591 in A. de 53-1-15, Santo Domingo 81. 4 Later*. . . lord Hunsdon, lord Chamberlaine, and captaine of the honourable band of Her Majesties Pensioners . . .'—Principal Navigations , x, p. 178; see p. lxx ante. 6 Principal Navigations , x, pp. 178 et seq . Ixxxiv ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN which were not the Hopewell and the Swallow, ‘.. f ar r e other, • they were two of the king’s gallics,’ the San dJS and l T'' ‘ with which the Content exchanged complimeltsi anrf ? editor has seen no mention of this encounter in Sm • u l 0t ' ^e except that contained in Nos. 79, 8o ; and 90 1 st 11S ^ 0Cuments some of the effects of the Content's fire ?he SDanL^ T* believed they had sunk their adversary but * 1 th£ W ° f n%ht ’’ ^ ™ and Wats his ships of London . . were once moreXom^ Havana from Santo Domineo on T,,™ ,« 5 »-i . , out tor "S' j e ^lS , ^Sy h ' of “^ ^ vutuallmg. and returned to Havana. He entered drat hiZ NoJuSTl^f dda c yed in his de P arture from Mexico. July iq two of tW d v C IC if V j San J uan de UIua wi P- 349 and n. 1. Cf. Documents Nos. 82, 3 Document No. 84 post. 0{ p % W«t India fleet by wXeC kL^t^eJcheTs^L^' l 5 ’ 86 ’ 8 ^^ pnOcto^l’, Navarro on July 27 and brought sm ucar * t had left Havana with Ribera and Antonio and Mariel the Endishm^ ^ rst news ^ at between Gape San ^P 8 out of Santo ^ ^ « «***««. neariy 30,000 pesos on board ‘Mav Gorf a • ng “ S t0 duan Batlsta Machorro with to the House of Trade, Sah £ucar (Si ° what is left * • -’-Varte tacidn 5x09. ’ ^ ctober 3 > * 59 *> in A. de /., 42-1-9/4, Contra- ■"■■■ p St \ Documents Nos. 85, 86 post. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA IxXXV seized by the enemy. One of these vessels carried plate belonging to His Majesty as well as some belonging to private individuals. The other errant unit of the New Spain fleet undoubtedly carried a good cargo but no plate. 1 The English had lain for days before Havana but now, wisely, while the weather still held fairly good, they steered for England, leaving Navarro and Ribera to explain as best they could how things like these could happen with such a concourse of Spanish vessels in that bay, including half a dozen galleons not lacking able officers. As for the irascible campmaster, Texeda described himself 2 as sitting, in a rage, upon the piece of ordnance Navarro had brought to him, surrounded by foot and horse but unable to lay hand upon the enemy who sailed back and forth under his very nose and added the insult of taunting messages to the very considerable material injury they had inflicted in the capture of at least nine ships. 3 Came July 25 and Pedro Menendez Marquez had not appeared. Therefore, on the 27th Diego de la Ribera set out for Spain in command of 73 sail. 4 These were the armada of the guard, the merchantmen who had wintered in Havana, those whom Navarro had just brought in from Mexico, and other vessels which had succeeded in getting through from Santo Domingo, Honduras and other parts. 5 The weather was adverse to their voyage and grew worse as they proceeded. Documents Nos. 85 and 86 post are simple relations of ‘one of the greatest disasters the American trade ever suffered 56 furnished by the 1 Documents Nos. 82, 85, 86, 89, 95 post. The captor of Ygararan’s ship, not yet identified, may have been assisted by Christopher Newport, Cf. A. de /., 42-1- 9/4, Contratacion 5109, Varte to the House of Trade, San Lucar, October 3, 1591 - The identity of the other vessel taken out of the New Spain fleet remains in doubt in so far as this editor is concerned. According to Document No. 85 post it was Agustin de Paz’s. In Document No. 95 and elsewhere there is mention of a vessel Taken with the plate ship’ which is described as Navia’s or Navea’s. It may have been Paz’s and it may not. The fact that ships were called by their own names (and usually had at least two, one sacred and one profane), by their owner’s, by their captain’s and sometimes by their pilot’s, makes certain identification sometimes extremely difficult. 2 A. de /., 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109, Texeda to the House of Trade, Havana, September 29, 1591. Cf. Document No. 82 post. 3 Document No. 8 6 post. 4 Documents Nos. 85 and QGpost. 5 A. de /., 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109, Don Antonio de Mendoza to the House of Trade, Havana, June 18,1591. 6 Corbett, op. cit. } 11, p. 351. Cf. C. Fernandez Duro, Armada Espanola , 11, Appendix 10. Fem&ndez Duro takes no account of the damage done the armada. Cf. Principal Navigations , vu, p. 49 et seq. Ixxxvi ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN two officers who, when it was over, found thermeh™*, what was left of that armada and its ill-starred convoy Struck tail end of a hurricane, which found them rotted b v sojourn in tropical waters/ one after another the Smniffi l ° Ug and sank, beginning with Ribera’s flagship which went Spllt him and practically all the rest on board A dot^h T./ 1 * appeared before, broken into two squadrons the fWtf^ M dis ' -ere Don Alo„„ de Baaan „ai Jd to r“/ e a „d pS There, among the islands, still another storm hi P ,, them - scattering Ba Z an’s fine men-of-war and the battered me h Chaff s “: nd D “iTfTLi»^ RiAard Grenville’s spirit had & in these storms to take toll for the recent loss ^ ^ ee P it must be admitted that they collected at a h.Vh R . enge ’ certainl y tion If anything could have consoled Spain and Seville ° C °™ pei f a " as the ships which survived came limping home 4 it mmt ^ stS^'hSy r° 17" Mm " dez gena. 5 Luis Alfonso Flores^efr | 9 • ^ on / une 9 reached Carta- Cartagena on the tyth.'Jnan de Slat g na. were Menendez Marquez fell ill. What was worse, them were not new to^e^iith It was'^dfk WaterS /° r y ears and most of dition. See, for instance, A. deI ^ 0Wn that .* ey were m bad con- deposition, Melchor Baez, San Lucar, August i “ tratacion 5109, summary of o ^ P - 3 6 3 ; Rowse,’ 0A Spsifo 9 ^Concernmg whtch Rowse has presented ’ Ldlent account (*. *, pp . 300 _ Tr 5 ade ^Bonatza, Octoter^isg” 11 5I ° 9 ’ ^ FrancisCO de Varte t0 the House of Ha ™na, October 9, ^591° D ° mmg0 I2 7 > Pedro Menendez Marquez to the Crown, Trade, Havana, ottobe^"^^”,^’ s^n 1180 Flores t0 the House of Havana, October 8, 1591. ’ 59I; 54 ~ a 5 ’ Sant0 Domin §° 12 7 , to the Crown, ’ Documents Nos. 81,84 post. Trade, Havana, October 4,^sg^ 1011 5I ° 9 ’ R “ y L ° pez Hurtado to the House of THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA lxXXVH he received so many warnings 1 that he expected to find Havana occupied by the English. 2 Not until September 7 did he dare to leave the shelter of Cartagena. 3 The western end of Cuba was then probably free of corsairs but off Cape San Antonio he encountered evidently the same hurricane which was playing havoc with Ribera and the fleets. He said 4 that it was by God’s grace that he made Havana on September 29 with the frigates and some four and a half millions in treasure. There he found two others of Texeda’s frigates finished and ready to go forward. With these six vessels and 4,800,000 pesos more 5 left for him by Navarro’s New Spain fleet, with Salas’s flyboats, four other small craft and half a dozen merchantmen, 6 Menendez Marquez finally got off from Havana on 7 December, 1591. 7 After a stormy passage he reached San Lucar on 18 January, 1592. 8 Luis Alfonso Flores had preceded him. 9 Juan de Salas put in at Cadiz. The treasure eventually reached Seville safely. 10 Little enough time did these men spend on shore! Luis Alfonso Flores succeeded 11 Menendez Marquez in command of the frigates and with Salas as his vice-admiral left San Lucar on 1 April, 1592, for the Main. 12 They passed General Francisco Martinez de Leiva with the Tierra Firme fleet, west bound, although it had set out more I Cf. Document No. 81 post. 2 Document No. 83 post. 3 A. de /., 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109, Pedro Menendez Marquez to the House of Trade, Havana, October 2, 1591. 4 His despatch of October 2, just cited. 5 A. de 42-1-9, Contratacion 5109, Pedro Menendez Marquez to the House of Trade, Havana, October 8, 1591; 54-2-5, Santo Domingo 127, to the Crown, Havana, October 9, 1591. 6 A. de 42-1-5/10, Contratacion 5110, Hernando de Bango (?) to the House of Trade, Lagos, January 20, 1592. 7 A. de /., 143-3-21, Indiferente General 1102, Pedro Menendez Marquez to the Crown, San Lucar, January 18, 1592; 42-1-10/5, Contratacion 5110, Ruy Lopez de Hurtado to the House of Trade, San Lucar, January 16, 1592; Texeda to the same, Havana, J anuary 18,1592. 8 A. de /., 42-1-9/4, Contratacion 5109, Varte to the House of Trade, San Lucar, January 19,1592. 9 A. del., 42-1-5/10, Contratacion 5110, Varte to the House ofTrade, San Lucar, January 16,1592. 10 A. de /., 143-3-21, Indiferente General 1102, Relation de la platay mo , etc., House of Trade to the Crown, Seville, January 28, 1592; 139-7-14, Indiferente General 541,111, ff. 179 et seq., the pearls and emeralds. II A. de /., 139-7-14, Indiferente General 541, ni, various. 12 A. de 143-3-21, Indiferente General 1102, Duke de Medina Sidonia to the Crown, San Lucar, April 1,1592. Ixxxviii ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN than ten days before them, 1 and so they arrived in Cartagena before the merchantmen. 2 This year’s English privateers were already out. They swarmed like wasps. With various more or less definite objectives, alone or in small squadrons, they went adventuring along the Spanish coast and among the islands. Then, on the skirts, as it were, of the Mainland fleet itself, they bore away for Dominica or Trinidad, 3 always ready to pounce upon stragglers. By arriving early in the Indies they hoped to pick up more or less valuable prizes in vessels converging on Cartagena or on Havana in anticipation of the fleet’s coming. Surely among these English there was understanding that they were to gather off the west end of Cuba as summer ended, to take the plate, if they could, or at least to cut out prizes, from the Mainland or the New Spain fleet as the Spaniards passed Cape San Antonio, or to seize them off the north coast of Cuba, between La Sonda and Point Hicacos (near Matanzas) as the Spanish ships steered their difficult course for the haven of Havana. Again, as the combined fleets left that port for Spain, guarded though they were by the armada, the English dogged their crossing, sometimes sailing brazenly among them, hardly distinguishable from convoy units. 4 This was the con¬ tinuing pattern of Elizabeth’s "desultory war on Philip’s trade’ waged "with weak squadrons and ever lessening returns’. 5 Spanish documents make it plain that Hakluyt and Purchas did not succeed in recording all the English activities of the year 1592. Throughout the summer Elizabeth’s desultory and sometimes unidentified warriors ranged the Main, from Coro to the Magda¬ lena, 6 trading where they could, taking what they might. They crossed back and forth among the Antilles and harried the settle¬ ments of Central America. Although they seized only insignificant prizes and sometimes encountered difficulties when they sought fresh food and water, they nevertheless threw the whole region into panic (some part of which was feigned). Christopher Newport was out with c a fleete of three ships and a pinnesse 5 . Possibly he had visited the Caribbean in 1591. 7 Certainly he was to do so in 1594. Spanish documents appended concerning 1 On March 19. A. de L, 143-3-21, Xndiferente General 1102, Medina Sidonia to Ybarra (?), March 20, 1592. He says elsewhere that this fleet moved so precipi¬ tously that many persons were left behind. It was hurried by news that Drake was putting to sea. Cf. Corbett, op . cit., ir, p. 370. 2 The frigates made Cartagena on May 19. 3 Newport fell with Dominica April 4/14; the Mainland fleet, May 1 /April 18. 4 Document No. 86 post. 5 Corbett, Successors of Drake, p. 4. 6 Documents Nos. 91, enclosure; 95, 97 post, 7 Cf. Document No. 89 post THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA Ixxxix his 1592 enterprize show that Twitt’s account 1 of it is accurate down to very small details. In Spanish documents the editor has seen meagre mention of Newport’s calls at Puerto Rico, Ocoa and La Yaguana. 2 Comparison of Twitt’s account of his attack on Puerto Caballos with Document No. 89 post encourages the student to accept Twitt’s word for the rest. 3 After Newport possibly the next to sail 4 was Captain John Middleton 5 in the Moonshine with Captain Robert Frost 6 on board. It would appear 7 that off the coast of Spain they took a prize, of which Frost then assumed command. By the time these men appeared in the Indies (early June, 1592) they were three or four sail. They may have constituted a scouting party sent out by the Earl of Cumberland. 8 Having refreshed themselves at Trinidad, they looked into the harbour of Margarita (still early June, 1592) where lay a vessel recently acquired by the Licentiate Mhnso de Contreras, incoming governor of Santa Marta. 9 The licentiate said that he succeeded in driving these enemies off, but within a very short time appeared 1 Principal Navigations, x, pp. 184 et seq., ‘.. . voyage undertaken for the West Indies by M. Christopher Newport ... Written by M. John Twitt of Harewich .. 2 In A. de I. , 143-4-1, Indiferente General 1103, is a deposition made by Jayme de Ribas at Seville on July 10 to the effect that four English ships had visited Ocoa prior to his departure from the Indies on April 26, 1593- Lf. Document No. 9 6 post and others in A. de 54-1-12 and 53-6-15, Santo Domingo 96 and 81, particu¬ larly a memorial in the last named legajo, Captain Juan Lopez Sequeria. ^ 3 In A. de I., 54-3-6, Santo Domingo 155, Diego Menendez Valdes to the Crown, Puerto Rico, July 21, 1592, there is reference to ‘two lots of negroes whom the English set ashore in the port of La Aguada in the months of April and May. 5 Cf. Twitt, op. ciL, p. 185; and p. 191 in the same volume. 4 On Good Friday, according to ‘Resle’, Document No. 91 post. 5 s ... another of Cumberland’s men .. .* according to Corbett, op. cit, 11, p. 358. 4 . . . a detached privateer 5 , according to G. C. Williamson, op. cit., p. 76. Cf. Principal Navigations, vn, p. 41; vm, p. 406. . « Spanish documents seem to establish this name. Cf. various mA.de 72-3-0, Santa Fe 1, 113. It would be interesting to know if his mother’s maiden name was Barrett. He cannot have been Captain Robert Crosse, since Crosse was at this very time more lucratively engaged In looting the great East India carrack Madre de Dws in the Azores. { Principal Navigations, vn, p. 113.) In August, 1594, Frost and ten companions were in the kindly hands of fellow countrymen among the Jesuits at 'Seville. The inquisition absolved them. The king was informed that they had become catholics and some said they wished to enter His Majesty s service. In December, 1594, the Council for Indies advised against executing the death sen¬ tence which had been passed upon them, recommending that they be exchanged for Portuguese prisoners held in England. 7 Document No. 91^05*. 8 Documents Nos. 95, 97 post. Documents Nos. 88, 97 post; but compare with No. 91 enclosure. xc ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Benjamin Woo^ who, the licentiate declared, boarded and stripped the ship of all that he cared to take away. PP Wood was in command of four vessels, owned by Lord Thomas Howard. 1 English sources have practically nothing to sav of hi voyage. Two of Wood’s ships were blown off by storm. Bad weather also broke up Middleton’s little squadron, but the other two of Wood s ships and two of Middleton’s and Frost’s ships (which had parted company not so very long before in the Azores) came to¬ gether again (June 22, 1592) in the vicinity of Ycacos Point near Cartagena. There the latter had driven aground a frigate carrying wine. They enlisted Wood’s help to loot it. 5 7 S Governor Lodena sent out a party to protect the frigate. The Spaniards laid an ambuscade.* The English landed, possibly in some disorder—at least, separated into two parties. The Spanish horse and foot attacked them. Some were killed. Thirteen were captured, Captain Frost among these. w J h f, S T U , eSt an , d Middleton ’ s two vessels which had joined Woods, had sunk the day before. The other, presumably Middle- tonsMoonsInm, continued on a course which seems to have brought August^ S ° Uth C ° aSt ° f ^ “ kte June and back t0 *e Main in P N kk’ C t ptain Wdbam . Kin g of Ratcliff* had come into the Caribbean by way of Dominica m the first half of April Hakluvt’s account® would make it seem that his squadron was the nucleus of the enemy fleet which harassed the Spaniards at Havana, humiliating them by keeping that port as good as closed during the summer of 1:592. They were King’s ships which engaged the galleys there as early as May when Governor Texeda forced them out to fight before the city From the waterfront the population of the place watched what seems to have been a hvely duel rendered a draw ‘by reason ZtZTTS ° Pthe . Wi J nde ’ These ^agonists fought again off Cabanas and the Spaniards seem to have had the worst of that encounter. 7 As he lay north of Cabanas King was joined by the three vessels 1 Document No. 91 post, enclosure. * Documents Nos. 91, especially its enclosure; 93, 94, 100 post. * Document No. ^ post. * Monson, op. cit., p.% 0 . M £ P ‘ ^■'Thevoyage made... by William King, Captame, ’ Principal Navigations, x, p. 19a. C f. Document No. 9 s post. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA xd which represented Master John Watts in the Indies in 1592. They were in command of Captain William Lane. 1 There came up also ‘Captaine Roberts in the Exchange , a ship of Bristol 5 and Master Benjamin Wood with Howard’s four ships. 2 Texeda counted them carefully 3 as they passed before Havana, tacking back and forth between Coximar and the Chorrera. King’s ships stood in so close that the governor used his batteries to drive them back. 4 Texeda says 5 that the English answer to his guns proved the inferiority of their artillery. The campmaster seems to have judged correctly that the enemy would not attempt to force an entrance to the bay but the people of the city cannot have felt certain that English audacity would not undertake even that. Despite all he could do by sea and land, the English carried off one good prize from under Texeda’s very nose. 6 This was a ship out of Honduras which they took to England with what of her cargo (sarsaparilla, indigo, hides, balsam, etc.) the Spaniards had not been able to remove when they saved the people and the plate. It is impossible from Spanish documents to determine what organization the English in the Indies in 1592 had, if they had any. Texeda thought he saw three flagships (Middleton? Wood? King? Lane for Watts?) and a vice-admiral. Cumberland, Howard, Palmer and the merchants of London and Bristol were surely repre¬ sented in the ‘foregathering’ of heretic ‘thieves’ and ‘drunkards’ off his coast whom the arrogant and helpless governor of Cuba despised. 7 By the end of August as ‘the hurricane season’ approached, they disappeared. Probably not all of them sailed for home. 8 Texeda believed 9 that the English off Havana in the summer of 1592 were awaiting the arrival of the Earl of Cumberland with a squadron. As a matter of fact that ‘redoubted lord’ was doing his best to get away from Plymouth with the expedition he presently turned over to Captain Norton and sent to the Azores. 10 Further 1 Ibid., p. 193. 2 *. . . with captain Kenel of Limehouse captaine of the Cantar of Weymouth? Ibid. 3 Document No. 95 post. 4 Ibid. Document No. 92 post. 5 Document No. 95 post. 6 Documents Nos. 98, 99 post. 7 Document No. 92 post. Newport was at Flores by the end of June, according to Principal Navigations, vn, pp. 112, 113. 8 There is some evidence in Spanish documents dated 1594 that one unit of Cumberland’s squadron, perhaps Middleton in the Moonshine, wintered in the Indies. 9 Documents Nos. 91, 92,95,100 post. 10 Williamson, op. cit ., pp. 63 et seq. It would be interesting to know (cf. Document No. 95 post) whether ill health influenced Cumberland’s decision to resign command to Norton in 1592. In 1593 the earl was very sick indeed. XC11 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN study of English sources must determine whether Elizabeth’s shifting policy and the resultant uncertainty and delay which at this time disheartened Cumberland (and Raleigh) did indeed frustrate a design on Havana, i.e., on the plate either approaching that harbour or sheltered in it. It had been the intention to send Oribe Apallua to the Indies with a strong armada to bring the 1592 fleets home in safety. Before the end of April this plan was necessarily abandoned and Luis Alfonso Flores was ordered 1 to escort the Tierra Firme fleet to Havana. Similarly, Martin Perez de Olazabal, who had brought a New Spam fleet into Vera Cruz at the end of September, 1591, 2 was in- structed to proceed to that port. Aware that enemies lay in wait, Luis Alfonso Flores with the frigates and Francisco de Leiva with the Mainland fleet remained at Cartagena until their course was clear. 3 They did not come into Havana until early October, 1592. Not until two months later did Martin Perez appear with the New Spain fleet. 4 He had lost some ships at sea by storm. As said, the enemy had vanished before the approach of hurricane weather but they had lingered long enough to compel the Spaniards to navigate dangerous seas in the most dangerous period of the year. In the middle of November orders were issued according to which frigates and fleets wintered in Havana. 5 Not until 9 March, 1593, did they set sail for home, being about 40 sail, three warships among them. The vice-admiral of the New Spam fleet was lost in the vicinity of Bermuda. Martin Perez de Olazabal died suddenly at sea. By the end of April, however, the frigates had set safely ashore at La Terceira the bullion, the pearls, the emeralds. By the end of July, 1593, that treasure had reached’ Seville of which the English seamen dreamed in vain even as they 1 A. de /., 139-2-1, Indiferente General 433, n, ff. 85 reverse, 92, 93 reverse, q 4 reverse, etc.,* 167 etseq. 0 9 ^trateddn 5109, various, among them Martin Perez de Olazabal to the House of Trade, San Juan de Ulua, November 26, 1591. t * \ Gontratadon 5110, General don Francisco Martinez de Leiva to the House of Trade, from Havana, October 8, 1592; 140-7-36, Indiferente General 742, for a narrative of the voyage and a despatch, Luis Alfonso Flores to tne House of Trade, from Havana, October 8,1592. JA Contratacion 5110, Martin Perez de Olazabal to the House 01 Trade, Havana, December 22, 1592. Aifnf* 1 39-2-1, Indiferente General 433, n, f. 180 reverse, cidula to Luis following 10 "" 63 ’ from Viana de Navarra < November 15, 15 g 2 and others immediately * A A 't e I’’ i a 3 -2 _~3 jfndiferente General 2686, depositions of Julian de la Vimera and others; Bemabe de Pedroso to the Crown, Lisbon, May 7; Vicente Gonzalez to THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA xciii gathered in the hides, the brazilwood, the indigo, the sarsaparilla, the ginger, the sugar they pilfered from coast wise traders or occasionally took from little more formidable merchantmen and sent home in their staunchest prizes to glut the London market for these goods. 1 Now, the destruction of the Revenge meant more to England than the loss of a good ship and of her bizarre commander. 2 It dramatized the emergence of Spain as a naval power to be reckoned with in deadly earnest. Obviously Elizabeth’s warfare on Philip’s sources of economic strength, much as it disturbed business, had failed to interrupt the flow of American revenues into Spanish coffers. There ‘the wealth of the Indies’ was transmuted into warships of the new armada de la averia . 3 Other more direct, more aggressive tactics were demanded in 1593 if a second Spanish attempt to invade England was to be averted. Elizabeth once more turned from her ‘scribes’ to her people and to her outstanding man of war by sea. He was recalled to royal favour 4 and the Spanish Indies felt an ominous chill as coming events again cast over the Caribbean and mainland coasts the frightening shadow of Sir Francis Drake. Ybarra, same place and date; 143-4-1, Indiferente General 1103, Francisco Martinez de Leyba to the Crown, San Miguel, April 28; Luis Alfonso Florez to the Grown, La Terceira, April 29; Don Pedro de Alcega (succeeding Martin Perez de Olazabal) to Crown, off Cascaes, May 25; the House of Trade to the Crown, Seville, August 20, 1593; 152-2-15, Indiferente General 2597, Goloma to Ybarra and to the Crown, Cadiz, July 24, 1593. 1 Corbett, op. cit., n, p. 368. 2 The student will have observed a reference to this incident at the end of Docu¬ ment No. 85. 3 This fleet was paid for out of a general average tax on colonial trade. 4 Corbett, Successors of Drake, pp. 4, 5, 7. Document No. i 1 [Diego Menendez de Valdes 2 to the Grown, Puerto Rico, July 30, 1583] (P. 1) t Catholic Royal Majesty On Friday, the 26th instant, a letter and advice reached me from Salamanca 3 to the effect that on Monday, the 22nd, seven vessels had arrived in Port Vargas, which is in this island and on that coast, toward the west, 30 leagues from here, five of them being large ships, one a shallop 4 and one a pinnace. When they had anchored, from aboard the pinnace they asked the people on shore where Puerto Rico 5 was, said they had come in only to repair one of their ships which was damaged, demanded refreshment, and declared that they intended no harm. Those on shore inquired who was in command and whether Don Antonio was with them. There was some talking among them before a reply was made, after which they answered that it was Mr. William Hawkins only. Forthwith they set about repairing their ship, and the shallop and pinnace were sent to explore the ports thereabouts. Within an hour after I received this letter I sent a despatch-bark for Santo Domingo with the letter itself, that they might inform the galleys, which it seems are at La Yaguana, and warn Havana, whither I would have sent word direct if I had had a suitable vessel which could have sailed with requisite promptitude. That night, from this city I sent out one 6 of the men best suited to 1 A. del., 54-3-20, Santo Domingo 169. 2 plkgos, original. Duplicated in 147-6-5, Indiferente General 1887. 2 His Majesty’s governor of the island of San Juan de Puerto Rico. 8 The settlement of San German, at Guadianilla, moved inland to protect itself from Garibs and pirates and took the name ofNew Salamanca. 4 . . . chalupa . . . ‘A 4 ‘shallop* 5 was the Spanish equivalent to the English “pin¬ nace”, and had oars. 5 —Corbett, Sir Julian, Drake and the Tudor Many (London) 1912), 1, p. 159, n. 1. 5 Meaning the city of San Juan. At the time, the town was Puerto Rico and the island was San Juan, a nomenclature which has since been reversed. 6 This man was Alcalde Diego Rodriguez Castellanos; cf. Documents Nos. 4 and 5. Menendez de Valdes 5 instructions to him, dated July 27, 1582 (preserved in 2 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN meet emergency to assemble what fighting men there are there and to prevent the enemy from landing to obtain water and informa¬ tion. He is to keep me advised. I sent out two others, one along the north shore and the other along the south, to reconnoitre those ports and report. The one who went to the south coast returned today with a letter from the alcalde of Salamanca which it seems the messenger took from a courier he met on the way, who was bringing it to me. This letter relates that the next morning after those above mentioned had arrived, three large ships appeared off El Desecho, which is about eight leagues from where they lay. The shallop of the fleet of seven which was off the coast, on sighting these ships went to them (p. 2) and immediately returned to its own vessels. These made sail forth¬ with, the one having been repaired. They steered for La Mona which is on the course for Santo Domingo. The three which had just come up joined them but because night fell those watching could not see whether they sailed eastward along the north coast toward this city, as they might do. This messenger whom I sent along the south coast, who brought me the letter, reported that on Monday the 22nd nineteen sail passed along that south shore past Coamo, and the following Wednesday a ship entered the port of Bayamo which is near there struck sail and fired a gun. It must have been looking for some pinnace it had sent to reconnoitre and when it did not find it mad e sail. 5 I would add that the fleet of seven sail asked the people on shore if they wanted to barter for women, and inquired who was governor of Puerto Rico. It is my opinion that the nineteen vessels which passed along the south coast on Monday were the New Spain fleet because on the pre- A. de. /., 54-3-20, Santo Domingo 169, interrogatory and depositions concerning services he rendered at this time) were to reconnoitre, to report, to prevent the enemy from taking on water or subsistence and from trading, and to capture a prisoner. The questionnaire and replies show that on the third day out from San Juan he arrived at Punta de la Canoa, where Hawkins’ fleet then lay. On Tuly qi from ambush, his force being himself and seven men, he watched the English take on water. They were about 150 men. When three boatloads had returned he fell T n !!? m “ who were wash “g clothes in the stream, took one alive and made off with him, despite pursuit. This prisoner s name was Robert. Under torture he ‘divulged the enemy’s design and that they were thieves and among those who went to sack Isla de Fuego near Cape Verde. See also A. de l., 143-3-16, Indiferente General 1097, deposi- Robert^deposMon 3 62 ' SeVllIe ’ May 9 ’ ls84 ' Des P ite search the editor did not find THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 3 ceding Saturday night a ship which put in here had left that fleet off Guadalupe, although at the best it might be further on its way, but not much. That the whole fleet was not sighted might be because the rest of its ships were further out. The ship which passed Goamo on Wednesday I take to belong with the seven, and suppose that for their purposes they were to rendezvous at La Mona since it is a small place from which warning cannot be sent to these islands. This fleet must have been driven into Port Vargas by necessity (to repair the ship) since that is a dead port. It is evident the ships put in for no other purpose because when a flag was displayed on shore and a light shown they would not land nor await refreshment, as corsairs do and those who come to barter. Instead, as soon as the ship had been repaired they departed, as I have said. God protect Santo Domingo and Havana, and preserve us our¬ selves because from the indications, here reported, I am convinced that this is a very strong fleet and intends to locate a site for an establishment. .. (p. 8) . .. ... Puerto Rico, the fortress, July 30, 1583. Catholic Royal Majesty Your Majesty’s humble servant kisses Your Catholic Royal Majesty’s feet. Diego Menendez de Valdes (Rubric) Document No. 2 1 [Captain Juan Melgarejo 2 to the Crown, San Juan de Puerto, July 30, 1583] (p- 1) t Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty . . . On the 22nd of this month seven ships arrived at Port Bargas on this coast, of which five were heavy galleons and two were shallops . They spoke to the people of San German, said that they were English driven up from Brazil, and that they sought a river mouth with water sufficient to allow them to overhaul their vessels and 1 A. del., 147-6-5, Indiferente General 1887. 1 pliego, original. 3 Presently high sheriff in Santo Domingo. Gf. Documents Nos. 12 and 56 post. 4 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN r< :™ ain * hree ° r four days. It seems their idea was to await the rest ° fleet ;, T j iey a ? ked f ° r this City and in q uire d who was governor \Ami- d m f? ded t0 kn0W hls name - They said their general was William Hawkins d Judging by what they have understood, the people of Guadiamlla say the commander is Don Antonio of Crato .today, Tuesday the 30th, word arrived that off El Desecho three other large vessels had appeared and that one of the shallops went out to reconnoitre them and, having done so, the signal being given the vesse s weighed and all ten came together. The messengef who brought this news said that from a height which overlooked 8 the sea he counted the vessels of the fleet and they were thirteen. that there are many women aboard. Therefore some think they intend to settle in this island. I take a different view because in order to settle they must fortify, and nowhere better than on the island this city occupies where there is so (p. 2 ) good a harbour Since they could have done this without beating back eastward and dismasting and stripping their vessels in the hurricane* season, lam convinced (especially if Don Antonio is aboard, as they say)... that they will fall upon Havana... (p. 3). ' • • • Puerto Rico, July 30, 1583. Catholic Royal Majesty Your Majesty’s servant kisses Your Majesty’s royal feet. Captain Juan Melgarejo (Rubric). Document No. 3 3 [Don Juan Sarmiento de Villadrando 4 to the Grown, La Margarita, October 20, 1583] (P- 1) + Catholic Royal Majesty ° fthe P? sent / ear of ’83 an English corsair named 1am Hawkins arrived at this island with the greatest force in 1 Don Guillen de Acles. 2 ‘The hurricane season’ in the West Indies is August and September or Iatelv 52£ and ° ctober ’ a slow shifting toward £ I a ’ . 54_ 1~ 6 ’ Santo Dom ing° 184. 1 pliego, original. His Majesty’s governor of La Margarita. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 5 men and ships ever seen in these parts. He lay at anchor in a port of this island, seeking to land. Observing how well defended it was, he remained within his ships, and with a pinnace and a dredge sought to bring up pearls. I learned that he got some and carried away samples of them. From here he went to Puerto Rico and La Espahola where, thank God, he has done no damage since everywhere I had sent warning of his arrival at this island .. . ... La Margarita, October 20, 1583. Catholic Royal Majesty Your Majesty’s servant kisses your Majesty’s royal hands. Don Juan Sarmiento de Villadrando (Rubric). Document No. 4 1 [The municipal authorities to the Crown, San Juan de Puerto Rico, October 22, 1583] (p-1) t Catholic Royal Majesty . . . (p. 2) ... By the latest ship to leave here advice was sent Your Majesty to the effect that seven English ships carrying many men and much artillery, captain said to be one Hawkins, had arrived off the San German coast of this island in Port Vargas, an event which occasioned no little alarm in this city. The outcome was that this fleet departed from this island without doing damage, thanks to the activity, valour and efficiency of the captain named for this purpose. He is Diego Rodriguez Castellanos, alcalde ordinario of this city. Sent by the governor to learn the enemy’s purpose, he went to where the fleet lay and with only seven men, whom he assembled on that coast, attacked the whole party the fleet had sent ashore. He lay in wait for them in the bush and fell upon them unexpectedly. Believing our force to be greater than it was, the enemy reembarked in his boats and fled. He captured two Englishmen; one he killed with lance-thrusts and the other he sent to this city, from whom 1 A. de 54-3-7. Santo Domingo 164.1 pliego s original. 6 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN under torture applied before he was hanged it was learned that this fleet formed part of that which sacked Cape Verde. Diego Rodriguez de Castellanos also took from them two negro slaves who are serving Your Majesty in work on the fort. Because of this the enemy did not dare to land again, and de¬ parted without having done any damage. On what course they went is not known. 1 Inasmuch as the alcalde exposed himself to danger and rendered this service at his own expense, he merits reward of Your Majesty Our Lord preserve Your Majesty’s Catholic royal person many years with increase of greater kingdoms and dominions. In Puerto Rico, October 22, 1583. Catholic Royal Majesty We, Your Majesty’s loyal vassals, kiss Your Majesty’s royal hands. Diego Rodriguez de Castellanos Diego de Cuellar Daca Francisco Alegre Luis Perez del Rincon (Rubrics.) Document No. 5 2 [Diego Menendez de Valdes to the Crown, San Juan de Puerto Rico, October 24, 1583] (P 0 + Catholic Royal Majesty On July 30 I sent a ship with a despatch 3 and advice for Your Majesty concerning the corsair fleet off this coast. A duplicate is enclosed. I will here report what followed. Diego Rodriguez de Castellanos, the person I sent out under orders with what men he could raise on that coast to prevent this T l warden of the fortress at Puerto a. these Enghsh four leagues' below Rjerto^le^^^^cco < ^ > . mmand “ 1 S he understood faun Ln, they coast up toward the Newfoundland Banks Flonda ^SSsSSsSSSSSS 2) I Report that Your Majesty may apply a remedy to this . . . ( p . ... Santo Domingo, the last of November, x r8 S Catholic Royal Majesty 3 3 Your Majesty’s servant. The Licentiate Aliaga (Rubric). JJocument No. 12 1 [Licentiate Aliaga to the Crown, Xagua (La Espahola), January 13, 1586] (P -0 t Catholic Royal Majesty A. de /., 53-4-1,, Santo Domingo 5 x >x plieg0> 0 ri ginal . THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA lj which we had news that 80 galleons had sailed from England and that 30 of them had sacked the island of Cape Verde. 1 On the 12th 2 instant 34 sail appeared off the port of this city, among which there were only 11 pinnaces or frigates; the rest were galleons from 400 tons, the largest, down to 200 tons, the smallest. What troops they carry may be deduced. That night four galleons and nine of the pinnaces sailed past, to Hayna inlet. This is a small port three leagues from the city. There they landed nine companies, being about 1400 men, 800 musketeers and harquebusiers, the rest pikes and halberds. Next day, the 1 ith of the month, about two o’clock, they arrived within sight of the city and took it almost without any resistance whatever, many of its inhabitants having escaped with what they could carry and hidden in the bush and on estates. The cash in Your Majesty s treasury, which I believe to have been about 50,000 ducats, could not be saved, although I reported it to the president. The shortness of time and his perturbation did not permit. There were some 12,000 ducats in silver and gold, and the rest in the cur¬ rency of the country. They have occupied the city and fortress and do not come out. What occurred before the city’s capture is that about six months ago. Licentiate Cristobal de Ovalle, president of this Audiencia, received a letter from San Lucar, from Licentiate Armenteros, alcalde de corte of the Audiencia at Granada, which warned him to be on guard for there was reliable news of the said fleet to the effect that it had left England for these parts. Despite both warnings he lived as carelessly as the unhappy event demonstrates. I advised him to write into the interior of the island, to summon people to this city, and to make ready the ships which were in the harbour, and to hold musters of the available foot and (p. 2) horse, and to assign these men to their advisable posts and places, and to give each one his orders what to do, where to present himself, and to keep look-outs along all the coast who with fire signals might warn the city, and to provide the fortress with powder and munitions. I believe that he did not do it because the residents here assured him that it was impossible to land men at the port of Hayna.- 1 For a description of this raid see A. de /., 143-3-16, Indiferente General 1097, Alvaro Mendez de Castro to President Hernando de Vega of the Council for Indies, from Lisbon, February 8, 1586, and its numerous enclosures. Cf. Castellanos’ Discurso, Canto II, p, 303: *• • * un portugues que vio la maldad hecha... A grandes vozes dice que navega.. 2 Sic. l8 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN When the English galleons appeared I begged him to select a dozen persons of experience and to go into council with them and to carry out such council’s resolutions, for he listened to the views of everybody in the city, and decided nothing. He would not do so. In view of his failure to act, Licentiates Juan Fernandez de Mercado and Baltazar de Villafahe ordered the fortress and the few harque- busiers there to be provided with powder and munitions. They fortified the harbour in such manner that it was impossible for this fleet to enter it (as it did not enter). They laid three ships across the bar, with leaks bored, that they might sink in that position. It was held impossible for the enemy to enter by way ofHayna. Four hours before they took the city it was learned that they were English and that they had landed in the said port of Hayna. This carelessness was due to the fact that the president believed that the galleons were Your Majesty’s in command of Juan Martinez de Recalde and he so declared them to be. The said judges sent twelve mounted men and as many harque- busiers to reconnoitre at Hayna. They made the reconnaissance, attacked and retired when one man was killed. There was so great fright and fear on all the burghers of the city that only the honourable people would go out to fight the enemy, led by the said judges. Rather than accompany them the president left the city, proceeding up the river into the interior. Licentiate Arceo did the same, with Captain Juan Melgarejo, high sheriff of this city. Certainly it was temerity to do otherwise, in view of the enemy’s great strength and the small number of poorly armed defenders left to the city. Not more than 50 horse and 100 foot stood up to the foe. Among the latter were about 60 harquebusiers. The rest were armed only with swords, and some had halberds. Realizing that it was foolhardy to attack, these troops fell back upon one of the city’s gates called Lenba and there offered a little resistance with three pieces of artillery planted there. Since the said gates are flanked by not over 50 feet of wall and the rest is shrubbery, the enemy entered forthwith and all the inhabitants of the city (p. 3) withdrew into the country and bush. It was indeed pitiful to see the women and children, nuns and friars, and the invalids, wandering lost through the bush and along the roads. All clamour and demand succour of Your Majesty. In Your Majesty’s own name we entreat Your Majesty to protect and relieve us, for otherwise we have no hope whatever of life. The said judges and some gentlemen and honourable persons have THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 19 withdrawn to a sugar-mill belonging to Don Antonio Pimentel, which is on this coast and called Xagua, whence they endeavour to prevent the enemy from obtaining supplies and to maintain them¬ selves in the bush until such time as Your Majesty may furnish us relief. I will keep Your Majesty informed of events. We do not yet know the president’s whereabouts, nor Licentiate Arceo’s. We are trying to get together because the people wandering . . . (torn) . . . life. There is nothing else to report to Your Majesty concerning . . . enemies except that if Your Majesty desire to hold this island safe, send here a person experienced in war and com¬ petent to exercise command. The judges and I have tried to inform the island of Cuba and city of Havana and the Main of what has happened in this island and warn them to make ready and to be on guard against the enemy. Some say that Don Antonio is in command of these English. Our Lord preserve the Catholic royal person of Your Majesty many and long years for the protection and relief of Your Majesty’s vassals. From the Xagua sugar estate, January 13, 1586. About an hour ago advice was received that as he embarked on the river the president ordered the galley to be burned that the enemy might not make use of it. Catholic Royal Majesty Your Majesty’s servitor. The Licentiate Aliaga (Rubric). Document No. 13 1 [Licentiates Fernandez de Mercado and Baltazar de Villa- fane 2 to the Crown, La Espanola, January 14, 1586] (p. 1) f Catholic Royal Majesty On the 10 th of the current month of January, at ten o’clock in the morning, there were first descried off the port of Santo Domingo in 1 A. de 53-6-14, Santo Domingo 80. i pliego, original. 2 Judges of the Audiencia. Their commissions are preserved in A. de /., 78-3-9, Santo Domingo 900, H 5, IF. 11 and 34 reverse, dated September 13, 1583, and May 13,1585, respectively. 20 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN this island of Espanola certain ships which occasioned us much alarm because it was not known whence they came or whether they were friends. This alarm increased when their number and size became definitely known. They were 31, or 34 according to some, and it was observed that they neither sought to enter nor passed on elsewhere. In fine, for whatever might follow we began to make ready with all possible diligence and vigilance. Although the galley which Your Majesty has here was in such bad condition that it could not put to sea, with certain artillery it was so placed that if the enemy fleet should enter by the port it could do much damage. The fortress was made as ready as possible and we scuttled two vessels on the middle of the bar so that the enemy could not cross. In short, we took what measures the state of affairs and the imminence of the danger permitted. Because every inhabitant assured us that no ships could enter or damage us in any part except by way of this port and bar, we bent every effort to defending that quarter, contenting ourselves with sending look-outs to points on land whence anything could be feared. Meanwhile the few men, foot and horse, who could be assembled were marshalled in military order. Further, we sent responsible persons to speak with the said ships, who, finally, although they did not approach very near, by some indications which they observed recognized that they were English. These precautions kept us busy through the whole night, which was one of great strain because we did not know what to expect or what these vessels were doing until next morning when we went out to see and gathered that they were gradually drawing off, since not half their number remained in sight and those which were visible were withdrawing, to no small relief of all. This relief was of short duration, for presently they reappeared and within a few hours began to take up positions off this city in an ugly manner. About twelve o’clock on Saturday, which was the nth instant, came word that at Boca de Hayna, which is three leagues from the city, a thousand men had landed and were advancing by land. Of these more than 800 (p. 2) were musketeers. They were advancing rapidly on the city in handsome array. ^ This news threw all the residents of this city into such consterna¬ tion that it was immediately evident what an unhappy outcome must ensue, for there were no munitions or force of men to offer resistance. Nevertheless, what horse there was and some harquebusiers THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 21 (mounted behind them) were sent out to divert the enemy and do what they could, which was nothing at all, owing to the enemy’s speed and impetuosity. Ours were immediately dispersed and returned, flying in hopeless disorder. Wherefore it was necessary for us and Your Majesty’s fiscal to go out in person to lead them in military formation, but with so poor a showing that including foot and horse there were not 200 men, and these unarmed and so frightened that although they saw us in the van with some gentlemen and honourable persons on horseback, in grave danger from the musketry fire which rained upon all, not a man stood his ground to fire his harquebus. Our remonstrances were useless, as were the captains’ exhortations to attack the enemy. From the sea the enemy’s ships supported the land forces with countless balls which they fired upon us. In brief, it became necessary to retire, because to do anything else was fruitless, hopeless temerity. The enemy entered the city without loss except by one cannon shot fired from the gate by which they came in to take the place, as taken it they have and the fortress as well which has no defence against attack from this side. So far it is not known that more than three or four persons have been killed. With some few persons who accompanied us we took our depar¬ ture, reserving ourselves for a better occasion, if God will provide it. With some gentlemen who belong to this island, we are seven or eight leagues from the city, seeking to do what can be done, which is to remove supplies in order that hunger may compel these people to depart. We are seeking to assemble some force, to meet whatever may offer. We will do our duty to the death, as we should. We do not know where the president, responsible for the civil and military government, and Licentiate Arceo are. We decided to advise Your Majesty, that the remedy commen¬ surate with so grave need and misfortune may be provided. In addition to the credit lost, Your Majesty puts to the hazard not only this island but all the Indies to which it is the key, as Your Majesty knows better than any. As things now stand not only the city but also the property of all its citizens are in the enemy’s possession, ours included. We saved only the horses upon which we rode, nor do we hope for anything but death itself with which to settle our debt. In all that has occurred to the present moment, we have done our duty, as Your Majesty will be duly informed by unprejudiced persons. 22 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Again we humbly entreat Your Majesty as quickly as possible to determine upon the remedy for this damage done before the situation be made irremediable by measures the enemy may take. We have not been able to learn who is in command of these people. Signs are not lacking that it may be Don Antonio, prior of Grato. Your Majesty shall be advised of everything (p. 3) and at every possible opportunity. May God so direct affairs that soon we may write better news to Your Majesty, whose royal Catholic person God long preserve for the protection of His faith. From La Espanola, January 14,1586. Catholic Royal Majesty Your Majesty’s humble servants and vassals kiss Your Majesty’s feet. The Licentiate Fernandez de Mercado The Licentiate Baltazar de Villafahe (Rubrics). (p. 4). • • • Let this be read immediately. Important... Document No. 14 2 [The Licentiates Mercado and Villafahe to Don Diego de Zuniga, 3 La Espanola, January 14, 1586] (p- 0 f Very Illustrious Sir The misery of the moment does not permit me to go into greater detail than to say that disaster has befallen us wretchedly because no precautions had been taken at the point where thirteen ships (which, so far, they say are English) landed men, that is, at Boca de Hayna. To have landed there is to the natives of this land a thing more incredible than I can express. In addition to these thirteen, 23 other ships arrived which, while the others effected the landing, diverted us by menacing the fortress on the 10th intant. The next day the 800 or 1000 men they set ashore vanquished us by land. 1 Part of envelope-superscription. 2 A. de 143-3—16, Indiferente General 1097.1 pliego , original; copy in 53-4-11, Santo Domingo 51. * President of the House of Trade, Seville. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 23 I do not think we have been lacking in our duty. The Licentiates Villafahe, Aliaga and I escaped by hard riding. The place offered no resistance, nor could offer any. We are wandering through the bush in such misfortune and nakedness that God alone suffices to give us patience. We are reporting in full to His Majesty that he may take pity on the unhappiness of this land and furnish means to recover this key to the Indies. I would refer to that report. I cannot write at length sufficient to inform your lordship as fully as were proper. We will endure this wretchedness to the death, endeavouring to damage the enemy by every means possible to our weakness. Of the president we know nothing except that he took no share in two encounters (p. 2) we had, and we understand that he survives. We do not yet know certainly who is in command of these people except that with them is a native of this country who is a leader among them; he is a man who was subjected to public disgrace here for dealings with lutherans. From certain indications we suspect that the commanding officer is Don Antonio of Portugal. We will continue to report on developments as long as life lasts. We do not even know yet whether these people intend to stay here or pass on with the plunder; nor can we at this time send other news than of our universal ruin. Our Lord remedy our situation, unmind¬ ful of our grave sins! For love of Him we entreat your lordship, for your lordship’s part to have compassion on our misery, issuing most urgent order to the galleons they say His Majesty has equipped to come in command of Juan Martinez de Recalde. His arrival would be opportune, I think, for the English are anchored outside the bar and I believe it would be impossible for them to come in because of the precautions we took there—the only quarter from which we expected the enemy! God guide all and extend to us His hand! And preserve your very illustrious lordship as I desire. La Espanola, January 14, 1586. Very Illustrious Sir Your lordship’s servants kiss your lordship’s hands. The Licentiate Juan Fernandez de Mercado The Licentiate Baltazar de Villafahe (Rubrics). H 24 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Document No. 15 1 [Antonio de Ovalle 2 to the Grown, La Yaguana, January 2i, 1586] (P- 0 f Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty Antonio de Ovalle, Your Majesty’s captain in this town of La Yaguana, kisses Your Majesty’s feet and reports that on Saturday, at noon, the 18th of this month of January, I received 3 from Santo Domingo news which is very painful and grievous to your Majesty’s subjects and vassals resident here, to effect that on Friday morning, the 10th instant, a large number of ships appeared off the city. Your Majesty’s president called all the city to arms. Apparently that night this fleet detached sixteen pinnaces and two ships which proceeded to the mouth of the Hayna River where, unob¬ served, they landed 800 muskets and pikes. Without being perceived they marched all that night toward the city. They were not perceived because no attention was paid to that approach, for all that coast is living rock. Therefore by break of day all this force had arrived within a league (level country) of the city without being perceived. All the people assembled at the fort to defend the entrance to the harbour, for the ships took up their position in front of the city to bombard it. Your president with three companies went out to prevent the enemy who was approaching by land from entering the city. Although little resistance was possible because the enemy made effective use of his artillery from the sea, yet he held them off until five in the afternoon—which was doing much, for in that time the women and children and other persons had time to get away. They could not remain in the city because of the damage they were receiving from the enemy’s balls. 1 A. de /., 53-6-14, Santo Domingo 80. i pliego, original. 2 Captain and alcalde ordinario at La Yaguana. For an information of his services, especially against the French, see A. del., 53-1-14, Santo Domingo 14 (April, 1584). 8 A letter written by Mercado and Villafahe from Xagua on January 14 reached the authorities at La Yaguana about sundown on the 20th; evidently Ovalle re¬ ceived an earlier report. Cf. A. de 2-5-2/21, Patronato 266, 50-4, p. 2. Cf. Documents Nos. 22, 29, 30 enclosure, post . Advice which reached Cartagena on January 24 or 25 must have left Yaguana soon after the fall of Santo Domingo, not c to-day’ (see penultimate paragraph of this document). THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 25 The enemy occupied the city on Saturday at five in the afternoon. Your Majesty’s fortress resisted the entrance of the ships until next day at noon; by that time the enemy’s forces which were (p. 2) in possession of the city broke in the gates and occupied the fortress, and they remain in possession of it and the city. They say these people are English and sacked Gape Verde. The measures I have taken in this town since I received this news are to order the women and children out, each to her retreat, 1 leaving only the fighting men here, each with his arms and horse and on guard in hourly expectancy, although we are few, of rendering service to God and to Your Majesty. I am today sending two advice- boats, one to Your Majesty’s governor at Cartagena and the other to [Santiago de] Cuba to warn the whole country and to go finally to Havana in order that from there information may be transmitted to Your Majesty and suitable remedy applied. What subsistence there is in this region I have ordered to be brought in, with all sorts of supplies, that the enemy may lack these, if he come here. In this town I am serving Your Majesty as captain; and in this post or out of it I shall continue to serve Your Majesty until life fail me, whose very powerful person Our Lord preserve with length of life and increase of greater kingdoms, states and dominions, as we, Your Majesty’s vassals, desire. From La Yaguana, January 21, 1586. Your Majesty’s humble vassal kisses Your Majesty’s royal feet. Antonio de Ovalle (Rubric). Document No. 16 2 [Alonso Rodriguez de Azebedo 3 to Diego Fernandez de Quinones, Bayaha, January 22, 1586] (p. 1 ) + Very Illustrious Sir Since other persons will have informed your honour of the utter ruin of the city of Santo Domingo, I will be brief because I was not 1 Where corsairs were frequent visitors, as they were at La Yaguana, each family provided itself with a hiding place to which to retire whenever desirable. Some of these were comfortable, pleasant as well as safe resorts. 2 A . de 53-6-14, Santo Domingo 80. 1 piiego, original. 3 Serving under the commander of the galleys. 26 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN an eye witness. I was in this city of Bayaha"whither I had come with Don Diego Osorio’s authority to fetch certain slaves who had deserted from the galleys. As I was about to return with these galley- slaves I heard the news of the loss of the city and fort. Don Diego could do nothing but scuttle three vessels in mid¬ channel which prevented the enemy ships from coming further in than the fortress, where they are anchored in a dangerous position. To take the city and fortress was easy for them because among 3000 men there was not one to put up a fight. There were 300 men in the fortress. On hearing that the enemy was advancing by land they abandoned the fort, leaving the gates open! So the enemy entered as a man enters into his own house .. . 1 Those who took the city were about 600 well armed men who had marched more than three leagues that day, which was the nth of this month of January. They had with them more than 20 Spanish traitors. In the vanguard was recognized a youth who was publicly disgraced in Santo Domingo; he was not armed but wore a suit (p. 2) of green velvet. Among them is a soldier named Alonso de Villa¬ gomez whom Francisco Carreno whipped and sent to the galleys. This fellow captured a mixed breed who had sheep in the slaughterhouse where they were being weighed. Five of the enemy seized him as he was endeavouring to set them loose. Asked if he knew me, he said he did and knew certainly where I was. Thereupon they released him and bade him betake himself to me and to tell me that there was a great prince with them who knew of the wrong which had been done me, for me to join them and he would make a grand lord of me. From this I deduce that that villain Mendiola must be with them. It is not known who this prince may be, but some suspect that it is Don Antonio. A French ship which is here, at Monte Christi, says they took Cape Verde and Puerto Rico. Our Lord preserve your honour’s repute and deliver you from disaster. Fortune continues to persecute me. Since I expected to return immediately and through the bush I brought one old shirt, and they have left me stripped. This is why I do not go in this despatch-boat to serve your honour. I was utterly unable to get away and I’d rather die than present myselfbefore your honour and give my enemies the great pleasure of seeing me [in this condition?] I am stripped naked and without recourse or expectation of any. God help us! 1 This letter is so badly written and so wretchedly spelled that its meaning is obscure in places. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 27 (p. 3) For the love of God, let your honour fortify yourself strongly! This traitor is strong. He has 32 large galleons and now from here he will take as booty over 70 pieces of artillery, including five culverins and eleven cannon larger than Little Saint Lorenzo, 1 and three extra large perriers, and all the munitions the fort and city had, for these damned fools did not throw them into the sea, but ran and left everything. To relate how badly they conducted themselves is beyond words; the extent of it is unthinkable. It is actually as though they had been in conspiracy with the enemy. There were more than 3000 men, burghers and transients, and more subsistence than there has ever been in the city before—so much that the price [of biscuit?] was down to only fourteen maravedis the pound—and plenty of wine. Every hour, every minute relief could reach the fortress from the river. A tremendous disaster this! Nobody remembered to advise the king, nor would Havana be warned except for me .. , 2 Our Lord keep your honour’s illustrious person in augmenting estate. Bayaha, January 22, [1586]. Very Illustrious Sir Your honour’s least servant. Alonso Rodriguez de Azebedo (Rubric). Document No. 17 3 [The dean and chapter of the cathedral to the Grown, Santo Domingo, February 19, 1586] ( P . 0 + * Catholic Royal Majesty God, Our Lord, permitted an English fleet which the people of this city of Santo Domingo sighted on Friday, the 10th of January 1 It will be recalled that in this period guns were named and known by their names. 2 See note 1, p. 26. 3 A, de /., 54-1-10. Santo Domingo 94.1 pltego, original. 28 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN of this present year, to land men immediately, on the following Saturday. That day they entered into the city and sacked and de¬ stroyed it. We understand that it was Heaven’s punishment on this people’s manifold sins. Although the inhabitants were so inexperienced and untrained in military affairs, there was such lack of powder and munitions it has long been understood that this city lay, a prize and a spoil, at the mercy of any enemy who might care to attempt it. 1 The English remained here 36 days, during which they treated this city as an enemy of their religion, of their queen and of them¬ selves. They carried away everything they wanted and could trans¬ port; everything else they burned and destroyed. Notably, they burned two-thirds of the residences and edifices of this city and all its churches and monasteries and nunneries, its hospitals and hermitages, excepting the cathedral. I should say excepting only the shell of the cathedral; for its altars, retables, crucifixes, images, choir, screens, organs, bells and all other objects usual in such churches, they broke up, overthrew, burned and destroyed. When they threw the bells down these fell upon the dome and demolished part of the sacristy. Further, they burned many buildings belonging to the foundation of this church and to its chaplaincies, as well as eight other houses which were the property of the church hospital and constituted its principal income and capital. They made a jail of two chapels in this church wherein they con¬ fined many residents whom they arrested; and, confined therein, these persons used the chapels as prisoners must any place in which they are long detained. This church was the enemy’s centre for business, where they dealt in and negotiated their evil affairs. It was their warehouse and dispensary, and served them for even viler purposes. In fine, within its premises they committed other abominations worse than the conflagration itself and more horrible. The body of this church, then, and one hospital called Saint Nicholas’s, and the third of the dwellings they left standing, because this much was ransomed with a certain sum of money. Nearly all the silver service of this church and all of the archbishop’s (which he freely proffered although he had no house to be redeemed) went toward making up this sum. By accounts of the matter which are being sent by the royal 1 Probably this construction is intentional. Observe that an excuse for the city’s fall is suggested but an accusation against the Crown also implied. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 29 Audiencia and the municipal council Your Majesty will be more fully (p. 2) informed of other damage done in this city. Therefore we do not go into details in order not repeatedly to offend [Your Majesty’s] ears .. . (torn) [with the full story] of so much sorrow and unhappiness. We confine ourselves to consideration of what this church and its hospital have suffered, these being particularly our charge. The church stands, then, sacked, defaced, in ruins. We are help¬ less. Before Your Majesty we lay the situation with entreaty made as humbly and earnestly as we are able that with that royal spirit of religious piety with which Your Majesty is wont to raise new and sumptuous churches, temples and edifices to the honour of God— with that same spirit Your Majesty will now come to the support of this church which still stands, by His grace- 1 Santo Domingo, February 19, 1586. Catholic Royal Majesty Your Majesty’s chaplains and vassals kiss Your Majesty’s feet. The Dean Canon Llerenas Almoner Lebron de Quinones (Rubrics). For the dean and chapter. Luis de Moral , their clerk. Document No. 18 2 [The dean of Cartagena 3 to Alonso de la Torre, 4 Cartagena, February 16, 1586] ( P . 1) + Very Illustrious Sir Let it not be supposed that I am replying to your honour s letters. This is only to set forth the state of affairs at Santo Domingo and to 1 They announce that they are sending a procurator to court. ^ 2 fa 2-5-2/21, Patronato 266, No. 50, 6. 1 pliego, authenticated copy, dupli¬ cated*. Cf. Gonzalez Palencia’s edition of Castellanos’ Discurso , pp. 296-8. 3 Don Juan Fernandez, according to Document No. 29 post and Castellanos, op. at., p. 327. Cf. Gonzalez Palencia’s edition, pp. 181, 332. 4 A judge of the Audiencia of Panama. 3 o ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN show what is hourly expected in this city. To your honour’s letters I will reply when occasion may permit. # Today, February 16th, at five o’clock in the morning the look-outs sighted a sail in the direction of Castile and immediately this city rose to arms, every man taking up his post promptly and in good spirit. This sail kept close in and presently it was understood that it was an advice-boat. A boat went out to meet the vessel, in which Don Francisco Maldonado, son-in-law of the campmaster at Rio de la Hacha, presently came ashore. Obeying his duty as a Christian, a gentleman and a servitor of Your Majesty, at his own cost and by his own effort he sought to warn this coast of the state of affairs in Santo Domingo and of this corsair’s designs upon the Main. This gentleman says that he was in that city when the corsair entered and took it, and he and the president and other persons fled by sea to a safe place. The enemy met with no resistance, nor was there powder with which to offer any. Only Bachellor Hurtado was killed in his house by a stray cannonball. The people saved them¬ selves, the women, gold, plate and jewels. Those who were in the fort escaped by way of certain of its passages. This Captain Francis set 800 men ashore. After he had taken the city he demolished that part of it which he thought it advisable to destroy in order to make a place for his defence in case he were attacked by the people of the island. They say that the president negotiated for the city’s ransom and for the purpose sent in persons he thought fitted to the undertaking, one of whom was this Don Francisco [Maldonado], who was three days with Captain Francis. In these negotiations he demanded 200,000 ducats. They offered him 20,000 maximum and say he scorned that sum. He said he would rather ransom the city for a lady’s ring, and as a condition of the ransom laid down that he would not return the escutcheon which he took from the Audiencia, He offered to convey Don Francisco very safely to Rio de la Hacha, where his house is, promising that he would not touch it or even the city itself. Don Francisco says he heard it said that the queen of England expressly ordered Captain Francisco to destroy the Indies and so he intended to do; and that he would not leave this city until he had levelled it to the ground, and that His Majesty could not feign to be ignorant of this matter since for two years he has known that Captain Francis was working to raise the fleet he brought with him. Don Francisco says that the negroes of Santo Domingo, armed with 3i THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA nicking knives 1 and swords, seriously harass these English con- tenuously and kill many, and do daring things, although the Enghsh wkh harquebuses kill some. And many people say that this Francis Teats his people harshly and hangs* many, and that he despatched ten galleons from the Canaries to Cape Verde and that they are bound for the Strait. This is quite credible in view of the advices from Castile that he laded lime, tile and brick, presumably to fortify himself in the Strait. c Your honour can imagine the condition of this city. So far what has been done is to make trenches, ditches and greatly to strengthen its defence - and now we are busy making wills and arranging all our affairs for a stand to the death, which end all are unanimously deter¬ mined to meet like Christians in execution of their duty. I ride about and encourage them, which is hardly necessary. I go out at every alarm as though I could still be of service, like the rest. Yet I am of some use, and my intention is good. And so this city awaits the enemy every hour, arms in hand. The governor has 600 harquebusiers, 50 horse, 800 Indians, 200 hundredweight of powder, exclusive of the strength of the galleys which is 150 soldiers, not counting the galley slaves, of whom use will be made in case of necessity. The statements in this letter are accurate, and a true report of what really occurred, and should be believed because this gentleman is a credible eyewitness. He says the enemy has sent no parties into the interior (p. 2) nor made any sallies from the city. My respects to my lady, Doha Beatrix, and to the gentlemen [judges of the court]. Lack of time prevents me from writing more.. Our Lord preserve your honour’s very illustrious person with advancement, as I desire. Cartagena, February 16, 1586. Very Illustrious Sir Your honour’s servant kisses your honour’s hand. The Dean of Cartagena. 1A curved knife strongly set at the end of a long shaft, used by herdsmen to ham¬ string cattle. This was the weapon which the successors of these same ‘cowmen used with deadly effect on the broad backs of Venables’ unhappy soldiers. 8 Bigges in Principal Navigations, x, p. 113. 32 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Document No. 19 1 [The Audiencia of Santo Domingo to the Grown, Santo Domingo, February 24, 1586] (P- *) f Catholic Royal Majesty On January 10 of the present year, at about ten o’clock in the morning, warning reached this city and eleven sail were sighted which seemed to be steering for this port. At this news a person was immediately sent to endeavour to identify them and to determine their intention and course. So also for this purpose Don Diego Osorio, captain of Your Majesty’s galleys, went out in person. Meanwhile, with the diligence and efficacy possible, given the scanty means we possessed, everybody was busied in preparing this city for whatever the event might prove to be. For not only was the powder in the fort and city scarce and of poor quality, but also the galley was dis¬ mantled, for it was being careened. Nevertheless, with great activity, what men could be mustered were assembled, both foot and horse. After we had consulted with those residents who seemed best informed, in order to reach a determination as to what should be done, and been by them assured that there was no fear whatsoever that from the landward the enemy, if this were an enemy, could do us damage or disembark, unless it were at a certain inlet the sea forms at a place called (p. 2) Guibia, we sent thither troops who stood guard all night, to send warning and to defend that place. Meanwhile, all our effort was addressed to strengthening this harbour and its defences. At nine o’clock that night Don Diego Osorio, captain of the galley, came in with the report that he had seen seventeen vessels which he believed to be English, owing to the cut of their sails and rigging. Whereupon preparations to defend the harbour and protect the city were redoubled; and the spirits of many of its residents commenced to weaken, who forthwith began to flee. Proclamations which were issued and other measures taken to the end of preventing this, proved unavailing. The morning of the following Saturday (which was the nth) seventeen vessels appeared off this port, and seemed to intend to 1 A, de 54-4-11, Santo Domingo 51.2 pliegos, original, duplicated. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 33 attempt to force an entrance. They tacked back and forth, without firing upon the fort, nor did the fort fire upon them, both because we were not sure that they were enemies (on the contrary, many asserted that they were Your Majesty’s galleons) and also because the powder we had was of such wretched quality. In order not to lose reputation we delayed firing until it could no longer be avoided, which was very soon. A shot was fired when the ships came up and stood off the streets ending on the waterfront, toward which these vessels turned their bows. A man we had sent to reconnoitre brought assurance that they were enemies. Since this shot did not reach them by a long stretch they determined to ignore our defence, as we learned afterwards. We strengthened the harbour’s defences and those at its entrance. We hastened to sink three ships along the bar, that theirs might not enter. Although with great difficulty, Don Diego also brought out his galley and laid it across at a point where with the artillery (and great effort (p. 3) which he put forth) he could do serious damage if the enemy entered the haven. Certain pieces of artillery which we planted in works and suitable positions would do no less. But all this and the great endeavour made to encourage the people and to detain those who were leaving was of no effect, for about we received news that over land, half a league from the city, nine standards of very select infantry were advancing rapidly upon the place. This, when at the river’s mouth for its defence we were not 200 men. All the rest, to a total of more than 400, had fled and abandoned their posts without our being able to prevent it. Nevertheless, we brought out what cavalry there was—about 40 horse, harquebusiers mounted behind the riders, in order to do what we could. The rest were left to protect the river. Half a league out they encountered the enemy, who gave them a sprinkling of musket- shot in such fashion that the few who had arrived within range turned back on the run, to spread the certainty that we were entirely unequal to defending ourselves against such numbers. As a last effort and trial of fortune we brought out what horse and foot remained, who in all were not 120 men, with the determination to attack and die rather than witness such damage and loss as has befallen us. But upon taking the field the men, especially the foot, began to exhibit such poor spirit (recognizing the enemy s strength) that many shamelessly abandoned their arms and took to the bush, fleeing: and it was impossible to get the rest into military formation or to attempt to fight, nor had the men equipment or suitable 34 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN weapons to meet even equal numbers, much less as many as well armed and disciplined foes as were advancing. Ten or twelve of us who were mounted (p. 4) advanced within musketshot, to oblige the rest to do the same, in order to attack. Although we were in great danger from the many shots they fired at us, we were unable to make the rest move from where they stood. Therefore, on the advice of certain experienced men who were present, we changed our plan, or were forced to change it, because of the aforesaid situation and because, in addition to the musketry fire to which they subjected us from the land, their ships turned their bows toward the field, against us, and swept it with their artillery in such a manner that they left not a tree standing. Therefore in good order we returned to the city gate, where we had planted three pieces of artillery, which we fired. This artillery fire killed only two or three of their men, among them an ensign. In fine, they entered the city. No other resistance was offered, because it was all open, without gates or defensive works. We fled from it as best we could, for we found ourselves deserted. They took the city and occupied it and the fortress, which has no defences upon the side toward the city nor had its warden means or men to hold it. Amidst so much evil God granted that the honour of no woman should be jeopardized, for they had all fled with their children. Very few men were killed, by shots which from the sea their ships fired into the streets. Presently we got some people together and removed subsistence from round about the city. A troop of horse under Don Diego Osorio has hung persistently on its outskirts and upon what occasions have offered has killed some of the enemy. We remained masters of the countryside although we never had the means to attack, lacking arms, and because the enemy, who entered by land and sea, was numerous. According to the most reliable reckoning those who came up by land were as many as 1400, the third part musketeers and the others harquebusiers and cuirassiers, (p. 5) The rest raised the total to five or six thousand in all, very well armed and equipped, and so well disciplined that within a few hours they had so fortified themselves that a great force would have been required to retake the city. In possession of it, they began to commit a thousand abominations, principally in the temples and with the images. They broke these all to pieces, heaping ignominy and vituperation upon our religion, profaning everything without distinction or consideration. Not THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 35 content with this, they opened the sepulchres of the dead and into them threw filth and offal of cattle they slaughtered within the churches, which they converted into slaughter-pens. They made even viler use of these edifices. They looted the private property of the residents. Very little was saved. There is no man but has suffered notable loss. Especially have we, for the enemy took everything we had and carried it off. We removed nothing opportunely in order not to afford the people occasion to do the same and so leave the city empty and defenceless while we considered defence possible. So have we all come to extreme poverty, being in want of everything both to eat and to wear, of money and of all sorts of clothing and means to sustain life. So also they burned all the vessels which were in the harbour, aboard which might have been shipped certain ginger which was left; this would in part have relieved our situation, but loss of the ships prevented this, too. Seeing how unable we were to retake the city by arms, we entered into negotiations with them to recover it in exchange for money. The price they set upon it was excessive, for they asked a milli on at first, and, finally, a hundred thousand ducats, which we were as unable to raise as the million. Since they would not reduce that figure and we could not meet it, they began to bum the city and its temples, so that in a very short time (p. 6) they burned the greater part. Because the best portion still remained, through Garci-Femandez de Torrequemada, Your Majesty’s factor, we renewed negotiations with them to redeem it. He came to an agree¬ ment with them and arranged the matter at 25,000 ducats, which sum was with great difficulty raised among all the citizens, the archbishop and the church. At this price, after they had been in the city five weeks, they left it on February 9, taking with them all our wealth, even to the bells of the churches, artillery from the fort, and ships, and other smaller things of every sort. They carried off the copper coin which circulates in this city. Much of it they melted up and wasted. 1 They took with them the galley-slaves from the galley, whose irons had been removed that they might help us. Later they rose against us and did more looting than the English. Many negroes belonging to private persons (who are the labourers of this country) went with them of their own firee will. . The commanding officer of these people is Francis Drake—he who entered the Pacific by way of the Straits of Magellan. He is a 1 Gf. Bigges’ Discourse , p. 115; the Primrose log, p. 1 7 * 36 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN cautious commander, equal to any undertaking. He brings with him veteran captains and soldiers from among the richest and most honoured in England. The number of ships with which he arrived here was 30 or 31, including the seventeen with which he made the feint we have described, of intending to force the harbour entrance. The others came down at night, unobserved, to land troops at Hayna, which is a certain inlet where we never anticipated a landing because, in addition to the heavy sea which runs there and reefs which obstruct the entrance of ships, the native residents of this island guaranteed it against everything. But the English brought with them people so well acquainted with the vicinity that they showed them safely in. Their ships have the best possible armament and equipment, munitions and choicest powder in superabundance. There are ships of over 700 tons, armament some 70 heavy guns, most of them bronze, not counting those they took from us. Their course is for Cartagena, according (p. 7) to what we under¬ stood. We have taken care to send warning, as Your Majesty will see by the evidence enclosed herewith. Similarly, we warned Havana and other places, in good season. And if similar warning had been sent from Cape Verde or the Canaries to us, this city would not have suffered the damage it has received, or it would have cost the enemy dearer. We cannot com¬ prehend why no warning was sent us. We received none from any quarter. The ship which usually comes has not arrived, from which we infer that the fleet got in safely. We have reported in such detail to Your Majesty lest advices which Licentiates Juan Fernandez de Mercado and Baltazar de Villafane, Your Majesty’s judges, sent by way of La Yaguana and Puerto Plata may not have arrived. At first it was supposed that the commander of these people was Don Antonio, prior of Crato, but later it was learned 1 that this was not true, that he remains in England at the house of this Captain Francis, by whose hand so much damage has been inflicted. To remedy which we humbly entreat Your Majesty to have pity on this sad city and its inhabitants, promptly providing as necessary for its restoration and taking measures such that it may hereafter protect itself and not be left so incapable to defence. We have neither artillery nor powder, neither harquebuses nor men experienced in war, which is what is most needed. Unless provided, these people are so terrorized, poor and defenceless that they will abandon the 1 Correctly, too. Cf. Papers relating to the \Navj>, cited, p. 52 and note. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 37 country, nor have we been able to prevent some from beginning to do so, seeing that the city’s reputation of being impregnable by land (which alone sustained it) is lost, as well as its means of defence by sea, so that it has no recourse for its recovery except Your Majesty’s clemency, which will not permit this country’s ruin. Had it no other merit than that it was the first discovered in this New World, that it belongs to Your Majesty would suffice to assure its restoration, for Your Majesty is wont to relieve even the distress of others, how much more Your Majesty’s own. What else remains to be said of this matter we reserve until a person goes by whom Your Majesty may be fully informed of the condition in which we are left (p. 9) and of what is required for the protection and relief of this land, which lies at the mercy of a thousand ships, both English and French, which clutter the sea. A pair of galleys would be of very great service now; although they could not resist a royal armada, they would suffice against the attacks of petty marauders, which this port greatly fears. For the love of Our Lord, may Your Majesty order measures to be opportunely taken while yet it is possible to remedy the dangers which impend, for we have understood both from these evil people and also from others that this and other fleets which cleared from England will meet at Gape Canaveral, where they have made a settlement. We have heard also that the French have settled on Dominica and there are many indications that it is all true. God help and preserve the Catholic royal person of Your Majesty with increase of greater kingdoms and happy achievements, as Christianity has need. Santo Domingo, February 24, 1586. Catholic Royal Majesty Your Majesty’s servants kiss Your Majesty’s feet and hands. The Licentiate Cristobal de Ovalle The Licentiate Arceo The Licentiate Joan Fernandez de Mercado The Licentiate Baltazar de Villafahe (Rubrics). 38 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Document No. 20 1 [The city of Santo Domingo to the Crown, February 26, 1586] (p. 1) + Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty To inform Your Majesty of the misery and distress in which this city of Santo Domingo, key and commencement of the conquest of the Indies, has been left, by this ship we write Your Majesty this brief and summary relation, since the president and judges of the Audiencia will doubtless report at greater length, describing events. By an advice-boat which will sail from here very shortly we will send a person especially by word of mouth to lay our miserable condition before Your Majesty and to pray for the remedy for so much damage. Friday, at ten o’clock, before noon, on January 10, there arrived at this city a fishing bark which informed Licentiate Cristdbal de Ovalle, Your Majesty’s president, that the night before off Cape Caucedo (six leagues from this port) it had seen at anchor seventeen tall ships, in burden more than 200 tons and upwards, which seemed to be English. On receipt of this news the president ordered the alarm to be sounded and the townspeople to assemble in their companies, and those measures were taken which the shortness of the time left feasible. He ordered out a frigate then in this port, which had been launched a few days before as a companion to the galley. The galley was being careened, having fallen into such bad condition that otherwise it could not possibly render service. In this frigate went Don Diego Osorio, the galley’s captain, to reconnoitre these ships and establish their identity. The president wrote to all the country¬ side, summoning the country people to come quickly from their estates, where most of the inhabitants were, engaged in harvesting their crops, for it is the harvest season. Two hours before nightfall Don Diego Osorio returned with the report that the ships were very numerous, and by their lines and rigging, and by their heavy armament which he could distinguish, he judged it was an English fleet. On receipt of this report, what men there were in the city having 1 A. de /., 53-6-4 (131), Santo Domingo 73. 1 pliego , original. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 39 been assembled, a detachment was ordered to the beach at (p. 2) Gnibia, about a quarter of a league distant, where the natives all sup¬ posed that the enemy would effect a landing. What men were available in the city were detailed to defend the fortress and the entrance to the haven with artillery of the fortress and from the ships in port. At eleven o’clock that night ships smaller than those which had been described began to pass the harbour. As many as thirteen or fourteen sailed by the city and beyond Guibia Beach, without approaching. The people remained on the alert but with some hope that they were not bound for this city at all. When the sun rose the small vessels which had passed by were not in sight, but there was descried a fleet of seventeen heavy galleons, some of them 400 and 500 tons burden. They began to tack off the port without giving sign of any hostile intention, and so they continued to do until ten in the morning of Saturday. By that time the enemy had landed 2000 soldiers at the mouth of the Hayna, where the river empties into the sea. The city was entirely unprepared for this because between this place and that point not only are there three leagues of the thickest, most difficult jungle imaginable, but also in ail the way not a drop of water is available. This was reasonable assurance that such a landing would not be made, up to the moment when certain horsemen, who were patrolling the seashore, at eleven o’clock before noon brought news to the effect that the English were advancing in two columns. These came on, a little distance apart, fearing ambuscades. The president ordered certain horsemen to go out with harque- busiers to occupy the narrow approach through the bush, in order to prevent them from emerging; but this order could not be executed before their vanguard came out from the bush. Nothing was possible but a brief stand, to entertain the enemy until the men who were on duty along the river and in the harbour could come up. _ When they had so come up, as well as everybody available in the city, we were in all about 35 horse and 150 foot, so poorly armed that nothing could be effected with these troops. On sighting the enemy s vanguard, which at full speed was advancing straight upon the city, so well armed and in the best order imaginable, the commoner sort of the inhabitants abandoned their colours and vanished into a bit of bush which is close to the city. The few captains and persons who remained with them fell back upon the city gates, to fire four pieces of artillery planted there, in order to enable the women and children and other people who had remained within the houses to escape by way of the river. This they did. 40 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Wherewith the enemy arrived so near the city that, the rear column having come up with the van, they deployed along the whole front of the city and with muskets and harquebuses (of which thev had many and good ones) and with the artillery of their ships which were anchored in that quarter, swept the approach to the city both om within and from without in such manner that it became necessary to give way. e To give way for them to enter this city, which for 90 years (p o) with the favour of Your Majesty’s countenance had mainLined itself above any enemy s insolence until now, when they found it as un¬ provided with arms, powder and munidons as through our procurators and by our letters we have many times reported to Your Majesty without Your Majesty’s having deigned to remember how much and how well this city has served Your Majesty and the emperor our master of glorious memory, both in the discovery of all these Indies and m putting down certain rebellions and tumults which occurred therein during this period of time. Because of these nLTrtT 3 ’ T CnemieS ’ who had dee med it impregnable, took it upon themselves to reduce us to enduring hardship, and to the danger of falling prey to any weakling corsair. Its temples burned and profaned, its monasteries demolished its altars images, and holy places destroyed, and most of its residences burned, without artillery or arms, the situation of this city is such that m order not to grieve Your Majesty with so piteous a relation we do not recount in detail the insolence these lutherans vented upon its edifices and fortress, and the ships which were in the haven galky!^ ^ CamCd ° ff fiVC ' ThCy bumed a11 the rest > and th e by D - Vine “ ercy no nuns = w °men or children were lost, for which we give infinite thanks to God, Our Lord. The houses which were left, the cathedral, part of the Domini¬ can monastery and other buildings were ransomed with S n ?% part the miserable remnant of property which the women had Dominican peen able to remove upon their backs. With much good ™>nastery boSfS ir der tha ' 1116 City might not be razed, these were ought back for 25,000 ducats, which were delivered to the enemy. Unquestionably, it was ah that could be raised. Even so, recomse was necessary to a large part of the cathedral plate. of F^/r 130111 T- SCttl j d ° n Sunday ’ the 9di of this present month February, and immediately on the following Monday, this fleet imldnabk dfst hC F ^ ^ ^ 3 ° dayS during whidl the worst imaginable destruction was wrought continually THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 41 Its captain general is Francis Drake, the same who twice entered the Pacific. Exclusive of seamen, he carries with him over 4000 foot, well armed, as was made evident here. He lays his course for Cartagena, according to what he let be understood, with the in¬ tention and by command of his queen to deal with every port in Indies as he has with this city, if he can. In order that he may not come upon them unawares, as he did upon us, a bark was despatched from La Yaguana for Cartagena, which left on the 21st ultimo. Another was sent to the island of Cuba and Havana. Most humbly we entreat Your Majesty for the good of the royal service to issue orders to assure the safety of this (p. 4) city pending representation on our behalf, and petition for those things necessary to its relief and reconstruction and improvement, all so vital to Your Majesty’s service and communications with the Indies. Because in such extremities promptitude is the best remedy which can be applied, we entreat Your Majesty to act with speed com¬ mensurate with so great hardship and calamity, whose sacred Catholic royal person Our Lord preserve with increase of more kingdoms and dominions, as is desired. Santo Domingo, February 26, 1586. Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty Your Majesty’s humble vassals kiss Your Majesty’s royal feet. Melchor Ochoa Don Pedro de Quern Fernando de Laguna Geronimo de Pedralvarez (Rubrics). Document No. 21 1 [Tristan de Oribe Salazar 2 to a correspondent in Panama, Turbaco, March 5-11, 1586] (P- 0 t Illustrious Sir The advice boat which sailed on Ash Wednesday from the un¬ happy city of Cartagena for Nombre de Dios carried the news how 1 A. de /., 2-5-2/21, Patronato 266, 50-12. 1 pliego, simple copy. 2 Described as a burgher of Cartagena: cf. Documents Nos. 29, 30 post. 42 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN on that day the queen of England’s fleet, Sir Francis Drake com¬ manding, entered the harbour. To which I will add that next day, Thursday, before dawn, Francis Drake landed a thousand men at Hicacos Point. These forces arrived at the Galeta half an hour before daybreak. There we awaited them, being about 230 harque¬ buses and 50 pikes. Another company was stationed elsewhere on the Swamp and 40 more men were posted over toward Galera Point. We feared lest Captain Francis might land men and attack by way of those two places. At the Caleta we fought them a short while. We let them have three volleys and the galleys, which had been brought up bows against the Caleta, gave them two rounds of artillery and small shot, although the harquebus fire from the galleys did no damage because of the considerable distance. Perceiving the heavy damage he was receiving, the enemy shut his eyes and with furious impetus threw himself upon the city through a narrow place at the Caleta which was not protected with earth-works. The troops detailed to the defence of that side abandoned their positions and fled. In a short time that part of the Caleta had been abandoned by our men. Since they were townspeople and utterly unused to war it was not possible to hold them there nor in the defences about the city. Therefore the enemy occupied the place within an hour, or less. This is certainly a pitiable and shameful thing; so much so that I write this with tears which flow from the soul and with great grief that such a city as this should have been lost in so short a time. At the same instant God saw fit to deal us a second blow, no less serious, which I have yet to relate, and this was that the galleys, which were in the position I have previously described, seeing the city lost, sought to get away by Boqueron channel, but it was low tide and there was not sufficient depth of water to permit it. They failed to consider that they might have held a position fighting alongside the fort, which remained in our possession all day, and that at noon the tide would come in. God and our ill-luck dulled their understanding and they ran the galleys aground at Jessemani. The galley-slaves were unchained and set at liberty with all the rest of the people. They burned the galleys and so, within an hour, we were left without them or the city. The fort held out that day. It fought off certain pinnaces which sought to approach the city from that quarter. Seeing that they could not hold out because of a shortage of munitions, and fearing 43 THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA lest the enemy take the fort from landward and cut their throats, the garrison abandoned it the next night. This is the summary and unhappy account which I am able to give your honour of the tribulation of this place in general and my own in particular. I may add that in my house they took everything that I had except papers, silver plate and four shirts, for I never could persuade myself that we would not defend ourselves against even a much greater number of assailants. However, since its residents had removed their property and women and children into the bush, their sole desire was to rejoin them rather than to defend this city; and that they might more easily carry out this villainy God permitted the combat to take place an hour before dawn, so they were spared the shame of being seen as they fled. On Friday, after the fall of the city, our esteemed governor, bishop and municipal councillors resolved to ask it back from the Englishman and to offer him a sum of money. To request of him a safe-conduct to facilitate negotiations I offered to go to the city, and did so that same day. After he had received me in a flattering manner and extended to me his hospitality, Captain Francis gave me a safe-conduct for the governor and bishop and all other persons, declaring that the gover¬ nor and the bishop must conduct the negotiations for the ransom. If they personally were not to attend to it, they might authorize Captain Alonso Bravo, who was a prisoner in his power, and me, only, to appear in the matter. In the end our side considered that it was not well to empower a prisoner for such business and soothe governor and bishop appeared at the first meeting. They went into the city accompanied by about 30 of us who went with them. Immediately they took up the question of the ransom. The Englishman demanded (p. 2) 500,000 pesos in fine gold and that day 25,000 ducats were offered. When the governor returned he authorized Lieutenant Governor Diego Daga and me to resume the negotiations. On various occasions in the six days that we went back and forth we came to offer 100,000 ducats of 11 reales each and the enemy reduced his demand to 400,000 ducats. Finally, we convinced him that, do what he pleased, he would not get a penny more. For eight days now nothing further has been said; rather, some show of resistance has been made and diversion furnished to disturb him, and he has thrown up trenches and fortified. The governor is probably making a lengthy report in full detail. Nevertheless, I will here set down what my memory suggests, though it is not of a sort to qualify me as a good chronicler. 44 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN This English fleet consists of 25 vessels. The flagship and vice- admiral and four others are vessels of as much as 400 or 500 tons. There are eight or ten of 150 to 200 tons. Six others are larger than launches, but little larger than our coastwise frigates. The rest are pinnaces. I was aboard the flagship one day, invited by Mr. Francis Drake. I think he asked me, intending that I should see his strength. He showed me that ship in great detail. She carried six culverins at the bow and four in the poop, 30 pieces on the sides, and places and gunports for more. All these pieces were heavy guns. Similarly, there were many fireworks aboard the said flagship, and extra harquebuses. In addition, the vessel itself is very strong and there are many men on board. He told me that ordinarily she carried as many as 600 men. This, as far as concerns the ships. I have carefully observed the number of men in the town and on board, and it seems to me that they are as many as 2500, although some of the English who speak Spanish, with whom I have con¬ versed frequently, say that they are over 3000. Nevertheless, they are not more in number than I have stated, rather, fewer. Captain Francis says openly that he intends to take that city of Panama and a man who has been there says that aboard the flagship and the other vessels he has pinnaces already made, of light draught, in which to go up the Chagre. These can even be transported in sections to the Pacific Ocean. They are made in fitted sections so that they can be taken apart and carried in pieces from Cruces to that city. This I have not seen and so do not affirm it. I only heard it, but of the rest nobody can give as accurate an account as I, because I have been in the city many times and aboard the ships. Captain Francis Drake lies in the port of Cartagena at his ease. He has removed the masts and sails from some of his vessels. The flagship and vice-admiral and some others are being careened, and they are making certain repairs. He says that he knows that Nombre de Dios is warned and that (p. 3) the bullion and valuables will have been removed. Therefore he prefers to remain settled at Cartagena, from here with his armada to damage the fleets and coastwise trade and commerce. He says that he is not worrying about the armada of galleons which His Majesty is despatching; on the contrary, he intends to await it. However, it is understood that he says this in hopes that, alarmed by his continuance, they may give him more money for the city, and that he has not the slightest intention of settling here, but will pro- THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 45 ceed to that city. At least, it will be advisable to prepare to prevent him. from ascending the Ghagre or crossing by land. Of his audacity and good luck it may well be expected that he will try it although I think it will be difficult for him to reach Panama with his forces. This month and next, I think, the Ghagre river is low and if he waits longer the galleons will catch him, for they may be expected next month at the latest. Although Captain Francis affects to despise them I fancy that should he meet them he would lay aside his arrogance, for his fleet is small. Of the ships and troops I have mentioned above, except the captains and officers and as many as a hundred gentlemen he has with him, all the rest are very common people; but their general has them thoroughly in hand and well disciplined. When he set jhe thousand men ashore at Gartagena he told them that if they failed to take the city or any returned to his ship, he would not be received aboard, but hanged. That they might better accomplish their purpose he would, if necessary provide 500 men as a rearguard. These had not time to come up to take any active part in the fight, because the thousand sufficed for the purpose. Of ours, seven or eight men were killed and some wounded and as many as ten were taken prisoners. The killed 1 'were Juan Rodriguez Rico, merchant; Palencia, the elder; Juan Cosine de la Sal (a?), ensign; Zamora, the barber; Pedro Sanchez, the dean’s nephew; and the rest were of even less importance. The Englishman says he had 25 or 30 killed, but from a person who was in the city it has been learned that his casualties were more than 150. This was because we fought from behind a masonry wall at the Caleta and they without any cover. Further, some others died from having fallen upon the stakes which the Indians had planted at the landing place. Since from his relation and the governor’s letters these ^matters will be recounted in fuller detail, I close here (p. 4) by saying that with any money of mine which may be in your honour’s possession do as with your honour’s own, as your honour may see fit, meaning if your honour removes your honour’s own, do likewise with mine. I would warn your honour that to bury it Is of no use for here in Cartagena they dug up the courtyards and stables and elsewhere. ^ Our Lord remedy this situation and preserve your honour’s illustrious person. Turbaco, March 5,1586. Tristan de Orive Salazar. 1 Cf. Castellanos’ mention of them in his work cited; and Gonz&lez Palencxa’s notes on them in his edition of the Discurso. 46 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN After I had written this a messenger came in from Santa Marta with letters and evidence to the effect that on that coast a pinnace was wrecked with seven English on board, of whom six were drowned. The seventh is a prisoner. From his deposition it appears that Cap¬ tain Francis intends to take Nombre de Dios and Panama, and that he left England with 2500 effectives. This tallies with what I have said above, that they were as many as 2500 soldiers and seamen, for from this same deposition it appears that he had lost another 500 men from sickness. I refer to this testimony, which also thegovernor is forwarding. I forgot to add that after he had burned two-thirds of Santo Domingo, as ransom for Damas [Ladies] Street and the Cathedral they gave him 25,000 ducats in addition to his having sacked the whole city. Nothing could be saved from him because he caught them so unprepared. So also he carried off from that city 113 pieces of brass artillery and burned all the ships except two, which he added to his fleet. One belonged to Senor Juan Antonio Cor^o, Juan de Palma, master. It is one of the best vessels the Englishman has, excepting his flagship and vice-admiral... He has burned a large part of this city and is in a hurry. I don’t know whether it is to proceed to that city, as I have said. It is neces- sary not to be off guard for this Englishman knows much and possibly he could cross thither. He says he did it once and it is known that now he carries presents for the negroes, of whom he expects to make use. Our Lord direct things for the best, amen. March 11,1586. Tristan de Orive Document No. 22 1 [‘The sack of the city of Cartagena, done by Francis Drake, Englishman.’ 2 No place, date or signature] (P-0 +•■• As soon as Pedro Fernandez de Busto, governor of the city of Cartagena, received news that the English corsair Francis Drake 1 A. de 2-5-21/21, Patronato 266, No. 50-3. 2 pliegos , copy. 2 Title heading of the document. The writer may have been Sargento Mayor Bartolome Lopez who was one of the small group—the old campmaster, Coronado, this person, the governor himself and the captain of the free blacks—which Bravo says the English mentioned as offering at Santo Domingo rampart the only real resistance they met after they had carried the Caleta. Cf. Document No. 27 post , Bravo’s, Leranzo Ariza’s and Agustin’s depositions. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 47 was coming to these parts with 37 galleons and other vessels (which was on January 5, 1586), he took all advisable measures for the defence of the city. He brought in the Indians of the repartimiento (with their arms) and assembled the townsmen of Tolu and Mom- pox, which lie in this jurisdiction. He built trenches about the city and with his troops took up strong positions commanding its approaches. On the 20th 1 of that month he received word from La Yaguana that the enemy had taken the city of Santo Domingo on the nth. On February 16 another advice-boat put in on board of which was Don Francisco Maldonado of Rio de la Hacha, son-in-law of the campmaster, who said that he had come from the city of Santo Domingo where he had been when the enemy sacked the place. He said that the corsair would arrive here within eight days and that he w r as very strong and had about 1000 effectives. As appeared afterwards, this gentleman was mistaken in believing the corsair to be so strong or to have so many men. His report caused cowardly persons to w r eaken with fright. On the morning of Ash Wednesday, February 19, an advice-boat arrived from Spain with the information that His Majesty would send a large fleet thither in search of the corsair, which fleet ’would arrive very shortly. This news much consoled the people, wiio supposed that the galleons would reach here as soon as the enemy. At 12 o’clock on this day the enemy’s fleet w r as sighted. It bore down upon the port and anchored near Point Hicacos, within the harbour. The governor and all the foot and horse went out upon the beach in martial array, as did the Indians, that the enemy might see them as he came up to enter the port. Later he stated that he had estimated our troops to be over 1500 foot and 1000 Indians. This corsair’s galleons numbered 23 with three shallops and some pinnaces. Don Francisco Maldonado, who was here, said that this was not all of the corsair’s fleet since at Santo Domingo he had 34 galleons and must have left the rest of his (p. 2) ships behind. This was considered very unfortunate, since so many men were required to oppose the fleet which was in the harbour. The forces under the governor this day in the city w'ere 25 horse and few more than 430 foot. To the captain of the fort at Boqueron he assigned 50 men. He had built an earth-work near Hanged Man’s Swamp, on the beach, where three pieces of artillery were set up. If the enemy had left any ships behind, any forces landing 1 Or 24th, according to Document No. 23 post. G£. p. xlv ante, n. 7. 48 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN from them must advance by way of this work, to which the governor sent Captain Martin Polo with his company of 125 foot and 100 Indians, and half the horse, to patrol that part of the beach. To the Anchorage, on the mainland beyond the fort at Boqueron, he sent three horse and 30 foot to protect that approach because the enemy might land a party there and enter from the main highway which leads into the interior and so come into the city across the bridge These men were sufficient to hold that pass. At San Francisco bridge he stationed a lieutenant with twelve men, to hold it. The rest of his forces, numbering few over 200, and 200 Indians the governor placed in the trench which had been built at the Caleta, lying across the beach route which leads in from Fort Point, so called, at Hicacos. It was considered certain that the enemy would land here, given the position of his fleet. The galleys were to support die city. They lay at the Caleta, their bows against the beach road, in front of the trenches. The plan was for their artillery to enfilade the enemy’s 1 squadron but for this their position was not convenient. As soon as night fell the governor sent one Carro and another man on horseback to the Point to endeavour to see what the enemy was doing, and whether he had landed men or would land them, on all of which they were to report. These (p. 3) persons went and returned about 10 o’clock at night with word that the enemy was landing forces. They were not believed and the governor sent one Juan de Villona and Don Alonso de Mendoza, his son-in-law (as reliable persons), to advise him of what they might discover. Immediately he ordered 100 men out of the trenches and 100 Indians to go to lay an ambush at a certain point very advantageous for the purpose, so that when the enemy had passed they might maintain a fire upon him from the rear and so distract him. As soon as word was brought in that the enemy was landing troops the general commanding the galleys (who was with the governor) went to see if he could get out with them, but there was not sufficient water. At about 12 o’clock at night the two horsemen who had been sent to the point returned and reported that they had been there and that the enemy was quiet aboard his ships. They had not heard the sound of rowing nor anything else. Immediately the governor sent four horsemen to the Point to bring him news. The governor was informed that a light had been seen at sea in the direction of the Humilladero (shrine). It was supposed that this meant that launches were approaching to land troops. The general 1 See p. 1, n. 6, ante. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 49 sent the horse he had with him to reconnoitre the beach to see what was happening. At this juncture some of the soldiers who had been posted in the ambush came in to say that the enemy was advancing and that his troops were numerous and that they had not dared to await them. They had returned before the enemy could get ahead of them and occupy the road. The governor ordered a signal to the galleys to be fired. They came up to the Galeta and took up the positions they were ordered to occupy. Their general came to the trench and the governor told him what was occurring. The four horsemen arrived in haste to say that the enemy was close. The governor mounted and the general seized his gun, which (p. 4) a page was carrying, and took up his position in the trench. The governor inspected the wiiole position and prepared his troops for the fight which was imminent, pointing out to them the enemy’s match. At this moment, just before dawn, more than 30 men were missing from the trench, having gone into the city. They were not persons wtiiose duty it was to remain. The enemy advanced in a body of 1000 men. In the forlorn were 100 gentlemen and soldiers who had served Don Juan in Flanders. They were in command of the sergeant major 1 from whom I learned this. He repeated it many times. This vanguard came up to the trench and because of the darkness they hesitated considerably. The enemy scattered out along the trench in order that each of our men there should be busied in defending his own place and that none should pay attention to what was happening elsewhere, each believing that the main attack was where he fought. Our troops began to fight with as much spirit as veterans. They gave the enemy three volleys in such manner that the main-battle halted and waited to see how it went with the forlorn. A voice was heard—whose, it has been impossible to determine, but it is supposed that it came from the enemy lines, for there were among them many who spoke good Spanish. This voice cried out: ‘Retire, gentlemen, for we are lost! 5 Our people began to withdraw in haste. The governor, with whom I was, kept calling out: ‘Do not retreat, brothers, but fight! 5 Since they would not stay, with the sword he had in his hand the governor laid on to his own men as though he had been fighting the enemy. It was of little avail. They were on the run. He remained 1 Sergeant Major Powell commanded the main-battle, Sampson and Goring the forlorn. 50 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN on the beach, holding there some soldiers who stayed. The enemy’s fire was so heavy that only God’s grace saved us from hurt. * The people who were retreating came to a trench which was at the entrance to Santo Domingo street, where a culverin was planted. Among them was also the enemy’s sergeant major and about twenty of his company who (p. 5) entered the trench along with ours and were not recognized, nor did they make themselves known. They carried pikes and halberds. The governor had remained behind in the trench at the Caleta and had gathered up the men who kept their positions there. He sought to lead them to the Santo Domingo trench and as he approached he said to those with him: ‘Why didn’t you make a stand, like these men here?’ As he said this these English attacked and fell upon him. He turned his horse on them and then made off in great danger. The sergeant major recounts this frequently in his conversations. The enemy was advancing along the beach. I found that I had lost the governor, and in seeking him I came upon a trench on the beach in a street adjacent to Santo Domingo. There I found the guidon and the campmaster and some few horse. I asked them for the governor but they knew nothing of him. I suggested that we should seek him. Arriving at the Santo Domingo trench, being a little in advance as we came upon the trench, and seeing men in it, I supposed that they were friends and said: ‘Let us fire on that hasted brothers.’ Entering into the trench, as day broke I recognized that they were enemies and pricked up my horse and by using my lance was able to ride on. The blows which the enemy’s pikes dealt me left marks upon my cuirass. Pedro de Coronado, a page (?), who was near me, found himself in the same danger but got through. He received a pike wound from which he came near dying. Campmaster Alvaro de Mendoza was following us and the sergeant major seized the reins of his horse, for (he says) he thought that he was the governor. The horse swung completely around and struck the sergeant major with his flank, throwing him to the ground, and so the good old man escaped with a pike-wound in his face. The rest got away in another direction. The enemy s troop advanced along the beach (p. 6) and when they came up to a shrine which is on the shore at the water’s edge they entered the city by a street leading to the cathedral and halted in the marketplace. Captain Martin Polo was advised of the loss of the city and came in with fifteen soldiers. The rest of his men had removed themselves to a distance. He took up a position on San Francisco bridge and THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 51 there faced and fought the English. He drove them back and pursued them into the city where he found them so strong it became advisable for him to retreat, and so he went out of the city. The enemy killed two of his men and he two of theirs. Across Boqueron channel, where the fort is, the governor had hung a heavy chain, 65 varas long, between floats, which closed Boqueron channel so that not a launch or even smaller vessel could pass. This was very important, for only this chain prevented the enemy from sending his pinnaces in to the city, as the corsair himself said. At the same time that the enemy attacked at the Caleta, armed launches attempted the fort and battered it. The fort defended itself well all that day until nightfall, when it was evacuated. In the city the enemy took up a very strong position, as though he were dug in in Flanders. He had ten trenches and ten corps de garde and ten companies of 100 men each, in each trench its piece of the artillery they had taken with this city. This, with thirteen galleons in the outer harbour. Following the English usage, they called the flagship the admiral. It, the vice-admiral and rear-admiral and another galleon of the queen—these four were vessels of 500 to 600 tons, with good arma¬ ment. The others, up to fifteen, were not so large nor so strong. The rest were vessels of little or no strength, (p. 7) In all this fleet the queen had only two galleons; the rest belonged to her subjects and the vice-admiral to John Hawkins. The enemy burned 250 houses in the city. He left these in ashes and in all the rest did great damage. He spoiled the churches. To save the ci . . . [tom] a ransom had to be provided, which was set at 110,000 ducats. He made it a condition that . . . the gold Castellano should be reckoned at 16 pesos and the peso . . . current . . . at 8| reales. He demanded me as a hostage and I could not get out of it. It cost me four head of the best slaves I had, for he hid them from me and afterwards demanded a ransom for them. In like manner he carried off 50 slaves from this city. On Palm Sunday he evacuated the place and on Holy Thursday burned the saetia and other worthless craft which had been sunk. He did this because he could get no money for them. He left this port with the intention of proceeding to Jamaica to obtain meat, of which he has none; and also cassava bread. They said they had plenty of flour but in reality they were short of biscuit but well furnished with wine and oil and supplies which they had stolen. The enemy cleared on April 9 and returned within four days because Gorgo’s ship, seized in Santo . Domingo by a dog of a 52 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN brother of the corsair, was leaking badly. The damage must have been gieat He transferred as much of her cargo as he could to other vessels and set her afire with 2000 hides and a lot ofsugar and ginger aboard. He scuttled her and left the port on April 24. I learned a great many things in my intercourse with those accursed TTti!' 1 [ e nT d ‘ f 1 English (P- 8 ) lost 78 men killed in this city and they killed twelve of ours. I understood that between Santiago in the Cape Verde islands and this city 350 gentlemen had died and many more of the baser sort. The men were young and many were gentle¬ men and had been soldiers in Flanders on His Majesty’s pay I understood that when he left this harbour the heretic was some¬ what at odds with the gentlemen and leaders and that both sides were drawing up documents. Therefore, I understood, he was aying his course straight for England and on the way would attempt to take Havana. When he entered this city he fully intended continuing to Panama and was prepared to do so. He desisted because he had been detained here longer than he had anticipated and feared the armada when he learned that it was coming from Spain in search of him While I was his hostage I heard the corsair say that he was leaving the voyage to Panama for another occasion and that he would lose no opportunity. Captain Nunez, a Peruvian half-breed and a good seaman was captured from the Englishman while he was here. I understood that the Englishman brought much clothing with him for the negroes of Vallano and that when the corsair was on the isthmus he planned for this return. Further, I understood that he had with him certain persons who were to put him into communica¬ tion with the negroes and that he very much regretted to hear that they were at peace with Spaniards. Of the galleys there is nothing to say except that they were lost Document No. 23 1 [Pedro Fernandez de Busto^ to the Audiencia at Panama, Turbaco, March 12, 1586] (P - Very Illustrious Sirs nri I , d °"° t ^ now ^ t0 10 tell your lordship^ of my misfortune and of the loss of Cartagena. I can only say that it must be God’s Gf 1 Go^, 2 p^ 2/2I, ) 1Pa ^ nato /i 6 ’ 50_I3 - 1 pKeg0 ’ c °Py> duplicated in 2 pliegos. a hT™ P a , lencia s edition of Castellanos’ Discurso, pp. 325 ^. His Majesty s governor at Cartagena. 3 Cf. Document No. 8 ante, n. 3. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 53 chastisement of my sins and of those of others. Our Lord be praised for all! On Wednesday, first day of Lent, Captain Francis’s fleet appeared off the port of Cartagena at noon; and at sunset he occupied the harbour with 23 ships, not counting pinnaces. On the beach I dis¬ played to him what men I had ready, numbering some 450 harque¬ buses and pikes. I divided these troops to cover the three approaches to Cartagena, supposing that the enemy had left ships behind from which to land forces, for Don Francisco Maldonado, who came from Santo Domingo with news of the loss of that city, assured me that the enemy had more vessels than had entered the harbour. There¬ fore I left Martin Polo’s company of 120 men to meet this advance. With the rest I went to the Caleta where, with the 220 men who remained to me, I awaited the event. That same night, as soon as he had anchored, from his boats the enemy landed 1000 men, pikes and harquebuses, in square formation. At two in the night the enemy arrived at the Caleta. It was the blackest night I have ever seen in my life. It had been agreed that the galleys should land 150 harquebuses to support me, and that the galleys should remain at the Caleta in order that their artillery might damage the enemy as he came up. The galleys took up their position but they sent no soldiers ashore. Only Don Pedro Vique, his nephew 1 and certain others landed. • The enemy attacked the Caleta with great impetus and the men I had there put up good resistance for a quarter of an hour. Our land batteries and the galleys 5 artillery fired but, because the night was so dark, we could not see what we were doing. The enemy opened fire with his artillery and with increased fury attacked in close formation. Because our men were few they were overwhelmed, turned tail and retreated through the town, on which friends and enemies came down together, without firing upon each other because they did not recognize each other. Pell-mell they entered the town and when the day began to break the enemy force of more than 500 men was in possession of the market square and more than 500 were fighting through the streets with the inhabitants of the place. In fine, they drove us out with harquebus fire and remained masters of the city. The galleys attempted to make away with all their people on board but did not have water enough for it. Furthermore, we had placed a chain across the channel by the fort in order that no 1 Don Pedro Marradas, mentioned in Don Pedro Vique’s deposition. Document No. 27 post. 54 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN launch or ship might enter. They were unable to loosen the chain nor was there sufficient depth of water for the galleys to leave, for it was ebb-tide. Fire started in a barrel of powder on board of one of the galleys where there were I do not know how many galley slaves. Forthwith they all leaped overboard and the vessel went aground at Jesemani. Immediately the (p. 2) other galley piled up behind the first. All the slaves were loosed from their irons and they, the captains and soldiers, have done more damage to the country¬ side than has the enemy, in stealing valuables which were buried. Finally four or five of them were hanged, which put an end to that. ^ Some soldiers, especially Moors, deserted to the Englishman, as did the black slaves of the city, whom they find very useful. The fort held out all that day—the fort which is at Boqueron. All that day they were unable to take the fort, but at night the captain and those with him evacuated for lack of munitions. The enemy is master of all. They are well entrenched in great trenches. According to an Italian 1 who deserted to us, the intention is there to await the fleet and armada which His Majesty may send. In each outpost they maintain a corps de garde in good order. I have frequently gone in, under safe-conduct, to treat of the ransom of this city, a thing very necessary and advisable because of the fleets and for many other reasons, and for the sake of the people who are scattered through this open country and would all perish if the city were not redeemed. The enemy will not come down from the figure of 400,000 ducats which he demands and says that he will blow up the whole place unless this sum be forthcoming. He has already burned half of it, I mean, of the area—everything that is not masonry. Since he has entrenched himself so strongly, as I have said, at the solicitation of persons interested in what of the city remains to be burned and razed, I have granted them permission to ransom their houses, and to this end yesterday, Tuesday the 8th instant, a messenger was sent to treat of the ransom, with the intention of giving him 60,000 ducats. This sum made no appeal to him, and he answered that if between today, Wednesday, and tomorrow, Thursday, notification was not sent him that the 100,000 ducats had been raised, he would blow up the whole town, leaving not even the memory of anything. For this purpose he had brought out certain large brass bombs full of powder, with very small holes, to blow up all the buildings. In view of this imminent destruction and the damage which would follow on it, the residents and officials of the 1 Gf. Document No. 49, post, especially its enclosure. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 55 place have decided to give 100,000 ducats, if he will pledge his word not to return to Cartagena, neither he nor any captain of his nor any English corsair, while he be in command for the queen. He is to furnish them a guarantee to this effect, sealed with the queen’s seal and with that of the members of her council who are with this fleet. Tomorrow a decision will be reached in this matter and 1 will report the outcome. At Santa Marta a boat from this fleet was wrecked near the swamp. There were seven men aboard, of whom six drowned and one escaped by land to the swamp. He was seized and his deposition taken, copy enclosed. 1 The Italian who I have said deserted here, I hold a prisoner. He says that he was present at the taking and destruction of Santiago at Cape Verde and Santo Domingo, and here at Cartagena. He agrees with the statements made by the man captured at Santa Marta. Furthermore, he says that the corsair intends (p. 3) to go to Nombre de Dios and Panama by way of the Chagre with the pinnaces he has brought. He says that aboardship they have pinnaces made in sections so that the soldiers can carry them on their backs and so enter the Pacific. Both deponents state that he has 2000 soldiers exclusive of the seamen. This Italian declares that between Cape Verde and Dominica more than 500 men died. The Italian says that when he took Santo Domingo no defence whatever was made. He landed 1000 men at Hayna and with them took the city without any opposition at all, for they abandoned it, and it was sacked. Francis says that the booty was worth 200,000 ducats. He burned three-quarters of the city and for 25,000 ducats ransomed one-quarter, which was Damas (Ladies) Street and the cathedral. The sack of Cartagena gained him not 4000 pesos, and so they confess, because many days before I had ordered the women to leave the city and that chattels and merchandise be removed to safety. This had been done, except bulky stuff like iron, soap, wine and tools, implements, etc., some part of which remained. There¬ fore the enemy demands a higher ransom because he says he got no booty. This corsair is very confident that all the negroes of Valano who have come in from the bush will assist him and that they will immediately join him; and for this purpose he has brought them 1 Not seen. K 56 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN many presents. Your lordship should order good care taken with respect to them. I have written to your lordship in order that His Majesty’s monies and those belonging to private persons may all be removed to safety, for the enemy’s fleet is much stronger than the defence of any settle¬ ment on the coast. I have sent warning to Havana and have a reply from the governor there, who tells me that he has advised New Spain of the fall of Santo Domingo in order that the fleet may not sail, for the enemy says he will wait for it. Captain Francis captured the vessel which brought this letter from the governor. He took it in this har¬ bour, but all the crew escaped. The messenger who is the bearer of this despatch was on board. He is willing to take the great risk of carrying this letter to your lordship. He goes by Nicolau Pinol’s barque, which carries the first advice. In the fighting at Cartagena the following were killed: Juan Rodriguez, merchant; Palencia, burgher; and Pedro Hernandez, a nephew of the dean; Zamora, barber; and Juan Cosme de las Alas, ensign under Captain Alonso Bravo; and three or four of the soldiers who came from Tolu and Mompox. There were many wounded. Captain Bravo and Robleda, the merchant, and Alonso Serrano and Francisco Bollanos of Mompox, are prisoners. The enemy lost heavily in men killed by poisoned stakes as well as by artillery- and harquebus-fire. Some 200 of his soldiers were killed, although they denied that more than 30 died. These they have buried and hidden with great secrecy, according to this Italian, (p. 4) who is a prisoner, and according to the boat-loads of dead our sentries saw pass next day. This Italian also says that the enemy has some men sick in Carta- gena, but those who go there to treat of the ransom have not seen them. If credence is to be given to this Italian, the night the enemy landed men at Cartagena he sent ashore 1000 in the first party and 500 afterwards as reinforcements, who were to approach in pinnaces from the sea; and another 1000 were to attack at Boqueron, the commander remaining on board alone with the yonkers. However, these statements are not credible. The deposition made by the prisoner taken at Santa Marta should be preferred. He was present at the attack on Cartgena. The news of the loss of Santo Domingo was sent to Spain within four days after the event, but the enemy took the vessel. Two other advice-boats cleared from Cuba on January 20. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 57 On the day that Captain Francis entered the port of Cartagena, four hours previous there had entered an advice-boat from Spain and as I was weighing on my scales 1 the despatches he brought the alarm sounded that Captain Francis’s armada was in sight. There were some despatches for your lordship and some for Peru and they were left on a table where the enemy took them next day. They saw the warnings in them to the effect that Captain Francis was coming to these parts with a large fleet and that we should be prepared. I think the despatches contained nothing else. There was some private correspondence for that realm which will be sent as soon as oppor¬ tunity offers. Our Lord grant your lordship better fortune in this matter than we have had. Turbaco, March 12, 1586. Very illustrious sir Your lordship’s servant kisses your lordship’s hands. Pedro Fernando de Busto. To the very illustrious president and judges of the royal Audiencia of the realm ofTierra Firme. This despatch is left open that it may be read at Nombre de Dios and thence forwarded to Panama ... Document No. 24 s [Statement, Santos de Vergara, Nombre de Dios, March 22, 1586] (p. 2) ... Statement made by Santos de Vergara, burgher of Alcala de Henares, who was on board of the flag-galley when Captain Francis Drake entered the harbour of the city of Cartagena, which is as follows: First, he states that the said Captain Francis Drake entered the harbour of Cartagena on Ash Wednesday, which was the nineteenth 1 Presumably postage was reckoned by weight. 2 A. de /., 2-5-2/21, Patronato 266, R. 50-14. This document is part of a despatch (2 pliegos, copy) from Diego del Castillo to the Audiencia at Panama, written from Nombre de Dios on March 22,. 1586. ‘Within the hour’, it being nine o’clock at night, a small vessel had come in. from Cartagena with Governor Fernandez de Busto’s open letter of March 12 (Document No. 23 ante)* While it was being copied, that the original might be hurried forward and the copy retained for consideration, this account of the situation at Cartagena was furnished by .a man who saw the taking of the city from aboard the flag-galley. 58 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN day of the month of February, at three or four o’clock in the after noon. He came in with 23 ships, large and small, and with fourteen or sixteen pinnaces. Seeing them, the governor of Cartagena went out to the first work, which is towards Santa Marta, with what men he had and followed him along to the other work, which is on this side, toward the harbour. The governor ordered four or five pieces to be fired and none did the enemy any damage. The commander of the galleys, named Don Pedro Vique, ordered all.his soldiers aboard the said galleys; and he ordered the galleys to swing a chain, which had been made of iron, across the channel from the fort at its entrance to the other side. Because a few links were lacking (p. 3) they went to the jail and brought the chain which was there, with which they supplied what was missing, and fastened it to floats in such manner that no launch nor any ship could enter. v ^ at saj ne night Captain Juan de Castaneda came aboard the flag-galley in representation of Don Pedro and issued orders like a commanding officer. He ordered that that night the said galleys should ply between the fort and the Caleta, and here they did ply, watching for the enemy until one or two in the morning, when they saw the horsemen return who had been reconnoitring. They brought word that the enemy was advancing. As soon as he perceived the enemy, the said Juan de Castaneda ordered the artillery which was in the galleys to be fired and it was so fired against the enemy three times. In the glare from the artillery the enemy squadron was seen entering. By that light could be seen the damage this artillery did. While said artillery was playing against him the enemy held back but, observing that there was delay in firing it, the enemy pressed forward at great speed and when dawn broke was found to be in possession of the city. At this time, as that galley was endeavouring to get out by the channel where the fort is, to escape from the enemy, a barrel of powder caught fire on board the Ocasion, of which Captain Martin Gonzalez was in command. Three or four men were burned to death and eight or nine injured. The rest abandoned the galley. Seeing the fire, the flag-galley supposed it to be the work of certain enemy launches. They rowed for the Jesemani shore and drove aground. The soldiers and the galley-slaves (their irons having been removed) landed and deserted the galleys. At nightfall, in order that the enemy might not bring the galleys off and take them away with him, it seemed well to Don Pedro Vique to burn them and so they were set THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 59 afire and burned. Afterwards the enemy went to them and carried off (p. 4) the artillery and the Napolitana, frigate. The enemy having entered (sooner than seemed possible) and taken the city, everybody left in disorder, each hastening to where his wife and household were. So there remained none to offer any offence to the corsair excepting Anton de Barros who with some men was in the vicinity of San Francisco monastery and elsewhere about the city, seeking to do him damage; and Pedro Mexia Mirabal, who was at Boqueron; and Juan de Castaneda, captain of the saetia , who also was with him. They held the fort all Thursday until one o’clock at night. They had orders to evacuate since they could not defend it against the force which menaced them. At the post which Captain Alonso Bravo Montemayor was de¬ fending with his company, they captured him and killed his ensign. His ransom was arranged at 2000 pesos which they said he paid with jewels and valuables from his house. Freed from prison in exchange for the jewels which w r ere paid for his ransom, they said his wife fell sick at Turbaco on an estate there and died on the 15th of the present month of March; and while declarant was in Colpique he heard many people say that Captain Francis had permitted her body to be brought for burial to the Franciscan monastery and there the said captain caused her to be interred with the greatest solemnity possible, with flags reversed and drums muffled, and they say that he himself w r as present at the funeral ceremony. After the city was taken the bishop and the governor and the dean, Fray Juan de las Parras, and many other persons, returned to it to treat with Captain Francis of ways and means. He received them and people of all conditions well, especially the gentlemen and soldiers; but with the seamen he is harsh. Finally, in the form and manner that has been written to the alcalde mayor of the city of Nombre de Dios and to the gentlemen of the royal Audiencia at Panama, they agreed upon a ransom for that part of the (p. 5) city which had not been burned. When they' had come to an agreement on the ransom, they asked the Englishman to depart from the city and fort on receipt of the sum they had fixed upon. He replied that he did not know whether he could do it that same day, but within three or four days following he would do so. The payment will be completed on next Monday, the 24th, and it is understood that he will proceed to this city of Nombre de Dios, for he himself has so announced. During the time that this enemy has been in the harbour he has been careening his ships as though he were in his own country. 6o ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Three vessels have happened to enter the port. He took two but the third, which was from Jamaica laden with cazabi, defended itself and put; into an inlet which is near Gaspar Bernal’s estate of Los Piques. With some Indian bowmen and four soldiers he had on his estate he sallied to its assistance and they killed a captain 1 of whom Francis was very fond (he much regretted his death) and another of whom not so much was said. He states, further, that when the said agreement had been effected, to ransom the city for the said 110,000 pesos , Captain rrancis said that he would leave the city and port of Cartagena on the understanding that if on the way to the city of Nombre de Dios or other destination he should be driven back by bad weather he might enter the port and they would give him what supplies he might need in exchange for the value thereof. They protested that they did not wish to furnish him supplies because to do so was forbidden by their king, but that he might take 2 what he needed and pay what it was worth. ... Nombre de Dios, (p. 6) March 22, 1586 . . . Santos de Vergara... Document No. 25 s [Diego Da?a 4 to the municipal authorities of Havana, from Punta de la Canoa, April 8, 1586] (P- 0 f Very Illustrious Sirs On Ash Wednesday, which was February 19, the Englishman Captain Francis Drake entered this port with his fleet consisting of 27 sail, of which twenty were large- and medium-sized ships and the rest pinnaces. And the following Thursday before dawn, having 1 This was Thomas Moon, former carpenter of the Swan, in command of the rrancis. See Bigges, op. cit . 3 p. 125; Sir Francis Drake Revived as reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, Ser. II, No. 71, p. 272. Cf. Document No. 27 tot. Captain Bravo s deposition, 2 By force, of course; i.e., the usual fiction followed in rescales. 3 A de /., 42-1-8/3, Contratacion 5108. 1 sheet, authenticated copy, forwarded to Spam with a despatch from the authorities at Havana to the House of Trade, wherein it is stated that the original was received at noon on May 2. Compare with DocumentNo. a-j post, Daga’s deposition. * Lieutenant governor under Fernandez de Busto. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 61 landed about 1200 men by way of the Caleta, he took possession of the city and has remained in occupation until today. Negotiations with him were opened for the ransom of the place. He demanded 400,000 ducats and the matter dropped. Seeing that these negotiations for the ransom were not resumed, he began to bum and burned a large part of the city. He left unburned the more valuable buildings and their owners begged that each might ransom his own property, and license was given them so to proceed, in consideration of the fact that these few householders thus at their own expense purchased the city where His Majesty’s fleets and armadas may find favour and purveyance of what they need. So the cathedral and temples and other edifices were redeemed for 110,000 ducats, which were delivered to the enemy. It is pitiful to see in what condition this city is. As for the galleys, which were lost, I give your honours no relation, for I would not know how to tell it; nor do their captains, responsible for that loss, know how to account for it. The suggestion offered in explanation of it is that the loss of them and of the city was Heaven’s punishment of our sins. This advice-boat reached this coast on Saturday preceding Easter Sunday, with His Majesty’s warning to us to be on guard against the Englishman’s coming, and instructions to clear the vessel immediately with the same warning to your honours. To attend to the matter by order of the governor I came from the place to which he has retired, which is six leagues inland. Along with this one, the pilot, Tomas Ginoves, carries a despatch for His Majesty giving him an account of all that has happened. Your honours will be good enough to see to it that Tomas Ginoves con¬ tinues speedily upon his voyage to Spain, because it is very advisable that His Majesty know what has occurred here. According to what we have learned this English fleet intends to go to take that city. Your honours will endeavour to act for the good of His Maj esty’s service and the welfare of its inhabitants. Our Lord preserve your honours’ very illustrious persons, etc. From this coast, Punta de la Canoa, April 8, 1586. Very Illustrious Sirs Your honours’ servitor kisses your honours’ hands. Diego Daga... 62 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN Document No. 26 1 [Don Pedro Vique y Manrique 2 to the Grown, Cartagena April 5, 1586] (P- 0 f Catholic Royal Majesty On Ash Wednesday at mid-day the corsair Francis Drake appeared before this city with 27 sail, large and small. He had ten large ships of 600 tons, and ten or eleven others from 150 to 200 tons The rest were pinnaces. From windward this city of Cartagena had been warned a month before that the corsair intended to attack us. Therefore during this time trenches and ditches and very good defensive works were built especially m that quarter we feared most, in which the enemy attacked, called the Caleta, where it is not a hundred paces from sea to sea. There we had a masonry wall a vara and a half high, and a ditch which I dug. In this work there were four pieces of artillery and 200 harquebuses and 100 pikes and 200 Indian bowmen. Here, too, were both galleys, bows to shore, with ten pieces of artillery and iro harquebuses. It seemed impossible for the enemy to enter the citv this way. 1 Yet here, on Thursday, an hour before day broke, he attacked us with 500 to 600 men m such manner that we were al most man to mu' 1 in numbers, and we had the trenches and ditches and artillery. The galleys fired (p. 2) their artillery and killed about 100 men, and from the trenches we gave them two rounds. They let us have another two. I saw that the enemy had halted and did not dare to come up. 1 came out of the trench, sword in hand, crying ‘Victory! 3 The enemy trumpets began to sound retreat. When I was outside the works, already surrounded by enemies, I turned to see whether our men were coming after me and observed that, instead of following up the advantage, they had turned their backs and were fleeing at 9- 1 pliego, original. Compare with Vique 3 s deposi- 1 A. de 72-5-18, Santa Fe ; tion, Document No. 27 post . BuroTTf 1 ® KS ^ j ? ty ’ S galleyS 0n station * Cartagena. Cf. Femdndez Duro, np. at., 11, p. 397; Corbett, op. dt., 11, p. 45. THE MAIN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA 63 full speed. When the enemy saw this he shouted, rallied, and went after ours. 1 went along in the midst of the enemy and so entered the city where, at a street, I got out from amongst them. I went to the wharf and called to the galleys and sent aboard a comrade of mine named Captain Pedro de Comas, with order to Captain Martin Gonzalez and Captain Juan de Castaneda to get away with the galleys, out of the port by Boca Chica, for, live who might or die who must, I was going to the head of the bridge to gather up the people, since it was now broad day and the English were scattered in disorder through the streets, and we could easily Mil them. So I went and got together some 300 harquebuses and returned by the bridge to face the enemy; and when I began to skirmish they again left me alone, and so the city was lost because it was Your Majesty’s luck to have in it the most cowardly subjects there can be in the whole world. Had they been other than they are, a not very difficult victory would have been won instead of the very easy loss of the city. When I supposed the galleys outside I discovered some of their slaves and soldiers approaching by land. When I asked an explana¬ tion they told me to turn my head and see that they had gone aground, without putting up a fight or trying to get away. Their captains, who were on board, will explain the how and the why in their defence. My excuse for not being on board of them is that in the councils of w T ar held (the municipal council, the governor, captains of in¬ fantry 7 and Captains Martin Gonzalez and Juan de Castaneda, all being assembled together) it was resolved that the galleys should not leave the haven, for if they did the city would be easily lost, but with them could defend itself. And they could get away at any time. And since on board of the galleys were Captains (p. 3) Martin de Gonzalez and Juan de Castaneda, by Your Majesty commissioned to command, it was decided that I should stay on shore to command and fight with the militia because this -was for the good of Your Majesty’s service, since the militia had no officer to lead them. They demanded that I do this and so signed their opinion, all of them. Afterwards, especially in the market-place of this city, in public acclamation the captains of the militia and their ensigns and sergeants and all the population many times repeated to me that if I fought with them they would die in defence of the Faith and Your Majesty’s service, but if I did not remain with them it was their desire to abandon the city. The bishop of Cartagena and the three monasteries demanded the same of me. And in view of this 1 re- 64 ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE CARIBBEAN maineci to fight with them and they failed in their promise Of all The corsair entrenched himself in the city and burned the hnild mgs outside his trenches, which were some 250 ForThose whit remained within his trenches, although they were half demolhhS these people have been pusillanimous enough to give him u oooa ducats to keep him from burning them. It was of no avail for me to advise the governor that to do so was contrary to the good of Yom Majesty s service. He nevertheless himself negotiated with the corsair for Ae ransom and went into Cartagena under the enemy’s safe conduct. Finally they effected the ransom at the price mentioned The Franciscan monastery, which stood outside the trenches was thm 0 ^-^ 700 dUCatS and thCy W ° uld n0t Iet me defend it, saying that if I did the enemy would burn their houses 7 ® The corsair came in on Ash Wednesday and to-day, which is the last day of Lent, he is in the harbour, aboard (p. 4) his vessels with yards across. I do not know when he will leave. God confound him kfo d J rant Y a7 ^ jeSty many years of life with increase of many kingdoms and lordships as this humble vassal desires, r rom this land of Cartagena, April 8, 1586. Catholic Royal Majesty hand” MajeSty,S humble vassal who kisses Your Majesty’s feet and Don Pedro Viqrny Manrique (Rubric). Document No. 27 1 [Francisco de Alba, Martin Gonzalez, Pedro Mexia Mirabal, Diego Daga, Diego de Ballesteros, Don Luis de Guzman Alonso de Tapia, Juan Liranzo, Don Pedro Am,=ri A j onso Brav