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Hakluytus  Posthumus 


or 


Purchas  His   Pilgrimes 

In  Twenty  Volumes 

Volume  XIX 


/ 


GLASGOW 

PRINTED     AT     THE     UNIVERSITY    PRESS     BY 

ROBERT   MACLEHOSE  &  COMPANY   LTD.   FOR 

JAMES    MACLEHOSE   AND    SONS,    PUBLISHERS 

TO    THE    UNIVERSITY    OF    GLASGOW 

MACMILLAN    AND    CO.    LTD.  LONDON 

THE    MACMILLAN    CO.  NEW    YORK 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA  TORONTO 

SIMPKIN,    HAMILTON    AND    CO.  LONDON 

MACMILLAN    AND    BOWES  CAMBRIDGE 

DOUGLAS    AND    FOULIS  EDINBURGH 

MCMVI 


Hakluytus   Posthumus 


or 


Purchas   His   Pilgrimes 

Contayning    a    History    of  the    World 

in    Sea    Voyages    and    Lande    Travells 

by    Englishmen    and    others 


By 
SAMUEL    PURCHAS,    B.D. 


VOLUME   XIX 


it 
Glasgow 

James    MacLehose    and    Sons 

Publishers  to  the  University 

MCMVI 


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3  v <   c-tso^tTy 


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THE   TABLE 


The  Contents  of  the  Chapters  and  Paragraphs 
in  the  Ninth  Booke  of  the  Second  part 
of  Purchas  his  Pilgrims. 

CHAP.   V. 

A  Letter  of  Master  Gabriel  Archer,  touching  the  Voyage 
of  the  Fleet  of  Ships,  which  arrived  at  Virginia, 
without  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  and  Sir  George  Summers, 
1609.     H 

Crost  by  extraordinary  windes.  False  rumours.  Idlenesse 
breedes  mischiefe.     New  Governour. 


CHAP.   VI. 

A  true  reportorie  of  the  wrack,  and  redemption  of  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  Knight  ;  upon,  and  from  the  Hands 
of  the  Bermudas  :  his  comming  to  Virginia,  and  the 
estate  of  that  Colonie  then,  and  after,  under  the 
Government  of  the  Lord  La  Warre,  July  15.  1610. 
written   by  Wil.   Strachy.   Esq ;  H. 

§.  1.  A  most  dreadfull  Tempest  (the  manifold  deaths 
whereof  are  heere  to  the  life  described)  their  Wracke 
on    Bermuda,  and  the   description   of  those  Hands.   . 


PAGE 


THE    TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

Terrible  storme.  Feare  of  death.  Swelling  Sea.  Labour 
for  life.  Breach  of  Sea.  Governours  care.  Strange 
apparition.  Much  luggage  thrown  over-boord. 
Dreaded  Hand.  The  state  of  things  in  India.  Great 
store  of  Haile.  Many  faire  Harbors.  Store  of  Palme 
Trees  ;  black  and  round  Berry.  Want  of  Rivers  and 
water  Springs.  Store  of  Fish,  and  Fowle.  Thousands 
of  Birds.     Store  of  wilde  Hogs.     Many  Tortoises. 

§.  2.  Actions  and  Occurrents  whiles  they  continued  in  the 
Hands  :  Ravens  sent  for  Virginia ;  Divers  Mutinies  ; 
Paine  executed  :    Two   Pinnaces   built.      ,  .         .  25 

A  Pinnace  built.  Summers  Creeks.  Lieutenant  Gover- 
nour  assisted.  People  very  diligent.  Churlish 
intreatie.  Earnest  vowes.  Conscience  against  con- 
science. Hopkins  pardoned.  Mutinie.  Paines 
mutinie  and  execution.  Sir  G.  Summers  mens  flight. 
Rebellious  and  turbulent  Humorists.  Thankfulnesse  and 
unitie.     Violence  of  the  Sea.     Cedar  bad  for  shipping. 

§.  3.  Their  departure  from  Bermuda  and  arrivall  in 
Virginia  :  Miseries  there,  departure  and  returne 
upon  the  Lord  La  Warres  arriving.  James  Towne 
described.         ........  41 

Change  of  water.  Cape  Henry.  Newes  of  safe  arrivall. 
Fort  viewed.  Want  of  provision.  Neglect,  and 
sensuall  surfet.  Store  of  Grapes.  Goodly  Come. 
Divers  men  killed.  Misgovernment.  East  Indian 
increase.  Equall  proportion.  New  found  Land. 
Favourable  winde.  Fortresse  raised.  Pewes  of  Cedar. 
Casualtie  of  fire.     Unholsome  ayre. 

§.  4.  The  Lord  La  Warres  beginnings  and  proceedings  in 
James  Towne,  Sir  Thomas  Gates  sent  into  England  ; 
his  and  the  Companies  testimony  of  Virginia,  and 
cause  of  the  late  miseries.         .....  59 

Long  and  silent  Prayer.  Commission  read.  A  Voyage 
proposed.  Nets  hawled.  Villanous  practises.  Con- 
ditions performed.  Gifts  received.  Messengers  fore- 
warned. True  Declaration.  Mutinous  Loyterers. 
Tragicall  History.  Great  store  of  fish.  Fort  weakned. 
Deepe  consultation. 

vi 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

CHAP.  VII. 

The  Voyage  of  Captaine  Samuell  Argal,  from  James  Towne 
in  Virginia,  to  seeke  the  He  of  Bermuda,  and  missing 
the  same,  his  putting  over  toward  Sagadahoc  and 
Cape  Cod,  and  so  backe  againe  to  James  Towne, 
begun   the  nineteenth  of  June,   1610.     H.       .         .  73 

Fresh  gale.  Calme  weather.  Very  stormy  westerly  varia- 
tion. Calme  weather  ;  Sundry  kindes  of  soundings. 
Blacke  Ose.  Store  of  Seales  ;  Hard  gale ;  Westerly 
Variation.     Wind  shifting.     Westerly  variation. 

CHAP.  VIII. 

A  short  Relation  made  by  the  Lord  De  la  Warre,  to 
the  Lords  and  others  of  the  Counsell  of  Virginia, 
touching  his  unexpected  returne  home,  and  after- 
wards delivered  to  the  general!  Assembly  of  the  said 
Companie,  at  a  Court  holden  the  25.  of  June,  161 1. 
Published  by  authority  of  the  said  Counsell.  .  85 

Unjust  protraction.  Severall  Maladies.  Consultation  held. 
Fertile  Countrey.     Store  of  fish.     Indians  pursued. 

CHAP.    IX. 

A  Letter  of  Sir  Samuell  Argoll,  touching  his  Voyage  to 
Virginia,  and  Actions  there  :  Written  to  Master 
Nicholas  Hawes.     June,   161 3.     H.  .         .         .         90 

Sir  T.  Dales  deliverance.  Felling  of  Timber.  Great 
quantitie  of  Come.     Good  Harbour. 

CHAP.   X. 

Notes    of  Virginian    Affaires    in    the    government    of   Sir 

Thomas  Dale  and  of  Sir  Thomas   Gates,   till    Ann. 

1614.  taken  out  of  Master  Ralph  Hamor  (Secretarie 

to  the  Colonie)  his  Booke.       .....         95 

vii 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

Planting  Come.  Businesse  of  greatest  hope.  Store  of  fish. 
R.  Nansamund.  Sir  Thomas  Gates  arrivall.  Henrico 
built.  Guest-house  for  sicke  people.  French  dis- 
planted. 

CHAP.   XI. 

A  Letter  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  and  another  of  Master 
Whitakers,  from  James  Towne  in  Virginia,  June  18. 
1 614.  And  a  peece  of  a  Tractate,  written  by  the 
said  Master  Whitakers  from  Virginia  the  yeere  before.        102 

To    the    R.   and    my   most    esteemed    friend,   M.D.M.   at 

his  house  at  F.Ch.  in  London.         .  .  .  .102 

Desperate  hazard.  Powhatans  daughter  prisoner.  Rootes 
and  Hearbs  in  abundance.  Sir  Thomas  Dales  agree- 
ment :  his  report  of  Virginia.  Surplis  and 
subscription. 

Part  of  a  Tractate  written  at  Henrico  in  Virginia,  by 
M.  Alexander  Whitaker,  Minister  to  the  Colonie 
there,  which  then  governed  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale, 
161 3 no 

Miserable  condition.  Strange  Narrations.  Mother 
Christian  Towne.  Defensive  Armour.  Strange 
Beasts.     Store  of  Fowles. 


CHAP.    XII. 

Of  the  Lotterie  :  Sir  Thomas  Dales  returne  :  the  Spaniards 
in  Virginia.  Of  Pocahuntas  and  Tomocomo  : 
Captaine  Yerdley  and  Captaine  Argoll  (both  since 
Knighted)  their  Government  ;  the  Lord  La  Warres 
Death,  and  other  occurrents  till  Anno   1619.  .         .        116 

Sir  T.  Gates  his  returne  from  Virginia.  State  of  Vir- 
ginia. Tomocomo  a  Blasphemer.  Cruell  storme. 
Treasurer  chosen.     Good  instructions. 

viii 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

CHAP.  XIII. 

The  estate  of  the  Colonie,  Anno  1620.  and  Master 
Dermers  Letter  to  me  from  Virginia,  touching  his 
Voyage  for  the  South  Sea.       .  .         .  .  .122 

Severall  Burroughs.  Planting  of  Vineyards.  Orders  & 
Constitutions. 

A  Note  of  the  Shipping,  Men,  and  Provisions  sent  to 
Virginia,  by  the  Treasurer  and  Companie,  in  the 
yeere   1 6 19.     .  .         .  .  .  .  .  .        126 

Virginia  provision.  Private  adventurers.  Timber  of  all 
sorts.  Patents  granted.  Ancient  Plantations.  Many 
difficulties.  Freedome  and  reliefe.  Rockie  Hands. 
Overcharged  with  weather.     Massacring  Savages. 

CHAP.    XIIII. 

A  true  Relation  of  a  Sea-fight  betweene  two  great  and 
well  appointed  Spanish  Ships,  or  Men  of  Warre ; 
and  an  English  ship,  called  the  Margaret  and  John, 
or  the  Black  Hodge,  going  for  Virginia.  .         .        135 

Fearefull  dangers.  Volley  of  small  shot.  Holland  Flagge. 
Opprobrious  tearmes.  Reciprocall  damage.  Signes  of 
willingnesse.  Musket  shot.  Many  slaine.  Scuppers 
run  of  bloud.     A  disaster. 

CHAP.   XV. 

Virginian   afFaires   since  the  yeere    1620.   till   this  present 

1624.      .  .  .  .  .         .  .  .  .143 

§.  1.  A  Note  of  the  shipping,  Men,   and  provisions  sent 

and  provided  for  Virginia,  by  the  Right  Honourable 

Henry  Earle  of  South-hampton,  and   the  Companie, 

and    other   private   Adventurers,   in   the  yeere    1 621. 

&c.     With  other  Occurrents   then   published   by   the 

Companie.       .  .         .         .  .  .  .  .143 

ix 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

Ships  and  People.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .143 

And  for  the  benefit  of  the  Plantations  these  things  follow- 
ing have  beene  here  done  this  yeere.        .  .  .144 

Other  Occurrents  of  note.       .  .  .  .  .145 

Gifts 147 

Provision  for  Virginia.  Benefit  of  the  Plantations. 
Governours  arrivall.  Late  discovery.  Vines  of  all 
sorts.     Patents  granted. 

§.  2.  Newes  from  Virginia   in    Letters   sent   thence    1621. 
partly  published  by  the  Company,  partly  transcribed 
from  the  Originals,  with  Letters  of  his  Majestie,  and 
•of  the  Companie  touching  Silke-workes.    .  .  .149 

Newes  sent.  Restraint  for  Trade.  Late  Discoverie. 
Seven  goodly  Rivers  ;    Wild  Grapes.     Copper  Peeces. 

His  Majesties  gracious  Letter  to  the  Earle  of  South- 
hampton, Tresurer,  and  to  the  Counsell  and  Com- 
panie of  Virginia  here  :  commanding  the  present 
setting  up  of  Silke-workes,  and  planting  of  Vines  in 
Virginia.  .  .  .         .  .  .         .  .154 

His  Majest.  Letter  to  the  Treasurer  of  Virginia.  Par- 
ticular advice. 

%.  3.  The  barbarous  Massacre  committed  by  the  Savages 
on  the  English  planters,  March  the  two  and  twentieth, 
1 62 1.  after  the  English  accompt.     .  .  .  .        157 

Barbarous  Massacre.  Fatall  day.  Cruell  Murtherers. 
Many  curtesies.  Viperous  broode.  Conversion  of 
the  Savages.  Dangerous  Conspiracie.  Cause  of 
Surprise. 

§.  4.  A  Note  of  provisions  necessarie  for  every  Planter  or 
personall  Adventurer  to  Virginia  :  and  accidents  since 
the  Massacre.  .         .  .         .  .         .  .164 

Necessaries  for  such  as  transport  themselves  into  Virginia. 
Cruell  Savages.  Cruell  Massacre.  Cap.  Nuce  en- 
trenched. 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  PAGE 

CHAP.   XVI. 

English    Voyages    to    the    Summer    Hands  ;    Henry   Mays 

Shipwracke  there  1593.     The  first  Colony  sent   1612.        171 

Voyages  to  the  Summer  Hands.  May  his  shipwracke. 
Comfortable  passage.  Store  of  Fish.  Berries  pleasant 
to  eate.     Three  sorts  of  Timber. 

A  Copie  of  the  Articles  which  Master  R.  More,  Governour 
Deputie  of  the  Summer  Hands,  propounded  to  the 
Company  that  were  there  with  him  to  be  subscribed 
unto,  which  both  hee  and  they  subscribed  the  second 
of  August,  in  his  House,  Anno  1612.  which  about 
the  same  time  hee  sent  into  England,  to  the  Wor- 
shipfull  Companie  of  the  Adventurours.    .  .  .176 

Articles  propounded,  and  subscribed  unto. 

CHAP.   XVII. 

Relations  of  Summer  Hands,  taken  out  of  Master  Richard 
Norwood,  his  Map  and  Notes  added  thereto,  printed 
1622.  The  Historie  of  the  Creatures  growing  or 
living  therein,  being  inlarged  out  of  Captaine  Smiths 
written  Relations.    .  .  .  .  .  .  .179 

Strange  annoyance  by  Rats.  Corne  consumed  by  them. 
Destitute  of  Boats :  Disease  called  the  Feages.  Ship 
and  provision.  Survey  of  the  Countrey.  Com- 
modities meete  for  Trade.  Scarcitie  of  fresh  water. 
Yellow  Spider.  Varietie  of  fish.  Historie  of  Turkles 
or  Tortoyses,  and  of  prickled  Peares. 

CHAP.    XVIII. 

Extracts   out   of  Captaine   John    Smiths   Historie  of  Ber- 
mudas, or  Summer  Hands  ;   touching  the  English  acts 
and    occurrents    there    from    the    beginning    of   the 
Plantation.       .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .193 

xi 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

The  animall  and  vegetall  creatures  in  Summer  Hands. 
Moores  Fortifications.  Spanish  Ships.  Rat-plague. 
Feagues-sicknes.  Flying  Fishes.  Brasse  Money. 
Assizes  kept.  House  of  Cedar.  Church  finished. 
Spanish  Wrack.  Bulwarkes  raised.  Miserable  tor- 
ments.    Noisome  Wormes. 

CHAP.   XIX. 

Briefe  intelligence  from  Virginia  by  Letters,  a  supplement 
of  French-Virginian  occurrants,  and  their  supplanta- 
tion  by  Sir  Samuel  Argal,  in  right  of  the  English 
plantation.        ........       207 

Intollerable  Rates.  His  Majesties  care.  Plentifull  increase. 
Virginias  good  &  evill.  Frenchmen  and  their  fortunes 
in  Virginia.  Jesuites  acts.  French  supplanted  by  Sir 
Samuel  Argall.     Canada  hopefull  way  to  the  South  Sea. 

CHAP.  XX. 

Virginias  Verger  :  or  a  discourse  shewing  the  benefits 
which  may  grow  to  this  Kingdome  from  American- 
English  Plantations,  and  specially  those  of  Virginia 
and  Summer  Hands.  .  .  .  .  .  .218 

Gods  image  in  Man.  Religious  conformity.  Evangelicall 
Charter.  Babels  buildings.  Englands  Naturall  and 
Nationall  right  to  plant  in  Virginia.  English  just 
title  to  Virginia.  Sir  Sebastian  Cabot.  Englands 
manifold  rights  to  Virginia.  Gods  glory  in  his 
various  works.  Mynes  not  they  great  minds  wealth. 
Virginia  best  in  the  best  endowments  of  a  Country. 
Cause  of  ill  successe.  Virginias  baggage  and  impedi- 
ments. Motives  to  make  her  English.  Spaines 
American  greatnesse  a  motive  for  Englands  Virginia. 
Virginias  aery  climate,  watery  Rivers,  and  large  soyle. 
Many  commodities  inciting  and  inviting  a  Virginian 
progresse.  Pleasure,  profit,  glorie  by  Navigation. 
Motives  for  Virginia.  Benefit  by  fishing ;  Motives 
for  Virginia  from  these  times,  &c.  Necessity  and 
commodity  of  a  Virginian  Plantation.  South  Sea. 
Virginia  and  Bermuda  how  usefull.  Q.  Elizabeths 
glory.  Bellonas  plea  for  Virginia  and  Bermuda. 
Indian  Sea-course.  English  Voyages  miscarrying  for 
want  of  a  Virginian  Port. 

xii 


THE   TABLE 

PAGE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters  and  Paragraphs  in 
the  tenth  Booke  of  the  Second  part  of 
Purchas   his   Pilgrims. 

CHAP.   I. 

A  Briefe  Relation  of  the  discoverie  and  plantation  of 
New  England  :  and  of  sundrie  accidents  therein 
occurring,  from  the  yeer  of  our  Lord  1607.  to  this 
present  1622.  published  by  the  President  and  Councell, 
and  dedicated  to  the  Princes  Highnesse,  here  abbre- 
viated.    .........       269 

New  supply.  Wonderfull  discouragement.  Christian  Faith. 
Attempt  frustrate.  Many  extremities.  Armes  for 
defence.  Harbour  entred.  Fishing  businesse.  A 
new  Graunt.  Patent  renewed  ;  peaceable  plantation  ; 
tractable  people.  Commodities  of  the  Countrey. 
Opportune  places.     Shewes  of  Pearle. 


CHAP.    II. 

The  voyage  of  Master  Henrie  Challons,  intended  for  the 
North  plantation  of  Virginia,  1606.  taken  by  the 
way,  and  ill  used  by  Spaniards  :  written  by  John 
Stoneman  Pilot.     H.        .....  284 

Voyage  to  the  N.  plantation.  Dominica.  Friar  Blascus. 
English  unhappily  taken  and  ill  used  by  Spaniards. 
Cruell  imprisonment.  Treacherous  Spaniards.  Des- 
paire  of  libertie.  Contrary  wind.  Cap.  Legat  slaine. 
Slaves  to  the  Spaniards. 


CHAP.    III. 

Extracts   of  a    Booke   of    Captaine   John   Smith,    printed 

1622.    called    New    Englands   trialls,  and    continuing 

the  storie   thereof,  with   Motives  to   the  businesse  of 

fishing  there.  .......        297 

xiii 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

New  Englands  Tryals.  Benefit  of  fishing.  Fish  sold  for 
Gold.  Increase  of  shipping.  Labyrinth.  Fraught 
with  Fish.  Pure  cowardise.  Taulbuts  Bay.  Passen- 
gers discharged.    Supply  of  victuall.     Religious  people. 

An   Abstract   of  Letters  sent  from   the   Colonie    in    New 

England,  July  sixteene,   1622.  .  .  .  .        306 

Rare  novelties.  Desperate  designes.  Strong  Fort.  Wonder- 
full  returns.     Rare  secrets. 

CHAP.    IIII. 

A  Relation  or  Journall  of  a  plantation  setled  at  Plimoth 
in  New  England,  and  proceedings  therof ;  printed 
1622.  and  here  abbreviated.     .  .  .  .  .312 

Pleasant  Bay.  Muscles  full  of  Pearle.  Boate  laded  with 
Juniper.  Randevous  held.  Store  of  small  Vines. 
Harbour  for  Ship.  Device  to  catch  Deere.  Cold 
Harbour.  Flocks  of  wilde  Geese.  Great  quantitie 
of  Powder.  Houses  double  matted.  Many  Graves. 
Arrowes  flying.  Sweet  Brooke.  Much  weaknesse. 
The  common  house.  Muskets  charged.  Military 
Orders.  Extraordinary  plague.  Beavers  skins.  Trucke 
with  the  Savages.  Hostages.  Chaine  of  Beades. 
Good  watch  kept.  Savages  fearefulnesse.  Great 
plague.  Great  courage.  Presents  delivered.  Bad 
lodging.  Stormie  weather.  Excessive  crying.  Singing 
and  dancing. 

CHAP.    V. 

Good  newes  from  New  England  :  or,  a  relation  of  things 
remarkable  in  that  Plantation  ;  written  by  E.  Win- 
slow,  and  here  abbreviated.      .....        344 

Many  threats.  Feare  of  the  enemie.  Captaines  absence. 
Carriage  of  Tisquantum.  A  conceit  of  the  plague 
buried.  Plentie  enjoyed.  Encrease  of  fish.  Corne 
wasted.  Many  clamours.  Captaines  supplied.  Tem- 
pestuous season.  Injurious  walking.  Corne  equally 
divided.     Bay.     Tobacco  and  Beades.     Abundance  of 

xiv 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

Basse.  Colonic  Faire  opportunitie.  Professed  friend- 
ship. Troubled  spirit.  Friendly  entertainment. 
Comfortable  Conserves.  Recovery.  Exceeding  enter- 
tainment. Respected  friends.  Many  Arguments. 
Undirect  meanes.  Secret  Plot.  Grievous  Relation. 
Friendship  pretended.  Wet  and  stormy  weather. 
Fearefull  noise.  Many  killed.  Beaver  Coates.  Plot 
confessed.  Message  sent.  Three  persons  drowned. 
Great  drought.  Dejected  soules.  Solemne  daye  set. 
Garlands  hung  up.  Strange  apparitions.  Cold 
weather.  Bitter  Hearbs.  The  Sachims  care.  Many 
gifts.  Variable  names.  Dishonest  dealing  punished. 
Historicall  discourses  related.  Variable  soyle,  manured 
with  fish. 

CHAP.   VI. 

Nova  Scotia.  The  Kings  Patent  to  Sir  William  Alexander 
Knight,  for  the  plantation  of  New  Scotland  in 
America,  and  his  proceedings  therein  ;  with  a  descrip- 
tion of  Mawooshen  for  better  knowledge  of  those 
parts.       .........        394. 

The  Kings  Patent.  The  Kings  Charter  for  New  Scotland. 
New  provisions.  Pleasant  River.  Store  of  wilde 
Fowle. 

The  description  of  the  Country  of  Mawooshen,  discovered 
by  the  English,  in  the  yeere  i6oz.  3,  5,  6,  7,  8, 
and  9.      H.     .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .        400 

Commodious  River.  Great  Lake.  Store  of  Woods. 
Many  houses  and  men.     Lake  of  eight  dayes  journey. 

CHAP.    VII. 

The  beginning  of  the  Patent  for  New-found-land  ;  and 
the  plantation  there  made  by  the  English,  1610. 
delivered  in  a  Letter  dated  thence  from  M.  Guy, 
to  M.  Slany  :  Also  of  the  weather  the  three  first 
winters,  and  of  Captaine  Weston  :  with  other  re- 
markable occurrents.     H.  .  4.06 

xv 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  page 

A  Patent  for  New-found -land  ;  and  Plantation.  Trinitie 
Bay. 

Master  John  Guy  his  Letter  to  Master  Slany  Treasurer, 

and  to  the  Counsell  of  the  New-found-land  plantation.       410 

Master  Guy  his  Letter  to  the  Treasurer.  Seasonable 
Countrie.  Store-house  for  Provision.  Medow 
grounds.     Ships  returne.     Skins  and  Furs. 

To  Master  John  Slany  Treasurer,  and  others  of  the 
Councell,  and  Companie  of  the  New-found-land 
plantation,  the  29.  of  July,   1612.    .  .  .  .       417 

Harbor  de  Grace.  Victuals  and  Munition.  Hands  of  Ice. 
Biskin  Oare.  Conference  with  Savages.  Their  fashions 
and  Canoas.     Bartering  with  the  Savages. 


CHAP.   VIII. 

Captaine  Richard  Whitbournes  voyages  to  New-found- 
land,  and  observations  there,  and  thereof;  taken  out 
of  his  printed  booke.       ......       424 

Coast  of  Canadie.     Divers  Voyages  to  New-found-land. 

A  Relation  of  New-found-land.        .         .  .  .         .429 

The  Countrie,  People,  and  Baies  of  New-found-land. 
Manifold  Commodities  of  New-found-land.  Com- 
modities by  fishing.     Store  of  Skins.    Strange  Creature. 


CHAP.   IX. 

The  names  of  divers  honourable  persons  and  others,  who 
have  undertaken  to  helpe  to  advance  his  Majesties 
plantation  in  the  New-found-land  :  written  by  the 
said  R.  W.  with  extracts  of  certaine  Letters  written 
from  thence.   ........        440 

Plantation  advanced.  Colonie  maintained.  Great  benefit. 
Extracts  of  a  Letter.  Large  Parlour.  Good  tempera- 
ture.    Healthfull  ayre.     Fresh  Rivers.  Woods  burned. 

xvi 


THE   TABLE 


The  second  Part  of  the  tenth  Booke. 


PAGE 


CHAP.   X. 

Divers  warlike  Fleets  set  forth  to  Sea  against  the  Spaniards, 
by  our  English  Debora,  Queene  Elizabeth,  of  glorious 
memorie :    Her  manifold  deliveries  and  victories.       .       449 

Queene  Elizabeth.  Papall  Rome  greater  Saint-slayer,  then 
the  Ethnike,  Man-slayer. 


CHAP.   XI. 

The  Popes  Bull,  the  King  of  Spaines  preparations,  the 
Duke  of  Medinas  Expedition,  the  Duke  of  Parmas 
Forces,  for  the  invasion  of  England  :  divers  Sea  fights 
twixt  the  English  and  Spanish  Fleets,  the  Sea  flight 
of  the  Spanish,  and  miserable  disasters  in  their 
returne.    Their  lyes.     The  Queenes  religious  triumph.       459 

Popes  Bull  against  Queene  Elizabeth,  with  Annotations. 
The  Pope  pleads  and  rewards  Treasons.  Spanish 
maske. 

Squadron  of  the  Galeons  of  Portugall.    ....       468 

The  Spanish  Ships,  men,  and  provisions  to  invade  Eng- 
land, 1588.  Infinite  store,  of  shipping  :  Men:  and 
all  manner  of  Munition.  Sixtie  foure  Galleons. 
Brasen  Ordnance.     Chiefe  Marshall. 

Don  Alonso  Peres  de  Gusman,  the  good  Duke  of  Medina, 
Sidonia,  Countie  of  Nebla,  Marquesse  of  Casheshe 
in  Africa,  Lord  of  the  Citie  of  Saint  Lucar,  Captaine 
Generall  of  the  Occian  Sea,  of  the  Coast  of  Andaluzia, 
and  of  this  Armie  of  his  Majestie,  and  Knight  of  the 
honorable  Order  of  the  golden  Fleece.      .         .  .       479 

The  Generals  strait  command  to  the  Captaine  of  the 
Navie.  Famous  and  warlike  preparation.  Sea  and 
Land  forces.  Spanish  Fleet.  Flemmings  newes. 
English  unprepared.     A  Galleon  and  Biscainer  taken. 

xvii 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued.  PAGE 

Don  Pedro  de  Valdez  captive.  Spaniards  pursued. 
Bloudie  fight.  Counsell  assembled.  Dangerous  con- 
flict. Government  resigned.  Flight.  Duke  of  Parma 
his  intent.  A  brave  encounter.  Great  vantages. 
Enemy  confounded.  Goods  unladen.  Great  en- 
counter. English  arrivall.  Contrary  windes.  Great 
shipwracke.  Many  Spanish  Nobles  drowned.  Spanish 
Fleete  departed.     Psalmes  of  thanksgiving. 

The  true  relation  of  the  successe  of  the  Catholike  Armie 
against  their  Enemies,  by  the  Letters  of  the  Post- 
master of  Logrono  of  the  fourth  of  September,  and  by 
Letters  from  Roan  of  the  31.  of  August,  and  by 
Letters  from  Paris  of  the  Kings  Embassadour  there  : 
wherein  hee  declareth  the  imprisonment  of  Francis 
Drake,  and  other  great  Nobles  of  England,  and  how 
the  Queene  is  in  the  field  with  an  Armie,  and  of  a 
certaine  mutinie  which  was ,  amongst  the  Queenes 
Armie,  with  the  successe  of  the  said  Catholike  Armie 
since  they  entred  in  the  Groyne,  till  they  came  on  the 
Coast  of  England,  with  two  Ballets  compounded  by 
Christover  Bravo,  a  blinde  man  of  Cordova,  printed 
with  licence  by  Gabriel  Ramos  Beiarano  printer.      .        511 

Packet  of  lyes,  concerning  the  successe  of  the  Catholike 
Army.     False  rumour.     Strange  stratagem. 


CHAP.   XII. 

A  discourse  of  the  Portugall  voyage,  Anno  1589.  Sir 
John  Norris  and  Sir  Francis  Drake  Generalls, 
written  (as  is  thought)  by  Colonell  Antonie  Wingfield, 
imployed  in  the  same  voyage,  formerly  published  by 
his  friend  to  whom  it  was  written  ;  and  here  abbre- 
viated.    .  .  .  .  .  .  .         .  .516 

Portugall  Voyage.  Good  fortune.  New  Voyage.  Fleet 
scattered.  Enemy  expected.  Flemish  Warres.  Mar- 
shall Services.  Want  of  victualls.  Ships  and  Gallies. 
Huge    cry.       Five    hundred    throats    cut.       Powder 

xviii 


THE   TABLE 

The  Contents  of  the  Chapters — Continued. 

bedded.  Breach  made.  The  Groine.  Mine-mis- 
chance. Puente  de  Burgos  Battell.  Spaniards 
overthrowne.  Portugalls  spoiled.  The  Groine  burned. 
Portugall  Voyage.  Peniche  taken.  March  and  Fleet 
for  Lisbon.  English  enter  the  Suburbs  of  Lisbon. 
Spaniards  chased  to  the  Gates.  Necessaries  minis- 
tred.  Enemy  beaten.  Towne  fortified.  Wants 
supplied.  Army  ready.  Peeces  of  Battery.  Flie 
Boates  sent  home.  Ambassadour  returned.  Towne 
entred.     State  of  the  Armie.     Fleet  dispersed. 


xix 


ILLUSTRATION 

PAGE 

Map  of  Nova  Scotia,  ......      400 


XXI 


THE    NINETEENTH    VOLUME 

OF 

Purchas   His   Pilgrimes 

Contayning  English  Plantations,  Discoveries,  Acts 
and    Occurrents    in    Virginia    and    Summer 
Islands  :    English    Discoveries  and   Plan- 
tations in  New  England,   Newfound- 
land ;  with  the  Patent  and  Voyages 
to    New   Scotland,  and  Relations 
of  the    Fleets    set    forth    by 
Queen    Elizabeth    against 
the   Spaniards 


A.D. 

1609. 


Chap.    V. 

A  Letter  of  M.  Gabriel  Archar,  touching  the 
Voyage  of  the  Fleet  of  Ships,  which  arrived  at 
Virginia,  without  Sir  Tho.  Gates,  and  Sir 
George  Summers,   1609. 

Rom  Woolwich  the  fifteenth  of  May,  1 609, 
seventh  saile  weyed  anchor,  and  came  to 
Plimmouth  the  twentieth  day,  where  Sir 
George  Somers,  with  two  small  Vessels, 
consorted  with  us.  Here  we  tooke  into 
the  Blessing  (being  the  ship  wherein  I 
went)  sixe  Mares  and  two  Horses ;  and 
the  Fleet  layed  in  some  necessaries  belonging  to  the 
action :  In  which  businesse  we  spent  time  till  the  second 
of  June.  And  then  wee  set  sayle  to  Sea,  but  crost  by 
South-west  windes,  we  put  in  to  Faulemouth,  and  there 
staying  till  the  eight  of  June,  we  then  gate  out.  Our 
Course  was  commanded  to  leave  the  Canaries  one  hundred  The  appointed 
leagues  to  the  Eastward  at  least,  and  to  steere  away  directly  bourse. 
for  Virginia,  without  touching  at  the  West  Indies,  except 
the  Fleet  should  chance  to  be  separated,  then  they  were  to 
repaire  to  the  Bermuda,  there  to  stay  seven  dayes  in  expec- 
tation of  the  Admirall ;  and  if  they  found  him  not,  then 
to  take  their  course  to  Virginia. 

Now  thus  it  happened ;   about  sixe  dayes  after  we  lost 
the    sight    of    England,    one    of    Sir    George    Somers 
Pinnasses  left  our  company,  and  (as  I  take  it)  bare  up  for  ^g  s^    aml 
England ;   the  rest  of  the  ships,  viz.  The  Sea  Adventure  cytefe  m/n  \n 
Admirall,   wherein  was   Sir  Thomas  Gates,   Sir  George  the  Fleet. 


XIX 


A.D. 

1609. 


Sicknesse  and 
mortalitie  at 
Sea. 


Terrible 
tempest. 


[IV.  ix. 

1734-] 

Note.     False 

rumors 

chargeable. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Somer,  and  Captaine  Newport :  The  Diamond  Vice- 
admirall,  wherein  was  Captaine  Ratcliffe,  and  Captaine 
King.  The  Falcon  Reare-admirall,  in  which  was  Captaine 
Martin,  and  Master  Nellson  :  The  Blessing,  wherein  I  and 
Captaine  Adams  went :  The  Unitie,  wherein  Captaine 
Wood,  and  Master  Pett  were.  The  Lion,  wherein  Cap- 
taine Webb  remained :  And  the  Swallow  of  Sir  George 
Somers,  in  which  Captaine  Moone,  and  Master  Somer 
went.  In  the  Catch  went  one  Matthew  Fitch  Master: 
and  in  the  Boat  of  Sir  George  Somers,  called  the  Virginia, 
which  was  built  in  the  North  Colony,  went  one  Captaine 
Davies,  and  one  Master  Davies.  These  were  the  Cap- 
taines  and  Masters  of  our  Fleet. 

We  ran  a  Southerly  course  from  the  Tropicke  of  Cancer, 
where  having  the  Sun  within  sixe  or  seven  degrees  right 
over  our  head  in  July,  we  bore  away  West ;  so  that  by 
the  fervent  heat  and  loomes  breezes,  many  of  our  men  fell 
sicke  of  the  Calenture,  and  out  of  two  ships  was  throwne 
over-boord  thirtie  two  persons.  The  Viceadmirall  was 
said  to  have  the  plague  in  her;  but  in  the  Blessing  we 
had  not  any  sicke,  albeit  we  had  twenty  women  and 
children. 

Upon  Saint  James  day,  being  about  one  hundred  and 
fiftie  leagues  distant  from  the  West  Indies,  in  crossing  the 
Gulfe  of  Bahoma,  there  hapned  a  most  terrible  and  vehe- 
ment storme,  which  was  a  taile  of  the  West  Indian 
Horacano ;  this  tempest  seperated  all  our  Fleet  one  from 
another,  and  it  was  so  violent  that  men  could  scarce  stand 
upon  the  Deckes,  neither  could  any  man  heare  another 
speake,  being  thus  divided,  every  man  steered  his  owne 
course,  and  as  it  fell  out  about  five  or  sixe  dayes  after  the 
storme  ceased  (which  endure  fortie  foure  houres  in 
extremitie)  the  Lion  first,  and  after  the  Falcon  and  the 
Unitie,  got  sight  of  our  Shippe,  and  so  we  lay  a  way 
directly  for  Virginia,  finding  neither  current  nor  winde 
opposite,  as  some  have  reported,  to  the  great  charge  of 
our  Counsell  and  Adventurers.  The  Unity  was  sore  dis- 
tressed when  she  came  up  with  us,  for  of  seventy  land 


GABRIEL   ARCHER  a.d. 

1609. 

men,  she  had  not  ten  sound,  and  all  her  Sea  men  were  Arrivallin 

downe,  but  onely  the  Master  and  his  Boy,  with  one  poore  ^irslma- 

sailer,  but  we  relieved  them,  and  we  foure  consorting,  fell 

into  the  Kings  River  haply  the  eleventh  of  August.     In 

the  Unity  were  borne  two  children  at  Sea,  but  both  died, 

being  both  Boyes. 

When  wee  came  to  James  Towne,  we  found  a  Ship 
which  had  bin  there  in  the  River  a  moneth  before  we 
came ;  this  was  sent  out  of  England  by  our  Counsels 
leave  and  authority,  to  fish  for  Sturgeon,  and  to  goe  the 
ready  way,  without  tracing  through  the  Torrid  Zoan,  and 
shee  performed  it :  her  Commander  was  Captaine  Argoll  Captain 
(a  good  Marriner,  and  a  very  civill  Gentleman)  and  her  Argatt. 
Master  one  Robert  Tindall. 

The  people  of  our  Colonie  were  found  all  in  health  (for  State  of  the 
the  most  part)  howbeit  when  Captaine  Argoll  came  in,   Colony. 
they  were  in  such  distresse,  for  many  were  dispersed  in 
the  Savages  townes,  living  upon  their  almes  for  an  ounce 
of  Copper  a  day,  and  fourescore  lived  twenty  miles  from 
the  Fort,  and  fed  upon  nothing  but  Oysters  eight  weekes 
space,  having  no  other  allowance  at  all,  neither  were  the 
people  of  the  Country  able  to  relieve  them  if  they  would.  Idknesse  and 
Whereupon   Captaine   Newport   and   others   have  beene  otJier  vues  t0 
much  to  blame  to  informe  the  Counsell  of  such  plenty  of 
victual!  in  this  Country,  by  which  meanes  they  have  beene 
slacke  in  this  supply  to  give  convenient  content.     Upon 
this,  you  that  be  adventurers,  must  pardon  us,  if  you  finde 
not  returne  of  Commodity  so  ample  as  you  may  expect, 
because  the  law  of  nature  bids  us  seeke  sustenance  first, 
and  then  to  labour  to  content  you  afterwards.     But  upon 
this  point  I  shall  be  more  large  in  my  next  Letter. 

After  our  foure  Ships  had  bin  in  harbour  a  few  dayes,  Some  things 
came  in  the  Viceadmirall,  having  cut  her  maine  Mast  partly  false 
over  boord,  and  had  many  of  her  men  very  sicke  and  ™morsiParth 
weake,  but  she  could  tell  no  newes  of  our  Governour,  and  Zst-im's 'arf 
some  three  or  foure  dayes  after  her,  came  in  the  Swallow,  here  left  out. 
with  her  maine  Mast  overboord  also,  and  had  a  shrewd 
leake,  neither  did  she  see  our  Admirall. 


A.D. 

1609. 


They  choose  a 
new  Governor. 
Hinc  ilia 
lachryma. 
Hence  from 
the  malecon- 
tents  which 
had  beene  in 
Virginia 
before  enemies 
to  the  Presi- 
dent, raising 
now  ill  reports 
at  their  com- 
ming  of  him 
arose  these 
stirs,  and  the 
following 
miseries  in 
which  this 
Author  with 
almost  the 
whole  Colony 
perished. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Now  did  we  all  lament  much  the  absence  of  our  Gover- 
nour,  for  contentions  began  to  grow,  and  factions,  and 
partakings,  &c.  Insomuch  as  the  President,  to  strengthen 
his  authority,  accorded  with  the  Mariners,  and  gave  not 
any  due  respect  to  many  worthy  Gentlemen,  that  came 
in  our  Ships :  whereupon  they  generally  (having  also  my 
consent)  chose  Master  West,  my  Lord  de  la  Wars  brother, 
to  be  their  Governour,  or  president  de  bene  esse,  in  the 
absence  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  or  if  he  miscarried  by  Sea, 
then  to  continue  till  we  heard  newes  from  our  Counsell 
in  England.  This  choice  of  him  they  made  not  to  dis- 
turbe  the  old  President  during  his  time,  but  as  his 
authority  expired,  then  to  take  upon  him  the  sole  govern- 
ment, with  such  assistants  of  the  Captaines,  as  discreetest 
persons  as  the  Colonie  afforded.  Perhaps  you  shall  have 
it  blazoned  a  mutenie  by  such  as  retaine  old  malice ;  but 
Master  West,  Master  Percie,  and  all  the  respected  Gentle- 
men of  worth  in  Virginia,  can  and  will  testifie  otherwise 
upon  their  oathes.  For  the  Kings  Patent  we  ratified,  but 
refused  to  be  governed  by  the  President  that  now  is,  after 
his  time  was  expired,  and  onely  subjected  our  selves  to 
Master  West,  whom  we  labour  to  have  next  President.  I 
cannot  certifie  you  of  much  more  as  yet,  untill  we  grow 
to  some  certaine  stay  in  this  our  state,  but  by  the  other 
Ships  you  shall  know  more.  So  with  my  harty  com- 
mendations I  cease.  From  James  Towne  this  last  of 
August  1609. 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1609. 

Chap.  VI. 

A  true  reportory  of  the  wracke,  and  redemption 
of  Sir  Thomas  Gates  Knight ;  upon,  and  from 
the  Hands  of  the  Bermudas :  his  comming  to 
Virginia,  and  the  estate  of  that  Colonie  then, 
and  after,  under  the  government  of  the  Lord 
La  Warre,  July  15.  16 10.  written  by  William 
Strachy,  Esquire. 

§•  1. 

A  most  dreadfull  Tempest  (the  manifold  deaths 
whereof  are  here  to  the  life  described)  their 
wracke  on  Bermuda,  and  the  description  of 
those  Hands. 

Xcellent  Lady,  know  that  upon  Friday  late   2.June.i6oc). 
in  the  evening,  we  brake  ground  out  of 
the  Sound  of  Plymouth,  our  whole  Fleete 
then  consisting  of  seven  good  Ships,  and 
two   Pinnaces,   all  which   from   the   said 
second  of  June,  unto  the  twenty  three 
of  July,  kept  in  friendly  consort  together, 
not  a  whole  watch  at  any  time  loosing  the  sight  each  of 
other.     Our  course  when  we  came  about  the  height  of 
betweene  26.  and  27.  degrees,  we  declined  to  the  North-  a//erejt 
ward,  and  according  to  our  Governours  instructions  altered  [iv.  ix. 
the  trade  and  ordinary  way  used  heretofore  by  Dominico,  173 5-] 

and  Mevis,  in  the  West  Indies,  and  found  the  winde  to 
this  course  indeede  as  friendly,  as  in  the  judgement  of  all 
Sea-men,  it  is  upon  a  more  direct  line,  and  by  Sir  George  sir  G. 
Summers  our  Admirall  had  bin  likewise  in  former  time   Summers  a 
sailed,  being  a  Gentleman  of  approved  assurednesse,  and  &00j  mf"ner 
ready  knowledge  in  Sea-faring  actions,  having  often  carried  ^ouldter 
command,  and  chiefe  charge  in  many  Ships  Royall  of  her 
Majesties,  and  in  sundry  Voyages  made  many  defeats  and 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1609. 

attempts  in  the  time  of  the  Spaniards  quarrelling  with 
us,  upon  the  Hands  and  Indies,  &c.  We  had  followed  this 
course  so  long,  as  now  we  were  within  seven  or  eight 
dayes  at  the  most,  by  Cap.  Newports  reckoning  of  making 
Cape  Henry  upon  the  coast  of  Virginia :  When  on  S. 
James  his  day,  July  24.  being  Monday  (preparing  for  no 
A  terrible  lesse  all  the  blacke  night  before)  the  cloudes  gathering 
storme  thicke  upon  us,  and  the  windes  singing,  and  whistling 

expressed  in  a  r        11  1  •  1  j  ^      rr  tv 

pathetic  all  and  most  unusually,  which  made  us  to  cast  oft  our  Pinnace 
retorkall  towing  the  same  untill  then  asterne,  a  dreadfull  storme 
description.  and  hideous  began  to  blow  from  out  the  North-east,  which 
swelling,  and  roaring  as  it  were  by  fits,  some  houres  with 
more  violence  then  others,  at  length  did  beate  all  light 
Black-  from  heaven ;    which  like  an  hell  of  darkenesse  turned 

darknes.  blacke  upon  us,  so  much  the  more  fuller  of  horror,  as  in 

such  cases  horror  and  feare  use  to  overrunne  the  troubled, 
and  overmastered  sences  of  all,  which  (taken  up  with 
amazement)  the  eares  lay  so  sensible  to  the  terrible  cries, 
and  murmurs  of  the  windes,  and  distraction  of  our  Com- 
pany, as  who  was  most  armed,  and  best  prepared,  was  not 
Feare  of  death  a  little  shaken.  For  surely  (Noble  Lady)  as  death  comes 
at  Sea  more  not  so  sodaine  nor  apparant,  so  he  comes  not  so  elvish 
jeateju  .  an^  painfull  (to  men  especially  even  then  in  health  and 
perfect  habitudes  of  body)  as  at  Sea ;  who  comes  at  no 
time  so  welcome,  but  our  frailty  (so  weake  is  the  hold  of 
hope  in  miserable  demonstrations  of  danger)  it  makes 
guilty  of  many  contrary  changes,  and  conflicts :  For 
indeede  death  is  accompanied  at  no  time,  nor  place  with 
circumstances  every  way  so  uncapable  of  particularities  of 
goodnesse  and  inward  comforts,  as  at  Sea.  For  it  is  most 
true,  there  ariseth  commonly  no  such  unmercifull  tempest, 
compound  of  so  many  contrary  and  divers  Nations,  but 
that  it  worketh  upon  the  whole  frame  of  the  body,  and 
most  loathsomely  affecteth  all  the  powers  thereof:  and 
the  manner  of  the  sicknesse  it  laies  upon  the  body,  being 
so  unsufferable,  gives  not  the  minde  any  free  and  quiet 
time,  to  use  her  judgement  and  Empire :  which  made 
the  Poet  say : 

6 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1609. 

Hostium  uxores,  puerique  caecos 

Sentiant  motus  orientis  Haedi,  & 

iEquoris  nigri  fremitum,  &  trementes 
Verbere  ripas. 
For  foure  and  twenty  houres  the  storme  in  a  restlesse  Continuance 
tumult,  had  blowne  so  exceedingly,  as  we  could  not  appre-  and  increase- 
hend    in    our    imaginations    any    possibility    of    greater 
violence,  yet  did  wee  still  finde  it,  not  onely  more  terrible, 
but  more  constant,  fury  added  to  fury,  and  one  storme 
urging  a  second  more  outragious  then  the  former ;  whether 
it  so  wrought  upon  our  feares,  or  indeede  met  with  new 
forces :    Sometimes  strikes  in  our  Ship  amongst  women, 
and  passengers,  not  used  to  such  hurly  and  discomforts, 
made  us  looke  one  upon  the  other  with  troubled  hearts, 
and  panting  bosomes  :   our  clamours  dround  in  the  windes, 
and  the  windes  in  thunder.     Prayers  might  well  be  in  the 
heart  and  lips,  but  drowned  in  the  outcries  of  the  Officers  : 
nothing  heard  that  could  give  comfort,  nothing  seene  that 
might  incourage  hope.     It  is  impossible  for  me,  had  I  the 
voyce  of  Stentor,  and  expression  of  as  many  tongues,  as 
his  throate  of  voyces,  to  expresse  the  outcries  and  miseries, 
not  languishing,  but  wasting  his  spirits,  and  art  constant 
to  his  owne  principles,  but  not  prevailing.     Our  sailes 
wound  up  lay  without  their  use,  and  if  at  any  time  wee 
bore  but  a  Hollocke,  or  halfe  forecourse,  to  guide  her 
before  the  Sea,  six  and  sometimes  eight  men  were  not 
inough  to  hold  the  whipstaffe  in  the  steerage,  and  the 
tiller  below  in   the   Gunner  roome,   by  which   may  be 
imagined  the  strength  of  the  storme :    In  which,  the  Sea  Swelling  Sea 
swelled  above  the  Clouds,  and  gave  battell  unto  Heaven,  set  forth  in  a 
It  could  not  be  said  to  raine,  the  waters  like  whole  Rivers  szvelll,1S  ***• 
did  flood  in  the  ayre.     And  this  I  did  still  observe,  that 
whereas  upon  the  Land,  when  a  storme  hath  powred  it 
seife  forth  once  in  drifts  of  raine,  the  winde  as  beaten 
downe,  and  vanquished  therewith,  not  long  after  indureth  : 
here  the  glut  of  water  (as  if  throatling  the  winde  ere  while) 
was  no  sooner  a  little  emptied  and  qualified,  but  instantly 
the  windes  (as  having  gotten  their  mouthes  now  free,  and 

7 


A.b. 
1609. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGEIMES 


Compared 
with  the 
Authors 
former 
experiments. 


Leake  added 
to  the  stormes 
terrour. 


[IV.  ix 


at  liberty)  spake  more  loud,  and  grew  more  tumultuous, 
and  malignant.  What  shall  I  say  ?  Windes  and  Seas  were 
as  mad,  as  fury  and  rage  could  make  them  ;  for  mine  owne 
part,  I  had  bin  in  some  stormes  before,  as  well  upon  the 
coast  of  Barbary  and  Algeere,  in  the  Levant,  and  once 
more  distressful!  in  the  Adriatique  gulfe,  in  a  bottome  of 
Candy,  so  as  I  may  well  say.  Ego  quid  sit  ater  Adriae 
novi  sinus,  &  quid  albus  Peccet  Iapex.  Yet  all  that  I  had 
ever  suffered  gathered  together,  might  not  hold  com- 
parison with  this :  there  was  not  a  moment  in  which  the 
sodaine  splitting,  or  instant  over-setting  of  the  Shippe  was 
not  expected. 

Howbeit  this  was  not  all ;  It  pleased  God  to  bring  a 
greater  affliction  yet  upon  us ;  for  in  the  beginning  of  the 
storme  we  had  received  likewise  a  mighty  leake.  And 
the  Ship  in  every  joynt  almost,  having  spued  out  her 
Okam,  before  we  were  aware  (a  casualty  more  desperate 
then  any  other  that  a  Voyage  by  Sea  draweth  with  it)  was 
growne  five  foote  suddenly  deepe  with  water  above  her 
J736-]  ballast,  and  we  almost  drowned  within,  whilest  we  sat 
looking  when  to  perish  from  above.  This  imparting  no 
lesse  terrour  then  danger,  ranne  through  the  whole  Ship 
with  much  fright  and  amazement,  startled  and  turned  the 
bloud,  and  tooke  downe  the  braves  of  the  most  hardy 
Marriner  of  them  all,  insomuch  as  he  that  before  happily 
felt  not  the  sorrow  of  others,  now  began  to  sorrow  for 
himselfe,  when  he  saw  such  a  pond  of  water  so  suddenly 
broken  in,  and  which  he  knew  could  not  (without  present 
avoiding)  but  instantly  sinke  him.  So  as  joyning  (onely 
for  his  owne  sake,  not  yet  worth  the  saving)  in  the 
publique  safety;  there  might  be  seene  Master,  Masters 
Mate,  Boateswaine,  Quarter  Master,  Coopers,  Carpenters, 
and  who  not,  with  candels  in  their  hands,  creeping  along 
the  ribs  viewing  the  sides,  searching  every  corner,  and 
listening  in  every  place,  if  they  could  heare  the  water 
runne.  Many  a  weeping  leake  was  this  way  found,  and 
hastily  stopt,  and  at  length  one  in  the  Gunner  roome 
^.made  up  with  I  know  not  how  many  peeces  of  Beefe  : 

8 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1609. 
but  all  was  to  no  purpose,  the  Leake  (if  it  were  but  one) 
which  drunke  in  our  greatest   Seas,  and  tooke  in  our 
destruction  fastest,  could  not  then  be  found,  nor  ever  was, 
by   any   labour,   counsell,   or   search.      The   waters   still 
increasing,  and  the  Pumpes  going,  which  at  length  choaked 
with  bringing  up  whole  and  continuall  Bisket  (and  indeede 
all  we  had,  tenne  thousand  weight)  it  was  conceived,  as 
most  likely,  that  the  Leake  might  be  sprung  in  the  Bread-  Leake  cannot 
roome,  whereupon  the  Carpenter  went  downe,  and  ript  up  be  found, 
all  the  roome,  but  could  not  finde  it  so.  '"but  be  ™"uJd 

I  am  not  able  to  give  unto  your  Ladiship  every  mans 
thought  in  this  perplexity,  to  which  we  were  now  brought ; 
but  to  me,  this  Leakage  appeared  as  a  wound  given  to 
men  that  were  before  dead.  The  Lord  knoweth,  I  had 
as  little  hope,  as  desire  of  life  in  the  storme,  &  in  this, 
it  went  beyond  my  will ;  because  beyond  my  reason,  why 
we  should  labour  to  preserve  life ;  yet  we  did,  either 
because  so  deare  are  a  few  lingring  houres  of  life  in  all 
mankinde,  or  that  our  Christian  knowledges  taught  us, 
how  much  we  owed  to  the  rites  of  Nature,  as  bound,  not 
to  be  false  to  our  selves,  or  to  neglect  the  meanes  of  our 
owne  preservation ;  the  most  despairefull  things  amongst 
men,  being  matters  of  no  wonder  nor  moment  with  him, 
who  is  the  rich  Fountaine  and  admirable  Essence  of  all 
mercy. 

Our  Governour,  upon  the  tuesday  morning  (at  what 
time,  by  such  who  had  bin  below  in  the  hold,  the  Leake 
was  first  discovered)  had  caused  the  whole  Company,  about 
one  hundred  and  forty,  besides  women,   to  be  equally 
divided  into  three  parts,  and  opening  the  Ship  in  three 
places  (under  the  forecastle,  in  the  waste,  and  hard  by  the 
Bitacke)  appointed  each  man  where  to  attend  ;  and  there  -   Their  labour 
unto  every  man  came  duely  upon  his  watch,  tooke  the  for  hfe  thrce 
Bucket,  or  Pumpe  for  one  houre,  and  rested  another.  dpcs  and. 
Then  men  might  be  seene  to  labour,  I  may  well  say,  for 
life,  and  the  better  sort,  even  our  Governour,  and  Admirall 
themselves,  not  refusing  their  turne,  and  to  spell  each  the 
other,    to   give   example    to    other.     The   common    sort 

9 


A.D. 

1609. 


Sea  breakesin. 


The  Gover- 
nours  care. 


Remora  is 
fabled  to  be  a 
small  fish  able 
to  withstand  a 
Shippe  hi  her 
course. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

stripped  naked,  as  men  in  Gallies,  the  easier  both  to  hold 
out,  and  to  shrinke  from  under  the  salt  water,  which 
continually  leapt  in  among  them,  kept  their  eyes  waking, 
and  their  thoughts  and  hands  working,  with  tyred  bodies, 
and  wasted  spirits,  three  dayes  and  foure  nights  destitute 
of  outward  comfort,  and  desperate  of  any  deliverance, 
testifying  how  mutually  willing  they  were,  yet  by  labour 
to  keepe  each  other  from  drowning,  albeit  each  one 
drowned  whilest  he  laboured. 

Once,  so  huge  a  Sea  brake  upon  the  poope  and  quarter, 
upon  us,  as  it  covered  our  Shippe  from  stearne  to  stemme, 
like  a  garment  or  a  vast  cloude,  it  filled  her  brimme  full 
for  a  while  within,  from  the  hatches  up  to  the  sparre  decke. 
This  source  or  confluence  of  water  was  so  violent,  as  it 
rusht  and  carried  the  Helm-man  from  the  Helme,  and 
wrested  the  Whip-staffe  out  of  his  hand,  which  so  flew 
from  side  to  side,  that  when  he  would  have  ceased  the 
same  againe,  it  so  tossed  him  from  Star-boord  to  Lar- 
boord,  as  it  was  Gods  mercy  it  had  not  split  him :  It  so 
beat  him  from  his  hold,  and  so  bruised  him,  as  a  fresh  man 
hazarding  in  by  chance  fell  faire  with  it,  and  by  maine 
strength  bearing  somewhat  up,  made  good  his  place,  and 
with  much  clamour  incouraged  and  called  upon  others; 
who  gave  her  now  up,  rent  in  pieces  and  absolutely  lost. 
Our  Governour  was  at  this  time  below  at  the  Capstone, 
both  by  his  speech  and  authoritie  heartening  every  man 
unto  his  labour.  It  strooke  him  from  the  place  where  hee 
sate,  and  groveled  him,  and  all  us  about  him  on  our  faces, 
beating  together  with  our  breaths  all  thoughts  from  our 
bosomes,  else,  then  that  wee  were  now  sinking.  For  my 
part,  I  thought  her  alreadie  in  the  bottome  of  the  Sea ;  and 
I  have  heard  him  say,  wading  out  of  the  floud  thereof,  all 
his  ambition  was  but  to  climbe  up  above  hatches  to  dye 
in  Aperto  coelo,  and  in  the  company  of  his  old  friends. 
It  so  stun'd  the  ship  in  her  full  pace,  that  shee  stirred  no 
more,  then  if  shee  had  beene  caught  in  a  net,  or  tfien,  as 
if  the  fabulous  Remora  had  stucke  to  her  fore-castle.  Yet 
without  bearing  one  inch  of  saile,  even  then  shee  was 

10 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES 

making  her  way  nine  or  ten  leagues  in  a  watch.  One  thing, 
it  is  not  without  his  wonder  (whether  it  were  the  feare 
of  death  in  so  great  a  storme,  or  that  it  pleased  God  to 
be  gracious  unto  us)  there  was  not  a  passenger,  gentleman, 
or  other,  after  hee  beganne  to  stirre  and  labour,  but  was 
able  to  relieve  his  fellow,  and  make  good  his  course :  And 
it  is  most  true,  such  as  in  all  their  life  times  had  never 
done  houres  worke  before  (their  mindes  now  helping  their 
bodies)  were  able  twice  fortie  eight  houres  together  to 
toile  with  the  best. 

During  all  this  time,  the  heavens  look'd  so  blacke  upon 
us,  that  it  was  not  possible  the  elevation  of  the  Pole  might 
be  observed :  nor  a  Starre  by  night,  not  Sunne  beame  by 
day  was  to  be  seene.  Onely  upon  the  thursday  night  Sir 
George  Summers  being  upon  the  watch,  had  an  apparition 
of  a  Tittle  round  light,  like  a  faint  Starre,  trembling,  and 
streaming  along  with  a  sparkeling  blaze,  halfe  the  height 
upon  the  Maine  Mast,  and  shooting  sometimes  from 
Shroud  to  Shroud,  tempting  to  settle  as  it  were  upon  any 
of  the  foure  Shrouds :  and  for  three  or  foure  houres 
together,  or  rather  more,  halfe  the  night  it  kept  with  us ; 
running  sometimes  along  the  Maine-yard  to  the  very  end, 
and  then  returning.  At  which,  Sir  George  Summers 
called  divers  about  him,  and  shewed  them  the  same,  who 
observed  it  with  much  wonder,  and  carefulnesse  :  but  upon 
a  sodaine,  towards  the  morning  watch,  they  lost  the  sight 
of  it,  and  knew  not  what  way  it  made.  The  superstitious 
Sea-men  make  many  constructions  of  this  Sea-fire,  which 
neverthelesse  is  usuall  in  stormes :  the  same  (it  may  be) 
which  the  Grecians  were  wont  in  the  Mediterranean  to 
call  Castor  and  Pollux,  of  which,  if  one  onely  appeared 
without  the  other,  they  tooke  it  for  an  evill  signe  of  great 
tempest.  The  Italians,  and  such,  who  lye  open  to  the 
Adriatique  and  Tyrrene  Sea,  call  it  (a  sacred  Body)  Corpo 
sancto :  the  Spaniards  call  it  Saint  Elmo,  and  have  an 
authentique  and  miraculous  Legend  for  it.  Be  it  what  it 
will,  we  laid  other  foundations  of  safety  or  ruine,  then  in 
the  rising  or  falling  of  it,  could  it  have  served  us  now 

ii 


A.D. 

1609. 


God  inableth 
whom  he  will 
save  to  save 
themselves. 


[IV.  ix. 

I737-] 

Utter  darbies. 


Light  on  the 
Shrouds. 


See  Tom.  1. 

l.().C.  I2.§.  1. 


A.t>. 
1609. 


No  skcpe  or 
food  from 
tuesday  till 
friday. 


1200. 
Barricos  an 
houre,  besides 

3.  Pumps, 
acquitting 
100  tuns 

of  water  every 

4.  houres. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

miraculously  to  have  taken  our  height  by,  it  might  have 
strucken  amazement,  and  a  reverence  in  our  devotions, 
according  to  the  due  of  a  miracle.  But  it  did  not  light 
us  any  whit  the  more  to  our  knowne  way,  who  ran  now 
(as  doe  hoodwinked  men)  at  all  adventures,  sometimes 
North,  and  North-east,  then  North  and  by  West,  and  in 
an  instant  againe  varying  two  or  three  points,  and  some- 
times halfe  the  Compasse.  East  and  by  South  we  steered 
away  as  much  as  we  could  to  beare  upright,  which  was  no 
small  carefulnesse  nor  paine  to  doe,  albeit  we  much 
unrigged  our  Ship,  threw  over-boord  much  luggage,  many 
a  Trunke  and  Chest  (in  which  I  suffered  no  meane  losse) 
and  staved  many  a  Butt  of  Beere,  Hogsheads  of  Oyle, 
Syder,  Wine,  and  Vinegar,  and  heaved  away  all  our 
Ordnance  on  the  Starboord  side,  and  had  now  purposed  to 
have  cut  downe  the  Maine  Mast,  the  more  to  lighten  her, 
for  we  were  much  spent,  and  our  men  so  weary,  as  their 
strengths  together  failed  them,  with  their  hearts,  having 
travailed  now  from  Tuesday  till  Friday  morning,  day  and 
night,  without  either  sleepe  or  foode ;  for  the  leakeage 
taking  up  all  the  hold,  wee  could  neither  come  by  Beere 
nor  fresh  water ;  fire  we  could  keepe  none  in  the  Cooke- 
roome  to  dresse  any  meate,  and  carefulnesse,  griefe,  and 
our  turne  at  the  Pumpe  or  Bucket,  were  sufficient  to  hold 
sleepe  from  our  eyes. 

And  surely  Madam,  it  is  most  true,  there  was  not  any 
houre  (a  matter  of  admiration)  all  these  dayes,  in  which  we 
freed  not  twelve  hundred  Barricos  of  water,  the  least 
whereof  contained  six  gallons,  and  some  eight,  besides 
three  deepe  Pumpes  continually  going,  two  beneath  at  the 
Capstone,  and  the  other  above  in  the  halfe  Decke,  and  at 
each  Pumpe  foure  thousand  stroakes  at  the  least  in  a 
watch ;  so  as  I  may  well  say,  every  foure  houres,  we 
quitted  one  hundred  tunnes  of  water :  and  from  tuesday 
noone  till  friday  noone,  we  bailed  and  pumped  two 
thousand  tunne,  and  yet  doe  what  we  could,  when  our 
Ship  held  least  in  her,  (after  tuesday  night  second  watch) 
shee  bore  ten  foote  deepe,  at  which  stay  our  extreame 

12 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES 

working  kept  her  one  eight  glasses,  forbearance  whereof 
had  instantly  sunke  us,  and  it  being  now  Friday,  the  fourth 
morning,  it  wanted  little,  but  that  there  had  bin  a  generall 
determination,  to  have  shut  up  hatches,  and  commending 
our  sinfull  soules  to  God,  committed  the  Shippe  to  the 
mercy  of  the  Sea:  surely,  that  night  we  must  have  done 
it,  and  that  night  had  we  then  perished :  but  see  the 
goodnesse  and  sweet  introduction  of  better  hope,  by  our 
mercifull  God  given  unto  us.  Sir  George  Summers, 
when  no  man  dreamed  of  such  happinesse,  had  discovered, 
and  cried  Land.  Indeede  the  morning  now  three 
quarters  spent,  had  wonne  a  little  cleerenesse  from  the 
dayes  before,  and  it  being  better  surveyed,  the  very  trees 
were  seene  to  move  with  the  winde  upon  the  shoare  side : 
whereupon  our  Governour  commanded  the  Helme-man 
to  beare  up,  the  Boateswaine  sounding  at  the  first,  found 
it  thirteene  fathome,  &  when  we  stood  a  little  in  seven 
fatham ;  and  presently  heaving  his  lead  the  third  time, 
had  ground  at  foure  fathome,  and  by  this,  we  had  got  her 
within  a  mile  under  the  South-east  point  of  the  land, 
where  we  had  somewhat  smooth  water.  But  having  no 
hope  to  save  her  by  comming  to  an  anker  in  the  same,  we 
were  inforced  to  runne  her  ashoare,  as  neere  the  land  as 
we  could,  which  brought  us  within  three  quarters  of  a 
mile  of  shoare,  and  by  the  mercy  of  God  unto  us,  making 
out  our  Boates,  we  had  ere  night  brought  all  our  men, 
women,  and  children,  about  the  number  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  safe  into  the  Hand. 

We  found  it  to  be  the  dangerous  and  dreaded  Hand,  or 
rather  Hands  of  the  Bermuda  :  whereof  let  mee  give  your 
Ladyship  a  briefe  description,  before  I  proceed  to  my 
narration.  And  that  the  rather,  because  they  be  so  terrible 
to  all  that  ever  touched  on  them,  and  such  tempests, 
thunders,  and  other  fearefull  objects  are  seene  and  heard 
about  them,  that  they  be  called  commonly,  The  Devils 
Hands,  and  are  feared  and  avoyded  of  all  sea  travellers 
alive,  above  any  other  place  in  the  world.  Yet  it  pleased 
our  mercifull  God,  to  make  even  this  hideous  and  hated 

13 


A.D. 

1609. 


Summer 
Hands 
described  by 
Sir  George 
Summers. 


They  go  a 
land. 

Bermuda 
Hands 

supposed  the 
Divels,  &c. 


A.D. 

1609. 


[IV. 


IX. 


1738.] 


Bermuda 

Hands 

described. 


Sir  George 
Summers 
diligent 
survey :  his 
draught  which 
we  have  not. 
M.  Norgate 
hath  since 
published  an 
exact  Map. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

place,  both  the  place  of  our  safetie,  and  meanes  of  our 
deliverance. 

And  hereby  also,  I  hope  to  deliver  the  world  from  a 
foule  and  generall  errour :  it  being  counted  of  most,  that 
they  can  be  no  habitation  for  Men,  but  rather  given  over 
to  Devils  and  wicked  Spirits ;  whereas  indeed  wee  find 
them  now  by  experience,  to  bee  as  habitable  and  com- 
modious as  most  Countries  of  the  same  climate  and 
situation :  insomuch  as  if  the  entrance  into  them  were 
as  easie  as  the  place  it  selfe  is  contenting,  it  had  long  ere 
this  beene  inhabited,  as  well  as  other  Hands.  Thus  shall 
we  make  it  appeare,  That  Truth  is  the  daughter  of  Time, 
and  that  men  ought  not  to  deny  every  thing  which  is  not 
subject  to  their  owne  sense. 

The  Bermudas  bee  broken  Hands,  five  hundred  of  them 
in  manner  of  an  Archipelagus  (at  least  if  you  may  call 
them  all  Hands  that  lie,  how  little  soever  into  the  Sea, 
and  by  themselves)  of  small  compasse,  some  larger  yet  then 
other,  as  time  and  the  Sea  hath  wonne  from  them,  and 
eaten  his  passage  through,  and  all  now  lying  in  the  figure 
of  a  Croissant,  within  the  circuit  of  sixe  or  seven  leagues 
at  the  most,  albeit  at  first  it  is  said  of  them  that  they 
were  thirteene  or  fourteene  leagues ;  and  more  in  longi- 
tude as  I  have  heard.  For  no  greater  distance  is  it  from 
the  Northwest  Point  to  Gates  his  Bay,  as  by  this  Map 
your  Ladyship  may  see,  in  which  Sir  George  Summers, 
who  coasted  in  his  Boat  about  them  all,  tooke  great  care 
to  expresse  the  same  exactly  and  full,  and  made  his  draught 
perfect  for  all  good  occasions,  and  the  benefit  of  such, 
who  either  in  distresse  might  be  brought  upon  them,  or 
make  saile  this  way. 

It  should  seeme  by  the  testimony  of  Gonzalus  Ferdi- 
nandus  Oviedus,  in  his  Booke  intituled,  The  Summary 
or  Abridgement  of  his  generall  History  of  the  West 
Indies,  written  to  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fift,  that  they 
have  beene  indeed  of  greater  compasse  (and  I  easily 
beleeve  it)  then  they  are  now,  who  thus  saith :  In  the 
yeere  151 5.  when  I  came  first  to  informe  your  Majesty 

14 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES 


A.D. 
1609. 


of  the  state  of  the  things  in  India,  and  was  the  yeere 

following  in  Flanders,  in  the  time  of  your  most  fortunate 

successe  in  these  your  kingdomes  of  Aragony  and  Casteel, 

whereas  at  that  voyage  I  sayled  above  the  Hand  Bermudas, 

otherwise  called  Gorza,  being  the  farthest  of  all  the  Hands 

that  are  yet  found  at  this  day  in  the  world,  and  arriving 

there  at  the  depth  of  eight  yards  *  of  water,  and  distant  *Orfadams 

from  the  Land  as  farre  as  the  shot  of  a  Peece  of  Ordnance, 

I  determined  to  send  some  of  the  ship  to  Land,  as  well 

to  make  search  of  such  things  as  were  there,  as  also  to 

leave  in  the  Hand  certaine  Hogges  for  increase,  but  the 

time  not  serving  my  purpose,  by  reason  of  contrary  winde 

I  could  bring  my  Ships  no  neerer :  the  Hand  being  twelve  morf  Partic?- 

•  1  /ar/v  he  saith 

leagues  in  length,   and  sixteene  in  breadth,   and  about   -lt  hJath  two 
thirtie  in  circuit,  lying  in  the  thirtie  three  degrees  of  the 
North  side.     Thus  farre  hee. 

True  it  is,  the  maine  Hand,  or  greatest  of  them  now, 


braccia. 
In  his  Gen. 
hist.  li.  2. 
c.  9.  he 
reciteth  the 
same  historie 


names,  Garza, 
of  the  ship 
which  first 
discovered  it, 


andBermudez. 
of  the  Captain 
of  that  ship, 
named  John 
Bermudes. 
Note  that  he 
placeth  it  more 
to  the  North, 
then  that 
which  is  by 
ours  inhabited, 


may  bee  some  sixteene  miles  in  length  East  North-east,  fa'g  caffej 

and  West  South-west  the  longest  part  of  it,  standing  in 

thirtie  two  degrees  and  twentie  minutes,  in  which  is  a 

great  Bay  on  the  North  side,  in  the  North-west  end,  and 

many  broken  Hands  in  that  Sound  or  Bay,  and  a  little 

round  Hand  at  the  South-west  end.     As  occasions  were 

offered,  so  we  gave  titles  and  names  to  certaine  places. 

These  Hands  are  often  afflicted  and  rent  with  tempests, 
great   strokes   of   thunder,   lightning   and   raine   in    the 
extreamity  of  violence :  which  (and  it  may  well  bee)  hath 
so  sundred  and  torne  downe  the  Rockes,  and  whurried   y  say  som- 
whole  quarters  of  Hands  into  the  maine  Sea  (some  sixe,  time  they  see 
some  seven  leagues,  and  is  like  in  time  to  swallow  them  tt,sometimenot 
all)  so  as  even  in  that  distance  from  the  shoare  there  is  no  %,  eL^[e'jt 

n  e  1        •  1       1  r  1  tie  opaniat  as 

small  danger  or   them  and  with   them,  of  the  stormes  /as  j  have 

continually  raging  from  them,  which  once  in  the  full  and  heard)  which 

change  commonly  of  every  Moone  (Winter  or  Summer)  were  wracked 

keepe  their  unchangeable  round,  and  rather  thunder  then   th'r* tn  ?**' 
,  ,    r    c  &  111  •  r  Butlers  time, 

blow  from  every  corner  about   them,   sometimes   for  tie  were  of  opinion 

that  ours  are  not  the  Bermudas :    Tea  some  of  ours  affirme,  they  have  seen  such  an  Hand 
to  the  North  of  ours,  and  have  offered  to  discover  it;  sub  judice  Us  est;  Veritas  temporis  filia. 

*5 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1609. 

eight  houres  together :  especially  if  the  circle,  which  the 
Halo,  the  Philosophers  call  Halo  were  (in  our  being  there)  seene 
ar,e  sefn  about  the  Moone  at  any  season,  which  bow  indeed 
Moon,  of  great  appeared  there  often,  and  would  bee  of  a  mightie  com- 
compasse.  passe  and  breadth.  I  have  not  observed  it  any  where  one 
quarter  so  great,  especially  about  the  twentieth  of  March, 
I  saw  the  greatest  when  followed  upon  the  eves  eve  of 
the  Annuntiation  of  our  Ladie,  the  mightiest  blast  of 
lightning,  and  most  terrible  rap  of  thunder  that  ever 
astonied  mortall  men,  I  thinke.  In  August,  September, 
and  untill  the  end  of  October,  wee  had  very  hot  and 
pleasant  weather  onely  (as  I  say)  thunder,  lightning,  and 
many  scattering  showers  of  Raine  (which  would  passe 
swiftly  over,  and  yet  fall  with  such  force  and  darknesse 
for  the  time  as  if  it  would  never  bee  cleere  againe)  wee 
wanted  not  any ;  and  of  raine  more  in  Summer  then  in 
Winter,  and  in  the  beginning  of  December  wee  had  great 
store  of  hayle  (the  sharpe  windes  blowing  Northerly)  but 
it  continued  not,  and  to  say  truth,  it  is  wintry  or  summer 
weather  there,  according  as  those  North  and  North-west 
windes  blow.  Much  taste  of  this  kind  of  Winter  wee 
had  ;  for  those  cold  windes  would  suddenly  alter  the  ayre  : 
but  when  there  was  no  breath  of  wind  to  bring  the  moyst 
ayre  out  of  the  Seas,  from  the  North  and  North-west, 
wee  were  rather  weary  of  the  heate,  then  pinched  with 
extreamitie  of  cold:  Yet  the  three  Winter  moneths, 
December,  January,  and  February,  the  winds  kept  in  those 
cold  corners,  and  indeed  then  it  was  heavy  and  melancholy 
being  there,  nor  were  the  winds  more  rough  in  March, 
then  in  the  foresaid  moneths,  and  yet  even  then  would 
the  Birds  breed.  I  thinke  they  bredde  there,  most 
monethes  in  the  yeere,  in  September,  and  at  Christmasse  I 
saw  young  Birds,  and  in  Februarie,  at  which  time  the 
mornings  are  there  (as  in  May  in  England)  fresh  and 
sharpe. 

Well  may  the  Spaniards,  and  these  Biscani  Pilots,  with 
all  their  Traders  into  the  Indies,  passe  by  these  Hands  as 
afraid  (either  bound  out  or  homewards)  of  their  very 

i6 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1609. 

Meridian,  and  leave  the  fishing  for  the  Pearle  (which  some 
say,  and  I  beleeve  well  is  as  good  there,  as  in  any  of  their 
other  Indian  Hands,  and  whereof  we  had  some  triall)  to 
such  as  will  adventure  for  them.     The  Seas  about  them  [IV.  ix. 
are  so  ful  of  breaches,  as  with  those  dangers,  they  may  wel  I739-] 

be  said  to  be  the  strongest  situate  in  the  world.  I  have 
often  heard  Sir  George  Summers,  and  Captaine  New- 
port say,  how  they  have  not  beene  by  any  chance  or 
discovery  upon  their  like.  It  is  impossible  without  great 
and  perfect  knowledge,  and  search  first  made  of  them  to 
bring  in  a  bable  Boat,  so  much  as  of  ten  Tun  without 
apparant  ruine,  albeit  within  there  are  many  faire  harbours 
for  the  greatest  English  Ship  :  yea,  the  Argasies  of  Venice 
may  ride  there  with  water  enough,  and  safe  land-lockt. 
There  is  one  onely  side  that  admits  so  much  as  hope  of 
safetie  by  many  a  league,  on  which  (as  before  described) 
it  pleased  God  to  bring  us,  wee  had  not  come  one  man  Experience 
of  us  else  a  shoare,  as  the  weather  was :  they  have  beene  hath  hett*r 
ever  therefore  left  desolate  and  not  inhabited.  ^swlafterue 

The  soile  of  the  whole  Hand  is  one  and  the  same,  the  both  for  fruits, 
mould,  dark,  red,  sandie,  dry,  and  uncapable  I  beleeve  of  wormes,  yv. 
any  of  our  commodities  or  fruits.     Sir  George  Summers  those  that 
in    the   beginning    of   August,    squared    out    a   Garden  d™efyhere 
by   the    quarter,    the    quarter    being    set   downe    before  then  ^ese 
a  goodly    Bay,    upon    which    our    Governour    did    first  which  tooke 
leape    ashoare,    and    therefore    called    it    (as    aforesaid)  *here  Inne  or 
Gates  his   Bay,  which  opened  into   the  East,   and  into  ^S1"^    Tet 
which   the   Sea   did   ebbe   and   flow,   according   to   their   y  Jurorl 
tides,     and    sowed     Muske     Melons,     Pease,     Onyons,  yeeld  a 
Raddish,  Lettice,  and  many  English  seeds,  and  Kitchen  delightsome 
Herbes.     All  which  in  some  ten  daies  did  appeare  above  H^U^ugh 
ground,  but  whether  by  the  small  Birds,  of  which  there  be  "^^J  as  tj,e 
many  kindes,  or  by  Flies  (Wormes  I  never  saw  any,  nor  Sun:  for 
any  venomous  thing,  as  Toade,  or  Snake,  or  any  creeping  which  cause  I 
beast  hurtfull,  onely  some  Spiders,  which  as  many  affirme  havf  not 
are  signes  of  great  store  of  Gold  :  but  they  were  long  and  Tf 
slender  legge  Spiders,  and  whether  venomous  or  no  I  discoveries. 
know  not ;  I  beleeve  not,  since  wee  should  still  find  them  Spiders. 
xix  17  b 


A.D. 

1609. 


Beetle  very 
sweet. 


Hogs. 


Cedars. 


Gedar-drinke. 
American 
Cedars,  are 
not  the  same 
kind  with 
those  of 
Libanus,  as  by 
the  historie  of 
them  in  our 
former  Tome, 
pag.  1500. 

Palmetos. 
Many  sorts  of 
Palmes,  the 
Coco,  the 
Date-Palme, 
the  Wine- 
Palme,  or 
tadie,  iffc. 
besides  these 
Reed-Palmes. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

amongst  our  linnen  in  our  Chests,  and  drinking  Cans ; 
but  we  never  received  any  danger  from  them :  A  kind  of 
Melontha,  or  blacke  Beetell  there  was,  which  bruised,  gave 
a  savour  like  many  sweet  and  strong  gums  punned 
together)  whether,  I  say,  hindred  by  these,  or  by  the  con- 
dition or  vice  of  the  soyle  they  came  to  no  proofe,  nor 
thrived.  It  is  like  enough  that  the  commodities  of  the 
other  Westerne  Hands  would  prosper  there,  as  Vines, 
Lemmons,  Oranges,  and  Sugar  Canes:  Our  Governour 
made  triall  of  the  later,  and  buried  some  two  or  three  in 
the  Garden  mould,  which  were  reserved  in  the  wracke 
amongst  many  which  wee  carried  to  plant  here  in  Virginia, 
and  they  beganne  to  grow,  but  the  Hogs  breaking  in,  both 
rooted  them  up  and  eate  them :  there  is  not  through  the 
whole  Hands,  either  Champion  ground,  Valleys,  or  fresh 
Rivers.  They  are  full  of  Shawes  of  goodly  Cedar,  fairer 
then  ours  here  of  Virginia :  the  Berries,  whereof  our  men 
seething,  straining,  and  letting  stand  some  three  or  foure 
daies,  made  a  kind  of  pleasant  drinke :  these  Berries  are 
of  the  same  bignesse,  and  collour  of  Corynthes,  full  of 
little  stones,  and  verie  restringent  or  hard  building.  Peter 
Martin  saith,  That  at  Alexandria  in  Egypt  there  is  a  kind 
of  Cedar,  which  the  Jewes  dwelling  there,  affirme  to  be 
the  Cedars  of  Libanus,  which  beare  old  fruite  and  new  all 
the  yeere,  being  a  kinde  of  Apple  which  tast  like  Prunes : 
but  then,  neither  those  there  in  the  Bermudas,  nor  ours 
here  in  Virginia  are  of  that  happy  kind. 

Likewise  there  grow  great  store  of  Palme  Trees,  not 
the  right  Indian  Palmes,  such  as  in  Saint  John  Port-Rico 
are  called  Cocos,  and  are  there  full  of  small  fruites  like 
Almonds  (of  the  bignesse  of  the  graines  in  Pomgranates) 
nor  of  those  kind  of  Palmes  which  beares  Dates,  but  a 
kind  of  Simerons  or  wild  Palmes  in  growth,  fashion, 
leaves,  and  branches,  resembling  those  true  Palmes:  for 
the  Tree  is  high,  and  straight,  sappy  and  spongious, 
unfirme  for  any  use,  no  branches  but  in  the  uppermost 
part  thereof,  and  in  the  top  grow  leaves  about  the  head 
of  it  (the  most  inmost  part  whereof  they  call  Palmeto, 

18 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1609. 

and  it  is  the  heart  and  pith  of  the  same  Trunke,  so  white 
and  thin,  as  it  will  peele  off  into  pleates  as  smooth  and 
delicate  as  white  Sattin  into  twentie  folds,  in  which  a  man 
may  write  as  in  paper)  where  they  spread  and  fall  down- 
ward about  the  Tree  like  an  overblowne  Rose,  or  Saffron 
flower  not  early  gathered ;  so  broad  are  the  leaves,  as  an 
Italian  Umbrello,  a  man  may  well  defend  his  whole  body 
under  one  of  them,  from  the  greatest  storme  raine  that 
falls.  For  they  being  stiffe  and  smooth,  as  if  so  many 
flagges  were  knit  together,  the  raine  easily  slideth  off. 
Wee  oftentimes  found  growing  to  these  leaves,  many  Silk-  Silke -wormes. 
wormes  involved  therein,  like  those  small  wormes  which 
Acosta  writeth  of,  which  grew  in  the  leaves  of  the  Tunall 
Tree,  of  which  being  dried,  the  Indians  make  their 
Cochinile  so  precious  and  marchantable.  With  these 
leaves  we  thatched  our  Cabbins,  and  roasting  the  Palmito 
or  soft  top  thereof,  they  had  a  taste  like  fried  Melons, 
and  being  sod  they  eate  like  Cabbedges,  but  not  so  offen- 
sively thankefull  to  the  stomacke.  Many  an  ancient 
Burger  was  therefore  heaved  at,  and  fell  not  for  his  place, 
but  for  his  head :  for  our  common  people,  whose  bellies 
never  had  eares,  made  it  no  breach  of  Charitie  in  their  hot 
blouds  and  tall  stomackes  to  murder  thousands  of  them. 
They  beare  a  kind  of  Berry,  blacke  and  round,  as  bigge  as 
a  Damson,  which  about  December  were  ripe  and  luscious  : 
being  scalded  (whilest  they  are  greene)  they  eate  like 
Bullases.  These  Trees  shed  their  leaves  in  the  Winter 
moneths,  as  withered  or  burnt  with  the  cold  blasts  of  the 
North  winde,  especially  those  that  grow  to  the  Seaward, 
and  in  March,  there  Burgen  new  in  their  roome  fresh  and 
tender. 

Other  kindes  of  high  and  sweet  smelling  Woods  there  Other  trees. 
bee,  and  divers  colours,  blacke,  yellow,  and  red,  and  one 
which  beares  a  round  blew  Berry,  much  eaten  by  our 
owne  people,  of  a  stiptick  qualitie  and  rough  taste  on  the 
tongue  like  a  Slow  to  stay  or  binde  the  Fluxe,  which  the 
often  eating  of  the  luscious  Palme  berry  would  bring  them  [IV.  ix. 
into,  for  the  nature  of  sweet  things  is  to  dense  and  dis-  17i°-] 

r9 


A.D. 
1609. 


Prickle-peare. 


Waters. 
No  Springs 
then  found, 
since  Wells 
have  bin  there 
digged  which 
ebbe  and  flow 
with  the  Sea. 


Fish. 


Salt  made 
there. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

solve.  A  kinde  of  Pease  of  the  bignesse  and  shape  of  a 
Katherine  Peare,  wee  found  growing  upon  the  Rockes 
full  of  many  sharpe  subtill  prickes  (as  a  Thistle)  which  wee 
therefore  called,  The  Prickle  Peare,  the  outside  greene, 
but  being  opened,  of  a  deepe  murrie,  full  of  juyce  like  a 
Mulberry,  and  just  of  the  same  substance  and  taste,  wee 
both  eate  them  raw  and  baked. 

Sure  it  is,  that  there  are  no  Rivers  nor  running  Springs 
of  fresh  water  to  bee  found  upon  any  of  them :  when  wee 
came  first  wee  digged  and  found  certaine  gushings  and 
soft  bublings,  which  being  either  in  bottoms,  or  on  the 
side  of  hanging  ground,  were  onely  fed  with  raine  water, 
which  neverthelesse  soone  sinketh  into  the  earth  and 
vanisheth  away,  or  emptieth  it  selfe  out  of  sight  into  the 
Sea,  without  any  channell  above  or  upon  the  superficies  of 
the  earth :  for  according  as  their  raines  fell,  we  had  our 
Wels  and  Pits  (which  we  digged)  either  halfe  full,  or 
absolute  exhausted  and  dry,  howbeit  some  low  bottoms 
(which  the  continuall  descent  from  the  Hills  filled  full,  and 
in  those  flats  could  have  no  passage  away)  we  found  to 
continue  as  fishing  Ponds,  or  standing  Pooles,  continually 
Summer  and  Winter  full  of  fresh  water. 

The  shoare  and  Bayes  round  about,  when  wee  landed 
first  afforded  great  store  of  fish,  and  that  of  divers  kindes, 
and  good,  but  it  should  seeme  that  our  fiers,  which  wee 
maintained  on  the  shoares  side  drave  them  from  us,  so  as 
wee  were  in  some  want,  untill  wee  had  made  a  flat  bottome 
Gundall  of  Cedar  with  which  wee  put  off  farther  into 
the  Sea,  and  then  daily  hooked  great  store  of  many  kindes, 
as  excellent  Angell-fish,  Salmon  Peale,  Bonetas,  Stingray, 
Cabally,  Scnappers,  Hogge-fish,  Sharkes,  Dogge-fish, 
Pilcherds,  Mullets,  and  Rock-fish,  of  which  bee  divers 
kindes :  and  of  these  our  Governour  dryed  and  salted, 
and  barrelling  them  up,  brought  to  sea  five  hundred,  for 
he  had  procured  Salt  to  bee  made  with  some  Brine,  which 
happily  was  preserved,  and  once  having  made  a  little 
quantity,  he  kept  three  or  foure  pots  boyling,  and  two  or 
three  men  attending  nothing  else  in  an  house  (some  little 

20 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES 

distance  from  his  Bay)  set  up  on  purpose  for  the  same 
worke. 

Likewise  in  Furbushers  building  Bay  wee  had  a  large 
Sein,  or  Tramell  Net,  which  our  Governour  caused  to  be 
made  of  the  Deere  Toyles,  which  wee  were  to  carry  to 
Virginia,  by  drawing  the  Masts  more  straight  and  narrow 
with  Roape  Yarne,  and  which  reached  from  one  side  of  the 
Dock  to  the  other:  with  which  (I  may  boldly  say)  wee 
have  taken  five  thousand  of  small  and  great  fish  at  one 
hale.  As  Pilchards,  Breames,  Mullets,  Rocke-fish,  &c. 
and  other  kindes  for  which  wee  have  no  names.  Wee 
have  taken  also  from  under  the  broken  Rockes,  Crevises 
oftentimes  greater  then  any  of  our  best  English  Lobsters  ; 
and  likewise  abundance  of  Crabbes,  Oysters,  and  Wilkes. 
True  it  is,  for  Fish  in  everie  Cove  and  Creeke  wee  found 
Snaules,  and  Skulles  in  that  abundance,  as  (I  thinke)  no 
Hand  in  the  world  may  have  greater  store  or  better  Fish. 
For  they  sucking  of  the  very  water,  which  descendeth 
from  the  high  Hills  mingled  with  juyce  and  verdor  of  the 
Palmes,  Cedars,  and  other  sweet  Woods  (which  likewise 
make  the  Herbes,  Roots,  and  Weeds  sweet  which  grow 
about  the  Bankes)  become  thereby  both  fat  and  wholsome. 
As  must  those  Fish  needes  bee  grosse,  slimy,  and  corrupt 
the  bloud,  which  feed  in  Fennes,  Marishes,  Ditches, 
muddy  Pooles,  and  neere  unto  places  where  much  filth 
is  daily  cast  forth.  Unsealed  Fishes,  such  as  Junius  calleth 
Molles  Pisces,  as  Trenches,  Eele,  or  Lampries,  and  such 
feculent  and  dangerous  Snakes  wee  never  saw  any,  nor 
may  any  River  bee  invenomed  with  them  (I  pray  God) 
where  I  come.  I  forbeare  to  speake  what  a  sort  of  Whales 
wee  have  seene  hard  aboard  the  shoare  followed  sometime 
by  the  Sword-fish  and  the  Thresher,  the  sport  whereof 
was  not  unpleasant.  The  Sword-fish,  with  his  sharpe 
and  needle  Finne,  pricking  him  into  the  belly  when  hee 
would  sinke  and  fall  into  the  Sea ;  and  when  hee  startled 
upward  from  his  wounds,  the  Thresher  with  his  large  Fins 
(like  Flayles)  beating  him  above  water.  The  examples 
whereof  gives  us  (saith  Oviedus)  to  understand,  that  in  the 

21 


A.D. 

1609. 


5000.  fishes 

taken  at  a 
hale. 


Cause  of  their 
wholsomnesse. 


No  unsealed 
fishes. 


Whale  and 
Sword-fish. 


Cater-tray 
bcare  the  bell 
azvay.    Medio 
sutisimus  ibis. 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1609. 

selfe  same  perill  and  danger  doe  men  live  in  this  mortall 

life,  wherein  is  no  certaine  security  neither  in  high  estate 

nor  low. 

Fowles.  Fowle  there  is  great  store,  small  Birds,  Sparrowes  fat 

and  plumpe  like  a  Bunting,  bigger  then  ours,  Robbins  of 

divers  colours  greene  and  yellow,  ordinary  and  familiar  in 

our  Cabbins,  and  other  of  lesse  sort.     White  and  gray 

Hernshawes,  Bitters,  Teale,  Snites,  Crowes,  and  Hawkes, 

of  which  in  March  wee  found  divers  Ayres,  Goshawkes 

and    Tassells,     Oxen-birds,     Cormorants,     Bald-Cootes, 

Moore-Hennes,  Owles,  and  Battes  in  great  store.     And 

upon  New-yeeres  day  in  the  morning,  our  Governour 

being   walked   foorth   with   another   Gentleman    Master 

Wild  Swans.    James  Swift,  each  of  them  with  their  Peeces  killed  a  wild 

Swanne,  in  a  great  Sea-water  Bay  or  Pond  in  our  Hand. 

Web-footed      A  kinde  of  webbe-footed  Fowle  there  is,  of  the  bignesse 

ta^'  lr    f  °^  an  -English  greene  Plover,  or  Sea-Meawe,  which  all  the 

thPcn  which    Summer   wee   saw   not,   and   in   the   darkest   nights   of 

it  maketh  a      November  and  December  (for  in  the  night  they  onely  feed) 

Cohow.  they  would  come  forth,  but  not  flye  farre  from  home, 

and  hovering  in  the  ayre,  and  over  the  Sea,  made  a  strange 

hollow  and  harsh  howling.     Their  colour  is  inclining  to 

Russet,    with    white    bellies,    (as    are   likewise   the   long 

Feathers  of  their  wings  Russet  and  White)  these  gather 

themselves  together  and  breed  in  those  Hands  which  are 

high,  and  so  farre  alone  into  the  Sea,  that  the  Wilde 

[IV.  ix.  Hogges   cannot   swimme   over  them,   and   there  in   the 

I741-]  ground    they    have    their   Burro wes,    like   Conyes    in    a 

Warren,  and  so  brought  in  the  loose  Mould,  though  not 

so  deepe  :  which  Birds  with  a  light  bough  in  a  darke  night 

(as  in  our  Lowbelling)  wee  caught.     I  have  beene  at  the 

taking  of  three  hundred  in  an  houre,  and  wee  might  have 

laden  our  Boates.     Our  men  found  a  prettie  way  to  take 

them,  which  was  by  standing  on  the  Rockes  or  Sands  by 

the  Sea  side,  and  hollowing,  laughing,  and  making  the 

strangest  out-cry  that  possibly  they  could  :  with  the  noyse 

whereof  the  Birds  would  come  flocking  to  that  place,  andl 

settle  upon  the  very  armes  and  head  of  him  that  so  cryed,f 

22 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  a.o. 

1609. 

and  still  creepe  neerer  and  neerer,  answering  the  noyse 
themselves :  by  which  our  men  would  weigh  them  with 
their  hand,  and  which  weighed  heaviest  they  tooke  for  the 
best  and  let  the  others  alone,  and  so  our  men  would  take 
twentie  dozen  in  two  houres  of  the  chiefest  of  them ; 
and  they  were  a  good  and  well  relished  Fowle,  fat  and  full 
as  a  Partridge.  In  January  wee  had  great  store  of  their 
Egges,  which  are  as  great  as  an  Hennes  Egge,  and  so 
fashioned  and  white  shelled,  and  have  no  difference  in 
yolke  nor  white  from  an  Hennes  Egge.  There  are 
thousands  of  these  Birds,  and  two  or  three  Hands  full  of 
their  Burrowes,  whether  at  any  time  (in  two  houres  warn- 
ing) wee  could  send  our  Cock-boat,  and  bring  home  as 
many  as  would  serve  the  whole  Company :  which  Birds 
for  their  blindnesse  (for  they  see  weakly  in  the  day)  and 
for  their  cry  and  whooting,  wee  called  the  Sea  Owle :  ^hey 
will  bite  cruelly  with  their  crooked  Bills. 

Wee  had  knowledge  that  there  were  wilde  Hogges  upon  wild  Hogges 
the  Hand,  at  first  by  our  owne  Swine  preserved  from  the  how  first 
wrack  and  brought  to  shoare :  for  they  straying  into  the  fiu"d  out  and 
Woods,  an  huge  wilde  Boare  followed  downe  to  our 
quarter,  which  at  night  was  watched  and  taken  in  this 
sort.  One  of  Sir  George  Summers  men  went  and  lay 
among  the  Swine,  when  the  Boare  being  come  and 
groveled  by  the  Sowes,  hee  put  over  his  hand  and  rubbed 
the  side  gently  of  the  Boare,  which  then  lay  still,  by  which 
meanes  hee  fastned  a  rope  with  a  sliding  knot  to  the 
hinder  legge  and  so  tooke  him,  and  after  him  in  this  sort 
two  or  three  more.  But  in  the  end  (a  little  businesse  over) 
our  people  would  goe  a  hunting  with  our  Ship  Dogge, 
and  sometimes  bring  home  thirtie,  sometimes  fiftie  Boares, 
Sowes,  and  Pigs  in  a  weeke  alive :  for  the  Dog  would 
fasten  on  them  and  hold,  whilest  the  Hunts-men  made  in  : 
and  there  bee  thousands  of  them  in  the  Hands,  and  at  that 
time  of  the  yeere,  in  August,  September,  October,  and 
November,  they  were  well  fed  with  Berries  that  dropped 
from  the  Cedars  and  the  Palmes,  and  in  our  quarter  wee 
made  styes  for  them,  and  gathering  of  these  Berries  served 

23 


ad.  PttttCHAS  HIS  PILGRIMES 

l6°9-  .  .  , 

them  twice  aday,  by  which  meanes  we  kept  them  in  good 

plight :  and  when  there  was  any  fret  of  weather  (for  upon 
every  increase  of  wind  the  billow  would  be  so  great,  as  it 
was  no  putting  out  with  our  Gundall  or  Canow)  that  we 
could  not  fish  nor  take  Tortoyses,  then  wee  killed  our 
Hogs.  But  in  February  when  the  Palme  Berries  began 
■to  be  scant  or  dry,  and  the  Cedar  Berries  failed  two 
moneths  sooner  ;  true  it  is  the  Hogs  grew  poore,  and 
being  taken  so,  wee  could  not  raise  them  to  be  better,  for 
besides  those  Berries,  we  had  nothing  wherewith  to  franke 
them :  but  even  then  the  Tortoyses  came  in  againe,  of 
which  wee  daily  both  turned  up  great  store,  finding  them 
on  Land,  as  also  sculling  after  them  in  our  Boate  strooke 
them  with  an  Iron  goad,  and  sod,  baked,  and  roasted  them. 
Tortoises.  The  Tortoyse  is  reasonable  toothsom  (some  say)  whol- 
some  meate.  I  am  sure  our  Company  liked  the  meate 
of  them  verie  well,  and  one  Tortoyse  would  goe  further 
amongst  them,  then  three  Hogs.  One  Turtle  (for  so  we 
called  them)  feasted  well  a  dozen  Messes,  appointing  sixe 
to  every  Messe.  It  is  such  a  kind  of  meat,  as  a  man  can 
neither  absolutely  call  Fish  nor  Flesh,  keeping  most  what 
in  the  water,  and  feeding  upon  Sea-grasse  like  a  Heifer, 
in  the  bottome  of  the  Coves  and  Bayes,  and  laying  their 
Egges  (of  which  wee  should  finde  five  hundred  at  a  time 
in  the  opening  of  a  shee  Turtle)  in  the  Sand  by  the  shoare 
side,  and  so  covering  them  close  leave  them  to  the  hatch- 
ing of  the  Sunne,  like  the  Manati  at  Saint  Dominique, 
which  made  the  Spanish  Friars  (at  their  first  arrivall)  make 
some  scruple  to  eate  them  on  a  Friday,  because  in  colour 
and  taste  the  flesh  is  like  to  morsells  of  Veale.  Concern- 
ing the  laying  of  their  Egges,  and  hatching  of  their 
young,  Peter  Martyr  writeth  thus  in  his  Decades  of  the 
Ocean :  at  such  time  as  the  heate  of  Nature  moveth  them 
to  generation,  they  came  forth  of  the  Sea,  and  making  a 
deepe  pit  in  the  sand,  they  lay  three  or  foure  hundred 
Egges  therein :  when  they  have  thus  emptied  their  bag 
of  Conception,  they  put  as  much  of  the  same  againe  into 
the  Pit  as  may  satisfie  to  cover  the  Egges,  and  so  resort 

24 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1609. 

•againe  unto  the  Sea,  nothing  carefull  of  their  succession. 

At  the  day  appointed  of  Nature  to  the  procreation  of 

these  creatures,  there  creepeth  out  a  multitude  of  Tor- 

toyses,  as  it  were  Pismyers  out  of  an  Ant-hill,  and  this 

only  by  the  heate  of  the  Sunne,  without  any  helpe  of  their 

Parents :    their  Egges  are  as  big  as  Geese  Egges,  and 

themselves  growne  to  perfection,  bigger  then  great  round 

Targets. 

§.   II.  [IV.  ix. 

Actions  and  Occurrents  whiles  they  continued  in 
the  Hands :  Ravens  sent  for  Virginia ;  Divers 
mutinies ;  Paine  executed :  Two  Pinnaces 
built. 

O  soone  as  wee  were  a  little  setled  after  our  landing, 
with  all  the  conveniencie  wee  might,  and  as  the 
place,  and  our  many  wants  would  give  us  leave, 
wee  made  up  our  long  Boate  (as  your  Ladyship  hath 
heard)  in  fashion  of  a  Pinnace,  fitting  her  with  a  little 
Deck,  made  of  the  Hatches  of  our  ruin'd  ship,  so  close 
that  no  water  could  goe  in  her,  gave  her  Sayles  and  Oares, 
and  intreating  with  our  Masters  Mate  Henry  Ravens  H.  Ravens 
(who  was  supposed  a  sufficient  Pilot)  wee  found  him  voyage  from 
easily  wonne  to  make  over  therewith,  as  a  Barke  of  Aviso  ^rm^a  t0 
for  Virginia,  which  being  in  the  height  of  thirtie  seven  ir* 
degrees,  five  degrees  from  the  Hand  which  we  were,  might 
bee  some  one  hundred  and  fortie  leagues  from  us,  or  there- 
abouts (reckoning  to  every  degree  that  lies  North-east, 
and  Westerly  twentie  eight  English  leagues)  who  the 
twentie  eight  of  August  being  Munday,  with  sixe  Saylers, 
and  our  Cape  Merchant  Thomas  Whittingham  departed 
from  us  out  of  Gates  his  Bay :  but  to  our  much  wonder 
returned  againe  upon  the  Wednesday  night  after,  having 
attempted  to  have  got  cleere  of  the  Hand,  from  the  North 
North-east  to  the  South-west,  but  could  not  as  little  water 
as  shee  drew,  (which  might  not  bee  above  twentie  inches) 
for  shoales  and  breaches,  so  as  he  was  faine  to  go  out 

25 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1609. 

from  Summers  Creeks,  and  the  same  way  we  came  in  on 
the  South  South-east  of  the  Hands,  and  from  thence  wee 
made  to  Sea  the  Friday  after  the  first  of  September,  pro- 
mising if  hee  lived  and  arrived  safe  there,  to  returne  unto 
us  the  next  new  Moone  with  the  Pinnace  belonging  to 
the  Colony  there  :  according  unto  which  instructions  were 
directed  unto  the  new  Leiftenant  Governour,  and  Councell 
from  our  Governour  here,  for  which  the  Hands  were 
appointed  carefully  to  be  watched,  and  fiers  prepared  as 
Beacons  to  have  directed  and  wafted  him  in,  but  two 
Moones  were  wasted  upon  the  Promontory  before  men- 
tioned, and  gave  many  a  long  and  wished  looke  round 
about  the  Horizon,  from  the  North-east  to  the  South-west, 
but  in  vaine,  discovering  nothing  all  the  while,  which  way 
soever  we  turned  our  eye,  but  ayre  and  sea. 

You  may  please,  excellent  Lady,  to  know  the  reason 
which  moved  our  Governour  to  dispatch  this  long  Boat, 
was  the  care  which  hee  tooke  for  the  estate  of  the  Colony 
in  this  his  inforced  absence :  for  by  a  long  practised 
experience,  foreseeing  and  fearing  what  innovation  and 
tumult  might  happily  arise,  amongst  the  younger  and 
ambitious  spirits  of  the  new  companies  to  arrive  in 
Virginia,  now  comming  with  him  along  in  this  same  Fleet, 
hee  framed  his  letters  to  the  Colony,  and  by  a  particular 
Commission  confirmed  Captaine  Peter  Win  his  Lieutenant 
Governour,  with  an  Assistance  of  sixe  Counsellours,  writ- 
ing withall  to  divers  and  such  Gentlemen  of  qualitie  and 
knowledge  of  vertue,  and  to  such  lovers  of  goodnesse  in 
this  cause  whom  hee  knew,  intreating  them  by  giving 
examples  in  themselves  of  duty  and  obedience,  to  assist 
likewise  the  said  Lieutenant  Governour,  against  such  as 
should  attempt  the  innovating  of  the  person  (now  named 
by  him)  or  forme  of  government,  which  in  some  Articles 
hee  did  likewise  prescribe  unto  them :  and  had  faire  hopes 
all  should  goe  well,  if  these  his  letters  might  arrive  there, 
untill  such  time  as  either  some  Ship  there  (which  hee 
fairely  beleeved)  might  bee  moved  presently  to  adventure 
for  him :   or  that  it  should  please  the  right  honourable, 

26 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES 

the  Lordes,  and  the  rest  of  his  Majesties  Councell  in 
England,  to  addresse  thither  the  right  honourable  the 
Lord  Lawar  (one  of  more  eminencie  and  worthinesse)  as 
the  project  was  before  his  comming  forth,  whilest  by  their 
honourable  favours,  a  charitable  consideration  in  like 
manner  might  bee  taken  of  our  estates  to  redeeme  us 
from  hence.  For  which  purpose  likewise  our  Governour 
directed  a  particular  letter  to  the  Councell  in  England, 
and  sent  it  to  the  foresaid  Captaine  Peter  Winne  (his 
now  to  bee  chosen  Lieutenant  Governour)  by  him  to  bee 
dispatched  (which  is  the  first)  from  thence  into  England. 

In  his  absence  Sir  George  Summers  coasted  the  Hands, 
and  drew  the  former  plat  of  them,  and  daily  fished,  and 
hunted  for  our  whole  company,  untill  the  seven  and 
twentieth  of  November,  when  then  well  perceiving  that  we 
were  not  likely  to  heare  from  Virginia,  and  conceiving 
how  the  Pinnace  which  Richard  Frubbusher  was  a  building 
would  not  be  of  burthen  sufficient  to  transport  all  our  men 
from  thence  into  Virginia  (especially  considering  the 
season  of  the  yeare,  wherein  we  were  likely  to  put  off)  he 
consulted  with  our  Governour,  that  if  hee  might  have 
two  Carpenters  (for  we  had  foure,  such  as  they  were)  and 
twenty  men,  over  with  him  into  the  maine  Hand,  he  would 
quickly  frame  up  another  little  Barke,  to  second  ours,  for 
the  better  fitting  and  conveiance  of  our  people.  Our 
Governour,  with  many  thankes  (as  the  cause  required) 
cherishing  this  so  carefull  and  religious  consideration  in 
him  (and  whose  experience  likewise  was  somewhat  in  these 
affaires)  granted  him  all  things  sutable  to  his  desire,  and 
to  the  furthering  of  the  worke :  who  therefore  had  made 
ready  for  him  all  such  tooles  and  instruments,  as  our  owne 
use  required  not :  and  for  him,  were  drawne  forth  twenty 
of  the  ablest  and  stoutest  of  the  company,  and  the  best  of 
our  men,  to  hew  and  square  timber,  when  himselfe  then, 
with  daily  paines  and  labour,  wrought  upon  a  small  Vessell, 
which  was  soone  ready  as  ours:  at  which  wee  leave  him 
a  while  busied,  and  returne  to  our  selves.  In  the  meane 
space  did  one  Frubbusher,  borne  at  Graves  end,  and  at  his 

27 


A.D. 
1609. 


Cap.  Win. 
L.  Lawarre. 
Sir  George 
Summers  his 
survay,  and 
otherindustrie. 


He  builds  a 
Pinnace. 


[IV.  ix. 


I7+3-] 


A.D. 
1609. 


PURCHAS   HIS  PILGRIMES 


Power  of 
example. 


comming  forth  now  dwelling  at  Lime  House  (a  painefull 
and  well  experienced  Shipwright,  and  skilfull  workman) 
R.  Frubbmher  labour  the  building  of  a  little  Pinnace :  for  the  furtherance 
builds  another.  0f  which,  the  Governour  dispensed  with  no  travaile  of 
his  body,  nor  forbare  any  care  or  study  of  minde,  per- 
swading  (as  much  and  more,  an  ill  qualified  parcell  of 
people,  by  his  owne  performance,  then  by  authority,  thereby 
to  hold  them  at  their  worke,  namely  to  fell,  carry,  and 
sawe  Cedar,  fit  for  the  Carpenters  purpose  (for  what  was 
so  meane,  whereto  he  would  not  himselfe  set  his  hand, 
being  therefore  up  earely  and  downe  late?)  yet  neverthe- 
lesse  were  they  hardly  drawne  to  it,  as  the  Tortoise  to  the 
inchantment,  as  the  Proverbe  is,  but  his  owne  presence 
and  hand  being  set  to  every  meane  labour,  and  imployed 
so  readily  to  every  office,  made  our  people  at  length  more 
diligent,  and  willing  to  be  called  thereunto,  where,  they 
should  see  him  before  they  came.  In  which,  we  may 
observe  how  much  example  prevailes  above  precepts,  and 
how  readier  men  are  to  be  led  by  eyes,  then  eares. 

And  sure  it  was  happy  for  us,  who  had  now  runne  this 
fortune,  and  were  fallen  into  the  bottome  of  this  misery, 
that  we  both  had  our  Governour  with  us,  and  one  so 
solicitous  and  carefull,  whose  both  example  (as  I  said) 
and  authority,  could  lay  shame,  and  command  upon  our 
people :  else,  I  am  perswaded,  we  had  most  of  us  finished 
our  dayes  there,  so  willing  were  the  major  part  of  the 
common  sort  (especially  when  they  found  such  a  plenty  of 
victuals)  to  settle  a  foundation  of  ever  inhabiting  there ; 
as  well  appeared  by  many  practises  of  theirs  (and  perhaps 
of  some  of  the  better  sort)  Loe,  what  are  our  affections 
and  passions,  if  not  rightly  squared  ?  how  irreligious,  and 
irregular  they  expresse  us  ?  not  perhaps  so  ill  as  we  would 
be,  but  yet  as  wee  are ;  some  dangerous  and  secret  dis- 
contents nourished  amongst  us,  had  like  to  have  bin  the 
parents  of  bloudy  issues  and  mischiefes ;  they  began  first 
in  the  Sea-men,  who  in  time  had  fastened  unto  them  (by 
false  baits)  many  of  our  land-men  likewise,  and  some  of 
whom  (for  opinion  of  their  Religion)  was  carried  an  extra- 

28 


Mutinous 
conceptions 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1609. 

ordinary    and    good    respect.      The    Angles    wherewith 

chiefely  they  thus  hooked  in  these  disquieted  Pooles,  were, 

how  that  in  Virginia,  nothing  but  wretchednesse  and  labour 

must   be   expected,    with   many   wants,   and   a   churlish 

intreaty,  there  being  neither  that  Fish,  Flesh,  nor  Fowle, 

which  here  (without  wasting  on  the  one  part,  or  watching 

on  theirs,  or  any  threatning,  and  are  of  authority)  at  ease, 

and  pleasure  might  be  in  joyed :   and  since  both  in  the 

one,  and  the  other  place,  they  were  (for  the  time)  to  loose 

the  fruition  both  or  their  friends  and  Countrey,  as  good, 

and  better  were  it  for  them,  to  repose  and  seate  them  where 

they  should  have  the  least  outward  wants  the  while.    This, 

thus  preached,  and  published  each  to  other,  though  by 

such  who  never  had  bin  more  onward  towards  Virginia, 

then  (before  this  Voyage)  a  Sculler  could  happily  rowe 

him  (and  what  hath  a  more  adamantive  power  to  draw 

unto  it  the  consent  and  attraction  of  the  idle,  untoward, 

and  wretched  number  of  the  many,   then  liberty,   and 

fulnesse  of  sensuality?)  begat  such  a  murmur,  and  such 

a  discontent,  and  disunion  of  hearts  and  hands  from  this 

labour,  and  forwarding  the  meanes  of  redeeming  us  from 

hence,  as  each  one  wrought  with  his  Mate  how  to  divorse 

him  from  the  same. 

And  first  (and  it  was  the  first  of  September)  a  con-   Conspiracy. 

spiracy  was  discovered,  of  which  six  were  found  principals, 

who  had  promised  each  unto  the  other,  not  to  set  their 

hands  to  any  travaile  or  endeavour  which  might  expedite 

or  forward  this  Pinnace :  and  each  of  these  had  severally 

(according  to  appointment)  sought  his  opportunity  to  draw 

the  Smith,  and  one  of  our  Carpenters,  Nicholas  Bennit, 

who  made  much  profession  of  Scripture,  a  mutinous  and 

dissembling  Imposter ;  the  Captaine,  and  one  of  the  chiefe 

perswaders   of   others,   who   afterwards   brake   from   the 

society  of  the  Colony,  and  like  outlawes  retired  into  the 

Woods,  to  make  a  settlement  and   habitation  there,  on 

their   party,    with    whom    they    purposed    to    leave    our 

Quarter,  and  possesse  another  Hand  by  themselves :  but 

this  happily  found  out,  they  were  condemned  to  the  same 

29 


A.D. 

1609. 


John  Want, 
Carter, 
and  others 
exiled  and 
pardoned. 


[IV.  ix. 

*  744-] 

Another 

Mutinie. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

punishment  which  they  would  have  chosen  (but  without 
Smith  or  Carpenter)  and  to  an  Hand  farre  by  it  selfe,  they 
were  carried,  and  there  left.  Their  names  were  John 
Want,  the  chiefe  of  them,  an  Essex  man  of  Newport  by 
Saffronwalden,  both  seditious,  and  a  sectary  in  points  of 
Religion,  in  his  owne  prayers  much  devout  and  frequent, 
but  hardly  drawne  to  the  publique,  insomuch  as  being 
suspected  by  our  Minister  for  a  Brownist,  he  was  often 
compelled  to  the  common  Liturgie  and  forme  of  Prayer. 
The  rest  of  the  confederates  were  Christopher  Carter, 
Francis  Pearepoint,  William  Brian,  William  Martin, 
Richard  Knowles :  but  soone  they  missed  comfort  (who 
were  farre  removed  from  our  store)  besides,  the  society 
of  their  acquaintance  had  wrought  in  some  of  them,  if  not 
a  loathsomenesse  of  their  offence,  yet  a  sorrow  that  their 
complement  was  not  more  full,  and  therefore  a  wearinesse 
of  their  being  thus  untimely  prescribed ;  insomuch,  as 
many  humble  petitions  were  sent  unto  our  Governor, 
fraught  full  of  their  seeming  sorrow  and  repentance,  and 
earnest  vowes  to  redeeme  the  former  trespasse,  with 
example  of  dueties  in  them  all,  to  the  common  cause,  and 
generall  businesse ;  upon  which  our  Governour  (not  easie 
to  admit  any  accusation,  and  hard  to  remit  an  offence,  but 
at  all  times  sorry  in  the  punishment  of  him,  in  whom  may 
appeare  either  shame  or  contrition)  was  easily  content  to 
reacknowledge  them  againe. 

Yet  could  not  this  be  any  warning  to  others,  who  more 
subtilly  began  to  shake  the  foundation  of  our  quiet  safety, 
and  therein  did  one  Stephen  Hopkins  commence  the  first 
act  or  overture  :  A  fellow  who  had  much  knowledge  in  the 
Scriptures,  and  could  reason  well  therein,  whom  our 
Minister  therefore  chose  to  be  his  Clarke,  to  reade  the 
Psalmes,  and  Chapters  upon  Sondayes,  at  the  assembly 
of  the  Congregation  under  him:  who  in  January  the 
twenty  foure,  brake  with  one  Samuel  Sharpe  and  Humfrey 
Reede  (who  presently  discovered  it  to  the  Governour)  and 
alleaged  substantiall  arguments,  both  civill  and  divine  (the 
Scripture  falsly  quoted)  that  it  was  no  breach  of  honesty, 

30 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1609. 

conscience,  nor  Religion,  to  decline  from  the  obedience  of 
the  Governour,  or  refuse  to  goe  any  further,  led  by  his 
authority    (except    it    so    pleased    themselves)    since    the 
authority  ceased  when  the  wracke  was  committed,  and  with 
it,  they  were  all  then  freed  from  the  government  of  any 
man  ;  and  for  a  matter  of  Conscience,  it  was  not  unknowne  Conscience 
to  the  meanest,  how  much  we  were  therein  bound  each  greatest  enemy 
one  to  provide  for  himselfe,  and  his  owne  family :    for  t0  comcienc£- 
which  were  two  apparant  reasons  to  stay  them  even  in 
this  place ;    first,  abundance  by  Gods  providence  of  all 
manner  of  good  foode :    next,  some  hope  in  reasonable 
time,  when  they  might  grow  weary  of  the  place,  to  build  a 
small  Barke,  with  the  skill  and  helpe  of  the  aforesaid 
Nicholas  Bennit,  whom  they  insinuated  to  them,  albeit  hee 
was  now  absent  from  his  quarter,  and  working  in  the 
maine  Hand  with  Sir  George  Summers  upon  his  Pinnace, 
to  be  of  the  conspiracy,  that  so  might  get  cleere  from  hence 
at  their  owne  pleasures  :  when  in  Virginia,  the  first  would 
be  assuredly  wanting,  and  they  might  well  feare  to  be 
detained  in  that  Countrie  by  the  authority  of  the  Com- 
mander thereof,  and  their  whole  life  to  serve  the  turnes  of 
the  Adventurers,  with  their  travailes  and  labours.     This 
being  thus  laid,  and  by  such  a  one,  who  had  gotten  an 
opinion  (as  I  before  remembred)  of  Religion ;    when  it 
was  declared  by  those  two  accusers,  not  knowing  what 
further    ground    it    had    or    complices,    it    pleased    the 
Governour   to   let   this   his   factious   offence   to   have   a 
publique  affront,  and  contestation  by  these  two  witnesses 
before  the  whole  Company,  who  (at  the  toling  of  a  Bell) 
assemble  before  a  Corps  du  guard,  where  the  Prisoner 
was  brought  forth  in  manacles,  and  both  accused,  and 
suffered  to  make  at  large,  to  every  particular,  his  answere  ; 
which   was   onely   full   of   sorrow   and    teares,    pleading 
simplicity,  and  deniall.     But  hee  being  onely  found,  at 
this  time,  both  the  Captaine,  and  the  follower  of  this 
Mutinie,  and  generally  held  worthy  to  satisfie  the  punish-   J?zf* 

c   1  •      &/v  J      •  1       1  J    -r  r   1  •      i«V  Hopkins 

ment  or  his  offence,  with  the  sacrifice  or   his  lire,  our  condemned  and 
Governour  passed  the  sentence  of  a  Martiall  Court  upon  pardoned. 

31 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1609. 

him,  such  as  belongs  to  Mutinie  and  Rebellion.  But  so 
penitent  hee  was,  and  made  so  much  moane,  alleadging 
the  mine  of  his  Wife  and  Children  in  this  his  trespasse, 
as  it  wrought  in  the  hearts  of  all  the  better  sort  of  the 
Company,  who  therefore  with  humble  intreaties,  and 
earnest  supplications,  went  unto  our  Governor,  whom  they 
besought  (as  likewise  did  Captaine  Newport,  and  my  selfe) 
and  never  left  him  untill  we  had  got  his  pardon. 

In  these  dangers  and  divellish  disquiets  (whilest  the 
almighty  God  wrought  for  us,  and  sent  us  miraculously 
delivered  from  the  calamities  of  the  Sea,  all  blessings  upon 
the  shoare,  to  content  and  binde  us  to  gratefulnesse)  thus 
inraged  amongst  our  selves,  to  the  destruction  each  of 
other,  into  what  a  mischiefe  and  misery  had  wee  bin  given 
up,  had  wee  not  had  a  Governour  with  his  authority,  to 
have  suppressed  the  same?  Yet  was  there  a  worse 
Third  practise,  faction,  and  conjuration  a  foote,  deadly  and 
Mutiny,  bloudy,  in  which  the  life  of  our  Governour,  with  many 
others  were  threatned,  and  could  not  but  miscarry  in  his 
fall.  But  such  is  ever  the  will  of  God  (who  in  the  execu- 
tion of  his  judgements,  breaketh  the  firebrands  upon  the 
head  of  him,  who  first  kindleth  them)  there  were,  who 
conceived  that  our  Governour  indeede  neither  durst,  nor 
had  authority  to  put  in  execution,  or  passe  the  act  of 
Justice  upon  any  one,  how  treacherous  or  impious  so  ever ; 
their  owne  opinions  so  much  deceiving  them  for  the 
unlawfulnesse  of  any  act,  which  they  would  execute : 
daring  to  justifie  among  themselves,  that  if  they  should 
be  apprehended,  before  the  performance,  they  should 
happily  suffer  as  Martyrs.  They  persevered  therefore  not 
onely  to  draw  unto  them  such  a  number,  and  associates  as 
they  could  worke  in  to  the  abandoning  of  our  Governour, 
and  to  the  inhabiting  of  this  Hand.  They  had  now  pur- 
posed to  have  made  a  surprise  of  the  Store-house,  and  to 
have  forced  from  thence,  what  was  therein  either  of  Meale, 
Cloath,  Cables,  Armes,  Sailes,  Oares  or  what  else  it  pleased 
God  that  we  had  recovered  from  the  wracke,  and  was  to 
serve  our  generall  necessity  and  use,  either  for  the  reliefe 

3? 


SIR   THOMAS    GATES  a.d. 

1609. 
of  us,  while  wee  staied  here,  or  for  the  carrying  of  us  from 
this   place   againe,   when   our   Pinnace   should   have   bin 
furnished. 

But  as  all  giddy  and  lawlesse  attempts,  have  alwayes  Evill,  as  it 
something  of  imperfection,  and  that  as  well  by  the  porperty  hath  a 
of  the  action,  which  holdeth  of  disobedience  and  rebellion  deficientc^u^^ 
{both  full  of  feare)  as  through  the  ignorance  of  the  devisers  ^eJ-ore  the 
themselves ;    so  in  this  (besides  those  defects)  there  were  effects,  defects 
some  of  the  association,  who  not  strong  inough  fortified  are  found. 
in  their  owne  conceits,  brake  from  the  plot  it  selfe,  and 
(before  the  time  was  ripe  for  the  execution  thereof)  dis- 
covered the  whole  order,  and  every  Agent,   and  Actor 
thereof,    who    neverthelesse    were    not    suddenly    appre- 
hended,   by   reason    the   confederates   were    divided   and 
seperated  in  place,  some  with  us,  and  the  chiefe  with  Sir 
George  Summers  in  his  Hand  (and  indeede  all  his  whole 
company)  but  good  watch  passed  upon  them,  every  man 
from  thenceforth  commanded  to  weare  his  weapon,  without  [IV.  ix. 
which  before,  we  freely  walked  from  quarter  to  quarter,  J745-] 

and  conversed  among  our  selves,  and  every  man  advised 
to  stand  upon  his  guard,  his  owne  life  not  being  in  safety, 
whilest  his  next  neighbour  was  not  to  be  trusted.  The 
Centinels,  and  nightwarders  doubled,  the  passages  of  both 
the  quarters  were  carefully  observed,  by  which  meanes 
nothing  was  further  attempted ;  untill  a  Gentleman 
amongst  them,  one  Henry  Paine,  the  thirteenth  of  March,  H.  Paine  his 
full  of  mischiefe,  and  every  houre  preparing  something  or  Mutinus 
other,  stealing  Swords,  Adises,  Axes,  Hatchets,  Sawes, 
Augers,  Planes,  Mallets,  &c.  to  make  good  his  owne  bad 
end,  his  watch  night  comming  about,  and  being  called  by 
the  Captaine  of  the  same,  to  be  upon  the  guard,  did  not 
onely  give  his  said  Commander  evill  language,  but 
strucke  at  him,  doubled  his  blowes,  and  when  hee 
was  not  suffered  to  close  with  him,  went  off  the 
Guard,  scoffing  at  the  double  diligence  and  attend- 
ance of  the  Watch,  appointed  by  the  Governour  for 
much  purpose,  as  hee  said :  upon  which,  the  Watch 
telling  him,  if  the  Governour  should  understand  of  this 
xix  33  c 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1609. 

his  insolency,  it  might  turne  him  to  much  blame,  and 
happily  be  as  much  as  his  life  were  worth.  The  said 
Paine  replyed  with  a  setled  and  bitter  violence,  and  in  such 
unreverent  tearmes,  as  I  should  offend  the  modest  eare 
too  much  to  expresse  it  in  his  owne  phrase ;  but  the 
contents  were,  how  that  the  Governour  had  no  authoritie 
of  that  qualitie,  to  justifie  upon  any  one  (how  meane 
soever  in  the  Colonie)  an  action  of  that  nature,  and  there- 
fore let  the  Governour  (said  hee)  kisse,  &c.  Which  words, 
being  with  the  omitted  additions,  brought  the  next  day 
unto  every  common  and  publique  discourse,  at  length  they 
were  delivered  over  to  the  Governour,  who  examining 
well  the  fact  (the  transgression  so  much  the  more 
exemplary  and  odious,  as  being  in  a  dangerous  time,  in 
a  Confederate,  and  the  successe  of  the  same  wishtly 
listened  after,  with  a  doubtfull  conceit,  what  might  be  the 
issue  of  so  notorious  a  boldnesse  and  impudency)  calling 
the  said  Paine  before  him,  and  the  whole  Company,  where 
(being  soone  convinced  both  by  the  witnesse,  of  the 
Commander,  and  many  which  were  upon  the  watch  with 
him)  our  Governour,  who  had  now  the  eyes  of  the  whole 
Colony  fixed  upon  him,  condemned  him  to  be  instantly 
hanged ;  and  the  ladder  being  ready,  after  he  had  made 
many  confessions,  hee  earnestly  desired,  being  a  Gentle- 
man, that  hee  might  be  shot  to  death,  and  towards  the 
His  execution,  evening  he  had  his  desire,  the  Sunne  and  his  life  setting 
together. 

But  for  the  other  which  were  with  Sir  George,  upon  the 
Sunday  following  (the  Barke  beeing  now  in  good  forward- 
nesse)  and  readie  to  lanch  in  short  time,  from  that  place 
(as  we  supposed)  to  meet  ours  at  a  pond  of  fresh  water, 
where  they  were  both  to  bee  mored,  untill  such  time  as 
being  fully  tackled,  the  wind  should  serve  faire,  (for  our 
putting  to  Sea  together)  being  the  eighteenth  of  March, 
hearing  of  Paynes  death,  and  fearing  hee  had  appeached 
them,  and  discovered  the  attempt  (who  poore  Gentleman 
therein,  in  so  bad  a  cause,  was  too  secret  and  constant  to 
his  owne  faith  ingaged  unto  them,  and  as  little  needed, 

34 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1609. 

as  urged   thereunto,   though  somewhat  was  voluntarily 

delivered  by  him)  by  a  mutuall  consent  forsooke  their 

labour,   and   Sir  George   Summers,   and  like   Out-la  wes   Divers  of  Sir 

betooke  them  to  the  wild  Woods :  whether  meere  rage,   G-  Summers 

and  greedinesse  after  some  little  Pearle  (as  it  was  thought)  ^7^1 

wherewith    they  conceived  they  should   for   ever   inrich 

themselves,  and  saw  how  to  obtaine  the  same  easily  in 

this  place,  or  whether,  the  desire  for  ever  to  inhabite  heere, 

or  what  other  secret  else  moved  them  thereunto,  true  it  is, 

they    sent    an    audacious    and    formall   Petition    to    our 

Governour,  subscribed  with  all  their  names  and  Seales : 

not  only  intreating  him,  that  they  might  stay  heere,  but 

(with  great  art)  importuned  him,  that  he  would  performe 

other  conditions  with  them,  and  not  wave,  nor  evade  from 

some  of  his  owne  promises,  as  namely  to  furnish  each  of 

them  with  two  Sutes  of  Apparell,  and  contribute  Meale 

rateably  for  one  whole  yeere,  so  much  among  them,  as 

they  had  weekly  now,  which  was  one  pound  and  an  halfe 

a  weeke  (for  such  had  beene  our  proportion  for  nine 

moneths).     Our  Governour  answered  this  their  Petition, 

writing  to  Sir  George  Summers  to  this  effect. 

That  true  it  was,  at  their  first  arrivall  upon  this  Hand,  Sir  T.  Gates 
when  it  was  feared  how  our  meanes  would  not  extend  to  his  letter  to  Sir 
the  making  of  a  Vessell,  capeable  and  large  enough,  to  G'  Summrs- 
transport  all  our  Countrimen  at  once,  indeed  out  of  his 
Christian  consideration  (mourning  for  such  his  Countri- 
men, who  comming  under  his  command,  he  foresaw  that 
for  a  while,  he  was  like  enough  to  leave  here  behind, 
compelled  by  tyrannie  of  necessitie)  his  purpose  was  not 
yet  to  forsake  them  so,  as  given  up  like  Savages :  but  to 
leave  them  all  things  fitting  to  defend  them  from  want 
and  wretchednesse,  as  much  at  least  as  lay  in  his  power,  to 
spare  from  the  present  use  (and  perhaps  necessitie  of  others, 
whose  fortunes  should  be  to  be  transported  with  him)  for 
one  whole  yeere  or  more  (if  so  long  by  any  casualtie,  the 
ships  which  he  would  send  unto  them  might  be  staied 
before  their  arrivall,  so  many  hazards  accompanying  the 
Sea)  but  withall  intreated  Sir  George  to  remember  unto  his 

35 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1609. 

Company  (if  by  any  meanes  he  could  learne  where  they 
were)  how  he  had  vowed  unto  him,  that  if  either  his  owne 
meanes,  his  authoritie  in  Virginia,  or  love  with  his  friends 
in  England,  could  dispatch  for  them  sooner,  how  farre  it 
was  from  him,  to  let  them  remayne  abandoned,  and 
neglected  without  their  redemption  so  long :  and  then 
proceeded,  requesting  Sir  George  Summers  againe,  to 
signifie  unto  them,  since  now  our  owne  Pinnasse  did  arise 
to  that  burthen,  and  that  it  would  sufficiently  transport 
them  all,  beside  the  necessitie  of  any  other  Barke  :  and  yet, 
that  since  his  Barke  was  now  readie  too,  that  those  con- 
sultations, howsoever  charitable  and  most  passionate  in 
[IV.  ix.  themselves,  might  determine,  as  taken  away  thereby,  and 

x746-  .therefore,  that  he  should  now  bee  pleased  to  advise  them 
well,  how  unanswerable  this  grant  or  consent  of  his  should 
be :  first,  to  his  Majestie  for  so  many  of  his  subjects,  next 
to  the  Adventurers,  and  lastly,  what  an  imputation 
and  infamy  it  might  be,  to  both  their  owne  proper 
reputations,  and  honours,  having  each  of  them  authoritie 
in  their  places,  to  compell  the  adversant  and  irregular 
multitude,  at  any  time,  to  what  should  bee  obedient 
and  honest,  which  if  they  should  not  execute,  the 
blame  would  not  lye  upon  the  people  (at  all  times 
wavering  and  insolent)  but  upon  themselves  so  weake 
and  unworthy  in  their  command.  And  moreover  in- 
treated  him  by  any  secret  practice  to  apprehend  them, 
since  that  the  obstinate,  and  precipitate  many,  were  no 
more  in  such  a  condition  and  state  to  bee  favoured,  then 
the  murmuring  and  mutinie  of  such  Rebellious  and 
turbulent  Humorists,  who  had  not  conscience  nor  know- 
ledge, to  draw  in  the  yoke  of  goodnesse,  and  in  the  busi- 
nesse  for  which  they  were  sent  out  of  England  :  for  which 
likewise,  at  the  expence  and  charge  of  the  Adventurers, 
they  were  to  him  committed,  and  that  the  meanest  in  the 
whole  Fleet  stood  the  Company  in  no  lesse  then  twentie 
pounds,  for  his  owne  personall  Transportation,  and  things 
necessary  to  accompany  him.  Anal  therefore  lovingly 
conjured  Sir  George,  by  the  worthinesse  of  his  (heretofore) 

36 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1609. 

well  mayntayned  reputation,  and  by  the  powers  of  his 
owne  judgement,  and  by  the  vertue  of  that  ancient  love 
and  friendship,  which  had  these  many  yeeres  beene  setled 
betweene  them,  to  doe  his  best,  to  give  this  revolted  Com- 
pany (if  he  could  send  unto  them)  the  consideration  of 
these  particulars,  and  so  worke  with  them  (if  he  might) 
that  by  faire  meanes  (the  Mutinie  reconciled)  they  would 
at  length  survey  their  owne  errours,  which  hee  would  bee 
as  readie,  upon  their  rendring  and  comming  into  pardon, 
as  he  did  now  pittie  them ;  assuring  them  in  generall 
and  particular,  that  whatsoever  they  had  sinisterly  com- 
mitted, or  practised  hitherto  against  the  Lawes  of  dutie 
and  honestie,  should  not  in  any  sort  be  imputed  against 
them. 

In  which  good  Office  Sir  George  Summers  did  so  nobly 
worke,  and  heartily  labour,  as  hee  brought  most  of  them 
in,  and  indeed  all,  but  Christopher  Carter,  and  Robert   Waters  and 
Waters,   who    (by   no   meanes)   would   any   more   come  Carter  stan<* 
amongst  Sir  Georges  men,  hearing  that  Sir  George  had  ieft  fo^ 
commanded  his  men  indeed  (since  they  would   not  be 
intreated  by  faire  meanes)  to  surprize  them  (if  they  could) 
by  any  device  or  force.     From  which  time  they  grew  so 
cautelous  and  wary,  for  their  owne  ill,  as  at  our  comming 
away,  wee  were  faine  to  leave  them  behind.     That  Waters 
was  a  Sayler,  who  at  his  first  landing  upon  the  Hand  (as 
after  you  shall  heare)  killed  another  fellow  Sayler  of  his, 
the  bodie  of  the  murthered  and  Murtherer  so  dwelling, 
as  prescribed  now  together. 

During  our  time  of  abode  upon  these  Hands,  wee  had 
daily  every  Sunday  two  Sermons  preached  by  our  Minister,  Religious 
besides  every  Morning  and  Evening  at  the  ringing  of  a  exercises 
Bell,  wee  repayred  all  to  publique  Prayer,  at  what  time  ^ y0,m e„  | 
the  names  of  our  whole  Company  were  called  by  Bill, 
and  such  as  were  wanting,  were  duly  punished. 

The  contents  (for  the  most  part)  of  all  our  Preachers 
Sermons,  were  especially  of  Thankefulnesse  and  Unitie, 
&c. 

It  pleased  God  also  to  give  us  opportunitie,  to  performe 

37 


A.D. 
1609. 

The  most  holy 
civill  and  most 
naturall  pos- 
session taken  of 
the  Bermudas 
by  exercise  of 
Sacraments 
Marriage, 
Child-birth, 
Vc. 


Children 
named 

Bermuda  and 
Bermudas. 


Saylers 
misorder. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

all  the  other  Offices,  and  Rites  of  our  Christian  Profession 
in  this  Hand :  as  Marriage,  for  the  sixe  and  twentieth  of 
November,  we  had  one  of  Sir  George  Summers  his  men, 
his  Cooke,  named  Thomas  Powell,  who  married  a  Maid 
Servant  of  one  Mistris  Horton,  whose  name  was 
Elizabeth  Persons :  and  upon  Christmasse  Eve,  as  also 
once  before,  the  first  of  October ;  our  Minister  preached 
a  godly  Sermon,  which  being  ended,  he  celebrated  a  Com- 
munion, at  the  partaking  whereof  our  Governour  was,  and 
the  greatest  part  of  our  Company :  and  the  eleventh  of 
February,  wee  had  the  childe  of  one  John  Rose  christened 
a  Daughter,  to  which  Captaine  Newport  and  my  selfe 
were  Witnesses,  and  the  aforesaid  Mistris  Horton  and  we 
named  it  Bermuda,  as  also  the  five  and  twentieth  of  March, 
the  wife  of  one  Edward  Eason,  being  delivered  the  weeke 
before  of  a  Boy,  had  him  then  christened,  to  which 
Captaine  Newport  and  my  selfe,  and  Master  James  Swift 
were  Godfathers,  and  we  named  it  Bermudas. 

Likewise,  we  buried  five  of  our  company,  Jeffery 
Briars,  Richard  Lewis,  William  Hitchman,  and  my 
God-daughter  Bermuda  Rolfe,  and  one  untimely  Edward 
Samuell  a  Sayler,  being  villanously  killed  by  the  foresaid 
Robert  Waters,  (a  Sayler  likewise)  with  a  shovell,  who 
strake  him  therewith  under  the  lift  of  the  Eare,  for 
which  he  was  apprehended,  and  appointed  to  be  hanged 
the  next  day,  (the  fact  being  done  in  the  twilight) 
but  being  bound  fast  to  a  Tree  all  night,  with  many 
Ropes,  and  a  Guard  of  five  or  six  to  attend  him,  his 
fellow  Saylers  (watching  the  advantage  of  the  Centinels 
sleeping)  in  despight  and  disdaine  that  Justice  should  bee 
shewed  upon  a  Sayler,  and  that  one  of  their  crue  should 
be  an  example  to  others,  not  taking  into  consideration,  the 
unmanlinesse  of  the  murther,  nor  the  horror  of  the  sinne, 
they  cut  his  bands,  and  conveyed  him  into  the  Woods, 
where  they  fed  him  nightly,  and  closely,  who  afterward 
by  the  mediation  of  Sir  George  Summers,  upon  many 
conditions,  had  his  tryall  respited  by  our  Governour. 

Wee  had  brought  our  Pinnasse  so  forward  by  this  time, 

38 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1610. 

as  the  eight  and  twentieth  of  August  we  having  laid  her 
Keele.  The  sixe  and  twentieth  of  February,  we  now 
began  to  calke :  old  Cables  we  had  preserved  unto  us, 
which  affoorded  Ocam  enough :  and  one  barrell  of  Pitch, 
and  another  of  Tarre,  we  likewise  saved,  which  served  our 
use  some  little  way  upon  the  Bilg,  wee  breamed  her  other- 
wise with  Lime  made  of  Wilke-shels,  and  an  hard  white 
stone  which  we  burned  in  a  Kill,  slaked  with  fresh  water,  [iv.  ix. 
and  tempered  with  Tortoyses   Oyle.     The   thirtieth  of  *747-] 

March  being  Friday,  we  towed  her  out  in  the  morning 
Spring-tyde,  from  the  Wharfe  where  she  was  built,  boying 
her  with  foure  Caske  in  her  runne  only :  which  opened 
into  the  North-west,  and  into  which  when  the  Breeze 
stood  North  and  by  West  with  any  stirTe  gale,  and  upon 
the  Spring-tydes,  the  Sea  would  increase  with  that  violence, 
especially  twice  it  did  so,  as  at  the  first  time  (before  our 
Governour  had  caused  a  solid  Causey  of  an  hundred  load 
of  stone  to  bee  brought  from  the  Hils  and  Neighbour 
Rockes,  and  round  about  her  ribs  from  stemme  to  stemme, 
where  it  made  a  pointed  Baulke,  and  thereby  brake  the 
violence  of  the  Flowe  and  Billowe)  it  indangered  her  over- 
throw and  ruine,  beeing  greene  as  it  were  upon  the 
Stockes.  With  much  difficultie,  diligence,  and  labour,  we 
saved  her  at  the  first,  all  her  Bases,  Shores,  and  Piles,  which 
under-set  her,  being  almost  carried  from  her,  which  was 
the  second  of  January,  when  her  knees  were  not  set  to, 
nor  one  joynt  firme  :  We  launched  her  unrigged,  to  carrie 
her  to  a  little  round  Hand,  lying  West  North-west,  and 
close  aboord  to  the  backe  side  of  our  Hand,  both  neerer 
the  Ponds  and  Wels  of  some  fresh  water,  as  also  from 
thence  to  make  our  way  to  the  Sea  the  better  :  the  Channell 
being  there  sufficient  and  deepe  enough  to  leade  her  forth, 
when  her  Masts,  Sayles,  and  all  her  Trimme  should  bee 
about  her.  Shee  was  fortie  foot  by  the  Keele,  and  nine- 
teene  foot  broad  at  the  Beame,  sixe  foote  floore,  her  Rake 
forward  was  fourteene  foot,  her  Rake  aft  from  the  top  of 
her  Post  (which  was  twelve  foot  long)  was  three  foot, 
shee  was  eight  foot  deepe  under  her  Beame,  betweene  her 

39 


A.D. 
l6lO. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


Cedar  ill  for 
shipping. 


Deckes  she  was  foure  foot  and  an  halfe,  with  a  rising  of 
halfe  a  foot  more  under  her  fore  Castle,  of  purpose  to 
scowre  the  Decke  with  small  shot,  if  at  any  time  wee 
should  bee  horded  by  the  Enemie.  Shee  had  a  fall  of 
eighteene  inches  aft,  to  make  her  sterage  and  her  great 
Cabbin  the  more  large :  her  sterage  was  five  foote  long, 
and  sixe  foote  high,  with  a  close  Gallerie  right  aft,  with  a 
window  on  each  side,  and  two  right  aft.  The  most  part 
of  her  timber  was  Cedar,  which  we  found  to  be  bad  for 
shipping,  for  that  it  is  wonderous  false  inward,  and  besides 
it  is  so  spault  or  brickie,  that  it  will  make  no  good  plankes, 
her  Beames  were  all  Oke  of  our  ruine  ship,  and  some 
plankes  in  her  Bow  of  Oke,  and  all  the  rest  as  is  aforesaid. 
When  shee  began  to  swimme  (upon  her  launching)  our 
Governour  called  her  The  Deliverance,  and  shee  might  be 
some  eighty  tunnes  of  burthen. 

Before  we  quitted  our  old  quarter,  and  dislodged  to 
the  fresh  water  with  our  Pinnasse,  our  Governour  set 
up  in  Sir  George  Summers  Garden  a  faire  Muemosynon 
in  figure  of  a  Crosse,  made  of  some  of  the  timber 
of  our  ruined  shippe,  which  was  scrued  in  with  strong 
and  great  trunnels  to  a  mightie  Cedar,  which  grew  in 
the  middest  of  the  said  Garden,  and  whose  top  and 
upper  branches  he  caused  to  be  lopped,  that  the 
violence  of  the  winde  and  weather  might  have  the  lesse 
power  over  her. 

In  the  middest  of  the  Crosse,  our  Governour  fastened 

His  Majesties  the  Picture  of  his  Majestie  in  a  piece  of  Silver  of  twelve 

pence,    and    on    each    side    of    the    Crosse,    hee    set    an 

Inscription  graven  in  Copper,  in  the  Latine  and  English 

to  this  purpose. 

In  memory  of  our  great  deliverance,  both  from  a 
mightie  storme  and  leake  :  wee  have  set  up  this  to  the 
honour  of  God.  It  is  the  spoyle  of  an  English  ship 
(of  three  hundred  tunne)  called  the  Sea  Venture,  bound 
with  seven  ships  more  (from  which  the  storme  divided 
us)  to  Virginia,  or  Nova  Britania,  in  America.  In  it 
were  two  Knights,  Sir  Thomas  Gates  Knight,  Governour 

40 


Crosse  set  up 
for  a  memorial. 


Picture. 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

of  the  English  Forces  and  Colonie  there :  and  Sir  George 

Summers  Knight,  Admirall   of  the  Seas.     Her  Captaine 

was  Christopher  Newport,  Passengers  and  Mariners  shee 

had  beside  (which  came   all  safe  to  Land)  one  hundred 

and    fiftie.     We   were   forced   to   runne   her   ashore   (by 

reason  of  her  leake)  under  a  Point  that  bore  South-east 

from    the    Northerne    Point    of    the    Hand,    which    wee 

discovered   first  the  eight   and  twentieth  of  July   1609. 

About    the     last    of    Aprill,     Sir    George     Summers 

launched  his  Pinnasse,  and  brought  her  from  his  building 

Bay,  in  the  Mayne  Hand,  into  the  Channell  where  ours 

did  ride,  and   shee  was  by  the   Keele   nine   and   twentie 

foot :   at   the   Beame   fifteene  foot  and   an   halfe :   at   the 

Loofe    fourteene,    at    the    Trausam    nine,    and    she    was 

eight  foote   deepe,  and   drew   sixe  foote   water,  and   hee 

called  her  the  Patience. 

§.  in. 

Their  departure  from  Bermuda  and  arrivall  in 
Virginia :  miseries  there,  departure  and  returne 
upon  the  Lord  La  Warres  arriving.  James 
Towne  described. 

Rom  this  time  we  only  awaited  a  favourable 
Westerly  wind  to  carrie  us  forth,  which  longer 
then  usuall  now  kept  at  the  East,  and  South-east, 
the  way  which  wee  were  to  goe.  The  tenth  of  May 
early,  Sir  George  Summers  and  Captaine  Newport  went 
off  with  their  long  Boates,  and  with  two  Canoaes  boyed 
the  Channell,  which  wee  were  to  leade  it  out  in,  and 
which  was  no  broader  from  Shoales  on  the  one  side 
and  Rockes  on  the  other,  then  about  three  times  the  [IV.  ix. 
length  of  our  Pinnasse.     About  ten  of  the  clocke,  that  I7+8-] 

day  being  Thursday,  we  set  sayle  an  easie  gale,  the  wind 
at  South,  and  by  reason  no  more  winde  blew,  we  were 
faine  to  towe  her  with  our  long  Boate,  yet  neither  with 
the  helpe  of  that,  were  we  able  to  fit  our  Bowyes,  but 
even  when  we  came  just  upon  them,  we  strucke  a  Rocke 

41 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

on  the  starboord  side,  over  which  the  Bowye  rid,  and 
had  it  not  beene  a  soft  Rocke,  by  which  meanes  she  bore 
it  before  her,  and  crushed  it  to  pieces,  God  knowes  we 
might  have  beene  like  enough,  to  have  returned  anew, 
and  dwelt  there,  after  tenne  monethes  of  carefulnesse 
and  great  labour  a  longer  time :  but  God  was  more 
mercifull  unto  us.  When  shee  strucke  upon  the  Rocke, 
the  Cock-swayne  one  Walsingham  beeing  in  the  Boate 
with  a  quicke  spirit  (when  wee  were  all  amazed,  and 
our  hearts  failed)  and  so  by  Gods  goodnesse  wee  led 
it  out  at  three  fadome,  and  three  fadome  and  an  halfe 
water.  The  wind  served  us  easily  all  that  day  and  the 
next,  when  (God  be  ever  praysed  for  it)  to  the  no 
little  joy  of  us  all,  we  got  cleere  of  the  Hands.  After 
which  holding  a  Southerly  course,  for  seven  dayes  wee 
had  the  winde  sometimes  faire,  and  sometimes  scarce 
and  contrarie :  in  which  time  we  lost  Sir  George  Summers 
twice,  albeit  we  still  spared  him  our  mayne  top-sayle, 
and  sometimes  our  fore  course  too. 
Signe  of  The  seventeenth  of  May  we  saw  change  of  water, 
Land.  anc[  jjacj  mucn  Rubbish  swimme  by  our  ship  side, 
whereby  wee  knew  wee  were  not  farre  from  Land.  The 
eighteenth  about  midnight  wee  sounded,  with  the  Dipsing 
Lead,  and  found  thirtie  seven  fadome.  The  nineteenth 
in  the  morning  we  sounded,  and  had  nineteene  and  an 
halfe  fadome,  stonie,  and  sandie  ground.  The  twentieth 
about  midnight,  we  had  a  marvellous  sweet  smell  from 
the  shoare  (as  from  the  Coast  of  Spaine,  short  of  the 
Straits)  strong  and  pleasant,  which  did  not  a  little  glad 
us.  In  the  morning  by  day  breake  (so  soone  as  one 
might  well  see  from  the  fore-top)  one  of  the  Saylers 
descryed  Land  about  an  houre  after,  I  went  up  and 
might  discover  two  Hummockes  to  the  Southward,  from 
which  (Northward  all  along)  lay  the  Land,  which  wee 
were  to  Coast  to  Cape  Henrie.  About  seven  of  the 
clocke  we  cast  forth  an  Anchor,  because  the  tyde  (by 
reason  of  the  Freshet  that  set  into  the  Bay)  made  a 
strong  Ebbe  there,  and  the  winde  was  but  easie,  so  as 

42 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

not  beeing  able  to  stemme  the  Tyde,  we  purposed  to 
lye  at  an  Anchor  untill  the  next  flood,  but  the  wind 
comming  South-west  a  loome  gale  about  eleven,  we  set 
sayle  againe,  and  having  got  over  the  Barre,  bore  in  for 
the  Cape. 

This  is  the  famous  Chesipiacke  Bay,  which  wee  have  Chesipiack 
called  (in  honour  of  our  young  Prince)  Cape  Henrie  Bay- 
over  against  which  within  the  Bay,  lyeth  another  Head- 
land, which  wee  called  in  honour  of  our  Princely  Duke 
of  Yorke  Cape  Charles ;  and  these  lye  North-east  and 
by  East,  and  South-west  and  by  West,  and  they  may 
bee  distant  each  from  the  other  in  breadth  seven  leagues, 
betweene  which  the  Sea  runnes  in  as  broad  as  betweene 
Queeneburrough  and  Lee.  Indeed  it  is  a  goodly  Bay 
and  a  fairer,  not  easily  to  be  found. 

The  one  and  twentieth,  beeing  Munday  in  the 
morning,  wee  came  up  within  two  miles  of  Point 
Comfort,  when  the  Captaine  of  the  Fort  discharged  a 
warning  Peece  at  us,  whereupon  we  came  to  an  Anchor, 
and  sent  off  our  long  Boat  to  the  Fort,  to  certifie  who 
we  were  ;  by  reason  of  the  shoales  which  lye  on  the 
South-side,  this  Fort  easily  commands  the  mouth  of 
the  River,  albeit  it  is  as  broad  as  betweene  Greenwich, 
and  the  He  of  Dogges. 

True  it  is,  such  who  talked  with  our  men  from  the 
shoare,  delivered  how  safely  all  our  ships  the  last 
yeere  (excepting  only  the  Admirall,  and  the  little 
Pinnasse  in  which  one  Michael  Philes  commanded  of 
some  twentie  tunne,  which  we  towed  a  sterne  till  the 
storme  blew)  arrived,  and  how  our  people  (well  increased) 
had  therefore  builded  this  Fort ;  only  wee  could  not 
learne  any  thing  of  our  long  Boat,  sent  from  the 
Bermudas,  but  what  wee  gathered  by  the  Indians  them- 
selves, especially  from  Powhatan,  who  would  tell  our 
men  of  such  a  Boat  landed  in  one  of  his  Rivers,  and 
would  describe  the  people,  and  make  much  scoffing  sport 
thereat :  by  which  wee  have  gathered,  that  it  is  most 
likely,  how  it  arrived  upon  our  Coast,  and  not  meeting 

43 


A.D. 
l6lO. 

The  long  Boat 
sent  by  Ravens 
cast  away. 


Algernoone 

Fort. 

M.  George 

Percy. 


Miserable 
shewes  of 
welcome. 
[IV.  ix. 

1 749-1 


Old  Patent 
yeelded  up. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

with  our  River  were  taken  at  some  time  or  other,  at 
some  advantage  by  the  Savages,  and  so  cut  off.  When 
our  Skiffe  came  up  againe,  the  good  newes  of  our  ships, 
and  mens  arrivall  the  last  yeere,  did  not  a  little  glad  our 
Governour  :  who  went  soone  ashoare,  and  assoone  (contrary 
to  all  our  faire  hopes)  had  new  unexpected,  uncomfortable, 
and  heavie  newes  of  a  worse  condition  of  our  people 
above  at  James  Towne. 

Upon  Point  Comfort  our  men  did  the  last  yeere  (as 
you  have  heard)  rayse  a  little  Fortification,  which  since 
hath  beene  better  perfected,  and  is  likely  to  proove  a 
strong  Fort,  and  is  now  kept  by  Captaine  James  Davies 
with  forty  men,  and  hath  to  name  Algernoone  Fort,  so 
called  by  Captaine  George  Percy,  whom  we  found  at 
our  arrivall  President  of  the  Colony,  and  at  this  time 
like-wise  in  the  Fort.  When  we  got  into  the  Point, 
which  was  the  one  and  twentieth  of  May,  being  Munday 
about  noone ;  where  riding  before  an  Indian  Towne 
called  Kecoughton,  a  mightie  storme  of  Thunder, 
Lightning,  and  Raine,  gave  us  a  shrewd  and  fearefull 
welcome. 

From  hence  in  two  dayes  (only  by  the  helpe  of 
Tydes,  no  winde  stirring)  wee  plyed  it  sadly  up  the 
River,  and  the  three  and  twentieth  of  May  we  cast 
Anchor  before  James  Towne,  where  we  landed,  and 
our  much  grieved  Governour  first  visiting  the  Church 
caused  the  Bell  to  be  rung,  at  which  (all  such  as  were 
able  to  come  forth  of  their  houses)  repayred  to  Church 
where  our  Minister  Master  Bucke  made  a  zealous  and 
sorrowfull  Prayer,  finding  all  things  so  contrary  to 
our  expectations,  so  full  of  misery  and  misgovernment. 
After  Service  our  Governour  caused  mee  to  reade 
his  Commission,  and  Captaine  Percie  (then  President) 
delivered  up  unto  him  his  Commission,  the  old  Patent 
and  the  Councell  Seale.  Viewing  the  Fort,  we  found 
the  Pallisadoes  torne  downe,  the  Ports  open,  the  Gates 
from  off  the  hinges,  and  emptie  houses  (which  Owners 
death  had  taken  from  them)  rent  up  and  burnt,  rather 

44 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

then  the  dwellers  would  step  into  the  Woods  a  stones 
cast  off  from  them,  to  fetch  other  fire-wood  :  and  it 
is  true,  the  Indian  killed  as  fast  without,  if  our  men  Their  miseries 
stirred  but  beyond  the  bounds  of  their  Block-house,  l*vited.  Ipsi 
as  Famine  and  Pestilence  did  within  ;  with  many  more  "m^™™ma 
particularities  of  their  sufferances  (brought  upon  them 
by  their  owne  disorders  the  last  yeere)  then  I  have 
heart  to  expresse.  In  this  desolation  and  misery  our 
Governour  found  the  condition  and  state  of  the  Colonie, 
and  (which  added  more  to  his  griefe)  no  hope  how 
to  amend  it  or  save  his  owne  Company,  and  those  yet 
remayning  alive,  from  falling  into  the  like  necessities. 
For  we  had  brought  from  the  Bermudas  no  greater 
store  of  provision  (fearing  no  such  accidents  possible 
to  befall  the  Colony  here)  then  might  well  serve  one 
hundred  and  fiftie  for  a  Sea  Voyage  :  and  it  was  not 
possible,  at  this  time  of  the  yeere  to  amend  it,  by  any 
helpe  from  the  Indian.  For  besides  that  they  (at  their 
best)  have  little  more,  then  from  hand  to  mouth,  it 
was  now  likewise  but  their  Seed-time,  and  all  their 
Corne  scarce  put  into  the  ground  :  nor  was  there  at 
the  Fort,  (as  they  whom  we  found  related  unto  us)  any 
meanes  to  take  fish,  neither  sufficient  Seine,  nor  other 
convenient  Net,  and  yet  if  there  had,  there  was  not 
one  eye  of  Sturgeon  yet  come  into  the  River.  All 
which  considered,  it  pleased  our  Governour  to  make 
a  Speech  unto  the  Company,  giving  them  to  understand, 
that  what  provision  he  had,  they  should  equally  share 
with  him,  and  if  he  should  find  it  not  possible,  and 
easie  to  supply  them  with  some  thing  from  the  Countrey, 
by  the  endevours  of  his  able  men,  hee  would  make 
readie,  and  transport  them  all  into  their  Native  Countrey 
(accommodating  them  the  best  that  he  could)  at  which 
there  was  a  generall  acclamation,  and  shoute  of  joy  on 
both  sides,  for  even  our  owne  men  began  to  be  dis- 
heartened and  faint,  when  they  saw  this  misery  amongst 
the  others,  and  no  lesse  threatned  unto  themselves.  In 
the    meane    while,    our    Governour    published    certaine 

45 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

Orders  estab-  Orders    and    Instructions,    which    hee    enjoyned    them 

lished  which  strictly  to  observe,  the  time  that  hee  should  stay  amongst 

'their^hot  tnem>  which  being  written  out  faire,  were  set  up  upon 

stay:  the  a  Post  m  the  Church  for  every  one  to  take  notice  of. 
partkulers  are       If  I   should  be  examined  from  whence,  and  by  what 

here  omitted,  occasion,    all    these    disasters,    and    afflictions    descended 

ey  con-  Up0n    our    people,    I    can   only    referre   you    (honoured 

Preface  and  Ladie)  to  the  Booke,  which  the  Adventurers  have  sent 

21.  Articles  hither    intituled,    Advertisements    unto    the    Colony    in 

for  Pietie,  Virginia  :    wherein  the  ground  and  causes  are  favourably 

Loyaltu  and  ^y^c\ae,c\   from  whence  these  miserable  effects  have  beene 

Politie  con-  ii  i-i         •  1        r  r 

venient  to  the   produced,  not  excusing  likewise  the  forme    or   govern- 
Colonie.  ment  of  some  errour,  which  was  not  powerfull  enough 

among  so  headie  a  multitude,  especially,  as  those  who 
arrived  here  in  the  supply  sent  the  last  yeere  with  us  : 
with  whom  the  better  authoritie  and  government  now 
changed   into   an   absolute   command,    came   along,   and 
had    beene   as  happily  established,  had  it  pleased  God, 
that  we  with  them   had  reached    our   wished    Harbour. 
Unto  such  calamity  can  sloath,  riot,  and  vanity,  bring 
the   most    setled   and   plentifull   estate.      Indeede   (right 
noble    Lady)    no    story    can    remember    unto    us,    more 
woes  and  anguishes,  then   these   people,   thus  governed, 
have    both    suffered   and    puld    upon   their  owne  heads. 
Men  blamed,    And    yet   true    it  is,   some   of  them,   whose   voyces   and 
but  not  all  the  command  might  not  be  heard,  may  easily  be  absolved 
fned  ^  from  the  guilt  hereof,  as  standing  untouched,  and  upright 

in  their  innocencies  ;  whilest  the  privie  factionaries  shall 
never  find  time  nor  darknesse,  to  wipe  away  or  cover 
their  ignoble  and  irreligious  practises,  who,  it  may  be, 
lay  all  the  discredits,  and  imputations  the  while  upon 
the  Countrie.  But  under  pardon,  let  me  speake  freely 
to  them  :  let  them  remember  that  if  riot  and  sloth 
should  both  meet  in  any  one  of  their  best  Families, 
in  a  Countrey  most  stored  with  abundance  and  plentie 
in  England,  continuall  wasting,  no  Husbandry,  the 
old  store  still  spent  on,  no  order  for  new  provisions, 
what    better    could   befall    unto    the    Inhabitants,    Land- 

46 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

lords,    and    Tenants    of   that    corner,    then    necessarily 

following   cleannesse   of  teeth,    famine   and   death  ?      Is 

it  not  the  sentence  and  doome  of  the  Wiseman  ?     Yet  Prov-  6- 

a  little  sleepe,  a  little  slumber,  and  a  little  folding  of 

the  hands  to  sleepe  :    so  thy  poverty  commeth,  as  one 

that    travelleth   by  the  way,  and  thy  necessitie  like  an 

armed  man.     And  with  this  Idlenesse,  when  some  thing 

was  in  store,  all  wastfull  courses  exercised  to  the  heigth, 

and  the   headlesse  multitude,   (some  neither  of  qualitie 

nor  Religion)  not  imployed  to  the  end  for  which  they 

were  sent  hither,  no  not  compelled  (since  in  themselves 

unwilling)    to    sowe   Corne   for   their  owne  bellies,   nor 

to  put  a   Roote,   Herbe,   &c.   for  their  owne  particular 

good  in  their  Gardens  or  elsewhere  :  I  say  in  this  neglect 

and    sensuall    Surfet,    all    things   suffered    to    runne    on, 

to  lie  sicke  and   languish  ;    must    it   be   expected,    that 

health,  plentie,  and  all  the  goodnesse  of  a  well  ordered 

State,  of  necessitie  for  all  this  to  flow  in  this  Countrey  ? 

You  have  a  right  and  noble  heart  (worthy   Lady)   bee 

judge    of   the    truth    herein.      Then    surfer    it   not   bee 

concluded  unto   you,   nor  beleeve,   I   beseech  you,   that 

the  wants  and  wretchednesse  which  they   have   indured, 

ascend  out  of  the  povertie  and  vilenesse  of  the  Countrey, 

whether    bee   respected   the   Land   or  Rivers  :    the  one, 

and   the  other,   having  not  only  promised,   but   powred 

enough    in    their    veines,    to    convince    them    in    such  [IV.  ix. 

calumnies,  and  to  quit  those  common  calamities,  which  17S°-i 

(as    the    shadow   accompanies    the   body)    the   precedent 

neglects    touched    at,    if  truely   followed,    and    wrought 

upon.     What  England  may   boast  of,  having  the   faire 

hand  of  husbandry  to  manure  and  dresse  it,  God,  and  The  Countrey 

Nature    have    favourably    bestowed    upon    this    Country,  commended- 

and  as  it  hath  given  unto  it,  both  by  situation,  height, 

and  soyle,  all  those  (past  hopes)  assurances  which  follow 

our    well    planted    native    Countrie,    and    others,    lying 

under    the    same    influence  :    if,   as    ours,    the    Countrey 

and    soyle    might   be   improved,   and   drawne  forth  :    so 

hath  it  indowed  it,  as  is  most  certaine,  with  many  more, 

47 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

which  England  fetcheth  farre  unto  her  from  elsewhere. 

For  first  wee  have  experience,  and  even  our  eyes  witnesse 

(how   yong  so   ever  wee  are  to  the   Countrie)   that   no 

Countrey   yeeldeth  goodlier  Corne,   nor  more  manifold 

increase :    large    Fields   wee   have,    as   prospects   of  the 

same,  and  not  farre  from  our  Pallisado.      Besides,  wee 

have   thousands    of  goodly   Vines  in   every  hedge,   and 

Boske     running     along    the    ground,     which    yeelde    a 

plentifull  Grape  in  their  kinde.     Let  mee  appeale  then 

to    knowledge,    if   these    naturall    Vines    were    planted,' 

dressed,  and    ordered    by   skilfull  Vinearoones,  whether 

wee    might    not    make   a    perfect   Grape,   and   fruitefull 

Vintage  in   short  time  ?      And  we  have   made  triall  of 

our  owne  English  seedes,  kitchen  Hearbs,  and  Rootes, 

and   finde   them   to   prosper   as   speedily   as   in   England. 

Rem.  acu  Onely   let    me   truely   acknowledge,   they  are  not  an 

tettgit.  hundred  or  two  of  deboist  hands,  dropt  forth  by  yeare 

True  cause  of      Cj_  -,i  j     1   •  -n  -j   j    r 

misery  in         a*ter    veare>   Wltn    penury,  and    leisure,   ill   provided   tor 

Virginia.         before  they  come,  and  worse  to  be  governed  when  they 

are  here,  men  of  such  distempered  bodies,  and  infected 

mindes,    whom    no    examples    daily    before    their    eyes, 

either   of  goodnesse   or   punishment,   can   deterre    from 

their    habituall    impieties,   or    terrifie    from    a   shamefull 

death,    that    must    be    the    Carpenters,    and    workemen 

in  this  so  glorious  a  building. 

Then  let  no  rumour  of  the  poverty  of  the  Country 

(as  if  in  the  worn  be  thereof  there  lay  not  those  elementall 

seedes,   which   could    produce   as   many   faire    births   of 

plenty,    and   increase,    and    better  hopes,   then  any  land 

under    the    heaven,    to    which    the    Sunne    is    no    neerer 

a  neighbour)  I  say,  let  no  imposture  rumour,  nor  any 

fame  of  some  one,  or  a  few  more  changeable  actions, 

interposing   by   the    way,   or  at  home,   wave  any  mans 

faire  purposes  hitherward,  or  wrest  them  to  a  declining 

and  falling  off  from  the  businesse. 

I  will  acknowledge,  deere  Lady,  I  have  seene  much 

propensnesse    already    towards    the    unity,    and   generall 

endeavours  :    how  contentedly  doe  such  as  labour  with 

48 


SIR   THOMAS    GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

us,   goe    forth,   when    men  of  ranke  and   quality,   assist, 

and  set  on  their  labours  ?   I  have  seene  it,  and  I  protest 

it,    I    have   heard   the  inferioor  people,   with   alacrity   of 

spirit    professe,    that    they    should    never    refuse    to    doe 

their  best  in  the  practise  of  their  sciences  and  knowledges,  Times  of 

when    such   worthy,   and   Noble   Gentlemen   goe   in   and  l^0UL,  u"fer 

out  before  them,  and  not  onely  so,  but  as  the  occasion 

shall   be   offered,   no   lesse   helpe  them   with   their  hand, 

then    defend    them   with   the  Sword.      And   it  is   to   be 

understood,  that  such  as  labour,  are  not  yet   so   taxed, 

but   that   easily    they    performe    the   same,   and   ever    by 

tenne  of  the  clocke  have  done  their   Mornings  worke  : 

a.t  what  time,  they  have  their  allowances  set  out   ready 

for   them,   and   untill   it   be   three   of  the  clocke  againe, 

they  take  their  owne  pleasure,  and  afterwards  with   the 

Sunne  set,   their  dayes  labour  is  finished.     In  all  which 

courses,  if  the  businesse  be  continued,  I  doubt  nothing, 

with  Gods  favour  towards  us,  but  to  see  it  in  time,  a 

Countrie,    an    Haven,    and    a    Staple,    fitted    for    such    a 

trade,   as   shall   advance   assureder  increase,   both   to   the 

A.d venturers,  and  free  Burgers  thereof,  then  any  Trade  Note.    The 

in  Christendome,  or  then  that  (even  in  her  earely  dayes,  h°P" .°f 

when    Michael    Cavacco    the    Greeke,   did    first    discover 

it   to   our   English   Factor  in   Poland)   which   extends   it 

selfe    now    from    Calpe    and    Abila,    to    the    bottome    of 

Sidon,    and    so   wide   as   Alexandria,    and  all  the  Ports 

md   Havens   North   and   South,   through   the  Arches  to 

Cio,  Smyrna,  Troy,  the  Hellespont,  and  up  to  Pompeys 

Pillar,    which    as    a    Pharos,    or    watch    Tower,    stands 

upon  the  wondrous  opening  into  the  Euxine  Sea. 

From  the  three  and  twentieth  of  May,  unto  the  Sir  T.  Gates 
seventh  of  June,  our  Governour  attempted,  and  made  &" care- 
triall  of  all  the  wayes,  that  both  his  owne  judgement 
could  prompe  him  in,  and  the  advice  of  Captaine  George 
Percy,  and  those  Gentlemen  whom  hee  found  of  the 
Counsell,  when  hee  came  in,  as  of  others  ;  whom  hee 
caused  to  deliver  their  knowledges,  concerning  the  State 
and  Condition  of  the  Countrey  :  but  after  much  debating, 

XIX  49  D 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGBJMES 

1610. 

it  could  not  appeare,  how  possibly  they  might  preserve 
themselves  (reserving  that  little  which  wee  brought  from 
the  Bermudas  in  our  Shippes,  and  was  upon  all  occasions 
to  stand  good  by  us)  tenne  dayes  from  starving.  For 
besides  that  the  Indians  were  of  themselves  poore,  they 
Pohatam  were  forbidden  likewise  (by  their  subtile  King  Powhatan) 
policy.  at    an    to    trade    with    us  ;     and    not    onely    so,    but    to 

indanger  and  assault  any  Boate  upon  the  River,  or 
stragler  out  of  the  Fort  by  Land,  by  which  (not  long 
before  our  arrivall)  our  people  had  a  large  Boate  cut 
off,  and  divers  of  our  men  killed,  even  within  command 
of  our  Blocke-house ;  as  likewise,  they  shot  two  of 
our  people  to  death,  after  we  had  bin  foure  and  five 
dayes  come  in  :  and  yet  would  they  dare  then  to  enter 
our  Ports,  and  trucke  with  us  (as  they  counterfeited 
Savage  Spies,  underhand)  when  indeede,  they  came  but  as  Spies  to 
discover  our  strength,  trucking  with  us  upon  such  hard 
conditions,  that  our  Governour  might  very  well  see 
their  subtiltie,  and  therefore  neither  could  well  indure, 
[IV.  ix.  nor  would  continue  it.     And  I   may  truely   say   beside, 

I7SI-1  so  had  our  men  abased,  and  to  such  a  contempt,  had 
aSeT"bi  ^ey  brought  the  value  of  our  Copper,  that  a  peece 
which  would  have  bought  a  bushell  of  their  Corne  in 
former  time,  would  not  now  buy  a  little  Cade  or 
Basket  of  a  Pottle.  And  for  this  misgovernment, 
Mischiefes  of  chiefely  our  Colony  is  much  bound  to  the  Mariners, 
Manners.  W^Q  never  vet  [n  any  Voyage  hither,  but  have  made 
a  prey  of  our  poore  people  in  want ;  insomuch,  as 
unlesse  they  might  advance  foure  or  five  for  one  (how 
assured  soever  of  the  payments  of  their  Bils  of  Exchange) 
they  would  not  spare  them  a  dust  of  Corne,  nor  a 
pinte  of  Beere,  to  give  unto  them  the  least  comfort  or 
reliefe,  although  that  Beere  purloyned,  and  stolne  perhaps, 
either  from  some  particular  supply,  or  from  the  generall 
store  :  so  uncharitable  a  parcel!  of  people  they  be,  and 
ill  conditioned.  I  my  selfe  have  heard  the  Master  of  a 
Shippe  say  (even  upon  the  arrivall  of  this  Fleete,  with 
the  Lord  Governour  and    Captaine   Generall,  when  the 

5° 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

said  Master  was  treated  with  for  such  Commodities 
as  hee  brought  to  sell)  that  unlesse  hee  might  have  an 
East  Indian  increase,  foure  for  one,  all  charges  cleered, 
hee  would  not  part  with  a  Can  of  Beere.  Besides,  to 
doe  us  more  villany  and  mischiefe,  they  would  send 
of  their  long  Boates  still  by  night,  and  (well  guarded) 
make  out  to  the  neighbour  Villages,  and  Townes,  and 
there  (contrary  to  the  Articles  of  the  Fort,  which  now 
pronounce  death  for  a  trespasse  of  that  qualitie)  trucke 
with  the  Indians,  giving  for  their  trifles  Otter  skinnes, 
Bevers,  Rokoone  Furres,  Beares  skinnes,  &c.  so  large  a 
quantity,  and  measure  of  Copper,  as  when  the  Trucke- 
Master  for  the  Colony,  in  the  day  time  offered  trade,  the 
Indians  would  laugh  and  scorne  the  same,  telling  what 
bargains  they  met  withall  by  night,  from  our  Mangot 
Quintons  (so  calling  our  great  Shippes)  by  which  meanes, 
the  Market  with  them  forestalled  thus  by  these  dis- 
honest men,  I  may  boldly  say,  they  have  bin  a  con- 
sequent cause  (this  last  yeare)  to  the  death  and  starving  Pursers  fraud. 
of  many  a  worthy  spirit ;  but  I  hope  to  see  a  true 
amendment  and  reformation,  as  well  of  those  as  of 
divers  other  intollerable  abuses,  thrust  upon  the  Colony 
by  these  shamelesse  people,  as  also  for  the  transportation 
of  such  provisions  and  supplies  as  are  sent  hither,  and 
come  under  the  charge  of  pursers  (a  parcell,  fragment, 
and  odde  ends  of  fellowes  dependancies  to  the  others) 
a  better  course  thought  upon  :  of  which  supplies,  never 
yet  came  into  the  Store,  or  to  the  Parties,  unto  whom 
such  supplies  were  sent,  by  relation  hitherto,  a  moitie 
or  third  part ;  for  the  speedy  redresse  of  this,  being 
so  soveraigne  a  point,  1  understand  how  the  Lord 
Governour  and  Captaine  Generall,  hath  advised  unto  Remedy. 
the  Counsell,  that  there  may  be  no  more  provisions 
at  all  delivered  unto  Pursers,  but  hath  intreated  to 
have  the  provision  thus  ordered.  He  would  have  a 
Commissary  Generall  of  the  Victuals  to  be  appointed, 
who  (receiving  the  store  for  the  Colony,  by  Indenture 
from    the   Treasurer,   and   Victuallers   in  England)   may 

51 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

keepe  a  just  accompt,  what  the  grosse  amounteth  unto, 
and  what  is  transported  every  Voyage,  in  severall  kindes, 
as  of  Bread,  Meate,  Beere,  Wine,  &c.  which  said 
Commissary  shall  deliver  over  the  same,  to  the  Master 
of  every  Ship,  and  take  an  Indenture  from  the  said 
,  Master,  of  what  he  hath  in  charge,  and  what  he  is 
to  deliver  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  store  in  Virginia  : 
of  which,  if  any  be  wanting,  he  the  said  Master  shall 
make  it  good,  out  of  his  owne  intertainment,  other- 
wise the  Pursers,  Stewards,  Coopers,  and  quarter  Masters, 
will  be  sure  still,  not  onely  to  give  themselves  and 
their  friends  double  allowances,  but  thinke  it  all  well 
gotten  that  they  can  purloine  and  steale  away. 

Besides  that  the  Indian  thus  evill  intreated  us,  the 
River  (which  were  wont  before  this  time  of  the  yeare 
to  be  plentifull  of  Sturgion)  had  not  now  a  Fish  to 
be  seene  in  it,  and  albeit  we  laboured,  and  hold  our 
Net  twenty  times  day  and  night,  yet  we  tooke  not 
so  much  as  would  content  halfe  the  Fishermen.  Our 
Governour  therefore  sent  away  his  long  Boate  to  coast 
the  River  downward,  as  farre  as  Point  Comfort,  and 
from  thence  to  Cape  Henry,  and  Cape  Charles,  and 
all  within  the  Bay :  which  after  a  seven  nights  triall 
and  travaile,  returned  without  any  fruites  of  their 
labours,  scarse  getting  so  much  Fish  as  served  their 
owne  Company. 
The  Colony  And   to   take   any   thing   from    the    Indian   by   force, 

when  they  ^  we  never  used,  nor  willingly  ever  will:  and  though 
2^  XJ/V  they  had  well  deserved  it,  yet  it  was  not  now  time, 
starving.  for  they  did  (as  I  said  before)  but  then  set  their  Corne, 
and  at  their  best,  they  had  but  from  hand  to  mouth ; 
so  as  what  now  remained?  such  as  we  found  in  the 
Fort,  had  wee  staid  but  foure  dayes,  had  doubtlesse 
bin  the  most  part  of  them  starved,  for  their  best 
reliefe  was  onely  Mushrums,  and  some  hearbes,  which 
sod  together,  made  but  a  thin  and  unsavory  broath, 
and  swelled  them  much.  The  pitty  hereof  moved  our 
Governour    to    draw    forth    such    provision    as    he    had 

52 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

brought,  proportioning  a  measure  equally  to   every  one 

a  like.     But  then  our  Governor  began  to  examine  how 

long    this    his    store    would    hold    out,    and    found    it 

(husbanded  to  the  best  advantage)  not  possible  to  serve 

longer    then    sixteene    dayes  :    after    which,   nothing  was 

to  be  possibly  supposed  out  of  the  Countrey  (as  before 

remembred)    nor   remained    there   then    any   meanes   to 

transport  him   elsewhere.     Whereupon  hee  then  entred 

into    the   consultation   with    Sir   George    Summers,   and 

Captaine  Newport,  calling  unto  the  same  the  Gentlemen 

and  Counsell  of  the  former  Government,  intreating  both 

the   one   and   the   other   to  advise  with   him  what  was 

best    to    be    done.      The    provision    which    they    both 

had    aboord    himselfe    and    Sir    George    Summers,    was 

examined,    and    delivered,    how   it,    being   rackt   to    the 

uttermost,    extended    not    above,    as    I    said,    sixteene 

dayes,    after    two    Cakes    a    day.      The    Gentlemen    of 

the    Town,    who    knew    better    of  the    Country,    could 

not  give  him  any   hope,   or  wayes,   how  to  improve  it  [IV- ix- 

from    the    Indian.      It    soone    then   appeared   most   fit,  X7S2-J 

by   a   generall   approbation,    that   to   preserve   and   save 

all    from    starving,    there   could    be    no    readier    course 

thought     on,     then     to     abandon     the     Country,     and  Purfose  t0 

accommodating    themselves   the    best   that    they    might,   iav    * 

in  the   present   Pinnaces   then    in    the   road,  namely  in 

the  Discovery  and  the  Virginia,  and  in  the  two,  brought 

from,   and   builded  at   the   Bermudas,   the   Deliverance, 

and  the  Patience,  with  all    speede  convenient  to  make 

for   the   New    found    Land,    where    (being    the    fishing 

time)   they  might  meete  with   many   English  Ships  into 

which     happily     they     might     disperse     most     of     the 

Company. 

This  Consultation  taking  effect,  our  Governor  having 

caused  to  be  carried  aboord  all  the  Armes,  and  all  the 

best  things  in  the  store,  which  might  to  the  Adventurers 

make  some  commodity  upon  the  sale  thereof  at  home, 

and    burying    our     Ordnances    before    the    Fort    gate, 

which   looked    into    the    River.      The   seventh   of  June 

53 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

having  appointed   to    every   Pinnace   likewise   his   com- 
plement  and    number,   also    delivered   thereunto   a    pro- 
portionable   rate    of   provision,    hee    commanded    every 
man   at    the   beating   of  the   Drum    to    repaire    aboord. 
The  highest     And    because    hee    would    preserve    the    Towne    (albeit 
^dMhfth'**  now  to   ^e  quitted)  unburned,   which   some  intemperate 
Colonies  an<^  malicious  people  threatned,  his   owne   Company  he 

miseries  caused    to   be   left   ashoare,    and   was    himselfe   the   last 

scarsly  of  them,   when   about   noone   giving  a   farewell,    with   a 

escaping  the      peaje   Qf  smau  snot)  wee  set  saile>  ancj    tnat  night,  with 

devouring        t^ie    t^e»    ^   downe   to  an   Hand  in   the   River,   which 

desperation.      our  people  have  called  Hogge  Hand  ;   and  the  morning 

Hopes  tide    brought    us    to    another    Hand,    which    we    have 

mormng.  called  Mulberry  Hand  ;  where  lying  at  an  ancor,  in  the 

afternoone  stemming   the   tide,    wee    discovered   a   long 

Boate  making  towards  us,   from  Point  Comfort :   much 

descant  we  made  thereof,  about  an  houre  it  came  up  ; 

by  which,   to   our    no    little  joyes,  we   had    intelligence 

L.  La  Warrs  of  the  honorable  my  Lord  La  Warr  his  arrivall  before 

arrivall.  Algarnoone   Fort  the  sixt  of  June,  at  what  time,   true 

it  is,  his  Lordship  having  understood  of  our  Governours 

resolution   to    depart   the    Country,    with   all   expedition 

caused   his   Skiffe   to    be    manned,   and  in  it  dispatched 

his  letters  by   Captain  Edward  Bruster  (who  command- 

eth  his  Lordships  Company)  to  our   Governour,   which 

preventing  us  before  the  aforesaid  Mulberry  Hand,  (the 

eight  of  June  aforesaid)  upon  the  receipt  of  his  honours 

letters,    our    Governour   bore    up   the   helme,    with    the 

winde    comming   Easterly,    and   that    night    (the    winde 

so  favourable)  relanded  all  his  men  at  the  Fort  againe : 

before    which    (the    tenth    of    June,    being    Sunday)    his 

Lordship   had   likewise   brought   his   Ships,    and   in   the 

afternoone,  came  a  shoare  with  Sir  Ferdinando  Weinman, 

and  all  his  Lordships  followers. 

Here  (worthy  Lady)  let  mee  have  a  little  your  pardon, 
for  having  now  a  better  heart,  then  when  I  first  landed, 
I  will  briefely  describe  unto  you,  the  situation  and 
forme   of    our    Fort.     When    Captain    Newport   in    his 

54 


SIR   THOMAS    GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

first  Voyage,  did  not  like  to  inhabit  upon  so  open  Description  of 
a  roade,  as  Cape  Henry,  nor  Point  Comfort  he  plied  the  se*te  and 
it  up  to  the  River,  still  looking  out  for  the  most  apt  j^e  * 
and  securest  place,  as  well  for  his  Company  to  sit  downe 
in,  as  which  might  give  the  least  cause  of  offence,  or  distast 
in  his  judgement,  to  the  Inhabitants.  At  length,  after 
much  and  weary  search  (with  their  Barge  coasting 
still  before,  as  Virgill  writeth  iEneas  did,  arriving  in 
the  region  of  Italy  called  Latium,  upon  the  bankes 
of  the  River  Tyber)  in  the  Country  of  a  Werowance 
called  Wowinchapuncke  (a  ditionary  to  Powhatan) 
within  this  faire  River  of  Paspiheigh,  which  wee  have 
called  the  Kings  River,  a  Country  least  inhabited  by 
the  Indian,  as  they  all  the  way  observed,  and  three- 
score miles  &  better  up  the  fresh  Channell,  from 
Cape  Henry  they  had  sight  of  an  extended  plaine  & 
spot  of  earth,  which  thrust  out  into  the  depth,  & 
middest  of  the  channell,  making  a  kinde  of  Chersonesus 
or  Peninsula,  for  it  was  fastened  onely  to  the  Land 
with  a  slender  necke,  no  broader  then  a  man  may  well 
quaite  a  tile  shard,  &  no  inhabitants  by  seven  or  six 
miles  neere  it.  The  Trumpets  sounding,  the  Admirall 
strooke  saile,  and  before  the  same,  the  rest  of  the 
Fleete  came  to  an  ancor,  and  here  (as  the  best  yet 
offered  unto  their  view,  supposed  so  much  the  more 
convenient,  by  how  much  with  their  small  Company, 
they  were  like  inough  the  better  to  assure  it)  to  loose 
no  further  time,  .the  Colony  disimbarked,  and  every 
man  brought  his  particular  store  and  furniture,  together 
with  the  generall  provision  ashoare  :  for  the  safety  of 
which,  as  likewise  for  their  owne  security,  ease,  and 
better  accommodating,  a  certaine  Canton  and  quantity 
of  that  little  halfe  Hand  of  ground,  was  measured,  which 
they  began  to  fortifie,  and  thereon  in  the  name  of 
God,  to  raise  a  Fortresse,  with  the  ablest  and  speediest 
meanes  they  could  :  which  Fort,  growing  since  to  more 
perfection,  is  now  at  this  present  in  this  manner.  TheFort,&c. 

A  low  levell  of  ground  about  halfe  an  Acre,  or  (so  described. 

55 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

much  as  Queene  Dido  might  buy  of  King  Hyarbas, 
which  she  compassed  about  with  the  thongs  cut  out 
of  one  Bull  hide,  and  therein  built  her  Castle  of 
Byrza)  on  the  North  side  of  the  River,  is  cast  almost 
into  the  forme  of  a  Triangle,  and  so  Pallizadoed. 
The  South  side  next  the  River  (howbeit  extended  in 
a  line,  or  Curtaine  six  score  foote  more  in  length,  then 
the  other  two,  by  reason  the  advantage  of  the  ground 
doth  so  require)  containes  one  hundred  and  forty  yards : 
the  West  and  East  sides  a  hundred  onely.  At  every 
Angle  or  corner,  where  the  lines  meete,  a  Bulwarke 
or  Watchtower  is  raised,  and  in  each  Bulwarke  a 
peece  of  Ordnance  or  two  well  mounted.  To  every 
side,  a  proportioned  distance  from  the  Pallisado,  is  a 
setled  streete  of  houses,  that  runs  along,  so  as  each 
line  of  the  Angle  hath  his  streete.  In  the  middest  is 
a  market  place,  a  Store  house,  and  a  Corps  du  guards 
as  likewise  a  pretty  Chappell,  though  (at  this  time 
when  wee  came  in)  as  ruined  and  unfrequented :  but 
[IV.  ix.  the  Lord  Governour,  and  Captaine  Generall,  hath  given 

1 75 3-j  order  for  the  repairing  of  it,  and  at  this  instant,  many 
hands  are  about  it.  It  is  in  length  threescore  foote,  in 
breadth  twenty  foure,  and  shall  have  a  Chancell  in  it  of 
Cedar,  and  a  Communion  Table  of  the  Blake  Walnut, 
and  all  the  Pewes  of  Cedar,  with  faire  broad  windowes, 
to  shut  and  open,  as  the  weather  shall  occasion,  of  the 
same  wood,  a  Pulpet  of  the  same,  with  a  Font  hewen 
hollow,  like  a  Canoa,  with  two  Bels  at  the  West  end. 
It  is  so  cast,  as  it  be  very  light  within,  and  the  Lord 
Governour  and  Captaine  Generall  doth  cause  it  to  be 
kept  passing  sweete,  and  trimmed  up  with  divers 
flowers,  with  a  Sexton  belonging  to  it,  and  in  it  every 
Sonday  wee  have  sermons  twice  a  day,  and  every 
Thursday  a  Sermon,  having  true  preachers,  which  take 
their  weekely  turnes,  and  every  morning  at  the  ringing 
of  a  Bell,  about  ten  of  the  clocke,  each  man  addresseth 
himselfe  to  prayers,  and  so  at  foure  of  the  clocke 
before  Supper.     Every  Sunday,  when    the  Lord  Gover- 

56 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1610. 

nour,  and  Captaine  Generall  goeth  to  Church,  hee  is 
accompanied  with  all  the  Counsailers,  Captaines,  other 
Officers,  and  all  the  Gentlemen,  and  with  a  Guard  of 
Holberdiers  in  his  Lordships  Livery,  faire  red  cloakes, 
to  the  number  of  fifty,  both  on  each  side,  and  behinde 
him  :  and  being  in  the  Church,  his  Lordship  hath  his 
seate  in  the  Quier,  in  a  greene  Velvet  Chaire,  with  a 
Cloath,  with  a  Velvet  Cushion  spread  on  a  Table 
before  him,  on  which  he  kneeleth,  and  on  each  side 
sit  the  Counsell,  Captaines,  and  Officers,  each  in  their 
place,  and  when  he  returneth  home  againe,  he  is  waited 
on  to  his  house  in  the  same  manner. 

And  thus  inclosed,  as  I  said,  round  with  a  Pallizado 
of  Planckes  and  strong  Posts,  foure  foote  deepe  in  the 
ground,  of  yong  Oakes,  Walnuts,  &c.  The  Fort  is 
called  in  honour  of  his  Majesties  name,  James  Towne  ; 
the  principall  Gate  from  the  Towne,  through  the 
Pallizado,  opens  to  the  River,  as  at  each  Bulwarke 
there  is  a  Gate  likewise  to  goe  forth,  and  at  every 
Gate  a  Demi-Culverin,  and  so  in  the  Market  Place. 
The  houses  first  raised,  were  all  burnt  by  a  casualty  of  The  Houses. 
fire,  the  beginning  of  the  second  yeare  of  their  seate, 
and  in  the  second  Voyage  of  Captain  Newport,  which 
since  have  bin  better  rebuilded,  though  as  yet  in  no 
great  uniformity,  either  for  the  fashion,  or  beauty  of 
the  streete.  A  delicate  wrought  fine  kinde  of  Mat  the 
Indians  make,  with  which  (as  they  can  be  trucked  for, 
or  snatched  up)  our  people  do  dresse  their  chambers, 
and  inward  roomes,  which  make  their  houses  so  much 
the  more  handsome.  The  houses  have  wide  and  large 
Country  Chimnies  in  the  which  is  to  be  supposed  (in 
such  plenty  of  wood)  what  fires  are  maintained  ;  and 
they  have  found  the  way  to  cover  their  houses  :  now  (as 
the  Indians)  with  barkes  of  Trees,  as  durable,  and  as  Barke  Roofes. 
good  proofe  against  stormes,  and  winter  weather,  as  the 
best  Tyle  defending  likewise  the  piercing  Sunbeames  of 
Summer,  and  keeping  the  inner  lodgings  coole  enough, 
which   before   in    sultry   weather    would   be  like  Stoves, 

57 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

whitest  they  were,  as  at  first,  pargetted  and  plaistered 
with  Bitumen  or  tough  Clay  :  and  thus  armed  for  the 
injury  of  changing  times,  and  seasons  of  the  yeare,  we  hold 
our  selves  well  apaid,  though  wanting  Arras  Hangings, 
Tapistry,  and  guilded  Venetian  Cordovan,  or  more 
spruse  houshold  garniture,  and  wanton  City  ornaments, 
remembring  the  old  Epigraph  : 

We  dwell  not  here  to  build  us  Bowers, 
And  Hals  for  pleasure  and  good  cheere  : 
But  Hals  we  build  for   us   and   ours, 
To  dwell  in  them  whilst  we  live  here. 

Unhealthful-  True  it  is,  I  may  not  excuse  this  our  Fort,  or 
nesse  of  James  James  Towne,  as  yet  seated  in  some  what  an  unwhole- 
Towne.  some  and  sickly  ayre,  by  reason  it  is  in  a  marish  ground, 

low,  flat  to  the  River,  and  hath  no  fresh  water  Springs 
serving  the  Towne,  but  what  wee  drew  from  a  Well 
sixe  or  seven  fathom  deepe,  fed  by  the  brackish  River 
owzing  into  it,  from  whence  I  verily  beleeve,  the  chiefe 
causes  have  proceeded  of  many  diseases  and  sicknesses 
which  have  happened  to  our  people,  who  are  indeede 
strangely  afflicted  with  Fluxes  and  Agues  ;  and  every 
particular  season  (by  the  relation  of  the  old  inhabitants) 
hath  his  particular  infirmity  too,  all  which  (if  it  had 
bin  our  fortunes,  to  have  seated  upon  some  hill, 
accommodated  with  fresh  Springs  and  cleere  ayre,  as 
doe  the  Natives  of  the  Country)  we  might  have,  I 
beleeve,  well  escaped  :  and  some  experience  we  have 
to  perswade  our  selves  that  it  may  be  so,  for  of  foure 
hundred  and  odde  men,  which  were  seated  at  the  Fals, 
the  last  yeere  when  the  Fleete  came  in  with  fresh  and 
yong  able  spirits,  under  the  government  of  Captain 
Francis  West,  and  of  one  hundred  to  the  Seawards  (on 
the  South  side  of  our  River)  in  the  Country  of  the 
Nansamundes,  under  the  charge  of  Captaine  John 
Martin,  there  did  not  so  much  as  one  man  miscarry, 
and  but  very  few  or  none  fall  sicke,  whereas  at 
James   Towne,    the   same   time,  and   the  same  moneths, 

58 


SIR   THOMAS    GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

one  hundred  sickned,  &  halfe  the  number  died  : 
howbeit,  as  we  condemne  not  Kent  in  England,  for 
a  small  Towne  called  Plumsted,  continually  assaulting 
the  dwellers  there  (especially  new  commers)  with 
Agues  and  Fevers ;  no  more  let  us  lay  scandall, 
and  imputation  upon  the  Country  of  Virginia,  because 
the  little  Quarter  wherein  we  are  set  downe  (un- 
advisedly so  chosed)  appeares  to  be  unwholesome, 
and  subject  to  many  ill  ayres,  which  accompany  the 
like  marish  places. 

§.  IIII.  [iv.  be. 

.  .  I754-] 

The  Lord  La  Warres  beginnings  and  proceedings 

in  James  Towne.  Sir  Thomas  Gates  sent 
into  England  ;  his  and  the  Companies  testi- 
mony of  Virginia,  and  cause  of  the  late 
miseries. 

Pon  his  Lordship's  landing  at  the  South  gate  of  the 
Pallizado  (which  lookes  into  the  River)  our 
Governour  caused  his  Company  in  armes  to  stand 


in   order,   and   make   a   Guard  :    It   pleased   him,   that   I 
should  beare   his   Colours   for   that   time  :    his   Lordship 
landing,  fell  upon  his  knees,  and  before  us  all,  made  a 
long  and  silent  Prayer  to  himselfe,  and  after,  marched  up 
into  the  Towne,  where  at  the  Gate,  I  bowed  with  the 
Colours,  and  let  them  fall  at  his  Lordship's  feete,  who 
passed  on  into  the  Chappell,  where  he  heard  a  Sermon  by 
Master  Bucke  our  Governours  Preacher  ;  and  after  that, 
caused  a  Gentleman,  one  of  his  owne  followers,   Master 
Anthony    Scot  his    Ancient,    to    reade    his    Commission,   Commission 
which    intituled    him    Lord    Governour,    and    Captaine  red. 
Generall  during  his  life,  of  the  Colony  and  Plantation  in  Lord  La. 
Virginia    (Sir   Thomas    Gates    our    Governour    hitherto,  Sir  T  Gaf'ej 
being  now  stiled  therein  Lieutenant  Generall.)  Lieutenant 

After  the   reading   of  his   Lordships   Commission,   Sir   Generall. 
Thomas  Gates  rendred  up  unto  his  Lordship  his  owne 
Commission,  both  Patents,  and  the  Counsell  Seale  :  after 

59 


A.D. 

l6lO. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


His  speech. 


Provisions 
brought. 


Counsel/ 
chosen  l£ 
swoi'ne. 


which,  the  Lord  Governour,  and  Captaine  Generall,  de- 
livered some  few  words  unto  the  Company,  laying  many 
blames  upon  them  for  many  vanities,  and  their  Idlenesse, 
earnestly  wishing,  that  he  might  no  more  finde  it  so, 
least  he  should  be  compelled  to  draw  the  sword  of 
Justice,  to  cut  off  such  delinquents,  which  he  had 
much  rather,  he  protested,  draw  in  their  defence,  to 
protect  them  from  injuries  ;  hartening  them  with  the 
knowledge  of  what  store  of  provisions  he  had  brought 
for  them,  viz.  sufficient  to  serve  foure  hundred  men 
for  one  whole  yeare. 

The  twelfth  of  June,  being  Tuesday,  the  Lord 
Governour  and  Captaine  Generall,  did  constitute,  and 
give  places  of  Office,  and  charge  to  divers  Captaines 
and  Gentlemen,  and  elected  unto  him  a  Counsell,  unto 
whom  he  did  administer  an  Oath,  mixed  with  the  oath 
of  Allegiance,  and  Supremacy  to  his  Majestie  :  which 
oath  likewise  he  caused  to  be  administred  the  next  day 
Colony  sworn,  after  to  every  particular  member  of  the  Colony,  of  Faith, 
Assistance,  and  Secrecy.  The  Counsaile  which  he 
elected  were.  Sir  Thomas  Gates  Knight,  Lieutenant 
Generall.  Sir  George  Summers  Knight,  Admirall.  Captaine 
Percy  Esquire,  and  in  the  Fort  Captaine  of  fifty.  Sir 
Ferdinando  Weinman  Knight,  Master  of  the  Ordnance. 
Captaine  Christopher  Newport,  Vice-admirall.  William 
Strachei  Esquire,  Secretary,  and  Recorder. 

As  likewise  the  Lord  Governour  and  Captaine 
Generall,  nominated  Captaine  John  Martin,  Master  of 
the  Battery  workes  for  Steele  and  Iron  :  and  Captaine 
George  Webb  Sergeant  Major  of  the  Fort  :  and 
especiall  Captaines  over  Companies,  were  these  appointed  ; 
Captaine  Edward  Bruster,  who  hath  the  command 
of  his  Honours  owne  Company.  Captaine  Thomas 
Lawson.  Captain  Thomas  Holecroft.  Captaine  Samuell 
Argoll.  Captaine  George  Yardley,  who  commandeth  the 
Lieutenant  Generals  Company.  Divers  other  Officers 
were  likewise  made,  as  Master  Ralph  Hamer,  and 
Master   Browne,    Clarkes    of  the   Counsell,  and  Master 

60 


Officers 
appointed. 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

Daniell  Tucker,  and   Master  Robert  Wilde,   Clarkes  of 

the  Store,  &c. 

The  first  businesse  which  the  Lord  Governour  and 
Captaine  Generall  (after  the  setling  of  these  Officers) 
thought  upon,  was  to  advise  with  his  Counsell,  for  the 
obtaining  of  such  provisions  of  victuals  for  store,  and 
quality,  as  the  Countrey  afforded.  It  did  not  appeare, 
that  any  kinde  of  Flesh,  Deere,  or  what  else,  of  that 
kinde,  could  be  recovered  from  the  Indian,  or  to  be 
sought  in  the  Countrey,  by  the  travaile  or  search  of 
his  people,  and  the  old  dwellers  in  the  Fort  (together 
with  the  Indians  not  to  friend)  who  had  the  last 
winter,  destroyed  and  killed  up  all  the  Hogges,  inso- 
much, as  of  five  or  sixe  hundred  (as  it  is  supposed) 
there  was  not  one  left  alive  ;  nor  an  Henne,  nor  Chicke 
in  the  Fort ;  and  our  Horses  and  Mares,  they  had 
eaten  with  the  first,  and  the  provision  which  the  Lord 
Governour,  and  Captaine  Generall  had  brought,  con- 
cerning any  kinde  of  flesh,  was  little  or  nothing ;  in 
respect  it  was  not  drempt  of  by  the  Adventurers  in 
England,  that  the  Swine  were  destroyed. 

In    Counsell    therefore    the    thirteenth    of    June,    it 
pleased  Sir  George  Summers  Knight,  Admirall,   to   pro-  Sir  G. 
pose  a  Voyage,  which  for   the    better   reliefe,  and  good  Summen 
of  the  Colony,  he  would  performe   into    the  Bermudas,  ^rjmpro_ 
from    whence    he    would    fetch    six    moneths    provision  visions  from 
of  Flesh  and  Fish,  and  some  live  Hogges  to  store  our  Bermudas. 
Colony  againe  :   and  had  a  Commission  given   unto  him 
the  fifteenth  of  June,  16 10.  who  in   his  owne  Bermuda 
Pinnace,  the    Patience,  consorted  with   Captaine  Samuell 
Argoll,   in  the  Discovery   (whom   the  Lord   Governour, 
and    Captaine    Generall,    made    of  the    counsell    before 
his     departure)     the     nineteenth    of     June,     fell     with 
the  Tyde  from  before  our  Towne,  and  the  twenty  two 
left  the  Bay,  or  Cape  Henry  a  sterne. 

And  likewise,  because  at  the  Lord  Governour,  and 
Captaine  General's  first  comming,  there  was  found  in 
our  owne   River  no   store  of  Fish  ;    after   many   trials, 

61 


A.D. 

l6lO. 

[IV.  ix. 

I755-] 


*Ad  Gracas 
Calendas. 
Can  a 
Leopard 
change  his 
spots?    Can  a 
Savage 
remaining  a 
Savage  be 
civill? 

Were  not  wee 
our  selves 
made  and  not 
borne  civill  in 
our  Progeni- 
tors dayes  ? 
and  were  not 
Casars 
Britaines  as 
brutish  as 
Virginians? 
The  Romane 
swords  were 
best  teachers  of 
civilitie  to  this 
5if  other 
Countries 
neere  us. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

the  Lord  Governour,  and  Captaine  Generall,  dispatched 
in  the  Virginia,  with  instructions,  the  seventeenth  of 
June,  1 610.  Robert  Tyndall,  Master  of  the  De  la 
Warre,  to  fish  unto,  all  along,  and  betweene  Cape  Henry, 
and  Cape  Charles,  within  the  Bay ;  who  the  last  of  the 
said  moneth  returned  unto  us  againe,  but  as  ill  speeding 
as  the  former,  whom  our  Governour  (now  Lieutenant 
Generall)  had  addressed  thither  before  for  the  same 
purpose.  Nor  was  the  Lord  Governour,  and  Captaine 
Generall  in  the  meane  while  idle  at  the  Fort,  but  every 
day  and  night  hee  caused  the  Nets  to  be  hawled,  some- 
times a  dozen  times  one  after  another.  But  it  pleased 
not  God  so  to  blesse  our  labours,  that  we  did  at  any 
time  take  one  quarter  so  much,  as  would  give  unto  our 
people  one  pound  at  a  meale  a  peece,  by  which  we 
might  have  better  husbanded  our  Pease  and  Oatemeale, 
notwithstanding  the  great  store  we  now  saw  daily  in 
our  River :  but  let  the  blame  of  this  lye  where  it  is, 
both  upon  our  Nets,  and  the  unskilfulnesse  of  our  men 
to  lay  them. 

The  sixth  of  July  Sir  Thomas  Gates  Lieutenant 
Generall,  comming  downe  to  Point  Comfort,  the  North 
wind  (blowing  rough)  he  found  had  forced  the  long 
Boate  belonging  to  Algernoone  Fort,  to  the  other  shoare 
upon  Nansamund  side,  somewhat  short  of  Weroscoick  : 
which  to  recover  againe,  one  of  the  Lieutenant  Generals 
men  Humfrey  Blunt,  in  an  old  Canow  made  over, 
but  the  wind  driving  him  upon  the  Strand,  certaine 
Indians  (watching  the  occasion)  seised  the  poore  fellow, 
and  led  him  up  into  the  Woods,  and  sacrificed  him. 
It  did  not  a  little  trouble  the  Lieutenant  Governour, 
who  since  his  first  landing  in  the  Countrey  (how  justly 
soever  provoked)  would  not  by  any  meanes  be  wrought 
to  a  violent  proceeding  against  them,  for  all  the  practises 
of  villany,  with  which  they  daily  indangered  our  men, 
thinking  it  possible,*  by  a  more  tractable  course,  to 
winne  them  to  a  better  condition  :  but  now  being 
startled  by   this,   he   well  perceived,    how   little    a    faire 

62 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  ad. 

1610. 

and  noble  intreatie  workes  upon  a  barbarous  dis- 
position, and  therefore  in  some  measure  purposed  to  be 
revenged. 

The  ninth  of  July,  he  prepared  his  forces,  and  early 
in  the  morning  set  upon  a  Towne  of  theirs,  some  foure 
miles  from  Algernoone  Fort,  called  Kecoughtan,  and 
had  soone  taken  it,  without  losse  or  hurt  of  any  of  his 
men.  The  Governour  and  his  women  fled  (the  young 
King  Powhatans  Sonne  not  being  there)  but  left  his 
poore  baggage,  and  treasure  to  the  spoyle  of  our 
Souldiers,  which  was  only  a  few  Baskets  of  old  Wheate, 
and  some  other  of  Pease  and  Beanes,  a  little  Tobacco, 
and  some  few  womens  Girdles  of  Silke,  of  the  Grasse-  Grasse  silke. 
silke,  not  without  art,  and  much  neatnesse  finely 
wrought  ;  of  which  I  have  sent  divers  into  England, 
(beeing  at  the  taking  of  the  Towne)  and  would  have 
sent  your  Ladiship  some  of  them,  had  they  beene  a 
Present  so  worthy. 

We  purposed  to  set  a  Frenchman  heere  a  worke  to 
plant  Vines,  which  grew  naturally  in  great  plentie. 
Some  few  Corne  fields  it  hath,  and  the  Corne  in  good 
forwardnesse,  and  wee  despaire  not  but  to  bee  able  (if 
our  men  stand  in  health)  to  make  it  good  against  the 
Indian. 

The  continuall  practices  of  the  subtle  King  Powhatan, 
doth  not  meanely  awaken  all  the  powers  and  workings 
of  vertue  and  knowledge,  in  our  Lord  Governour  and 
Captaine  Generall,  how  to  prevent  not  only  his  mischiefes, 
but  to  draw  him  upon  some  better  termes,  and  acknow- 
ledgement of  our  forces  and  spirits,  both  able  and  daring 
to  quit  him  in  any  valiant  and  martiall  course  what- 
soever, he  shall  dare  to  runne  with  us,  which  hee  doth 
yet  scarsly  beleeve.  For  this  therefore,  since  first, 
and  that  so  lately,  he  hath  set  on  his  people,  to 
attempt  us  with  private  Conspiracies  and  actuall  violence, 
into  the  one  drawing  his  Neighbour  Confederates  and 
under  Princes,  and  by  the  other  working  the  losse 
and    death    of  divers    of  our   men,  and    by    such    their 

63 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

losse  seising  their  Armes,  Swords,  Peeces,  &c.  of  which 
he  hath   gathered   into    his   store  a  great   quantitie  and 
English         number    by    Intelligence    above    two    hundred    Swords, 
Armes  besides    Axes,   and   Pollaxes,   Chissels,   Howes,   to    paire 

™a51"e  y  an(j  clense  their  ground,  with  an  infinite  treasure  of 
Copper,  our  Lord  Governour  and  Captaine  Generall 
Message  to  sent  two  Gentlemen  with  an  Ambassie  unto  him,  letting 
Powhatan.  n^m  to  understand  of  his  practises  and  outrage,  hitherto 
used  toward  our  people,  not  only  abroad  but  at  our 
Fort  also :  yet  flattering  him  withall  how  the  Lord 
Governour  and  Captaine  Generall  did  not  suppose,  that 
these  mischiefes  were  contrived  by  him,  or  with  his 
knowledge,  but  conceived  them  rather  to  be  the  acts  of 
his  worst  and  unruly  people,  his  Lordship  therefore  now 
complayning  unto  him  required,  that  hee  (being  so 
great  and  wise  a  King)  would  give  an  universall  order 
to  his  Subjects,  that  it  might  bee  no  more  so,  lest  the 
Lord  Governour  and  Captaine  Generall  should  be 
compelled  (by  defending  him  and  his)  to  offend  him, 
which  he  would  be  loath  to  do :  withall  he  willed  the 
Messengers  to  demand  of  him  the  said  Powhatan,  that 
he  would  either  punish  or  send  unto  his  Lordship  such 
of  his  people  whom  Powhatan  knew  well  not  long 
before,  had  assaulted  our  men  at  the  Block-house,  and 
but  newly  killed  foure  of  them,  as  also  to  demaund  of 
Powhatan,  willing  him  to  returne  unto  the  English 
Fort,  both  such  men  as  hee  detayned  of  ours,  and 
such  Armes  as  he  had  of  theirs  in  his  possession,  and 
those  conditions  performed,  hee  willed  them  to  assure 
unto  Powhatan  that  then  their  great  Werowance,  the 
Lord  Governour  and  Captaine  Generall  would  hold 
faire  quarter,  and  enter  friendship  with  him,  as  a  friend 
to  King  James  and  his  Subjects.  But  refusing  to 
submit  to  these  demands,  the  Lord  Governour  and 
Captaine  Generall  gave  in  charge  to  the  Messengers,  so 
sent  to  signifie  unto  Powhatan  that  his  Lordship  would 
by  all  meanes  publike  and  private,  seeke  to  recover 
from    him    such    of    the    English    as    he    had,    being 

64 


SIR   THOMAS    GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

Subjects    to    his    King    and    Master,    unto    whom    even  [IV.  ix. 
Powhatan     himselfe     had     formerly     vowed,     not     only  I75^-'] 

friendship  but  homage,  receiving  from  his  Majestie 
therefore  many  gifts,  and  upon  his  knees  a  Crowne  and 
Scepter  with  other  Ornaments,  the  Symbols  of  Civill 
State  and  Christian  Soveraigntie,  thereby  obliging  him- 
selfe to  Offices  of  dutie  to  his  Majestie.  Unto  all 
which  Powhatan  returned  no  other  answere,  but  that  Powhatam 
either  we  should  depart  his  Country,  or  confine  our  homage. 
selves  to  James  Towne  only,  without  searching  further 
up  into  his  Land,  or  Rivers,  or  otherwise,  hee  would 
give  in  command  to  his  people  to  kill  us,  and  doe 
unto  us  all  the  mischiefe,  which  they  at  their  pleasure 
could  and  we  feared :  withall  forewarning  the  said 
Messengers,  not  to  returne  any  more  unto  him,  unlesse 
they  brought  him  a  Coach  and  three  Horses,  for  hee 
had  understood  by  the  Indians  which  were  in  England, 
how  such  was  the  state  of  great  Werowances,  and  Lords 
in  England,  to  ride  and  visit  other  great  men. 

After  this  divers  times,  and  daily  hee  sent  sometimes 
two,  sometimes  three,  unto  our  Fort,  to  understand 
our  strength,  and  to  observe  our  Watch  &  Guard, 
and  how  our  people  stood  in  health,  and  what  numbers 
were  arrived  with  this  new  Weroance  :  which  being 
soone  perceived  our  Lord  Governour  and  Captaine 
Generall  forewarned  such  his  Spies,  upon  their  owne 
perill,  to  resort  no  more  unto  our  Fort.  Howbeit, 
they  would  daily  presse  into  our  Block-house,  and  come 
up  to  our  Pallizado  gates,  supposing  the  government  as 
well  now,  as  fantasticall  and  negligent  in  the  former 
times,  the  whilest  some  quarter  of  a  mile  short  of  the 
Block-house,  the  greatest  number  of  them  would  make 
assault,  and  lye  in  ambush  about  our  Glasse-house, 
whether,  divers  times  indeed  our  men  would  make 
out  either  to  gather  Strawberries,  or  to  fetch  fresh 
water ;  any  one  of  which  so  stragled,  if  they  could  with 
conveniencie,  they  would  assault  and  charge  with  their 
Bowes  and  Arrowes,  in  which  manner  they  killed  many 
xix  65  E 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

of  our  men  :  two  of  which  being  Paspaheans,  who  were 
ever  our  deadliest  enemies,  and  not  to  be  reconciled ; 
at  length  being  apprehended  (and  one  of  them  a  notable 
villaine,  who  had  attempted  upon  many  in  our  Fort) 
the  Lord  Governour  caused  them  to  be  manacled,  and 
convented  before  him  and  his  Counsell,  where  it  was 
determined  that  hee  that  had  done  so  much  mischiefe 
should  have  his  right  hand  strooke  off,  sending  him 
away  withall,  with  a  message  to  Powhatan,  that  unlesse 
hee  would  yet  returne  such  Englishmen  as  he  detayned, 
together  with  all  such  their  Armes  (as  before  spoken  of) 
that  not  only  the  other  (now  Prisoner)  should  die,  but  all 
such  of  his  Savages  (as  the  Lord  Governour  and  Captaine 
Generall,  could  by  any  meanes  surprize)  should  runne 
the  same  course :  as  likewise  the  Lord  Governour  and 
Captaine  Generall  would  fire  all  his  Neighbour  Corne 
Fieldes,  Townes,  and  Villages,  and  that  suddenly, 
if  Powhatan  sent  not  to  contract  with  him  the 
sooner. 

What    this    will    worke    with   him,   wee   know   not   as 

yet,    for   this    was    but   the    day   before   our   ships   were 

now  falling  to   Point   Comfort,  and   so  to   set   sayle   for 

England :   which  ships  riding  before  Weroscoick  to  take 

in   their   fraight  of  Cedar,  Clap-boord,  Blacke  Wal-nut, 

King  of  and  Iron  Oare,  tooke  Prisoners  likewise  the  chiefe  King 

Weroscoick       Qf  "Weroscoick,  called  Sasenticum,  with  his  Sonne  Kainta, 

a  enpnsonei.  ^^  Qne   ^   ^.g  c^Q£e  men#      And   the  fifteenth    day  of 

July,  in  the  Blessing  Captaine  Adams  brought  them  to 

Point  Comfort,  where  at  that  time  (as  well  to  take  his 

Sir  T.  Gates    leave    of   the    Lieutenant    Generall    Sir    Thomas    Gates, 

bound  fir        now  bound  for  England,  as  to  dispatch  the  ships)   the 

ngan  •         Lord  Governour  and  Captaine  Generall  had  pitched  his 

Tent  in  Algernoone  Fort. 

The  Kings  Sonne  Kainta  the  Lord  Governour  and 
Captaine  Generall,  hath  sent  now  into  England,  untill 
the  ships  arrive  here  againe  the  next  Spring,  dismissing 
the  old  Werowance,  and  the  other  with  all  tearmes  of 
kindnesse,  and  friendship,  promising  further  designes  to 

66 


SIR  THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

bee  effected  by  him,  to  which  hee  hath  bound  himselfe, 

by  divers  Savage  Ceremonies,  and  admirations. 

And  thus  (right  Noble  Ladie)  once  more  this  famous 
businesse,  as  recreated,  and  dipped  a  new  into  life  and  spirit, 
hath  raysed  it  (I  hope)  from  infamy,  and  shall  redeeme 
the  staines  and  losses  under  which  she  hath  suffered, 
since  her  first  Conception :  your  Graces  still  accompany 
the  least  appearance  of  her,  and  vouchsafe  her  to  bee 
limmed  out,  with  the  beautie  which  wee  will  begge,  and 
borrow  from  the  faire  lips  :  nor  feare  you,  that  shee 
will  returne  blushes  to  your  cheekes  for  praysing  her, 
since  (more  then  most  excellent  Ladie)  like  your  selfe 
(were  all  tongues  dumbe  and  envious)  shee  will  prayse 
her  selfe  in  her  most  silence :  may  shee  once  bee  but 
seene,  or  but  her  shadow  lively  by  a  skilfull  Workman 
set  out  indeed,  which  heere  (bungerly  as  I  am)  I  have 
presumed  (though  defacing  it)  in  these  Papers  to  present 
unto  your  Ladiship. 

After  Sir  Thomas  Gates  his  arrivall,  a  Booke  called 
A  true  Declaration  of  Virginia,  was  published  by  the 
Company,  out  of  which  I  have  heere  inserted  this  their 
publike  testimonie  of  the  causes  of  the  former  evils  and 
Sir  Thomas  Gates  his  Report  upon  Oath  of  Virginia. 

THe  ground  of  all  those  miseries,  was  the  permissive 
Providence  of  God,  who,  in  the  fore-mentioned 
violent  storme,  seperated  the  head  from  the  bodie,  all 
the  vitall  powers  of  Regiment  being  exiled  with  Sir 
Thomas  Gates  in  those  infortunate  (yet  fortunate)  Hands. 
The  broken  remainder  of  those  supplyes  made  a  greater 
shipwracke  in  the  Continent  of  Virginia,  by  the  tempest 
of  Dissention :  every  man  over-valuing  his  owne  worth, 
would  be  a  Commander :  every  man  underprizing 
anothers  value,  denied  to  be  commanded. 

The  next  Fountaine  of  woes  was   secure    negligence,  [IV.  ix. 
and    improvidence,    when    every    man    sharked    for    his  I7S7>] 

present  bootie,  but  was  altogether  carelesse  of  succeeding 
penurie.     Now,   I    demand   whether    Sicilia,   or    Sardinia 

67 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

(sometimes  the  Barnes  of  Rome)  could  hope  for  increase 
without  manuring?  A  Colony  is  therefore  denominated, 
because  they  should  be  Coloni,  the  Tillers  of  the  Earth, 
and  Stewards  of  fertilitie:  our  mutinous  Loyterers 
would  not  sow  with  providence,  and  therefore  they 
reaped  the  fruits  of  too  deere  bought  Repentance. 
An  incredible  example  of  their  idlenesse,  is  the  report 
of  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  who  affirmeth,  that  after  his  first 
comming  thither,  he  hath  seene  some  of  them  eat  their 
fish  raw,  rather  then  they  would  goe  a  stones  cast  to 
fetch  wood  and  dresse  it.  Dei  laboribus  omnia  vendunt, 
God  sels  us  all  things  for  our  labour,  when  Adam 
himselfe  might  not  live  in  Paradice  without  dressing 
the  Garden. 

Unto  idlenesse,  you  may  joyne  Treasons,  wrought  by 
those  unhallowed  creatures  that  forsooke  the  Colonie, 
and  exposed  their  desolate  Brethren  to  extreame  miserie. 
You  shall  know  that  eight  and  twentie  or  thirtie  of 
the  Company,  were  appointed  (in  the  ship  called  the 
Swallow)  to  trucke  for  Corne  with  the  Indians,  and 
having  obtained  a  great  quantitie  by  trading,  the  most 
seditious  of  them,  conspired  together,  perswaded  some, 
and  enforced  others,  to  this  barbarous  project.  They 
stole  away  the  ship,  they  made  a  league  amongst 
themselves  to  be  professed  Pirats,  with  dreames  of 
Mountaines  of  Gold,  and  happie  Robberies :  thus  at 
one  instant,  they  wronged  the  hopes,  and  subverted  the 
cares  of  the  Colonie,  who  depending  upon  their  returne, 
fore-slowed  to  looke  out  for  further  provision :  thev 
created  the  Indians  our  implacable  enemies  by  some 
violence  they  had  offered :  they  carried  away  the  best 
ship  (which  should  have  beene  a  refuge  in  extremities :) 
they  weakened  our  forces,  by  subtraction  of  their  armes 
and  succours.  These  are  that  scumme  of  men  that 
sayling  in  their  Piracie,  that  being  pinched  with  famine 
and  penurie,  after  their  wilde  roving  upon  the  Sea,  when 
all  their  lawlesse  hopes  failed,  some  remayned  with 
other    Pirates,     they    met    upon     the     Sea,    the     others 

68 


SIR   THOMAS   GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

resolved  to  returne  for  England,  bound  themselves  by 
mutuall  Oath,  to  agree  all  in  one  report  to  discredit 
the  Land,  to  deplore  the  famine,  and  to  protest  that 
this  their  comming  away,  proceeded  from  desperate 
necessitie :  These  are  they,  that  roared  out  the  Tragicall 
Historie  of  the  man  eating  of  his  dead  Wife  in 
Virginia;  when  the  Master  of  this  ship  willingly  con- 
fessed before  fortie  witnesses,  that  at  their  comming 
away,  they  left  three  monethes  victuals,  and  all  the 
Cattell  living  in  the  Fort :  sometimes  they  reported 
that  they  saw  this  horrible  action,  sometimes  that 
Captaine  Davies  said  so,  sometimes  that  one  Beadle  the 
Lieutenant  of  Captaine  Davies  did  relate  it,  varying 
this  report  into  diversitie  of  false  colours,  which  hold 
no  likenesse  and  proportion  :  But  to  cleere  all  doubts, 
Sir  Thomas  Gates  thus  relateth  the  Tragedie. 

There  was  one  of  the  Company  who  mortally  hated 
his  Wife,  and  therefore  secretly  killed  her,  then  cut 
her  in  pieces  and  hid  her  in  divers  parts  of  his  House: 
when  the  woman  was  missing,  the  man  suspected,  his 
House  searched,  and  parts  of  her  mangled  bodie  were 
discovered,  to  excuse  himselfe  he  said  that  his  Wife 
died,  that  he  hid  her  to  satisfie  his  hunger,  and  that 
hee  fed  daily  upon  her.  Upon  this,  his  House  was 
againe  searched,  where  they  found  a  good  quantitie  of 
Meale,  Oat-meale,  Beanes  and  Pease.  He  thereupon 
was  arraigned,  confessed  the  Murder,  and  was  burned 
for  his  horrible  villany. 

Now  shall  the  scandalous  reports  of  a  viperous 
generation,  preponderate  the  testimonies  of  so  worthy 
Leaders  ?  Shall  their  venemous  tongues,  blast  the 
reputation  of  an  ancient  and  worthy  Peere,  who  upon  Lord 
the  ocular  certainty  of  future  blessings,  hath  protested  Lawarre. 
in  his  Letters,  that  he  will  sacrifice  himselfe  for  his 
Countrie  in  this  service,  if  he  may  be  seconded;  and 
if  the  Company  doe  give  it  over,  hee  will  yet  lay  all 
his  fortunes  upon  the  prosecution  of  the  Plantation  ? 

Unto  Treasons,  you  may  joyne  covetousnesse  in  the 

69 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRJMES 

1610. 

Mariners,  who  for  their  private  lucre  partly  imbezeled 
the  provisions,  partly  prevented  our  Trade  with  the 
Indians  making  the  Matches  in  the  night,  and  forestalling 
our  Market  in  the  day :  whereby  the  Virginians  were 
glutted  with  our  Trifles,  and  inhaunced  the  prices  of 
their  Corne  and  Victuall.  That  Copper  which  before 
would  have  provided  a  bushell,  would  not  now  obtaine 
so  much  as  a  Pottle. 

Joyne  unto  these  another  evill :  there  is  great  store 
of  Fish  in  the  River,  especially  of  Sturgeon ;  but  our 
men  provided  no  more  of  them  then  for  present 
necessitie,  not  barrelling  up  any  store  against  that  season 
the  Sturgeon  returned  to  the  Sea.  And  not  to  dissemble 
their  folly,  they  suffered  fourteene  nets  (which  was  all 
they  had)  to  rot  and  spoyle,  which  by  orderly  drying 
and  mending  might  have  beene  preserved :  but  being 
lost,  all  helpe  of  fishing  perished. 

The  state  of  the  Colony,  by  these  accidents  began  to 
finde  a  sensible  declining :  which  Powhatan  (as  a  greedy 
Vulture)  observing,  and  boyling  with  desire  of  revenge, 
hee  invited  Captaine  Ratcliffe,  and  about  thirty  others 
to  trade  for  Corne,  and  under  the  colour  of  fairest 
friendship,  hee  brought  them  within  the  compasse  of 
his  ambush,  whereby  they  were  cruelly  murthered  and 
massacred.  For  upon  confidence  of  his  fidelitie,  they 
went  one  and  one  into  severall  houses,  which  caused 
their  severall  destructions,  when  if  but  any  sixe  had 
remained  together,  they  would  have  beene  a  Bulwarke 
for  the  generall  preservation.  After  this,  Powhatan  in 
the  night  cut  off  some  of  our  Boats,  he  drave  away  all 
the  Deere  into  the  farther  part  of  the  Countrey,  hee 
and  his  people  destroyed  our  Hogs  (to  the  number  of 
about  sixe  hundred)  hee  sent  one  of  his  Indians  to  trade 
with  us,  but  layed  secret  ambushes  in  the  Woods,  that 
if  one  or  two  dropped  out  of  the  Fort  alone,  they  were 
indangered. 
[IV.  ix.  Cast  up  the  reckoning  together :  want  of  government, 

1 758-]  store  of  idlenesse,  their   expectations   frustrated   by  the 

70 


SIR   THOMAS    GATES  a.d. 

1610. 

Traytors,  their  market  spoyled  by  the  Mariners,  our 
Nets  broken,  the  Deere  chased,  our  Boats  lost,  our  Hogs 
killed,  our  trade  with  the  Indians  forbidden,  some  of 
our  men  fled,  some  murthered,  and  most  by  drinking 
of  the  brackish  water  of  James  Fort  weakened  and 
indangered,  famine  and  sicknesse  by  all  these  meanes 
increased;  here  at  home  the  monyes  came  in  so  slowly, 
that  the  Lord  Laware  could  not  bee  dispatched  till  the 
Colony  was  worne  and  spent  with  difficulties :  Above 
all,  having  neither  Ruler,  nor  Preacher,  they  neither 
feared  God,  nor  man,  which  provoked  the  wrath  of  the 
Lord  of  Hosts,  and  pulled  downe  his  judgements  upon 
them.     Discite  justitiam  moniti. 

The  Councell  of  Virginia  (finding  the  smalnesse  of 
that  returne,  which  they  hoped  should  have  defrayed 
the  charge  of  a  new  supply)  entred  into  a  deepe  con- 
sultation, and  propounded  amongst  themselves,  whether 
it  were  fit  to  enter  into  a  new  contribution,  or  in  time 
to  send  for  home  the  Lord  La-ware,  and  to  abandon 
the  action.  They  resolved  to  send  for  Sir  Thomas 
Gates,  who  being  come,  they  adjured  him  to  deale  plainly 
with  them,  and  to  make  a  true  relation  of  those  things 
which  were  presently  to  be  had,  or  hereafter  to  be 
hoped  for  in  Virginia.  Sir  Thomas  Gates  with  a 
solemne  and  sacred  oath  replied,  that  all  things  before 
reported  were  true :  that  the  Countrey  yeelded  abundance 
of  Wood,  as  Oake,  Wainscot,  Walnut  Trees,  Bay  Trees, 
Ashe,  Sarsafrase,  live  Oake,  greene  all  the  yeere,  Cedar 
and  Fir ;  which  are  the  materialls,  of  Soape  ashes,  and  Pot 
ashes,  of  Oyles  of  Walnuts,  and  Bayes,  of  Pitch  and 
Tar,  of  Clapboards,  Pipe-staves,  Masts  and  excellent 
boards  of  fortie,  fiftie,  and  sixtie  length,  and  three  foot 
breadth,  when  one  Firre  tree  is  able  to  make  the  maine 
Mast  of  the  greatest  Ship  in  England.  He  avouched 
that  there  are  incredible  varietie  of  sweet  woods,  especially 
of  the  Balsamum  tree,  which  distilleth  a  precious  Gumme  ; 
that  there  are  innumerable  white  Mulberry  trees,  which 
in  so  warme  a  climate  may  cherish  and  feede  millions  of 

7i 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

Silke-wormes,  and  returne  us  in  a  very  short  time,  as 
great  a  plenty  of  Silke  as  is  vented  into  the  whole  world 
from  all  the  parts  of  Italy :  that  there  are  divers  sorts 
of  Minerals,  especially  of  Iron  oare  lying  upon  the 
ground  for  ten  Miles  circuite ;  (of  which  wee  have  made 
a  triall  at  home,  that  it  maketh  as  good  Iron  as  any  is 
in  Europe :)  that  a  kinde  of  Hempe  or  Flaxe,  and  Silke 
Grasse  doe  grow  there  naturally,  which  will  affoord  stuffe 
for  all  manner  of  excellent  Cordage:  That  the  River 
swarmeth  with  all  manner  of  Sturgeon :  the  Land 
aboundeth  with  Vines ;  the  Woods  doe  harbour  ex- 
ceeding store  of  Beavers,  Foxes,  and  Squirrels ;  the 
Waters  doe  nourish  a  great  encrease  of  Otters,  all 
which  are  covered  with  precious  Furres :  that  there  are 
in  present  discovered  Dyes  and  Drugges  of  sundry 
qualities ;  that  the  Orenges  which  have  beene  planted, 
did  prosper  in  the  winter,  which  is  an  infallible  argu- 
ment, that  Lemmons,  Sugar  Canes,  Almonds,  Rice, 
Anniseede,  and  all  other  commodities  which  wee  have 
from  the  Straights,  may  be  supplied  to  us  in  our  owne 
Countrey,  and  by  our  owne  industry :  that  the  Corne 
yeeldeth  a  terrible  encrease  more  then  ours:  and  lastly, 
that  it  is  one  of  the  goodliest  Countries  under  the 
Sunne ;  enterveined  with  five  maine  Rivers,  and 
promising  as  rich  entrals  as  any  Kingdome  of  the, 
earth,  to  whom  the  Sunne  is  no  neerer  a  neighbour. 


72 


SAMUEL   ARGOLL  a.d. 

1610. 

Chap.    VII. 

The  Voyage  of  Captaine  Samuel  Argal,  from 
James  Towne  in  Virginia,  to  seeke  the  He 
of  Bermuda,  and  missing  the  same,  his 
putting  over  toward  Sagadahoc  and  Cape 
Cod,  and  so  backe  againe  to  James  Towne, 
begun  the  nineteenth  of  June,    16 10. 

Ir  George  Summers,  being  bound  for  the 
He   of  Bermuda  with   two   Pinnaces,  the 
one  called  the  Patience,  wherein  he  sailed 
himselfe,  set  saile  from  James  Towne  in 
Virginia,    the   ninteenth    of  June,    1610.  June  19. 
The    two    and    twentieth    at    noone    we   1610. 
came    to    an    anchor   at  Cape  Henry,  to 
take    more   balast.     The  weather  proved  very  wet :    so 
wee    road    under    the    Cape    till    two  of  the  clocke,  the 
three  and  twentieth  in  the  morning.     Then  we  weighed 
and    stood    off   to    Sea,  the  wind   at    South-west.     And 
till    eight    of   the    clocke    at   night  it  was  all  Southerly, 
and    then   that   shifted    to    South-west.     The  Cape  then 
bearing  West,  about  eight  leagues  off.     Then  wee  stirred 
away  South-east.     The    foure    and    twentieth,    at    noone 
I   observed    the   Sunne,  and   found    my   selfe   to   bee   in 
thirtie  sixe  degrees,  fortie  seven  minutes,  about  twentie 
leagues    off    from    the    Land.      From    the    foure    and 
twentieth  at  noone,  to  the  five  and  twentieth  at  noone, 
sixe  leagues  East,  the  wind  Southerly,  but  for  the  most 
part    it    was    calme.      From    the    five    and    twentieth    at 
noone,    to    the    sixe    and    twentieth    about    sixe    of    the 
clocke  in  the  morning,  the  winde  was  all  Southerly,  and 
but    little.     And    then    it   beganne  to  blow  a  fresh  gale 
at   West   South-west.     So  by  noone  I  had  sailed  four- 
teene  leagues   East,   South-east   pricked.     From  the  sixe 
and  twentieth   at   noone,  to  the   seven  and  twentieth  at 
noone,    twentie    leagues    East,    South-east.      The    wind 

73 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

shifting  from  the  West,  South-west  Southerly,  and  so 
to  the  East,  and  the  weather  faire,  but  close.  From  the 
seven  and  twentieth  at  noone,  to  the  eight  and  twentieth 
at  noone,  sixe  and  twentie  leagues  East,  South-east,  the 
wind  shifting  backe  againe  from  the  East  to  the  West. 
Then  by  mine  observation  I  found  the  ship  to  be  in 
thirtie  five  degrees  fiftie  foure  minutes.  From  the  eight 
and  twentieth  at  noone,  to  the  nine  and  twentieth  at 
[IV.  ix.  noone,   thirtie  sixe  leagues  East  by  South,   the  wind  at 

1 759-1  West,  North-west.  Then  by  my  observation  I  found 
the  ship  to  be  in  thirtie  five  degrees,  thirtie  minutes 
pricked.  From  the  nine  and  twentieth  at  noone,  to 
the  thirtieth  at  noone,  thirtie  five  leagues  East,  South- 
east. The  winde  shifting  betweene  West,  North-west, 
and  West,  South-west,  blowing  a  good  fresh  gale.  Then 
by  my  observation  I  found  the  ship  to  be  in  thirtie  foure 
degrees,  fortie  nine  minutes  pricked.  From  the  thirtieth 
of  June  at  noone,  to  the  first  of  July  at  noone,  thirtie 
leagues  South-east  by  East,  the  winde  at  west,  then 
I  found  the  ship  in  thirtie  foure  degrees  pricked. 

From  the  first  of  July  at  noone,  to  the  second  at 
noon,  twentie  leagues  East,  South-east  southerly,  the 
wind  West,  then  I  found  the  ship  to  bee  in  thirtie  three 
degrees,  thirtie  minutes  pricked,  the  weather  very  faire. 
From  the  second  at  noone,  to  the  third  at  foure  of  the 
clocke  in  the  afternoone  it  was  calme,  then  it  beganne 
to  blow  a  resonable  fresh  gale  at  South-east  :  so  I  made 
account  that  the  ship  had  driven  about  sixe  leagues  in 
that  time  East.  The  sea  did  set  all  about  the  West. 
From  that  time  to  the  fourth  at  noone,  seventeene 
leagues  East  by  North,  the  wind  shifting  betweene 
South-east  and  South  South-west,  then  I  found  the  ship 
to  bee  in  thirtie  three  degrees,  fortie  minutes,  the  weather 
continued  very  faire.  From  the  fourth  at  noone,  to 
the  fifth  at  noone,  ten  leagues  South-east,  the  wind  and 
weather  as  before,  then  I  found  the  ship  to  be  in  thirtie 
three  degrees,  seventeene  minutes  pricked.  From  the 
fift  at  noone,  to  the  sixt  at  noone,  eight  leagues  South- 

74 


SAMUEL   ARGOLL  a.d. 

1610. 

west,  then  I  found  the  ship  to  be  in  thirtie  two  degrees, 
fiftie    seven    minutes    pricked  ;    the    wind    and    weather 
continued    as    before,    only    we    had    a    small   showre   or 
two  of  raine.     From  the  sixt  at  noone,  to  the  seventh 
at    noone,    seventeene    leagues    East    by    North,    then    I 
found  the  ship  to  be  in  thirtie  three  degrees,  the  wind 
and    weather    as    before.      From    the    seventh    at    noon, 
to   the   eight   at    noone,    fourteene    leagues    North-east, 
then    I    found    the   ship   to   be   in   thirtie   three   degrees, 
thirtie    two    minutes,    the    wind    and    weather    continued 
as    before.      From    the    eight   at    noon    to    the   ninth   at 
noone,   five   leagues   South-east,   there   I   found   the  ship 
to    be    in    thirtie    three    degrees,    twentie    one    minutes,  33.  degrees, 
the  wind  at  South-west,  the  weather  very  faire.     From  2I-  minutes- 
the  ninth  at  noone,  to  the  tenth  at  noone,  five  leagues 
South,  the  wind  westerly  ;    but  for  the  most  part  it  was 
calme,    and   the   weather   very    faire.      From    the    tenth 
at   noone,   to   the   eleventh   at   noone  it  was   calme,  and  Calme. 
so  continued  untill  nine  of  the  clocke   the   same   night, 
then  it  began   to  blow  a  reasonable  fresh  gale  at  South- 
east,  and   continued   all   that  night   betweene   South-east 
and    South,    and    untill    the    twelfth   day   at   noone  :    by 
which  time  I  had  sailed  fifteene  leagues  West  southerly  : 
then    I   found   the   ship   in   thirtie   three   degrees,   thirtie  33.  degrees, 
minutes.     From   that   time   to   foure   of  the    clocke    the  3°-  minutes. 
twelfth    day    in    the    morning    twelve    leagues    West    by 
North,    the    wind    all    southerly,    and    then     it    shifted 
betweene  South  and  South-west,  then  wee  tacked  about 
and    stood    South-east,    and    South-east    by    South  :    so 
by  noone  I  had  sayled  five  leagues  South-east  by  East  ; 
then  I  found  the  ship  in  thirtie  three  degrees  ten  minutes. 
From    the    thirteenth    at    noone,    to    the    fourteenth    at 
noone,    twenty    leagues    South-east    by    East,    the    wind 
shifting    betweene    the    South-west,    and    West    South- 
west, then  I  found  the  ship  to  be  in  thirtie  two  degrees, 
thirtie    five    minutes.      From    the    fourteenth    at    noone, 
to    the    fifteenth    at    noone,    twentie   leagues    South-east, 
then  I  found  the  ship  to  be  in  thirty  two  degrees,  the  32-  degrees. 

75 


A.D. 
l6lO. 


He  speakes 
with  the 
Admirall. 


They  salle 
toward  Cape 
Cod. 


Westerly 
variation  1 3 . 
degrees  y  a 
half. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIM  ES 

wind  as  before  :  then  we  tacked  about,  and  lay  North- 
west by  West.  From  the  fifteenth  at  noone,  to  the 
sixteenth  at  noone,  twelve  leagues  North  by  West,  the 
wind  shifting  betweene  South-west  and  West,  and 
the  weather  very  stormy,  with  many  sudden  gusts  of 
wind  and  rayne. 

And  about  sixe  of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone,  being 
to  windward  of  our  Admirall  I  bare  up  under  his  lee  : 
who  when  I  hayled  him,  told  me  that  he  would  tack 
it  up  no  longer,  because  hee  was  not  able  to  keepe 
the  sea  any  longer,  for  lacke  of  a  road  and  water : 
but  that  hee  would  presently  steere  away  North  North- 
west, to  see  if  he  could  fetch  Cape  Cod.  Which 
without  delay  he  put  in  execution.  His  directions 
I  followed  :  so  from  the  sixteenth  day  at  noone,  to 
the  seventeenth  at  noone  I  had  sailed  thirtie  eight 
leagues  North  North-west  :  then  I  found  my  ship 
to  be  in  thirtie  foure  degrees,  ten  minutes.  The 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  dayes  were  very  wet  and 
stormy,  and  the  winds  shifting  all  points  of  the 
Compasse.  The  nineteenth  day,  about  foure  of  the 
clocke  in  the  morning  it  began  to  cleere  up,  and  then 
we  had  a  very  stiffe  gale  betweene  East  and  North- 
east. From  the  seventeenth  at  noone,  to  the  nineteenth 
at  noone,  I  had  sayled  fiftie  five  leagues  North 
North-west,  then  I  found  the  ship  to  be  thirtie  sixe 
degrees,  thirty  minutes.  From  the  nineteenth  at  noone, 
to  the  twentieth  at  noone,  thirty  five  leagues  North-west  : 
then  I  was  in  thirty  seven  degrees,  fifty  two  minutes, 
the  weather  now  was  fairer  and  the  wind  all  easterly. 
From  the  twentieth  at  noone,  to  the  twentie  one  at 
noone,  we  sayled  twenty  leagues  North  by  West,  the 
wind  betweene  East  and  South-east,  and  the  weather 
very  faire :  At  the  sunne  setting  I  observed,  and 
found  thirteene  degrees,  and  an  halfe  of  westerly 
variation,  and  untill  midnight  we  had  a  reasonable 
fresh  gale  of  wind  all  southerly,  and  then  it  fell 
calme    and    rained,    and    so    continued    very   little  wind 

76 


SAMUEL   ARGOLL  a.d. 

1610. 

untill    the    two    and    twentieth    at    noone,    and    shifting 

all  the  points  of  the  Compasse  :  yet  by  mine  observation 

that    I    made    then,    I    found    that    the    ship    had    run 

twentie    five    leagues    North,    for    I    found    her    to    be 

in  forty  degrees,  one  minute,  which  maketh  me  thinke  40.  degrees, 

that    there    was    some    tide    or    current    that    did    set  *■ mnute- 

Northward.     Againe,   those    that   had   the   second   watch  sJti"™0  the 

did    say,    That    in    their    watch    they    did    see    a    race,  Northward. 

and    that    the   ship   did    drive   apace   to   the   Northward, 

when  she  had  not  a  breath  of  wind. 

From    the    two    and    twentieth    at    noone,    untill    ten  [IV.  ix. 
of  the   clocke   at   night,    we   had   a  fresh  gale  of  wind,  1760.] 

betweene    East    and     South-east,    and    then    it    shifted 
all   westerly,  and  so  continued  untill  two  of  the  clocke 
the    twenty    three    in   the   morning  :    and   then   it  began 
to    be    very    foggy    and    but    little    wind,    yet    shifting  A  great  fog. 
all    the    points    of    the    Compasse,    and    so    continued 
untill    ten    of  the    clocke,    and    then  it  began  to  cleere 
up.     At    twelve    of   the    clocke    I    observed,    and    then 
I  found  the  ship  to  be  in  fortie  degrees  fiftie  minutes  :   4°-  ^eS-  5°- 
so    from    the    twenty     two    at    noone,    to    the    twenty  mu 
three  at  noone  I  had  sayled  twenty  leagues  Northward. 
From   the   twenty   three  at  noone,  to  the  twenty  foure, 
at   three   of   the   clocke    in    the   morning   it   was    calme, 
and   then   we   had   a   reasonable   fresh   gale   of  wind   all 
southerly,    and    so    it    continued    untill   noon   southerly, 
in    which    time    I     had    sailed     twelve    leagues    North. 
And   about   foure   of  the   clocke   in   the   afternoone,   we 
had   forty   seven   fathoms  of  water,  which  water  we  did  M- fathoms 
find  to  be  changed  into  a  grasse  green  in  the  morning,  ^^r'  ?■? 
yet   we   would   not   heave  a   lead,   because  our  Admirall  mt0  a  greene 
was   so   farre   on   head   of  us  :    who   about  three  of  the  grasse. 
clocke    in    the    afternoone    lay    by    the    lee,    and    fished  They  take  fish. 
till    I    came    up    to    him  :    and    then    I    fitted  my  selfe 
and    my    boat,    and    fished    untill    sixe    of   the    clocke. 
And    then    the    Admirall    fitted    his    sailes,    and    stirred 
away    North,    whom    I    followed    with    all    the    speed    I 
could.     But   before   seven   of  the   clocke  there  fell  such 

77 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

A  great  fog.  a  myst,  that  I  was  faine  to  shoot  off  a  Peece,  which 
he  answered  with  a  Cornet  that  he  had  aboord.  So 
with  hallowing  and  making  a  noyse  one  to  another 
all  the  night  we  kept  company.  About  two  of  the 
clocke,  the  twenty  five  day  in  the  morning  we  tooke 
in  all  our  sailes,  and  lay  at  Hull  untill  five  of  the 
clocke  :  and  then  finding  but  small  store  of  fish, 
we  set  saile  and  stirred  away  North-west,  to  fetch 
the  mayne  land  to  relieve  our  selves  with  wood  and 
water,  which  we  stood  in  great  need  of.  About  two 
of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone  we  tooke  in  all  our 
sailes  and  lay  at  Hull,  at  which  time  I  heaved  the 
lead  three  times  together,  and  had  three  sundry  kindes 
Sounding.  of  soundings.  The  first  a  blacke  peppery  sand,  full 
of  peble  stones.  The  second  blacke  peppery,  and 
no  stones  :  The  third  blacke  peppery,  and  two  or 
three  stones. 

From    the   fourth   at    noone,    to    the    twentie    five,   at 

two   of  the   clocke  in  the  afternoone,  I  sayled  thirteene 

leagues   West   North-west  :    and   the  weather  continuing 

Great  fag  and  very  foggy,  thicke,   and   rainy,  about  five  of  the  clocke 

rame.  ft    began    to    cease,    and    then    we    began    to    fish,    and 

so    continued    untill    seven    of   the    clocke    in    betweene 

thirty    and    forty    fathoms,    and    then    we    could    fish 

no    longer.     So    having    gotten    betweene    twentie    and 

thirty    Cods,    we    left    for    that    night  :    and    at   five   of 

the   clocke,   the   twenty   sixe   in   the   morning   we    began 

to    fish    againe,    and    so    continued    untill    ten    of    the 

clocke,    and    then    it    would    fish    no   longer  :     in   which 

100.  Codfi       time    we    had    taken    neere    one    hundred    Cods,     and 

taken.  a  COUpie  Qf  Hollybuts.     All  this  while  wee  had  betweene 

thirty    and    forty    fathoms    water  :     before    one    of   the 

The  Skip         clocke    in    the    afternoone    we    found    the    ship    driven 

driveth.  \y\X.o  one   hundred   and  twenty  fathoms,  and  soft  blacke 

Ose.     Then    Sir    George    Somers    sent    me    word,    that 

They  stand  for  ne    wou^    set    saile,    and    stand    in    for    the    River    of 

the  River  of    Sagadahoc  ;  whose  directions  I   followed. 

Sagadahoc  Before    two    of  the    clocke    we    set    saile,   and   stirred 

78 


SAMUEL   ARGOLL  a.d. 

1610. 

away  North-west  by  North,  the  wind  South  South-west, 

and    the    weather    continued    very   fogy.      About   eight 

of  the  clocke  wee  tooke  in  all  our  sailes,  and  lay  at  Hull 

at   that   night.      The   seven   and   twentieth,   about   seven 

of  the  clocke  in  the  morning  we  heaved  the  lead,  and 

had    no    ground   in   one   hundred   and   twentie   fathoms. 

Then    I    shot    off  a    Peece,    but    could    not    heare   none  Verie  foggie 

answere  from   our  Admirall  :    and   the    weather    was    so  weather. 

thicke,  that  we   could  not  see  a  Cables  length  from  our 

ship.     Betweene  nine  and  ten  of  the  clock  we  did  thinke 

that   we   did   heare   a  Peece  of  Ordnance  to  windward  : 

which    made    me    suppose    our    Admirall    had    set    saile, 

and   that   it   was   a  warning  piece  from  him.      So   I   set 

sayle  and  stood  close  by  the  wind,  and  kept  an  hollowing 

and   a   noise   to   try   whether   I   could   find   him   againe  : 

the   wind    was    at   South-west,  and   I   stood  away  West 

North-west.      From   the   sixe   and   twentieth,   at  two   of  The  thick  fog 

the   clocke  in  the  afternoone,   to  eight  of  the  clocke  at  continueth. 

night    I    had    sayled     nine     leagues     North-west.      The 

seven    and    twentieth    at    noone    I    heaved   the   Lead,   in 

one  hundred  and  twenty  fathoms,  and  had   no   ground. 

Then  I  stirred  away  North-west,  till  foure  of  the  clocke 

at  night :    then  I  heaved  the  Lead  againe  one  hundred 

and  twenty  fathoms,  and  had  no  ground.     Then  I  tooke 

all  my  sailes  and  lay  at  Hull,  and  I  had   sayled   seven 

leagues  North-west.     The  eight  and  twentieth,  at  seven 

of  the  clocke  in  the  morning  I  did  sound  in  one  hundred 

and   twenty  fathoms,   and  had  no   ground.     Then   I   set 

sayle    againe,   and    steered    away    North,   and    North    by 

West.     At  noone  I  heaved  in  one  hundred  and  twenty 

fathoms  againe,  and  had  no  ground.      So  I   steered  on 

my    course   still,   the   wind   shifted   betweene   South   and 

South-west,     and     the     fog     continued.      At     foure     of  The  fog 

the    clocke    in    the    afternoone,    I    heaved    one    hundred  continueth. 

twenty  fathoms  againe,  and  had  no  ground  :    so  I  stood 

on  untill  eight  of  the  clocke,  by  which  time  I  had  sailed 

twelve    leagues  :    then    I    heaved    the    Lead   againe,   and 

had    blacke    Ose,   and   one   hundred   thirty   five   fathoms 

79 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

water.  Then  I  tooke  in  all  my  sayles  and  lay  at  hull 
untill  the  nine  and  twentieth,  at  five  of  the  clocke  in 
the  morning.  Then  I  set  saile  againe,  and  steered  away 
North,  and  North  by  West.  At  eight  of  the  clocke 
I  heaved  the  Lead  againe,  and  had  blacke  Ose  in  one 
hundred  and  thirty  fathoms  water.  Betweene  eleven 
and  twelve  of  the  clocke  it  began  to  thunder,  but  the 
The  fog  fogge   continued    not    still.      About    two    of  the    clocke 

continueth.  -^  tjie  afternoone,  I  went  out  with  my  Boat  my  selfe 
and  heaved  the  Lead,  and  had  blacke  Ose  in  ninety 
fathoms  water  :  by  which  time  I  had  sailed  six  leagues 
North  by  West  more.  Then  I  tooke  in  all  my  sayles 
saving  my  Fore-course  and  Bonnet,  and  stood  in  with 
[IV.  ix.  those  sailes  onely.     About  sixe  of  the  clocke  I   sounded 

1 76 1.]  againe,  and  then  I  had  sixty  five  fathoms  water.     Assoone 
as  I  came  aboord  it  cleered  up,  and  then  I   saw  a  small 
Hand,  which  bare  North  about  two  leagues  off;  where- 
upon I    stood   in   untill   eight  of  the  clocke :   And   then 
I  stood  off  againe  untill  two  of  the  clocke  in  the  morn- 
ing   the    thirtieth    day.     Then    I    stood    in    againe,    and 
about  eight  of  the  clocke  I  was  faire  aboord    the  Hand. 
Then   I   manned   my   Boat   and   went   on   shoare,   where 
I  found  great  store  of  Seales :  And  I  killed  three  Seales 
A  Rocke  of     with  my  hanger.     This  Hand  is  not  halfe  a  mile  about, 
Marble  halfe    ancj    nothing    but   a    Rocke,   which    seemed   to    be    very 
full  of  Seales    ric^    Marble    stone.      And    a    South    South-west    Moon 
maketh   a   full    Sea.     About   ten   of   the   clocke    I    came 
aboord  againe,  with  some  Wood  that  I  had  found  upon 
the  Hand,  for  there  had  beene  some  folkes  that  had  made 
fiers  there.     Then   I   stood   over   to  another   Hand   that 
did  beare  North  off  me  about  three  leagues ;  this  small 
Thesmalrocky  rockie  Hand  lyeth  in  forty  foure  degrees.     About  seven 
Hand  lleth  in    Qf  faQ  clocke   that    night   I   came   to   an   anchor   among 
Manv^Ilands    many  Hands  in  eight  fathoms  water:   and  upon  one  of 
in  eight  these  Hands  I   fitted  my  selfe  with  Wood  and  Water, 

fathoms  water,  and  Balast. 

August  3.  The  third  day  of  August,  being  fitted   to   put  to   Sea 

againe,  I   caused    the    Master  of  the   ship   to  open   the 

80 


SAMUEL   ARGOLL  a.d. 

1610. 

boxe  wherein  my  Commission  was,  to  see  what  directions 
I  had,  and  for  what  place  I  was  bound  to  shape  my 
course.  Then  I  tried  whether  there  were  any  fish  there 
or  not,  and  I  found  reasonable  good  store  there ;  so  Resonable 
I  stayed  there  fishing  till  the  twelfth  of  August :  and  store  °ffish< 
then  finding  that  the  fishing  did  faile,  I  thought  good 
to  returne  to  the  Hand  where  I  had  killed  the  Seales, 
to  see  whether  I  could  get  any  store  of  them  or  not  ; 
for  I  did  find  that  they  were  very  nourishing  meate, 
and  a  great  reliefe  to  my  men,  and  that  they  would  be 
very  well  saved  with  salt  to  keepe  a  long  time.  But 
when  I  came  thither  I  could  not  by  any  meanes  catch 
any.  The  fourteenth  day  at  noone  I  observed  the  Sun, 
and  found  the  Hand  to  lie  in  forty  three  degrees,  forty  Sea/e  Rocke  in 
minutes.  Then  I  shaped  my  course  for  Cape  Cod,  to  43.  deg.  41. 
see  whether  I  could  get  any  fish  there  or  not :  so  by  m- 
the  fifteenth  that  noone,  I  had  sailed  thirty  two  leagues  h 
South-west,  the  wind  for  the  most  part  was  betweene 
North-west  and  North.  From  the  fifteenth  at  noone, 
to  the  sixteenth  at  noone  I  ran  twenty  leagues  South, 
the  wind  shifting  betweene  West  and  South-west.  And 
then  I  sounded  and  had  ground  in  eighteene  fathoms 
water,  full  of  shels  and  peble  stones  of  divers  colours, 
some  greene,  and  some  blewish,  some  like  diamants,  and 
some  speckled.  Then  I  tooke  in  all  my  sayles,  and  set 
all  my  company  to  fishing,  and  fished  till  eight  of  the 
clocke  that  night :  and  finding  but  little  fish  there,  I 
set  sayle  againe,  and  by  the  seventeenth  at  noone  I  had 
sayled  ten  leagues  West  by  North,  the  wind  shifting 
betweene  South  and  South-west.  From  noone,  till  sixe 
of  the  clocke  at  night,  foure  leagues  North-west,  the 
wind  shifting  betweene  West  and  South-West.  Then 
it  did  blow  so  hard  that  I  tooke  in  all  my  sayles,  and 
lay  at  hull  all  that  night,  untill  five  of  the  clock  the 
eighteenth  day  in  the  morning:  and  then  I  set  saile 
againe,  and  by  noone  I  had  sailed  foure  leagues  North- 
west, the  wind  betweene  West  and  South-west.  From 
the  eighteenth  at  noone,  to  the  nineteenth  at  noone  ten 
xix  81  F 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

leagues  West  by  West,  the  wind  shifting  betweene  South 
and  South-west,  and  the  weather  very  thick  and  foggy. 
Thick  and  About  seven  of  the  clocke  at  night  the  fogge  began 

foggie weather.  to  breake  away,  and  the  wind  did  shift  westerly,  and  by- 
midnight  it  was  shifted  to  the  North,  and  there  it  did 
blow   very    hard    untill   the    twenty  at   noone:    but  the 
weather  was  very  cleere,  and  then  by  my  observation  I 
41.  deg.  44.    found    the    ship    to    bee    in    the    latitude    of    forty    one 
m-  degrees,  forty   foure    minutes,   and  I   had  sailed  twenty 

leagues  South-west  by  West.     From   the   nineteenth   at 
noone,   to   the    twentieth    at   noone :    about  two  of  the 
clocke  in  the  afternoone  I  did  see  an  Hed-land,  which 
did  beare  off  me  South-west,  about  foure  leagues :  so  I 
Cape  Cod.       steered  with  it,  taking  it  to  bee  Cape  Cod ;  and  by  foure 
The  sholdes  of  of  the  clocke  I  was  fallen  among  so  many  shoales,  that 
Cape  Cod.       jt  was  £ve  Qf  j-^g  clocke  the  next   day  in  the  morning 

before  I  could  get  cleere  of  them,  it  is  a  very  dangerous 

place  to  fall  withall :  for  the  shoales  lie  at  the  least  ten 

leagues  off   from    the   Land;    and   I   had    upon   one   of 

them  but  one  fathom  and  an  halfe  water,  and  my  Barke 

did  draw  seven  foot.     This  Land  lyeth  South-west,  and 

North-east,   and   the   shoales  lie   off  from   it   South   and 

South  by  West,  and   so   along  toward   the   North.     At 

the  North-west  by  West  Guards  I  observed  the  North- 

starre,  and  found  the  ship  to  be  in  the  latitude  of  fortie 

The  middle  of  one  degrees,  fiftie  minutes,  being  then  in   the  middle  of 

the  Sholdes  in    the    Sholdes :    and    I    did    finde    thirteene    degrees    of 

41.  deg.  50.     westerly    variation     then     likewise.      Thus    finding    the 

1  c  degrees  of  place  not  to   De  f°r  my  turne,  assoon  as  I  was  cleere  of 

westerly  these   dangers,    I    thought   it   fit    to   returne    to   James 

Variation.        Towne  in  Virginia,  to  the  Lord  De-lawarre,  my  Lord 

Governour,    and    there    to    attend    his   command :    so    I 

shaped    my  course    for    that    place.     And    the   one   and 

twentieth  day  by  noone  I  had  brought  my  selfe  South 

South-west  thirtie  three  leagues  from  this   Cape :  and  I 

had    the   wind    shifting    all    this   while    betweene    North 

and  North-west,  and  the  weather  very  faire  and  cleere. 

From    the    one    and    twentieth    at    noone,    to    the   two 

82 


SAMUEL   ARGOLL  a.d. 

1610. 

and   twentieth   at    noone,    I    ran    thirtie   leagues    South- 

West  by  West,  and  then  by  mine  observation  I  found 

the  ship  to  be  in  thirtie  nine  degrees,  thirtie  sixe  minutes : 

and  I   had  twelve   degrees   westerly   variation,   and   the  \z.  degrees  of 

wind  shifting  betweene  North  and  North-east,  and  the  ^stefly 

weather    very    faire    and    cleere.      From    the    two    and 

twentieth    at    noone,    to    the    three    and    twentieth    at 

noone,    nine    leagues    South-west    by   West;    and   then 

by   observation    I    did    find    the    ship    in    thirtie    nine 

degrees,    twentie    foure     minutes,    and     I     had     eleven  lI-  degrees  of 

degrees  of  westerly  variation :    and  there   did  blow  but  ™fstefy 

very  little  wind,  and  shifting  betweene  West  and  North, 

and  the  weather  very  faire  and  cleere.     From  the  three  [IV".  ix. 

and  twentieth    at    noone  to  the  foure  and  twentieth  at  1702.] 

noone  eighteene  leagues  South-west,  and  then  I  found 

the    shippe    to    be    in   thirtie    eight   degrees   fortie   two 

minutes:  and  I  had  twelve  degrees  of  Westerly  Varia-  12.  degrees  of 

tion,  and  the  wind  shifting  betweene  North  and  West,  Westerly 

and  the  weather  very  faire.  variation. 

From  the  foure  and  twentieth  at  noone,  to  the  five 
and  twentieth  at  noone,  two  and  twentie  leagues  West 
by  South,  the  wind  shifting  betweene  North  and  East. 
And  then  I  found  the  ship  to  bee  in  thirtie  eight  degrees 
five  and  twentie  minutes,  and  the  same  Variation  that  I 
had  before,  and  the  weather  very  faire. 

From  the  five  and  twentieth  at  noone,  to  the  six  and 
twentieth  at  noone,  five  and  twentie  leagues  Westerly, 
the   wind   all   shifting   betweene  South  and   South-west. 
And  I   had  thirteene  degrees  five  and  twentie  minutes  13.  <&#.  25. 
of  Westerly  Variation.     About  sixe  of  the  clocke  at  night  mu  °f 
the  water  was  changed,  and  then  I  sounded  and  had  red      es-e!"J 

o  variation. 

sandie   ground  in   twelve   fathomes  water   about  twelve 
leagues  from  the  shore. 

The  seven  and  twentieth  by  day  in  the  morning,  I 
was  faire  aboord  the  shore,  and  by  nine  of  the  clocke 
I  came  to  an  Anchor  in  nine  fathomes  in  a  very  great 
Bay,  where  I  found  great  store  of  people  which  were 
very  kind,  and  promised  me  that  the   next  day  in  the 

83 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

morning  they   would   bring   me   great    store  of   Corne. 

But   about    nine   of    the    clocke    that    night   the    winde 

shifted    from    South-west    to    East    North-east.     So    I 

weighed    presently,    and    shaped    my    course    to    Cape 

Charles.     This    Bay   lyeth    in   Westerly   thirtie  leagues. 

And  the  Souther  Cape  of  it  lyeth  South  South-east  and 

North  North-west,  and  in  thirtie  eight  degrees  twentie 

minutes  of  Northerly  Latitude. 

The   eight   and    twentieth    day,    about   foure    of    the 

clocke  in  the  afternoone  I  fell  among  a  great  many 
Many  shocks  of  shoales,  about  twelve  leagues  to  the  Southward  of 
12.  leagues  to  Cape  La  Warre.  So  there  I  came  to  an  Anchor  in 
*J  0UJ  °*  three  fathomes  water,  the  winde  beeing  then  all  Easterly, 
Warre.  an<^  ro<^e  there  all  that  Night. 

The   nine  and   twentieth    in  the    morning   I   weighed 

againe,  the  wind  being  all  Southerly,   and  turned  untill 

night,  and  then  I  came  to  an  Anchor  in  seven  fathomes 

water  in  the  offing  to  Sea. 

How  the  tyde   did   set  there,   or  whether  that  there 

did  run  any  current  or  not,  I  cannot  say ;  but  I  could 

find  neither  current  nor  tyde. 

The  thirtieth   in  the  morning  I   weighed  againe,  the 

wind   still  Southerly,   and  turned  all  that  day,  but  got 

very   little,    so   at   Evening    I    stood   off   to    Sea    untill 

midnight,  and  then  stood  in  againe. 

The  one  and  thirtieth,  about   seven  of  the  clocke  at 
Cape  Charles,  night  I  came  to  an  Anchor  under  Cape  Charles  in  foure 

fathomes,  and  one  third  part  water,  and  rode  there  all 

that  night. 


84 


LORD   DE   LA  WARRE 


A.D. 
l6ll. 


Chap.  VIII. 

A  short  Relation  made  by  the  Lord  De-La-Warre, 
to  the  Lords  and  others  of  the  Counsell  of 
Virginia,  touching  his  unexpected  returne 
home,  and  afterwards  delivered  to  the  generall 
Assembly  of  the  said  Company,  at  a  Court 
holden  the  twentie  five  of  June,  1 6 1 1 .  Pub- 
lished by  authoritie  of  the  said  Counsell. 

My  Lords,  &c. 

Eing  now  by  accident  returned  from  my 
Charge  at  Virginia,  contrary  either  to 
my  owne  desire  or  other  mens  expecta- 
tions, who  spare  not  to  censure  mee, 
in  point  of  dutie,  and  to  discourse  and 
question  the  reason,  though  they  appre- 
hend not  the  true  cause  of  my  returne, 
I  am  forced  (out  of  a  willingnesse  to  satisfie  every  man) 
to  deliver  unto  your  Lordships,  and  the  rest  of  this 
Assembly,  briefly  (but  truly)  in  what  state  I  have  lived, 
ever  since  my  arrivall  to  the  Colonie ;  what  hath  beene 
the  just  occasion  of  my  sudden  departure  thence ;  and 
in  what  termes  I  have  left  the  same :  The  rather  because 
I  perceive,  that  since  my  comming  into  England,  such 
a  coldnesse  and  irresolution  is  bred  in  many  of  the 
Adventurers,  that  some  of  them  seeke  to  withdraw 
those  payments,  which  they  have  subscribed  towards 
the  Charge  of  the  Plantation,  and  by  which  that  Action 
must  be  supported  and  mayntained,  making  this  my 
returne,  the  colour  of  their  needlesse  backwardnesse  and 
unjust  protraction.  Which,  that  you  may  the  better 
understand,  I  must  informe  your  Lordships,  that  pre- 
sently after  my  arrivall  in  James  Towne,  I  was  wel- 
commed  by  a  hot  and  violent  Ague,  which  held  me  a 
time,    till    by    the    advice    of    my    Physition,    Doctour 

85 


a,d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

i6n. 

Lawrence  Bohun  (by  bloud  letting)  1  was  recovered  as 
in  my  first  Letters  by  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  I  have  informed 
you.  That  Disease  had  not  long  left  me,  till  (within 
three  weekes  after  I  had  gotten  a  little  strength)  I 
Lord  La  began  to  be  distempered  with  other  grievous  sicknesses, 
anes  many  wy{\c\\  successively  and  severally  assailed  mee :  for  besides 

SlCfi?2£SS£S.  - 

a   relapse   into    the   former   Disease,    which   with    much 
more  violence  held  me  more  then  a  moneth,  and  brought 
[IV.  ix.  me  to   great   weaknesse,   the    Flux   surprized    mee,   and 

I7^3-]  kept  me  many  dayes  ;  then  the  Crampe  assaulted  my 
weake  bodie,  with  strong  paines ;  and  afterwards  the 
Gout  (with  which  I  had  heretofore  beene  sometime 
troubled)  afflicted  me  in  such  sort,  that  making  my 
bodie  through  weaknesse  unable  to  stirre,  or  to  use 
any  manner  of  exercise,  drew  upon  me  the  Disease 
called  the  Scurvy ;  which  though  in  others  it  be  a 
sicknesse  of  slothfulnesse,  yet  was  in  me  an  effect  of 
weaknesse,  which  never  left  mee,  till  I  was  upon  the 
point  to  leave  the  World. 

These  severall  Maladies  and  Calamities,  I  am  the  more 
desirous  to  particularise  unto  your  Lordshippes  (although 
they  were  too  notorious  to  the  whole  Colonie)  lest  any 
man  should  misdeeme  that  under  the  generall  name  and 
common  excuse  of  sicknesse,  I  went  about  to  cloke  either 
sloth,  or  feare,  or  any  other  base  apprehension,  unworthy 
the  high  and  Honorable  Charge,  which  you  had 
entrusted  to  my  Fidelitie. 

In  these  extremities  I  resolved  to  consult  my  friends, 
Who  finding  Nature  spent  in  mee,  and  my  body  almost 
consumed,  my  paines  likewise  daily  encreasing,  gave  me 
advise  to  prefer  a  hopefull  recovery,  before  an  assured 
ruine,  which  must  necessarily  have  ensued,  had  I  lived 
but  twentie  dayes  longer  in  Virginia  :  wanting  at  that 
instant,  both  food  and  Physicke,  fit  to  remedy  such  extra- 
ordinary Diseases,  and  restore  that  strength  so  desperately 
decayed. 

Whereupon,  after  a  long  consultation  held,  I  resolved 
by  generall  consent  and  perswasion,  to  ship  my  selfe  for 

86 


LORD   DE   LA   WARRE  ad. 

1611. 

Mevis,  an  Island  in  the  West  Indies,  famous  for  wholse- 
some  Bathes,  there  to  try  what  helpe  the  Heavenly- 
Providence  would  affoord  mee,  by  the  benefit  of  the 
hot  Bath  :  but  God,  who  guideth  all  things,  according 
to  his  good  will  and  pleasure,  so  provided,  that  after 
we  had  sayled  an  hundred  Leagues,  we  met  with  Southerly 
windes  which  forced  mee  to  change  my  purpose  (my  bodie 
being  altogether  unable  to  endure  the  tediousnesse  of  a 
long  Voyage)  and  so  steere  my  course  for  the  Westerne 
Hands,  which  I  no  sooner  recovered,  then  I  found  helpe  for 
my  health,  and  my  sicknesse  asswaged,  by  meanes  of  fresh 
Diet,  and  especially  of  Orenges  and  Lemons,  an  undoubted  Orenges  and 

remedy  and  medicine  for  that  Disease,  which  lastly,  and  so  Lemon{  S°0(i 
1  1     j     m-        j  i-i  t  r         j    t    remediefortne 

long,  had  afflicted  me  :  which  ease  as  soone  as  1  round,  1  Scurz>ie 

resolved  (although  my   body   remayned   still  feeble   and 

weake)  to  returne  backe  to  my  charge  in  Virginia  againe, 

but  I  was  advised  not  to  hazard  my  selfe  before  I  had 

perfectly  recovered  my  strength,  which  by  counsell  I  was 

perswaded  to  seeke  in  the  naturall  Ayre  of  my  Countrey, 

and  so  I  came  for  England.     In  which  Accident,  I  doubt 

not  but  men  of  reason,  and  of  judgement  will  imagine, 

there  would  more  danger  and  prejudice  have  happened 

by    my    death    there,    then    I    hope    can    doe    by    my 

returne. 

In  the  next  place,  I  am  to  give  account  in  what  estate  I 

left  the  Colonie  for  government  in  my  absence.     It  may 

please  your  Lordships  therefore  to  understand,  that  upon 

my  departure  thence,  I  made  choice  of  Captaine  George  Master 

Percie  (a  Gentleman  of  honour  and   resolution,  and  of  George  Perae 

no  small   experience  in  that   place)  to  remayne  Deputie     ePutie  n 

r  1/  j  l  pig  cotnmins  of 

Governour,    untill    the    comming    of    the    Marshall   Sir  &-r  j-  Da/e 
Thomas   Dale,    whose    Commission    was    likewise    to    be  Marshall. 
determined,    upon    the    arrivall    of    Sir   Thomas    Gates, 
according  to   the   intent    and    order   of  your   Lordships, 
and  the  Councell  here. 

The   number   of  men   I  left   there,   were    upward   of  200.  left 
two   hundred,   the    most   in   health,   and   provided   of  a  there- 
least  ten  moneths  victuals,  in   their  Store-house  (which 

87 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1611. 

is   daily   issued    unto   them)   besides    other    helps   in   the 

Trade  by  Cap.   Countrey,    lately    found    out    by    Captaine    Argoll    by 

Jrgo/t.  trading   with    pettie    Kings    in    those    parts,    who    for    a 

small   returne   of    a   piece   of  Iron,    Copper,    &c.    have 

consented    to    trucke    great    quantities    of    Corne,    and 

willingly  imbrace  the   intercourse   of  Traffique,   shewing 

unto  our  people  certaine  signes  of  amitie  and  affection. 

And  for  the  better  strengthening  and  securing  of  the 

Colonie,  in   the   time    of  my   weaknesse   there,    I   tooke 

Three  Forts,     order  for   the   building   of  three   severall  Forts,  two   of 

which  are  seated  neere  Point  Comfort,  to  which  adjoyneth 

a  large  circuit  of  ground,  open,  and  fit  for  Corne  :   the 

third  Fort  is  at  the  Falls,  upon  an  Hand  invironed  also 

with   Corne  ground.     These  are  not   all    manned,  for  I 

wanted   the   commoditie   of  Boats,  having   but   two,  and 

one  Barge,  in  all  the  Countrey,  which  hath  beene  cause 

that  our  fishing  hath  beene  (in  some  sort)  hindered  for 

want  of  those  provisions,  which  easily  will  be  remedied 

when  we  can  gaine  sufficient  men  to  bee  imployed  about 

those  businesses,  which  in  Virginia  I  found  not :   but  since 

Sir  T.  Gates    meeting  with  Sir  Thomas  Gates  at  the  Cowes  neere  Ports- 

his  second         mouth,  (to  whom  I  gave  a  particular  account  of  all  my 

proceedings,   and   of  the   present    estate    of  the   Colonie 

as  I  left  it)  I  understood  those  wants  are  supplyed  in  his 

Fleet. 

The  Country  is  wonderfull  fertile  and  very  rich,  and 
makes  good  whatsoever  heretofore  hath  beene  reported  of 
it,  the  Cattell  alreadie  there,  are  much  encreased,  and 
thrive  exceedingly  with  the  pasture  of  that  Countrie  : 
The  Kine  all  this  last  Winter,  though  the  ground  was 
covered  most  with  Snow,  and  the  Season  sharpe,  lived 
without  other  feeding  then  the  grasse  they  found,  with 
which  they  prospered  well,  and  many  of  them  readie 
to  fall  with  Calve  :  Milke  beeing  a  great  nourishment 
and  refreshing  to  our  people,  serving  also  (in  occasion)  as 
well  for  Physicke  as  for  food,  so  that  it  is  in  no  way  to 
be  doubted,  but  when  it  shall  please  God  that  Sir  Thomas 
Dale,  and  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  shall  arrive  in  Virginia,  with. 

88 


voyage. 


LORD   DE   LA    WARRE  ad. 

1611. 

their  extraordinary  supply  of  one  hundred  Kine,  and  two  100.  Kine  and 

hundred  Swine,  besides  store  of  all  manner  of  other  provi-  2°°-  Smne 

sions  for  the  sustenance  and  maintenance  of  the  Colonie,  se  ' 

there  will  appeare  that  successe  in  the  Action  as  shall  give 

no  man  cause  of  distrust  that  hath  alreadie  adventured, 

but  encourage  every   good  minde  to  further  so  worthy  [IV.  ix. 

a  worke,  as  will  redound  both  to  the  glory  of  God,  to  I7^-] 

the    credit    of  our    Nation,   and    to    the   comfort   of  all 

those    that    have    beene    Instruments    in    the    furthering 

of  it. 

The  last  Discovery,  during  my  continuall  sicknesse, 
was  by  Captaine  Argoll,  who  hath  found  a  Trade  with 
Patamack  (a  King  as  great  as  Powhatan,  who  still  K.  and  R. 
remaynes  our  Enemie,  though  not  able  to  doe  us  Paiamac&- 
hurt.)  This  is  in  a  goodly  River  called  Patomack, 
upon  the  borders  whereof  there  are  growne  the  goodliest 
Trees  for  Masts,  that  may  bee  found  else-where  in  the 
World  :  Hempe  better  then  English  :  growing  wild  in 
abundance  :  Mynes  of  Antimonie  and  Lead. 

There  is  also  found  without  our  Bay  to  the  Northward 
an  excellent  fishing  Banke  for  Cod  and  Ling,  as  good  as 
can  be  eaten,  and  of  a  kind  that  will  keepe  a  whole  yeere 
in  ships  hold,  with  little  care  ;  a  triall  whereof  I  now  have 
brought  over  with  me.  Other  Hands  there  are  upon  our 
Coasts,  that  doe  promise  rich  Merchandize,  and  will 
further  exceedingly  the  establishing  of  the  Plantation,  by 
supply  of  many  helpes,  and  will  speedily  afFoord  a  returne 
of  many  worthy  commodities. 

I  have  left  much  ground  in  part  manured  to  receive 
Corne,  having  caused  it  the  last  Winter  to  be  sowed 
for  Roots,  with  which  our  people  were  greatly  releeved. 
There  are  many  Vines  planted  in  divers  places,  and 
doe  prosper  well,  there  is  no  want  of  any  thing,  if  the 
action  can  be  upheld  with  constancie  and  resolution. 

Lastly,  concerning  my  selfe  and  my  course,  though  the 
World  may  imagine  that  this  Countrie  and  Climate,  will 
(by  that  which  I  have  suffered  beyond  any  other  of  that 
Plantation)  ill  agree  with  the  state  of  my  bodie,  yet  I  am 

89 


A.D. 
l6ll. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

so  farre  from  shrinking  or  giving  over  this  honourable 
Enterprize,  as  that  I  am  willing  and  readie  to  lay  all  that 
I  am  worth  upon  the  adventure  of  the  Action,  rather  then 
so  Honourable  a  Worke  should  faile,  and  to  returne  with 
all  the  convenient  expedition  I  may,  beseeching  your 
Lordships  and  the  rest,  not  onely  to  excuse  my  former 
wants,  happened  by  the  Almightie  Hand  :  but  to  second 
my  Resolutions  with  your  friendly  indevours  :  that  both 
the  State  may  receive  Honour,  your  selves  Profit,  and 
I  future  Comfort,  by  beeing  imployed  (though  but  as 
a  weake  Instrument)  in  so  great  an  Action. 

And  thus  having  plainly,  truly,  and  briefly  delivered  the 
cause  of  my  returne,  with  the  state  of  our  affaires,  as 
we  now  stand,  I  hope  every  worthy  and  indifferent  hearer, 
will  by  comparing  my  present  resolution  of  returne,  with 
the  necessitie  of  my  comming  home,  rest  satisfied  with 
this  true  and  short  Declaration. 


Chap.    IX. 

A  Letter  of  Sir  Samuell  Argoll  touching  his 
Voyage  to  Virginia,  and  Actions  there  : 
Written  to  Master  Nicholas  Hawes.  June 
1613. 

Aster  Hawes,  within  seven  weekes  after 
my  departure  from  the  Coast  of  England, 
being  the  three  and  twentieth  of  July, 
1 61 2.  I  fell  with  the  Coast  of  Virginia, 
in  the  Latitude  of  fortie  degrees.  The 
twelfth  of  September,  with  all  my  men  in 
good  health,  the  number  being  sixtie  two, 
and  all  my  victuals  very  well  conditioned  :  my  course  being 
fiftie  leagues  to  the  Northward  of  the  Azores.  The 
seventeenth,  I  arrived  at  Point  Comfort,  where  by  the 
Sir  T.  Gates,  discreet  and  provident  government  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates, 
Sir  T.  Dale,  and  great  paines  and  hazard  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  I  found 
both  the  Countrey  and  people  in  farre  better  estate  there, 

90 


SIR   SAMUEL   ARGOLL  a.d. 

1612. 

then  the  report  was  by  such  as  came  home  in  Sir  Robert 

Mansfields  ship.     From   my  arrivall   untill   the  first  of 

November,  I  spent  my  time  in  helping  to  repaire  such 

ships  and  Boats,  as  I  found  heere  decayed  for  lacke  of 

Pitch  and  Tarre  :   and  in  pursuing  the  Indians  with  Sir 

Thomas  Dale,  for  their  Corne,  of  which  we  got   some 

quantitie,    which    we    were    like    to    have    bought   very 

deerely  :    for    by   the  Providence    of  God,   Sir   Thomas 

Dale    escaped    killing    very    narrowly.     Then    about   the  The  ^ 

beginning  of  November,  by   the  advice   of  Sir   Thomas  ^}verance- 

Gates,  I  carried  Sir  Thomas  Dale  to  Sir  Thomas  Smiths  the  River  0r 

Hand,  to  have  his  opinion  of  the  inhabiting  of  it  :  who,  Namamund. 

after  three  dayes  march  in  discovering  it,  approved  very  His  Voyage  to 

well  of  the  place  :  and  so  much  the  better,  because  we  Str  J-  §mth$ 

found  abundance  of  fish  there,  and  very  great  Cod,  which 

we  caught  in  five  fathome  water,  of  which  we  are  in  hope 

to  get  a  great  quantitie  this  Summer,  for  the  reliefe  of 

our  men,  as  also  to  find  safe  passage  for  Boats  and  Barges 

thither,  by  a  cut  out  of  the  bottome  of  our  Bay,  into  the 

De  la  Warre  Bay.     For  which  fishing  and  better  Dis-  De  la  War 

covery,   I   have    my   ship   readie,   with    my   Company   in       ■?" 

as   good    health,   as   at   my   arrivall,  and    as    they    have 

continued   ever   since  :   for   which,  God   be   glorified,   to 

whom   we    give    daily   thankes,   for   the  continuance   of 

his  mercy. 

After  my  returne  from  Sir  Thomas  Smiths   Hand,  I  His  first 

fitted    my    ship    to    fetch   Corne    from   Patowomeck,   by  Jr°yaSe  t0 

trading  with  the  Indians,  and   so   set  sayle  from  Point    ndpTbrooke 

Comfort  the  first  of  December  :   and   being  entred   into  River. 

Penbrooke  River,  I  met  with   the   King  of  Pastancie  a  Ayapassus  the 

hunting,  who  went  presently  aboord  with  me,  seeming  to  Weroance  °f 

be  very  glad  of  my  comming,  and  told  me  that  all  the     astanae' 

Indians  there  were  my  very  great  friends,  and  that  they 

had  good  store  of  Corne  for  mee,  which  they  had  provided 

the  yeere  before,  which  we  found  to  be  true.     Then  I 

carried  my  ship  presently  before  his  Towne,  and  there 

built  me  a  stout  shallop,  to  get  the  Corne  aboord  withall,  [IV.  ix. 

which  being  done,  and  having  concluded  a  peace  with  I7°5'J 

91 


A.D. 

1612. 

*Cap.  Web, 
Ensigne  Swift, 
&  Rob. 
Sparkes  &  two 
Boyes. 

i  ioo.  bushels 
of  Come. 


The  second 
voyage  to  Pen- 
brooke  River. 
Note. 

Great  store  of 
Oxen  in 
Penbrooke 
River. 


A  Myne. 

A  medicinable 
Earth. 

A  water  that 
hath  the  taste 
of  A  Hum. 


An  Earth  like 

Gumme. 

A  red  Earth 

like  Terra 

sigillata. 

The  great 

King 

Patowomeck. 


PURCHAS   HIS   P1LGRIMES 

divers  other  Indian  Lords,  and  likewise  given  and  taken  * 
Hostages  :  I  hasted  to  James  Towne,  beeing  the  first 
of  January,  and  arrived  at  Point  Comfort  the  first  of 
February. 

In  this  Voyage  I  got  noo.  bushels  of  Corne,  which  I 
delivered  into  the  severall  Store- houses,  according  unto  the 
direction  of  Sir  T.  Gates  :  besides  the  quantitie  of  300. 
bushels,  reserved  for  mine  Company.  As  soone  I  had 
unladen  this  Corne,  I  set  my  men  to  the  felling  of  Timber, 
for  the  building  of  a  Frigat,  which  I  left  halfe  finished  in 
the  hands  of  the  Carpenters  at  Point  Comfort,  the  19.  of 
March  :  and  returned  my  selfe  with  the  ship  into  Pern- 
brook  River,  and  so  discovered  to  the  head  of  it,  which  is 
about  65.  leagues  into  the  Land,  and  navigable  for  any 
ship.  And  then  marching  into  the  Countrie,  I  found 
great  store  of  Cattle  as  big  as  Kine,  of  which,  the  Indians 
that  were  my  guides,  killed  a  couple  which  wee  found  to 
be  very  good  and  wholsome  meate,  and  are  very  easie  to 
be  killed,  in  regard  they  are  heavy,  slow,  and  not  so  wild 
as  other  beasts  of  the  Wildernesse.  In  this  journie  I  like- 
wise found  a  Myne,  of  which  I  have  sent  a  triall  into 
England  :  and  likewise  a  strange  kind  of  Earth,  the 
vertue  whereof  I  know  not ;  but  the  Indians  eate  it 
for  Physicke,  alleaging  that  it  cureth  the  sicknesse  and 
paine  of  the  belly.  I  likewise  found  a  kind  of  water 
issuing  out  of  the  Earth,  which  hath  a  tart  taste  much 
like  unto  Allum-water,  it  is  good  and  wholsome  :  for  my 
men  did  drinke  much  of  it,  and  never  found  it  otherwise. 
I  also  found  an  earth  like  a  Gumme,  white  and  cleere; 
another  sort  red,  like  Terra  sigillata  ;  another  very  white, 
and  of  so  light  a  substance,  that  being  cast  into  the  water, 
it  swimmeth. 

Whilst  I  was  in  this  businesse,  I  was  told  by  certaine 
Indians,  my  friends,  that  the  Great  Powhatans  Daughter 
Pokahuntis  was  with  the  great  King  Patowomeck, 
whether  I  presently  repaired,  resolving  to  possesse  my 
selfe  of  her  by  any  stratagem  that  I  could  use,  for  the 
ransoming  of  so  many  Englishmen  as  were  prisoners  with 

92 


SIR   SAMUEL  ARGOLL  a.d. 

1613. 

Powhatan  :  as  also  to  get  such  armes  and  tooles,  as  hee, 
and  other  Indians  had  got  by  murther  and  stealing  from 
others  of  our  Nation,  with  some  quantitie  of  Corne, 
for  the  Colonies  reliefe.  So  soone  as  I  came  to  an 
anchor  before  the  Towne,  I  manned  my  Boate  and 
sent  on  shoare,  for  the  King  of  Pastancy  and  Ensigne  Emigne  Swift. 
Swift  (whom  I  had  left  as  a  pledge  of  our  love  and  truce, 
the  Voyage  before)  who  presently  came  and  brought 
my  pledge  with  him  :  whom  after  I  had  received,  I 
brake  the  matter  to  this  King,  and  told  him,  that  if 
he  did  not  betray  Pokohuntis  into  my  hands ;  wee 
would  be  no  longer  brothers  nor  friends.  Hee  alleaged, 
that  if  hee  should  undertake  this  businesse,  then  Pow- 
hatan would  make  warres  upon  him  and  his  people  ; 
but  upon  my  promise,  that  I  would  joyne  with  him 
against  him,  hee  repaired  presently  to  his  brother,  the 
great  King  of  Patowomeck,  who  being  made  acquainted 
with  the  matter,  called  his  Counsell  together  :  and  after 
some  few  houres  deliberation,  concluded  rather  to  deliver 
her  into  my  hands,  then  lose  my  friendship :  so  presently, 
he  betrayed  her  into  my  Boat,  wherein  I  carried  her  Pocahuntis 
aboord  my  ship.  This  done,  an  Indian  was  dispatched  "' 
to  Powhatan,  to  let  him  know,  that  I  had  taken  his 
Daughter  :  and  if  he  would  send  home  the  Englishmen 
(whom  he  deteined  in  slaverie,  with  such  armes  and 
tooles,  as  the  Indians  had  gotten,  and  stolne)  and  also 
a  great  quantitie  of  Corne,  that  then,  he  should  have 
his  daughter  restored,  otherwise  not.  This  newes  much 
grieved  this  great  King,  yet,  without  delay,  he  returned 
the  messenger  with  this  answer.  That  he  desired  me 
to  use  his  Daughter  well,  and  bring  my  ship  into  his 
River,  and  there  he  would  give  mee  my  demands  ;  which 
being  performed,  I  should  deliver  him  his  Daughter,  and 
we  should  be  friends. 

Having  received  this  answere,  I  presently  departed 
from  Patowomeck,  being  the  13.  of  Aprill,  and  repayred 
with  all  speed  to  Sir  T.  Gates,  to  know  of  him  upon  what 
condition    he   would    conclude  this  peace,   and  what  he 

93 


A.D. 
1613. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


would  demand  :  to  whom  I  also  delivered  my  prisoner, 
towards  whose  ransome  within  few  dayes,  this  King  sent 
7.  men  freed,  home  seven  of  our  men,  who  seemed  to  be  very  joy  full 
for  that  they  were  freed  from  the  slavery  and  feare  of 
cruell  murther,  which  they  daily  before  lived  in.  They 
brought  also  three  pieces,  one  broad  Axe,  and  a  long 
Whip-saw,  and  one  Canow  of  Corne.  I  beeing  quit 
of  my  prisoner,  went  forward  with  the  Frigat  which 
I  had  left  at  Point  Comfort,  and  finished  her. 

Thus  having  put  my  ship  in  hand  to  be  fitted  for 
an  intended  fishing  Voyage,  I  left  that  businesse  to  be 
followed  by  my  Master  with  a  ginge  of  men,  and  my 
Lieutenant  fortified  on  shoare  with  another  ginge  to 
fell  timber,  and  cleave  plankes  to  build  a  fishing  Boat  ; 
my  Ensigne  with  another  ginge  was  imployed  in  the 
Frigat,  for  getting  of  fish  at  Cape  Charles,  and  trans- 
porting it  to  Henries  Towne  for  the  reliefe  of  such 
men  as  were  there  :  and  my  selfe  with  a  fourth  ginge 
departed  out  of  the  River  in  my  shallop,  the  first  of 
May,  for  to  discover  the  East  side  of  our  Bay,  which 
I  found  to  have  many  small  Rivers  in  it,  and  very 
good  harbours  for  Boats  and  Barges,  but  not  for  ships 
of  any  great  burthen  :  and  also  great  store  of  Inhabitants, 
who  seemed  very  desirous  of  our  love,  and  so  much  the 
rather,  because  they  had  received  good  reports  from  the 
Indians  of  Pembrock  River,  of  our  courteous  usage 
of  them,  whom  I  found  trading  with  me  for  Corne, 
whereof  they  had  great  store.  We  also  discovered  a 
multitude  of  Hands  bearing  good  Medow  ground,  and 
as  I  thinke,  Salt  might  easily  be  made  there,  if  there 
were  any  ponds  digged,  for  that  I  found  Salt  kerned 
where  the  water  had  over-flowne  in  certaine  places.  Here 
is  also  great  store  of  fish,  both  shel-fish  and  other.  So 
having  discovered  along  the  shore  some  fortie  leagues 
Northward,  I  returned  againe  to  my  ship,  the  twelfth 
of  May,  and  hasted  forward  my  businesse  left  in  hand 
at  my  departure  :  and  fitted  up  my  ship,  and  built  my 
fishing  Boate,  and  made  readie  to  take  the  first  oppor- 

94 


His  third 
Discovery. 


Kerned  Salt 
found. 


May  12 
1613. 


SIR   SAMUEL  ARGOLL 

tunitie  of  the  wind  for  my  fishing  Voyage,  of  which  I 
beseech  God  of  his  mercy  to  blesse  us. 

Chap.   X. 

Notes  of  Virginian  Affaires  in  the  government 
of  Sir  Thomas  Dale  and  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates 
till  Anno  1614.  Taken  out  of  Master  Ralph 
Hamor  (Secretary  to  the  Colonie)   his  Booke. 


A.D. 
1614. 


[IV. 


IX. 


1766.] 


E  found  the  Colonie  at  our  arrivall  there, 
from  the  Bermudas,  not  living  above 
threescore  persons  therein,  and  those 
scarce  able  to  goe  alone,  of  wel-nigh 
six  hundred,  not  full  ten  monethes 
before.  The  reason  hereof  is  at  hand, 
for  formerly,  when  our  people  were  fed 
out  of  the  common  store,  and  laboured  joyntly  in  the 
manuring  of  the  ground,  and  planting  Corne,  glad  was 
that  man  that  could  slip  from  his  labour  ;  nay,  the  most 
honest  of  them  in  a  generall  businesse,  would  not  take  so 
much  faithfull  and  true  paines,  in  a  weeke,  as  now  hee 
will  doe  in  a  day,  neither  cared  they  for  the  increase, 
presuming  that  howsoever  their  harvest  prospered,  the 
generall  store  must  maintayne  them.  By  which  meanes 
we  reaped  not  so  much  Corne  from  the  labours  of  thirtie 
men,  as  three  men  have  done  for  themselves.  To  prevent 
which  mischiefe  hereafter  Sir  Thomas  Dale  hath  taken 
a  new  course,  throughout  the  whole  Colonie,  by  which 
meanes,  the  generall  store  (apparell  onely  excepted)  shall 
not  bee  charged  with  any  thing  :  and  this  it  is,  hee  hath 
allotted  to  every  man  in  the  Colonie,  three  English  Acres 
of  cleere  Corne  ground,  which  every  man  is  to  mature 
and  tend,  being  in  the  nature  of  Farmers  (the  Bermuda 
undertakers  onely  excepted)  and  they  are  not  called  unto 
any  service  or  labour  belonging  to  the  Colonie,  more  then 
one  moneth  in  the  yeere,  which  shall  neither  be  in  Seed 
time,   or  in   Harvest,   for  which,   doing   no   other    dutie 

95 


Every  mans 
care  is  no 
mans.  Proprie- 
tie  is  a  proper 
painestaker. 


Sir  Thorn 
Dales  good 
government. 


A.D. 
1614. 


Bermuda 
Citle. 


Deere  have  3. 
or  4.  Fawnes 
at  a  time. 


Apossumes. 


PUKCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

to  the  Colonie,  they  are  yeerely  to  pay  into  the  store  two 
barrels  and  a  halfe  of  Corne  :  there  to  bee  reserved  to 
keepe  new  men,  which  shall  bee  sent  over  the  first  yeere 
after  their  arrivall :  and  even  by  this  meanes  I  dare  say, 
our  store  will  bee  bountifully  furnished,  to  maintayne 
three  or  foure  hundred  men,  whensoever  they  shall  be 
sent  thither  to  us. 

Concerning  the  undertaking  of  the  Bermuda  Citie,  a 
businesse  of  greatest  hope,  ever  begun ne  in  our  Terri- 
tories there,  their  Patent,  doth  apparently  demonstrate, 
upon  what  termes  and  conditions  they  voluntarily  have 
undertaken  that  imployment.  The  Land  is  stored  with 
plentie  and  varietie  of  wild  Beasts,  Lions,  Beares,  Deere 
of  all  sorts,  onely  differing  from  ours  in  their  increase, 
having  usuall,  three  or  foure  Fawnes  at  a  time,  none  that 
I  have  seene  or  heard  of  under  two  :  the  reason  whereof 
some  of  our  people  ascribe  to  the  vertue  of  some  grasse 
or  herbe  which  they  eate,  because  our  Goates  oftentimes 
bring  forth  three,  and  most  of  them  two  :  for  my  part  I 
rather  impute  their  fecunditie  to  the  Providence  of  God, 
who  for  every  mouth  provideth  meate,  and  if  this  increase 
were  not,  the  Naturals  would  assuredly  starve  :  for  of  the 
Deere  they  kill  (as  doe  we  Beefes  in  England)  all  the 
yeere  long,  neither  sparing  young  nor  olde,  no  not 
the  Does  readie  to  fawne,  nor  the  young  Fawnes,  (if 
but  two  dayes  olde)  Beavers,  Otters,  Foxes,  Racounes, 
almost  as  bigge  as  a  Foxe,  as  good  meate  as  a  Lambe, 
Hares,  wild  Cats,  Muske  Rats,  Squirrels  flying,  and  other 
of  three  or  four  sorts,  Apossumes  of  the  bignesse  and 
likenesse  of  a  Pigge  of  a  moneth  old,  a  beast  of  as  strange 
incredible  nature,  she  hath  commonly  seven  young  ones, 
sometimes  more  and  sometimes  lesse,  which  at  her  plea- 
sure till  they  be  a  moneth  old  or  more  shee  taketh 
up  into  her  belly,  and  putteth  forth  againe  without 
hurt  to  her  selfe  or  them.  Of  each  of  these  beasts, 
the  Lion  excepted,  my  selfe  have  many  times  eaten, 
and  can  testifie  that  they  are  not  onely  tastefull,  but 
also  wholsome  and  nourishing  food. 

96 


RALPH   HAMOR  a.d. 

1614. 

There  are  fowle  of  divers  sorts,  Eagles  wild  Turkeyes  Strange  store 
much    bigger    then    our    English    Cranes,   Herons    white  °ffowle; as 
and  russet  Hawkes,  wilde  Pidgeons  (in  Winter  beyond  Q^-fJn 
number    or    imagination,   my   selfe   have   seene   three   or 
foure    houres    together    flockes    in    the    Aire,    so    thicke 
that    even    they    have    shadowed    the    Skie    from    us) 
Turkeyes,  Buzzards,  Partridge,  Snipes,  Owles,  Swannes, 
Geese,  Brants,  Ducke  and  Mallard,  Droeis,  Shel-drakes, 
Cormorants,   Teale,   Widgeon,   Curlewes,    Puits,    besides 
other  small  birds,  as  Black-birds,  Hedge- Sparrowes,  Oxe- 
eyes,   Wood-peckers,   and   in  Winter  about   Christmasse 
many  flockes  of  Parakertoths. 

For  fish,  the  Rivers  are  plentifully  stored,  with  Stur- 
geon,  Porpasse,   Base,   Rockfish,    Carpe,   Shad,   Herring, 
Ele,     Catfish,     Perch,     Flat-fish,     Trout,     Sheepes-head, 
Drummers,    Jarfish,     Crevises,     Crabbes,     Oysters     and 
divers   other    kindes,   of  all   which   my   selfe   hath   seene 
great    quantitie    taken,    especially    the    last    Summer    at 
Smiths  Hand,  at  one  hale  a  Frigots  lading  of  Sturgion,   A  Frigats 
Base    and    other    great    fish    in    Captaine    Argals    Saine  :  lading  taken  at 
and  even  at  the  very  place  which  is  not  above   fifteene  one   1CIU^1 
miles   from   Point   Comfort,   if  we   had  beene  furnished 
with   salt,   to    have   saved  it,   wee  might   have  taken  as 
much    fish     as    would     have     served     us     that    whole 
yeere. 

To  goe  yet  a  little  further,  I  my  selfe  know  no  one 
Countrey  yeelding  without  Art  or  industry  so  many 
fruits  ;  Grapes,  Strawberries,  Mulberries,  Maricocks,  of 
fashion  of  a  Lemmon,  whose  blossome  may  admit  com- 
parison with  our  most  delightsome  and  beautifull  Flowers,  Faire  flowres. 
and  the  fruit  exceeding  pleasant  and  tastfull :  Chesnut-  [IV.  ix. 
trees  towardes  the  Falls  as  many  as  Oakes,  and  as  fertill,  1767-] 

many  goodly  Groves  of  Chincomen-trees,  with  a  huske 
like  unto  a  Chesnut,  raw  or  boiled,  luscious  and  heartie 
meat :  Walnuts  of  three  or  foure  sorts,  whereof  there 
might  bee  yeerely  made  great  quantitie  of  Oyles,  as  use- 
full  and  good  as  that  of  Olives :  Some  Filberds  have  I 
seene,  Crabs  great  store,  lesse,  but  not  so  sower  as  ours,  Crabs. 
xix  97  G 


A.D. 
1614. 


Sir  Tho.  Dales 
going  to 
Virginia, 
A.  1 6 1 1 .  in 
eight  weekes. 
Retchlesse 
wretches. 


His  care  and 
imploiment. 


R.  Nansa- 

mund. 

Wise  severitie 

remedie  to 

slothfull 

securitie. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

which   grafted   with    the   Siens   of  English  Apple-trees, 
without  question  would  beare  very  good  fruit. 

In  May,  1 6 1 1 .  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  with  a  prosperous 
passage,  not  full  eight  weekes  arrived  there,  with  him 
about  three  hundred  people,  such  as  for  the  present  speed 
and  dispatch  could  then  bee  provided,  of  worse  condition 
then  those  formerly  there,  who  I  sorrow  to  speake  it,  were 
not  so  provident,  though  once  before  bitten  with  hunger 
and  penury,  as  to  put  Corne  into  the  ground  for  their 
Winters  bread,  but  trusted  to  the  store,  then  furnished 
but  with  eight  months  provision.  His  first  care  therefore 
was  to  imploy  all  hands  about  setting  of  Corne  at  the  two 
Forts,  seated  upon  Kecoughtan,  Henry  and  Charles, 
whereby  the  season  then  not  fully  past,  though  about 
the  end  of  May,  we  had  there  an  indifferent  Crop  of 
good  Corne. 

This  businesse  taken  order  for,  and  the  care  and  trust  of 
it  committed  to  his  under  Officers ;  to  James  Towne  hee 
hastened,  where  the  most  company  were,  and  their  daily 
and  usuall  workes  bowling  in  the  streets,  these  he 
imployed  about  necessary  workes,  as  felling  of  Timber, 
repairing  their  houses  ready  to  fall  upon  their  heads, 
and  providing  Pailes,  Posts  and  Railes,  to  impaile  his 
purposed  new  Towne,  which  by  reason  of  his  ignorance 
in  those  parts,  but  newly  arrived  there,  he  had  not 
resolved  where  to  seat.  For  his  better  knowledge 
therefore  of  those  parts,  himselfe  with  an  hundreth 
men  spent  some  time  in  the  discovery,  first  of  Nan- 
samund  River,  which  in  despight  of  the  Indians,  then 
our  enemies,  hee  discovered  to  the  Head,  after  that,  our 
owne  River  to  the  Falls,  where  upon  a  high  Land, 
invironed  with  the  maine  River,  some  sixteene  or  twentie 
miles  from  the  Head  or  the  Falls,  neere  to  an  Indian 
Towne  called  Arsahattocke,  hee  resolved  to  plant  his 
new  Towne,  and  so  did,  whereof  in  his  due  place  I  shall 
make  a  briefe  relation. 

It  was  no  meane  trouble  to  him,  to  reduce  his  people 
so  timely  to  good  order,  being  of  so  ill  a  condition  as  may 

98 


RALPH   HAMOR  ad. 

1614. 
well  witnesse  his  severe  and  strict  imprinted  booke  of 
Articles,  then  needfull  with  all  severitie  and  extremitie 
to  bee  executed,  now  much  mitigated ;  for  more  deserved 
death  in  those  dayes,  then  doe  now  the  least  punishment, 
so  as  if  the  law  should  not  have  restrained  by  execution, 
I  see  not  how  the  utter  subversion  and  ruine  of  the 
Colony  should  have  beene  prevented,  witnesse  Webbes 
and  Prises  designe  in  the  first  yeere,  since  that  Abbots, 
and  others  more  dangerous  then  the  former,  and  even  in 
this  Summer,  Coles  and  Kitchins  Plot,  with  three  more, 
bending  their  course  towards  the  Southward,  to  a  Spanish 
plantation  reported  to  be  there,  who  had  travelled  (it 
being  now  a  time  of  peace)  some  five  daies  journey  to 
Ocanahoen,  there  cut  off  by  certaine  Indians,  hired  by  us 
to  hunt  them  home  to  receive  their  deserts. 

Thus  much  obviously  I  proceed  in  his  indevours,  untill 
Sir  Thomas  Gates  his  happy  arrivall,  which  was  onely  in 
preparing  Timber,  Pales,  Posts,  and  Railes  for  the  present 
impailing  this  new  Towne  to  secure  himselfe,  and  men 
from  the  malice  and  treacherie  of  the  Indians,  in  the 
midst  and  heart  of  whom  he  was  resolved  to  set  downe. 
But  before  he  could  make  himselfe  readie  for  that  busi- 
nesse,  Sir  Thomas  Gates  happily  arrived  about  the  second  Arrivall  of 
of  August,  with  sixe  good  Ships,  men,  provisions  and  J,r  °' .  , 
cattle.  sixe  sfapSt 

The  worthies  being  met,  after  salutation  and  welcome 
given  and  received,  Sir  Thomas  Dale  acquainted  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  both  with  such  businesses  as  he  had 
affected  since  his  arrivall,  and  also  of  his  resolution 
to  build  a  new  Towne  at  the  Fales :  which  designe  and 
purpose  of  his,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  then  principall  Gover- 
nour  in  Virginia,  well  approving,  furnished  him  with 
three  hundred  and  fiftie  men,  such  as  himselfe  made 
choice  of,  and  in  the  beginning  of  September,  161 1. 
hee  set  from  James  Towne,  and  in  a  day  and  a  halfe 
landed  at  a  place  where  hee  purposed  to  seat  and  build, 
where  hee  had  beene  ten  daies  before  hee  had  verie 
strongly    impaled    seven    English  Acres    of    ground    for 

99 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1614. 

a  Towne,  which  in  honour  of  the  Noble  Prince  Henry 
(of  ever  happy  and  blessed  memory,  whose  Royall  heart 
was  strongly  affected  to  that  action)  hee  called  by  the 
Henrko  built  name  of  Henrico.  In  foure  moneths  space,  he  had 
by  Sir  T.  made  Henrico  much  better,  and  of  more  worth  then  all 
the  worke  ever  since  the  Colony  began,  therein  done.  I 
should  bee  too  tedious  if  I  should  give  up  the  account  of 
every  daies  labour,  which  therefore  I  purposely  omit,  and 
will  onely  describe  the  Towne,  in  the  very  state  and 
perfection  which  I  left  it,  and  first  for  the  situation,  it 
stands  upon  a  necke  of  a  very  high  Land,  three  parts 
thereof  invironed  with  the  maine  River,  and  cut  out 
between  two  Rivers  with  a  strong  Pale,  which  maketh 
the  neck  of  Land  an  Hand.  There  are  in  this  Town 
three  streets  of  well  framed  houses,  a  handsome  Church  & 
the  foundation  of  a  more  stately  one  laid  of  Brick,  in 
length  an  hundred  foot,  and  fiftie  foot  wide,  besides 
Store-houses,  Watch-houses,  and  such  like:  there  are 
also,  as  ornaments  belonging  to  this  Towne,  upon  the 
Verge  of  this  River,  five  faire  Block-houses,  or  Com- 
manders, wherein  live  the  honester  sort  of  people,  as 
in  Farmes  in  England,  and  there  keepe  continuall 
centinell  for  the  Townes  securitie,  and  about  two  miles 
from  the  Towne  into  the  Main,  a  Pale  of  two  miles 
in  length  cut  over  from  River  to  River,  guarded  like- 
wise with  severall  Commanders,  with  great  quantitie  of 
Corne  ground  impaled,  sufficient  if  there  were  no  more 
in  the  Colony  secured,  to  maintaine  with  but  easie  manur- 
[IV.  ix.  ing,  and  husbandry,  more  men,  then  I  suppose  will  be 

1768.]  addressed   thither    (the  more   is   the   pittie)    these  three 
yeeres. 

For  the  further  enlargement  yet  of  this  Towne,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  River,  by  impaling  likewise :  for  we 
make  no  other  fence,  is  secured  to  our  use,  especially  for 
our  hogges  to  feed  in,  about  twelve  English  miles  ot 
ground,  by  name,  Hope  in  Faith,  Coxen-Dale,  secured  by 
five  Forts,  called  Charity  Fort,  Mount  Malado,  a  Retreat 
or  Guest-house  for  sicke  people,  a  high  seate,  and  whol- 

100 


RALPH   HAMOR  a.d. 

1614. 

some  ayre,  Elizabeth  Fort,  and  Fort  Patience  :  and  here 
hath  Master  Whitacres  chosen  his  Parsonage,  or  Church- 
land,  some  hundred  Acres  impaled,  and  a  faire  framed 
Parsonage  house  built  thereupon,  called  Rocke  Hall. 
Of  this  Towne,  and  all  the  Forts  thereunto  belonging, 
hath  Captaine  James  Davis  the  principall  Command  and 
Government. 

I   proceed   to   our  next  and  most  hopefull  habitation, 
whether  wee  respect  commoditie  or  securitie  (which  we 
principally  ayme  at)  against  forraine  designes  and  invasion, 
I   meane   the   Bermuda   Citie,  begun    about   Christmasse  Bermuda  a 
last,  which  because  it  is  the  neerest  adjoyning  to  Henrico,  ctty- 
though  the  last  undertaken,  I  hold  it  pertinent  to  handle 
in  the  next  place.     This  Towne,  or  Plantation  is  seated 
by  Land,  some  five  miles  from  Henrico,  by  water  four- 
teene,    being    the    yeere    before    the    habitation    of    the 
Appamatucks,    to    revenge    the    treacherous    injurie   of 
those    people  done  unto  us,  taken  from   them,   besides 
all  their  Corne,   the  former  before  without  the  losse  of 
any,  save  onely  some  few  of  those  Indians  (pretending 
our  hurt)  at  what  time  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  being  himselfe 
upon  that  service,  and  duely  considering  how  commo- 
dious  a  habitation  and   seate   it  might  be  for  us,  tooke 
resolution    to    possesse    and    plant    it,   and    at  that   very 
instant,  gave  it  the  name  of  the  new  Bermudas,  where-  Hundreds  set 
unto   he    hath   laid  out,   and   annexed   to  bee   belonging  out  and  ^ 
to  the  Freedome,  and  Corporation  for  ever,  many  miles  d"ttnS^uhed- 
of  Champion,  and  Wood-land,  in  severall  Hundreds,  as  displanted. 
the   upper  and   nether   Hundreds,   Roch-dale  Hundred,  Long 
Wests  Sherly  Hundred,  and  Digges  his  Hundred.  discourses 

Captaine     Argalls     Northward     discoveries    towardes  ^f///'^f 
Sacadehoc,   and    beyond    to    Port    Royall,    Sancta    Crux,  virrrin\a  -ls 
and  thereabout  may  not    bee  concealed:    In  which  his  brought  to  such 
adventures,    if    he    had    brought    home    no   commoditie  an  abridge- 
to   the   Colony   (which  yet  he  did  very   much,   both  of  ment  thatI 
apparell,    victualls,     and    many    other    necessaries)    the  tof0uow  n-m 
honour   which   he  hath   done  unto  our   Nation,   by  dis-  or  others  in 
planting  the  French,  there  beginning  to  seat  and  fortifie  that  kind. 

IOI 


A.D. 
1614. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

within  our  limits,  and  taking  of  their  Ship  &  Pinnace, 
which  he  brought  to  James  Towne,  would  have  been 
reward  enough  for  his  paines,  and  will  ever  speake  loud 
his  honour,  and  approved  valour. 

Chap.    XL 

A  Letter  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  and  another  of 
Master  Whitakers,  from  James  Towne  in 
Virginia,  June  18.  16 14.  And  a  piece  of 
a  Tractate,  written  by  the  said  Master 
Whitakers  from  Virginia  the  yeere  before. 

To  the  R.  and  my  most  esteemed  friend,  M.  D.  M. 
at  his  house  at  F.  Ch.  in   London. 

Ight  Reverend  Sir,  by  Sir  Thomas  Gates  I 
wrote  unto  you,  of  such  occasions  as  then 
presented  themselves,  and  now  againe  by 
this  worthy  Gentleman  Captaine  Argall  I 
salute  you:  for  such  is  the  reverend 
regard  I  have  of  you,  as  I  cannot  omit 
any  occasion  to  expresse  the  sincere 
affection  I  beare  you.  You  have  ever  given  mee 
encouragements  to  persevere  in  this  Religious  Warfare, 
untill  your  last  Letters ;  not  for  that  you  are  now 
lesse  well  affected  thereunto :  but  because  you  see  the 
Action  to  be  in  danger  of  their  non-performances  who 
undertooke  the  businesse.  I  have  undertaken,  and  have 
as  faithfully,  and  with  all  my  might  indeavoured  the  pro- 
secution with  all  alacritie,  as  God  that  knoweth  the  heart 
can  beare  me  record,  what  recompence,  or  what  rewards, 
by  whom,  or  when  I  know  not  where  to  expect ;  but 
from  him  in  whose  Vineward  I  labour,  whose  Church 
with  greedy  appetite  I  desire  to  erect.  My  glorious 
Prince  Henry.  Master  is  gone,  that  would  have  ennamelled  with  his 
favours  the  labors  I  undertake,  for  Gods  cause,  and 
his  immortall  honour.  Hee  was  the  Great  Captaine 
of  our  Israel,  the  hope  to  have  builded  up  this  heavenly 


102 


SIR   THOMAS   DALE  a.d. 

1614. 

new  Jerusalem,  he  interred  (I  thinke)  the  whole  frame  of 
this  businesse,  fell  into  his  grave  :  for  most  mens  forward 
(at  least  seeming  so)  desires  are  quenched,  and  Virginia 
stands  in  desperate  hazard.  You  there  doe  your  duties, 
I  will  no  way  omit  mine,  the  time  I  promised  to  labour, 
is  expired :  it  is  not  a  yoke  of  Oxen  hath  drawne  mee 
from  this  feast :  it  is  not  the  marriage  of  a  wife  makes  me 
hast  home,  though  that  sallat  give  mee  an  appetite  to 
cause  me  returne.  But  I  have  more  care  of  the  Stock, 
then  to  set  upon  a  Dye,  and  rather  put  my  selfe  to  the 
curtesie  of  noble  and  worthy  censures,  then  ruine  this 
Worke;  and  have  a  Jury  (nay  a  million)  of  foule 
mouthed  detracters,  scan  upon  my  endeavours,  the  ends 
whereof  they  cannot  dive  into.  You  shall  briefly  under- 
stand what  hath  betide  since  my  last,  and  how  we  now 
stand,  and  are  likely  to  grow  to  perfection,  if  wee  be  not  [IV.  ix. 
altogether  neglected,  my  stay  grounded  upon  such  reason,  l7^9-] 

as  had  I  now  returned,  it  would  have  hazarded  the  ruine 
of  all. 

Sir    Thomas    Gates    having     imbarked    himselfe    for  Sir  T.  Dales 
England,  I  put  my  selfe  into  Captaine  Argalls  ship,  with  Journy  t0 
a  hundred  and  fiftie  men  in  my  frigot,  and  other  boats     °w  fansTh- 
went  unto  Pamaunkie  River,  where  Powhatan   hath   his  ismoreatlarge 
residence,    and    can    in    two    or    three    dayes,    draw    a  delwered,with 
thousand  men  together;  with  me  I  carried  his  daughter,  the  particular 
who  had  beene  long    prisoner  with  us,  it  was  a  day  or  cin"m'tances 
two  before  wee  heard  of  them  :  At  length  they  demanded  hrevitie  have 
why  wee  came;    I    gave    for    answere,  that    I    came    to  omitted)  by 
bring  him  his  daughter,  conditionally  he  would  (as  hath  M-  Hamor. 
beene    agreed    upon    for    her    ransome)    render    all    the 
Armes,  Tooles,  Swords,   and    men    that    had   run  away, 
and    to    give    me   a   ship    full   of  Corne,  for  the  wrong 
hee    had    done    unto    us :    if   they  would  doe  this,  wee 
would    be    friends,  if   not    burne    all.     They    demanded 
time  to  send  to  their  King;    I   assented,  I  taking,  they 
receiving    two    pledges,  to    carry   my   message    to    Pow- 
hatan.    All    night   my   two  men  lay  not  farre  from  the 
-water    side,  about  noone  the  next    day  they  told    them 

103 


ad  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1614. 

the  great  King  was  three  daies  journey  off,  that 
Opochankano  was  hard  by,  to  whom  they  would  have 
had  them  deliver  their  message,  saying,  That  what  hee 
agreed  upon  and  did,  the  great  King  would  confirme. 
This  Opocankano  is  brother  to  Powhatan,  and  is  his 
and  their  chiefe  Captaine :  and  one  that  can  as  soone 
(if  not  sooner)  as  Powhatan  command  the  men.  But 
my  men  refused  to  doe  my  message  unto  any  save 
Powhatan,  so  they  were  brought  backe,  and  I  sent 
theirs  to  them ;  they  told  me  that  they  would  fetch 
Simons  to  me,  who  had  thrice  plaid  the  runnagate, 
whose  lyes  and  villany  much  hindred  our  trade  for 
Corne :  But  they  delayed  us,  so  as  we  went  ashore  they 
shot  at  us,  we  were  not  behinde  hand  with  them,  killed 
some,  hurt  others,  marched  into  the  Land,  burnt  their 
houses,  tooke  their  Corne,  and  quartered  all  night 
ashoare. 

The   next   day  we   went    further    up    the    River,  they 
dogged  us  and  called   to  know  whither  we  went ;    wee 
answered,   To   burne   all,  if  they  would   not   doe   as  we 
demanded,   and    had   beene   agreed    upon.     They  would 
they    said,    bring    all    the    next    day    so    we    forbare    all 
hostilitie,    went    ashoare,    their    men    in    good    numbers 
comming  amongst  us,   but  we  were  very  cautious,   and 
Pocahuntas       stood  to  our  Armes.     The  Kings  daughter  went  ashoare, 
behaviour  and  but  would   not  talke  to  any  of  them,  scarce  to  them  of 
report.  the   best    sort,    and    to    them    onely,   that   if  her   father 

had  loved  her,  he  would  not  value  her  lesse  then  old 
Swords,  Peeces,  or  Axes :  wherefore  shee  should  still 
dwell  with  the  English  men,  who  loved  her.  At  last 
came  one  from  Powhatan,  who  told  us,  that  Simons 
was  run  away,  to  Nonsowhaicond,  which  was  a  truth, 
as  afterwards  appeared,  but  that  the  other  English  man 
was  dead,  that  proved  a  lie  (for  since  M.  Hamor,  whom 
I  employed  to  Powhatan  brought  him  to  mee)  our 
Peeces,  Swords,  and  Tooles  within  fifteene  dayes,  should 
be  sent  to  James  Towne,  with  some  Corne,  and  that 
his  daughter  should  be  my   child,  and  ever  dwell  with, 

104 


SIR   THOMAS   DALE  ad 

1614. 

mee,   desiring   to   be    ever    friends,   and    named   such   of 

his  people,  and  neighbour   Kings,  as  hee   desired  to  be 

included,   and  have  the  benefit  of  the  peace,  promising 

if  any   of  our  men    came    to    him,  without   leave    from 

mee,   he  would   send   them   backe :    and   that   if  any   of 

his  men  stale  from   us,  or  killed  our  cattell,  hee  would 

send   them   to   us   to   bee   punished   as  wee   thought   fit. 

With    these  '  conditions    wee    returned,    and    within    the 

time  limitted,  part  of  our  Armes  were  sent,  and  twentie 

men   with   Corne,   and    promised    more,  which    he    hath 

also    sent.      Opachankano    desired     I    would    call    him  Opachankano 

friend,   and  that  he  might  call  me  so,  saying,   Hee  was  now  their  king, 

a  great  Captaine,  and  did  alwayes  fight :   that  I  was  also   ,,  wor  er  °^ 

&  ■   r    .J  /  6  the  massacre. 

a  great  Laptaine,  and  theretore  he  loved  mee ;  and  that 
my  friends  should  bee  his  friends.  So  the  bargaine  was 
made,  and  every  eight  or  ten  dayes,  I  have  messages 
and  presents  from  him,  with  many  appearances  that  he 
much  desireth  to  continue  friendship. 

Now  may  you  judge  Sir,  if  the  God  of  Battailes  had 
not  a  helping  hand  in  this,  that  having  our  Swords 
drawne,  killing  their  men,  burning  their  houses,  and 
taking  their  corne :  yet  they  tendred  us  peace,  and 
strive  with  all  alacritie  to  keepe  us  in  good  opinion 
of  them ;  by  which  many  benefits  arise  unto  us.  First, 
part  of  our  Armes,  disgracefully  lost  long  agoe  (kept 
by  the  Savages  as  Monuments  and  Trophies  of  our 
shames)  redelivered,  some  repaire  to  our  Honor.  Our 
catell  to  increase,  without  danger  of  destroying,  our 
men  at  libertie  to  hunt  freely  for  Venison,  to  fish,  to 
doe  any  thing  else,  or  goe  any  whither  without  danger ; 
to  follow  the  husbanding  of  our  corne  securely,  whereof 
wee  have  above  five  hundred  Acres  set,  and  God  be 
praised,  in  more  forwardnesse  then  any  of  the  Indians, 
that  I  have  seene  or  heard  of  this  yeeres,  Roots  and 
Hearbs  we  have  abundance ;  all  doubt  of  want  is  by 
Gods  blessing  quite  vanished,  and  much  plentie  expected. 
And  which  is  not  the  least  materiall,  wee  may  by  this 
peace    come    to    discover   the   Countrey   better,   both    by 

i°5 


Pocakuntas 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1614. 

our   owne   travells,  and  by  the  relation  of  the  Savages, 
as  we  grow  in  familiaritie  with  them. 

Powhatans  daughter  I  caused  to  be  carefully  instructed 

mT  (    I     m    Christian    Religion,    who   after   she    had   made    some 

have  heard  she  g°°d  progresse  therein,  renounced  publikely  her  Countrey 

was  properly     Idolatry,   openly  confessed   her  Christian   Faith,  was,   as 

named)  at  first  snee  desired,  baptized,  and  is  since  married  to  an  English 

calledRebecca.  Gentleman  of  good  understanding  (as  by  his  Letter  unto 

me,  containing  the  reasons   of  his   marriage  of  her  you 

may    perceive)    another    knot    to    binde   this    peace    the 

stronger.     Her   Father  and  friends  gave  approbation  to 

it,  and  her  Uncle  gave  her  to  him  in  the  Church :  shee 

lives    civilly    and    lovingly    with    him,   and    I    trust    will 

increase  in  goodnesse,  as  the  knowledge  of  God  increaseth 

in  her.     Shee  will  goe  into  England  with  mee,  and  were 

it   but   the   gaining  of  this  one  soule,  I  will  thinke  my 

time,  toile,  and  present  stay  well  spent. 

Since  this  accident,  the  Governours  and  people  of 
Checkahomanies,  who  are  five  hundred  Bow-men,  and 
better,  a  stout  and  warlike  Nation,  have  made  meanes 
to  have  us  come  unto  them,  and  conclude  a  peace,  where 
all  the  Governours  would  meet  me.  They  having  thus 
three  or  foure  times  importuned  me,  I  resolved  to  goe; 
so  having  Captaine  Argall,  with  fiftie  men  in  my  Frigot 
[IV.  ix.  and   Barge   I   went   thither :    Captaine  Argall   with   forty 

I77°-\  men  landed,  I  kept  aboord  for  some  reasons.  Upon 
the  meeting  they  told  Captaine  Argall  they  had  longed 
to  be  friends,  that  they  had  no  King,  but  eight  great 
men,  who  governed  them.  He  told  them  that  we  came 
to  be  friends,  asked  them  if  they  would  have  King 
James  to  be  their  King,  and  whether  they  would  be 
his  men  ?  They  after  some  conference  betweene  them- 
selves, seemed  willing  of  both,  demanding  if  we  would 
fight  against  their  enemies ;  he  told  them  that  if  any 
did  them  injury,  they  should  send  me  word,  and  I  would 
agree  them,  or  if  their  adversaries  would  not,  then  I 
would  let  them  have  as  many  men  as  they  would  to 
helpe  them :  they  liked  well  of  that,  and  told  him  that 

106 


SIR  THOMAS   DALE  a.d. 

1614. 

all  their  men   should  helpe  us.     All  this   being  agreed 

upon,  Captaine  Argall  gave  every  Counsellour  a  Tama- 

hawk,  and  a  peece  of  Copper,  which  was  kindely  taken : 

they  requested  further,  that  if  their  Boates  should  happen 

to  meete  with  our  Boates,  and  that  they  said  they  were 

the  Chikahominy  Englishmen,  and  King  James  his  men,  They  called 

wee  would  let  them   passe :    we  agreed  unto  it,   so  that  the  English 

thev  pronounced  themselves  Englishmen,  and  King  Tames     05santessas> 

.  .    '    r  ..  •  1  •       'rr  1  an"  s0  wml«- 

his  men,  promising  within  nrteene  dayes  to  come  unto  t^emseives  j,e 

James  Towne  to  see  me,  and  conclude  these  conditions ;  called.    The 

every  Bowman  being  to  give  me  as  a  Tribute  to  King  particulars 

Tames    two    measures   of  Corne   every   harvest,  the   two        articles  of 
J  .    .  111  j         1    ir  j    t  agreement  are 

measures  containing  two    bushels   and  a  nalre,  and  1   to  inM.Hamors 

give   every  Bowman  a  small  Tamahawke,  and  to  every  Booke;  here 

Counseller  a  suit  of  red  cloath,  which  did  much  please  omitted. 

them.    This  people  never  acknowledged  any  King  before, 

no  nor  ever  would  acknowledge  Powhatan  for  their  King ; 

a  stout  people  they  be,  and  a  delicate  seate  they  have. 

Now  Sir  you  see  our  conditions,  you,  and  all  worthy 

men   may  judge,   whether   it  would   not   be   a  griefe   to 

see  these  faire  hopes  frostbitten,  and  these  fresh  budding 

plants  to  wither  ?   which   had  I  returned,  had   assuredly 

followed :  for  here  is  no  one  that  the  people  would  have 

governe  them,  but  my  selfe :  for  I  had  now  come  away,  sir  T.  Dales 

had   I   not   found   a  generall   desire   in  the  best  sort   to  report  of 

returne  for  England :    Letter  upon  Letter,  request  upon  Virginia.    In 

request  from  their  friends  to  returne,  so  as  I  knew  not  anofe>   etter 

t-  ,  c  .  1     .  .      .  to  the  Lom- 

upon   whom   to   conrerre   the   care   or    this    businesse    in  m-lttees  ne 

my  absence :  whom  I  thought  fit  was  generally  distasted,  zoriteth  that 
so  as  seeing  the  eminent  ensuing  danger,  should  I  have  fmre  °fthe 
left  this  multitude,  not  yet  fully  refined,  I  am  resolved  £'££*£*' 
to    stay    till    harvest   be  got  in,  and    then    settle    things  dom  pUt  au 
according    to    my  poore  understanding,  and   returne :    if  together,  may 
in    the    interim    there    come    no    authorised    Governour  n0  way com- 
from  England.  pare  with  this 

~,        .  P      T  .  ,  .  .       ,  .  .  .     country,  either 

Consider  1  pray  you,  since  things  be   brought  to  this  yor  comm. 

passe,  as  you   see,  and  that  I  should  have  come  away,  dities,  or good- 
if   then    through    their    factions,    humors,    mutinies,    or  nesse  ofsoile. 

107 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1 614. 

indiscretion  of  the  Chiefes  I  had  left  behinde,  this  should 
fall  to  mine :  I  then  should  receive  the  imputation,  and 
incurre  the  blame,  for  quitting  the  Plantation,  although 
I  might  doe  it,  both  with  my  honour,  my  promised 
stay  of  time  being  expired,  and  having  warrant  from 
my  Soveraigne,  the  Kings  Majesty :  but  the  precedent 
reasons  moved  mee  and  that  this  action  of  such  price, 
such  excellency  and  assured  profit  to  mine  owne  know- 
ledge should  not  dye  to  the  scorne  of  our  Nation,  and 
to  give  cause  of  laughter  to  the  Papists,  that  desire  our 
ruine.  I  can  assure  you,  no  Country  of  the  world  affords 
more  assured  hopes  of  infinite  riches,  which  both  by 
mine  owne  peoples  discovery,  and  the  relation  of  such 
Savages,  whose  fidelity  we  have  often  found,  assureth 
me.  Oh  why  should  so  many  Princes  and.  Noblemen 
ingage  themselves,  and  thereby  intermedling  herein,  have 
caused  a  number  of  soules  transport  themselves,  and  be 
transported  hither?  Why  should  they  (I  say)  relinquish 
this  so  glorious  an  Action :  for  if  their  ends  be  to  build 
God  a  Church,  they  ought  to  persevere :  if  otherwise, 
yet  their  honour  ingageth  them  to  be  constant.  How- 
soever they  stand  affected,  here  is  enough  to  content 
them,  let  their  ends  be  either  for  God,  or  Mammon. 

These  things  having  animated  me  to  stay  for  a  little 
season,  to  leave  those  I  am  tied  in  conscience  to  returne 
unto,  to  leave  the  assured  benefits  of  my  other  fortunes, 
the  sweete  society  of  my  friends  and  acquaintance,  with 
all  mundall  delights,  and  reside  here  with  much  turmoile, 
which  I  will  constantly  doe,  rather  then  see  Gods  glory- 
diminished,  my  King  and  Countrey  dishonored,  and 
these  poore  people,  I  have  the  charge  of,  ruined.  And 
so  I  beseech  you  to  answer  for  me,  if  you  heare  me 
taxed  for  my  staying,  as  some  may  justly  doe,  and 
that  these  are  my  chiefe  motives  God  I  take  to  witnesse. 
Remember  me,  and  the  cause  I  have  in  hand,  in  your 
daily  meditations,  and  reckon  me  in  the  number  of 
those  that  doe  sincerely  love  you  and  yours,  and  will 
ever  rest  in  all  offices  of  a  friend,  to  doe  you  service- 

108 


ALEXANDER   WHITAKER  ad. 

1614. 


Master 
Alexander 


To  my  very  deere   and   loving   Cosen   M.   G. 

Minister  of  the  B.   F.  in  London.  whitakerwas 

Sir,    the    Colony    here    is    much    better.     Sir  Thomas  son  t0  that 
Dale,    our    Religious    and    valiant    Governour,    hath  p^^J// 
now  brought  that  to  passe,  which  never  before  could  be  Divine  Doctor 
effected.     For  by  warre   upon    our    enemies,  and    kinde  Whitaker 
usage    of   our    friends,  he  hath  brought  them   to   seeke  Master  ofS. 
for    peace    of   us,   which    is    made,    and    they    dare    not  /  "s,  ., '   ' 
breake.     But    that    which    is    best,    one    Pocahuntas    or  what 
Matoa    the    daughter    of  Powhatan,    is    married    to    an  shadowes  of 
honest  and  discreete    English    Gentleman  Master  Rolfe,  men  are  the 
and  that   after   she   had    openly  renounced   her  Country  mos  *?    " 
Idolatry,   professed    the    faith   of  Jesus    Christ,   and   was  ^  deserving 
baptised  ;  which  thing  Sir  Thomas  Dale  had  laboured  a  should  neede 
long  time  to  ground  in  her.  apologies 

Yet  notwithstanding,  are  the  vertuous  deedes   of  this  lns       y,    ? 
worthy    Knight,    much    debased,    by    the    Letters    which  They  which 
some  wicked  men  have  written  from  hence,  and  especially  for doingsuffer 
by  one  C.  L.     If  you   heare  any  condemne   this   noble  *#>  "1  wJl0re 
Knight,  or  doe  feare  to  come  hither,  for  those  slanderous  fijst*        y 
Letters,  you  may  upon  my  word  boldly  reprove  them,  justice  seek  to 
You    know    that    no    malefactors   can   abide   the   face   of  be  just. 
the  Judge,  but  themselves  scorning  to  be  reproved,  doe  [IV.  ix. 
prosecute    with    all    hatred,  all    those    that    labour   their  I771-] 

amendment.  I  marvaile  much  that  any  men  of  honest 
life,  should  feare  the  Sword  of  the  Magistrate,  which  is 
unsheathed  onely  in  their  defence. 

But  I  much  more  muse,  that  so  few  of  our  English 
Ministers  that  were  so  hot  against  the  Surplis  and  sub- 
scription :  come  hither  where  neither  spoken  of.  Doe 
they  not  either  wilfully  hide  their  Tallents,  or  keepe 
themselves  at  home  for  feare  of  loosing  a  few  pleasures  ? 
Be  there  not  any  amongst  them  of  Moses  his  minde, 
and  of  the  Apostles,  that  forsooke  all  to  follow  Christ  ? 
But  I  referre  them  to  the  Judge  of  all  hearts,  and  to 
the  King  that  shall  reward  every  one  according  to  the 
gaine  of  his  Talent.     But  you  my  cosen,  hold  fast  that 

109 


rp 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1614. 

which  you  have,  and  I,  though  my  promise  of  thre 
yeeres  service  to  my  Countrey  be  expired,  will  abide 
in  my  vocation  here  untill  I  be  lawfully  called  from 
hence.  And  so  betaking  us  all  unto  the  mercies  of  God 
in  Christ  Jesus,  I  rest  for  ever. 

Part  of  a  Tractate  written  at  Henrico  in  Virginia, 
by  Master  Alex.  Whitaker,  Minister  to  the 
Colony  there,  which  then  governed  by  Sir 
T.   Dale,    1613. 

*Hey  acknowledge  that  there  is  a  great  good  God, 
but  know  him  not,  having  the  eyes  of  their  under- 
standing   as    yet    blinded :     wherefore    they    serve    the 
Divell  for    feare,   after   a   most    base   manner,   sacrificing 
sometimes   (as  I   have  here   heard)  their  owne   Children 
to  him.     I   have   sent  one   Image  of  their   god   to   the 
Counsell  in   England,   which    is   painted   upon   one    side 
of  a  toad-stoole,  much  like  unto  a  deformed   monster. 
Their  Priests        Their  Priests  (whom  they  call  Quiokosoughs)  are  no 
ana 'manner of  other  but  such  as  our  English  Witches  are.     They  live 
living.  naked  in  body,  as  if  their  shame  of  their  sinne  deserved 

no  covering :  Their  names  are  as  naked  as  their  body : 
they  esteeme  it  a  vertue  to  lye,  deceive,  and  steale,  as 
their  Master  the  Divell  teacheth  them.  Much  more 
might  be  said  of  their  miserable  condition,  but  I 
referre  the  particular  narration  of  these  things  to  some 
other  season. 

These  men  are  not  so  simple  as  some  have  supposed 
them :  for  they  are  of  body  lusty,  strong,  and  very 
nimble :  they  are  a  very  understanding  generation,  quicke 
of  apprehension,  suddaine  in  their  dispatches,  subtile  in 
their  dealings,  exquisite  in  their  inventions,  and  indus- 
trious in  their  labour.  I  suppose  the  world  hath  no 
better  marke-men  with  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes  then 
they  be;  they  will  kill  Birds  flying,  Fishes  swimming, 
and  Beasts  running :  they  shoote  also  with  mervailous 
strength,   they    shot    one    of  our    men    being    unharmed 


no 


ALEXANDER    WHITAKER  a.d. 

1613. 

quite  through  the  body,  and  nailed  both   his  armes  to 

his  body  with  one  Arrow :  one  of  their   Children  also, 

about  the  age  of  twelve  or  thirteene  yeeres,  killed  a  Bird 

with  his  Arrow  in  my  sight.     The  service  of  their  God 

is  answerable  to  their  life,  being  performed  with  a  great 

feare   and  attention,   and    many    strange   dumbe   shewes 

used    in    the    same,    stretching    forth    their    limbes,    and 

straining  their  body,  much  like  to  the  counterfeit  women 

in  England,  who  faine  themselves  bewitched,  or  possessed 

of  some  evill  spirit. 

They    stand    in    great    awe   of   the    Quiokosoughs   or 

Priests,  which  are  a  generation  of  Vipers,  even  of  Sathans 

owne  brood.     The  manner  of  their  life  is  much  like  to 

the  Popish  Hermits  of  our  age ;  for  they  live  alone  in  the 

woods,   in   houses   sequestred  from   the   common   course 

of  men,  neither  may  any  man  be  suffered  to  come  into 

their  house  or  to  speake  with  them,  but  when  this  Priest 

doth  call  him.     He  taketh  no  care  for  his  victuals,  for 

all   such  kinde  of   things  both  Bread  and    Water,   &c. 

are  brought  unto  a  place    neere    unto    his   cottage,  and 

there  are  left,  which  hee  fetcheth  for  his  proper  neede. 

If  they  would  have  raine,  or  have  lost  any  thing,  they 

have  their    recourse    to    him,   who    conjureth    for    them, 

and    many    times    prevaileth.      If   they    be    sicke,    he    is 

their  Physician ;  if  they  be  wounded,  he  sucketh  them. 

At  his   command    they   make    warre  and   peace,   neither 

doe    they    any   thing   of  moment    without   him.     I   will 

not    be    tedious    in    these    strange    Narrations,    when    I 

have    more    perfectly    entered    into    their    secrets,    you 

shall  know   all.     Finally,   there    is   a   civill   government 

amongst    them  which    they    strictly    observe,    and    shew 

thereby  that  the  law  of  Nature   dwelleth   in  them :   for  Yet  Naman- 

they  have  a  rude  kinde  of  Common-wealth,  and  rough  tack  in  his 

government    wherein    they    both    honour  and  obey  their  returne  was 

Kings,  Parents,  and  Governours,  both  greater  and  lesse,  kllle^  '*  Ber" 

they    observe    the    limits    of    their     owne    possessions.  another 

Murther  is  scarsly  heard  of:  Adultery  and  other  offences  Savage  his 

severely  punished.  fellow. 


in 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1613. 

The  whole  Continent  of  Virginia  situate  within  the 
degrees  of  34.  and  47.  is  a  place  beautified  by  God, 
with  all  the  ornaments  of  nature,  and  enriched  with  his 
earthly  treasures :  that  part  of  it,  which  we  already 
possesse,  beginning  at  the  Bay  of  Chassapheac,  and 
stretching  it  selfe  in  Northerly  latitude  to  the  degrees 
of  39.  and  40.  is  interlined  with  seven  most  goodly 
As  \\.  or  16.  Rivers,  the  least  whereof  is  equall  to  our  River  of 
miles.  Thames :    and   all    these    Rivers    are    so    neerely  joyned, 

as  that  there  is  not  very  much  distance  of  dry  ground 
betweene  either  of  them,  and  those  severall  maine  lands 
are  every  where  watered  with  many  veines  or  creekes  of 
water,  which  sundry  waies  doe  overthwart  the  land,  and 
make  it  almost  navigable  from  one  River  to  the  other. 
[IV.  ix.  The  commodity  whereof  to  those  that  shall  inhabite  this 

I772-J  land  is  infinite,  in  respect  of  the  speedy  and  easie  trans- 
portance  of  goods  from  one  River  to  the  other,  I 
cannot  better  manifest  it  unto  you,  but  in  advising  you 
to  consider  whether  the  water  or  land  hath  beene  more 
beneficiall  to  the  Low-Countries.  To  the  River  which 
we  inhabit  (commonly  called  Powhatans  River)  ebbeth 
and  floweth  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  into  the 
maine ;  at  the  mouth  whereof  are  the  two  Forts  of 
Henrico  and  Charles:  two  and  forty  miles  upward  is 
the  first  and  Mother-Christian  Towne  seated,  called 
James-Towne ;  and  seventy  miles  beyond  that  upward, 
is  the  new  Towne  of  Henrico  built,  and  so  named  in 
the  memory  of  Noble  Prince  Henry  of  lasting  and 
blessed  memory :  tenne  miles  beyond  this  is  a  place 
called  the  Fals,  because  the  River  hath  there  a  great 
descent  falling  downe  between  many  minerall  Rockes 
which  be  there :  twelve  miles  farther  beyond  this  place 
Ghristall  is  there  a  Christall  Rocke  wherewith  the  Indians  doe 
Rock.  head  many  of  their  Arrowes :  three  dayes  journey  from 

thence  is  there  a  Rock  or  stony  hill  found,  which  is 
in  the  top  covered  all  over  with  a  perfect  and  most  rich 
Silver  oare.  Our  men  that  went  to  discover  those  parts 
had  but  two  Iron  Pickaxes  with  them,  and  those  so  ill 


112 


ALEXANDER   WHITAKER  a.d. 

1613. 
tempered,  that  the  points  of  them  turned  againe,  and 
bowed  at  every  stroake,  so  that  we  could  not  search 
the  entrailes  of  the  place,  yet  some  triall  was  made  of 
that  oare  with  good  successe,  and  argument  of  much 
hope.  Six  dayes  journey  beyond  this  Mine  a  great 
ridge  of  high  hils  doe  runne  along  the  maine  land,  not 
farre  from  whom  the  Indians  report  a  great  Sea  doth 
runne,  which  we  commonly  call  a  South  Sea,  but  in 
respect  of  our  habitation  is  a  West  Sea,  for  there  the 
Sun  setteth  from  us.  The  higher  ground  is  much  like 
unto  the  molde  of  France,  clay  and  sand  being  pro- 
portionably  mixed  together  at  the  top ;  but  if  we  digge 
any  depth  (as  we  have  done  for  our  Bricks)  we  finde 
it  to  be  red  clay,  full  of  glistering  spangles.  There  be 
many  rockie  places  in  all  quarters ;  &  more  then  pro- 
bable likelihoods  of  rich  Mines  of  all  sorts :  though  I 
knew  all,  yet  it  were  not  convenient  at  this  time  that  I 
should  utter  all,  neither  have  wee  had  meanes  to  search 
for  any  thing  as  we  ought,  thorough  present  want  of 
men,  and  former  wants  of  provision  for  the  belly.  As 
for  Iron,  Steele,  Antimonium,  and  Terrasigillata,  they 
have  rather  offered  themselves  to  our  eyes  and  hands, 
then  bin  sought  for  of  us.  The  Ayre  of  the  Countrey  Ayre  and 
(especially  about  Henrico  and  upward)  is  very  temperate  Seasons. 
and  agreeth  well  with  our  bodies.  The  extremity  of 
Summer  is  not  so  hot  as  Spaine,  nor  the  cold  of  Winter 
so  sharpe  as  the  frosts  of  England.  The  Spring  and 
Harvest  are  the  two  longest  seasons  and  most  pleasant, 
the  Summer  and  Winter  are  both  but  short.  The  Winter 
is  for  the  most  part  dry  and  faire,  but  the  Summer 
watered  often  with  many  great  and  sodaine  showers  of 
raine ;  whereby  the  cold  of  Winter  is  warmed,  and  the 
heate  of  Summer  cooled.  Many  have  died  with  us 
heretofore  thorough  their  owne  filthinesse  and  want  of 
bodily  comforts  for  sicke  men ;  but  now  very  few  are 
sicke  among  us:  not  above  three  persons  amongst  all 
the  inhabitants  of  Henrico;  I  would  to  God  our  soules 
were  no  sicker  then  our  bodies. 

XIX  113  H 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1613. 

The  naturall  people  of  the  Land  are  generally  such 
as  you  heard  of  before.  A  people  to  be  feared  of  those 
that  come  upon  them  without  defensive  Armor,  but 
otherwise  faint-hearted  (if  thev  see  their  Arrowes  can- 
not pierce)  and  easie  to  be  subdued.  Shirts  of  Male, 
or  quilted  cotten  coates  are  the  best  defence  against 
them.  There  is  but  one  or  two  of  their  petty  Kings, 
that  for  feare  of  us  have  desired  our  friendship ;  and 
those  keepe  good  quarter  with  us,  being  very  pleasant 
amongst  us,  and  (if  occasion  be)  serviceable  unto  us. 
Our  eldest  friends  be  Pipisco  and  Choapoke,  who  are  our 
overthwart  neighbours  at  James-Towne,  and  have  beene 

Note  well.  friendly  to  us  in  our  great  want.  The  other  is  the 
Werowance  of  Chescheak,  who  but  lately  traded  with 
us   peaceably.     If  we   were  once   the   masters   of  their 

Feare  u  the     Country,  and   they   stood  in  feare   of  us   (which   might 

beginning  of       ^    f        jiancjs    imployed    about    nothing:    else,    be    in 

Piety  y  ,  .,  ,       r     J        N    .  &.' 

civility.  short  time  brought  to  passe)  it  were  an  easie  matter  to 

make  them  willingly  to  forsake  the  Divell,  to   embrace 

the  faith  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  be  baptized.     Besides, 

you    cannot    easily  judge    how    much    they     would    be 

What  use  may  availeable  to   us  in  our  Discoveries  of  the  Countrey,  in 

be  made  of  the  our   Buildings    an(j    Plantings,   and    quiet    provision    for 

Natives.  ,  &    ,  ui  r  1 

our    selves,    when    we  may    peaceably   passe  rrom   place 
to  place  without  neede  of  Armes  or  Guard. 

The  meanes  for  our  people  to  live  and  subsist  here 
of  themselves  are  many  and  most  certaine  both  for  Beasts, 
Birds,  and  Hearbes.  The  Beasts  of  the  Countrey  are 
for  the  most  part  wilde :  as  Lyons,  Beares,  Wolves  and 
Deere :  Foxes  blacke  and  red,  Rakowns,  Bevers,  Pos- 
sowns,  Squerrels,  Wilde-Cats,  whose  skins  are  of  great 
price,  and  Muske-Rats  which  yeelde  Muske  as  the 
Muske-Cats  doe.  There  be  two  kindes  of  Beasts 
amongst  these  most  strange ;  one  of  them  is  the  female 
Possown  a  Possowne,  which  will  let  forth  her  yong  out  of  her 
strange  beast,  belly,  and  take  them  up  into  her  belly  againe  at  her 
pleasure  without  hurt  to  her  selfe ;  neither  thinke  this 
to  be  a  Travellers  tale,  but  the  very  truth ;  for  nature 

114 


ALEXANDER  WHITAKER  a.d. 

1613. 

hath  framed  her  fit  for  that  service,  my  eyes  have  beene 
witnesse  unto  it,  and  we  have  sent  of  them  and  their 
yong  ones  into  England.     The  other  strange  conditioned 
creature  is  the  flying  Squirrell,  which  thorough  the  helpe  Flying 
of  certaine  broad  flaps  of  skin  growing  on  each  side  of  Squirrels. 
her  forelegs,  will  flye  from  tree  to  tree  twenty  or  thirty 
paces  at  one  flight  and  more,  if  she  have  the  benefit  of 
a  small  breath  of  winde.     Besides  these,  since  our  com- 
ming  hither,  we  have  brought  both  Kine,  Goates,  and 
Hogges,  which  prosper  well,  and  would  multiply  exceed- 
ingly, if  they  might  be   provided   for.     This  Countrey 
besides  is  replenished  with  Birds  of  all  sorts,  which  have 
bin  the  best   sustenance  of  flesh,  which  our  men  have 
had  since  they  came ;  also  Eagels  and  Haukes  of  all  sorts,  [IV.  ix. 
amongst  whom   are  Auspreys,   fishing  Hauke,   and  the  *773-] 

Cormorant.  The  woods  be  every  where  full  of  wilde 
Turkies,  which  abound,  and  will  runne  as  swift  as  a 
Greyhound.  In  winter  our  fields  be  full  of  Cranes,  Fowk. 
Herons,  Pigeons,  Partridges  and  Blackbirds :  the  Rivers 
and  creekes  be  over-spread  every  where  with  water  foule 
of  the  greatest  and  least  sort,  as  Swans,  flockes  of  Geese 
and  Brants,  Ducke  and  Mallard,  Sheldrakes,  Dyvers,  &c. 
besides  many  other  kindes  of  rare  and  delectable  Birds, 
whose  names  and  natures  I  cannot  yet  recite,  but  we 
want  the  meanes  to  take  them.  The  Rivers  abound  with 
Fish  both  small  and  great ;  the  Sea-fish  come  into  our  Fish. 
Rivers  in  March,  &  continue  untill  the  end  of  September: 
great  sculls  of  Herings  come  in  first :  Shads  of  a  great 
bignesse,  and  Rock-fish  follow  them.  Trouts,  Base, 
Flounders,  and  other  dainty  fish  come  in  before  the  other 
be  gone :  then  come  multitudes  of  great  Sturgeons, 
whereof  we  catch  many,  and  should  do  more,  but  that 
we  want  good  Nets  answerable  to  the  breadth  and  deapth 
of  our  Rivers  :  besides,  our  channels  are  so  foule  in  the 
bottome  with  great  logges  and  trees,  that  we  often  breake 
our  Nets  upon  them  :  I  cannot  reckon  nor  give  proper  Nets. 
names  to  the  divers  kindes  of  fresh  fish  in  our  Rivers  ;  I 
have  caught  with  mine  Angle,  Pike,  Karpe,  Eele,  Perches 

"5 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1613. 

of  six  severall  kindes,  Crea-fish,  and  the  Torope  or  little 
Turtle,  besides  many  smaller  kindes,  &c. 

Chap.    XII. 

Of  the  Lottery  :  Sir  Thomas  Dales  returne  :  the 
Spaniards  in  Virginia.  Of  Pocahantas  and 
Tomocomo  :  Captaine  Yerdley  and  Captaine 
Argoll  (both  since  Knighted)  their  Govern- 
ment ;  the  Lord  La-Warrs  death,  and  other 
occurrents  till  Anno   161 9. 

Itherto  you  have  heard  the  Authors  them- 
selves speak  of  their  owne  affaires.  Now 
we  must  for  continuation  and  consumma- 
tion of  our  Story,  borrow  a  few  Collections 
from  others,  where  the  Authors  themselves 
have  not  comne  to  our  hands.  Wherein 
that  industrious  Gentleman  Captaine  John 
Smith  still  breathing  Virginia,  and  diligent  enquiry  and 
writing,  as  sometime  by  discovery  and  doing  to  shew 
his  zeale  to  this  action  (for  seeing  he  cannot  there  be 
employed  to  performe  Virginian  exploits  worthy  the 
writing,  here  he  employeth  himselfe  to  write  Virginian 
affaires  worthy  the  reading)  having  compiled  a  long 
History  of  that  and  the  Summer  Hand  plantation,  and 
of  New  England  in  six  Bookes,  hath  gently  communi- 
cated the  same  to  mine,  that  is  to  thine,  as  intended  to 
the  Worlds  use.  Out  of  his  rich  fields  I  have  gleaned 
these  handfuls,  adding  thereto  the  crop  also  of  mine  owne 
industry. 

Sir  Thomas  Gates  returned  from  Virginia  in  March, 
and  Captaine  Argall  in  June  following  16 14.  and  so 
animated  by  their  hopeful!  reports  the  Adventurers,  that 
The  Lottery,  the  great  standing  Lottery  was  drawne  Anno  161 5.  in  the 
West  end  of  Pauls  Churchyard  (where  before,  as  in  many 
other  places  after,  a  running  Lottery  of  smaller  adventures 
had  beene  used)  in  which  the  Prizes  were  proportioned 

116 


OCCURRENTS   IN  VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1616. 

from    two    crownes    (which    was    the    least)    to    divers 
thousands,   arising   in    ordinary    assents    and    degrees*,  *T°  IO°- 
casually  accruing  as  the  lot  fell,  and  paid  in  money  or  2°0, 3°0-  ^ 

J  D  '.  .  ./»  IOOO.     2000. 

in  Plate  there  set  forth  to  view,  provided  that  if  any  chose  and  the  highest 
money  rather  then  Plate  or  goods  for  paiment,  in  summes  4500. 
above  ten  crownes,  he  was  to  abate  the  tenth  part.     The  crownes. 
orders  of  this  Lottery  were  published,  and  courses  taken 
to  prevent  frauds. 

Whiles  Sir  Thomas  Dale  was  in  Virginia,  it  chanced 
that  a  Spanish   Ship  beate  up  and  downe  before  Point  Spanish  Ships 
Comfort,  and  sent  ashoare  for  a  Pilot.     Captaine  James  at  VirZma- 
Davies  sent  them  one,  with  whom  they  presently  sailed 
away,  leaving  three  of  their  company  behinde.     These, 
upon    examination,    confessed     that     having    lost    their 
Admirall,  accident   had   forced   them   into   those   parts ; 
two  of  them  said  they  were  Captaines  of  chiefe  command  Engjuj  Pilate 
in  the  Fleete.     They  received  good  usage  there,  till  one  rather. 
of  them  was  found  to  be  an  Englishman,  which  in  the  suspended  and 
great  Fleete  1588.  had  bin  a  Pilot  to  the  Spaniards,  and  exalted 
now  exercised  his  wonted  trechery,  having  induced  some  together 
malecontents  to  runne  away  with  a  small  Barke.     This  ^^f 
darknesse    being   brought  to   light,  some  of  them  were 
executed,  and  he  expecting  no  better,  confessed  that  two 
or  three  Spanish  Ships  were  at  Sea,  on  purpose  to  discover 
the  state  of  the  Colony:  but  their  Commission  was  not 
to  be  opened  till  they  arrived  in  the  Bay,  so  that  he  knew 
no  further.     One  of  the  Spaniards  died,  the  other  was 
sent  for  England,  and  this  fellow  was  now  reprived,  but 
(as  became  such  a  Pilot)  was  hanged  at  Sea  in  Sir  Thomas 
Dales  returne.     The  English  Pilot  which  they  had  carried 
away  to  Spaine,  after  long  imprisonment  by  much  suite 
recovered  his  liberty  and  Country. 

Sir  Thomas  Dale  having  thus  established  things  as  you 
have  heard,  returned  thence,  appointing  Captaine  George  Cap.  Tardly 
Yardly  his  deputy  Governour  in  his  absence,  and  arrived  Deputy 
at  Plimmouth  in  May  or  June  4.  161 6.  to  advance  the  GwnMr' 
good  of  the  Plantation,  Master  Rolfe  also  with  Rebecca 
his     new     convert     and     consort,    and     Uttamatamakin 

117 


A.D. 
l6l6. 

[IV.  ix. 

1 774-] 

Hitherto  from 
Capt.  Smith. 


See  my  Pil. 
I.  8.  c.  5. 


See  my  Pilg. 
ubi  sup. 
Pozvhatans 
remove. 
Virginian 
yeers  which 
perhaps 
occasioned  the 
conceits  of 
their  longevity. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

(commonly  called  Tomocomo)  one  of  Pohatans  Coun- 
sellours  came  over  at  the  same  time.  With  this  Savage 
I  have  often  conversed  at  my  good  friends  Master  Doctor 
Goldstone,  where  he  was  a  frequent  guest ;  and  where  I 
have  both  seen  him  sing  and  dance  his  diabolicall 
measures,  and  heard  him  discourse  of  his  Countrey  and 
Religion,  Sir  Tho.  Dales  man  being  the  Interpretour,  as  I 
have  elsewhere  shewed.  Master  Rolfe  lent  mee  a  dis- 
course which  he  had  written  of  the  estate  of  Virginia 
at  that  time,  out  of  which  I  collected  those  things  which  I 
have  in  my  Pilgrimage  delivered.  And  his  wife  did  not 
onely  accustome  her  selfe  to  civilitie,  but  still  carried  her 
selfe  as  the  Daughter  of  a  King,  and  was  accordingly 
respected,  not  onely  by  the  Company,  which  allowed 
provision  for  her  selfe  and  her  sonne,  but  of  divers 
particular  persons  of  Honor,  in  their  hopefull  zeale  by 
her  to  advance  Christianitie.  I  was  present,  when  my 
Honorable  &  Reverend  Patron,  the  L.  Bishop  of  London, 
Doctor  King  entertained  her  with  festivall  state  and 
pompe,  beyond  what  I  have  seene  in  his  great  hospitalitie 
afforded  to  other  Ladies.  At  her  returne  towards 
Virginia  she  came  at  Gravesend  to  her  end  and  grave, 
having  given  great  demonstration  of  her  Christian 
sinceritie,  as  the  first  fruits  of  Virginian  conversion, 
leaving  here  a  godly  memory,  and  the  hopes  of  her 
resurrection,  her  soule  aspiring  to  see  and  enjoy 
presently  in  heaven,  what  here  shee  had  joyed  to  heare 
and  beleeve  of  her  beloved  Saviour.  Not  such  was 
Tomocomo,  but  a  blasphemer  of  what  he  knew  not,  and 
preferring  his  God  to  ours,  because  he  taught  them  (by 
his  owne  so  appearing)  to  weare  their  Devill-lock  at  the 
left  eare  ;  hee  acquainted  mee  with  the  manner  of  that 
his  appearance,  and  beleeved  that  this  Okee  or  Devil 
had  taught  them  their  husbandry,  &c.  Powhatan  was 
at  this  time  of  their  comming  gone  Southwards,  for  feare 
(as  some  thought)  least  Opachancanough  his  brother 
should  joyne  with  the  English  against  him.  His  age 
was  not  so  great  as  some  have  reported,  they  reckoning 

118 


OCCURRENTS   IN   VIRGINIA  ad. 

1617. 

every  Spring  and  Autumne  for  distinct  yeeres.  Torao- 
como  was  as  wise  in  computation  of  his  sailing,  reckoning 
each  night  (when  hee  expected  they  should  have  anchored 
by  the  shoare)  as  another  day.  Hee  is  said  also  to 
have  set  up  with  notches  on  a  stick  the  numbers  of  men, 
being  sent  to  see  and  signifie  the  truth  of  the  multitudes 
reported  to  his  Master.  But  his  arithmetike  soone  failed, 
and  wonder  did  no  lesse  amaze  him  at  the  sight  of  so 
much  Corne  and  Trees  in  his  comming  from  Plimmouth 
to  London,  the  Virginians  imagining  that  defect  thereof 
here  had  brought  us  thither. 

But  let  us  returne  to  Captaine  Smiths  Relations.  The 
new  Governour  applied  himselfe  to  the  readiest  way  of 
gaine  in  planting  Tobacco  ;  and  though  Sir  Tho.  Dale 
had  caused  much  Corne  to  be  planted,  yet  the  new 
supplies  easing  them  of  that  superfluitie,  hee  sent  to  the 
Chickahaminies  for  the  tribute  Corne  which  Sir  Thomas 
Dale  and  Captaine  Argall  had  conditioned  with  them, 
but  received  a  bad  answere.  Whereupon  hee  gathered 
a  hundred  men,  and  twelve  of  them  were  slaine,  twelve 
others  captived,  and  returned  to  James  Towne  with  three 
Boats  laden  with  corne,  of  which  one  hasting  to  bring  the 
newes  was  overset,  and  eleven  men,  together  with  the 
goods  drowned.  Captaine  Spelman  by  his  language  did 
them  good  service.  This,  together  with  the  league  which 
they  had  with  Opachankanough  enemy  to  the  former,  put 
them  so  in  feare,  that  ours  followed  their  labours  quietly, 
and  other  Nations  also  brought  them  provisions  and 
would  hunt  for  them.  Captaine  Yeardly  is  taxed  for 
suffering  two  of  his  Savages  to  use  the  Peece  in  their 
game  and  therein  to  grow  expert ;  a  thing  reported  to 
have  beene  practised  by  some  others.  Yet  whiles  hee 
staied  in  the  government  they  lived  quietly  with  the 
Savages,  but  grudges  grew  amongst  themselves. 

A.  1617.  Captaine  Yeardly  returned  for  England,  after 
the  arrivall  of  Captaine  Argall,  sent  thither  to  be  deputie  A  l6l? 
Governour.  Cap.  Argolh 

Captaine  Argall  was  sent  in  the  George,  and  with  Capt.  government. 

119 


A.D. 

1617. 


1618. 
Great  drought. 


L.  De-la- 
Wars  last 
voyages  and 
death. 


Plowing  and 
Come  in 
Virginia. 


Killingbeck 
slain. 


[IV.  ix. 


I775-] 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Hamor  his  Vice-Admirall,  in  May,  161 7.  arrived  at 
James  Towne,  where  hee  found  things  in  much  disorder, 
which  hee  sought  to  redresse.  Their  cattell  were  now 
well  encreased,  and  both  of  their  owne  growing,  and  from 
the  Savages  they  had  store  of  Corne,  A.  161 8.  happened 
a  great  drought,  and  such  a  cruell  storme  of  haile,  that  it 
did  much  hurt  to  their  Corne  and  Tobacco.  The  Maga- 
zine that  came  in  the  George,  being  five  moneths  in  her 
passage  proved  badly  conditioned. 

To  supply  them,  the  Company  furnished  and  set  forth 
in  Aprill  a  Ship  of  two  hundred  and  fiftie  tunnes,  with 
two  hundred  people.  The  Lord  De-la-war  went  therein, 
and  at  the  Hand  of  Saint  Michael  was  honourably  feasted. 
Departing  from  thence,  they  were  long  troubled  with 
contrary  windes,  in  which  time  many  fell  sicke,  thirtie 
died,  one  of  which  was  that  honourable  Lord  of  noble 
memory.  The  rest  refreshed  themselves  on  that  Coast 
of  New  England,  with  Fish,  Fowle,  Wood,  and  Water,, 
and  after  sixteene  weekes  spent  at  Sea,  arrived  in 
Virginia. 

The  Ship  called  the  Treasurer  not  long  after  came 
thither  with  fortie  Passengers,  before  the  other  Ship  was 
gone.  They  now  had  used  the  Plow,  and  reaped  good 
Corne,  and  they  writ  for  more  Plow-harnesse  to  be 
sent  them. 

Richard  Killingbeck  with  foure  others,  going  to  trade 
secretly  with  the  people  of  Chickahaminias,  either  for 
revenge  of  some  before  slaine  in  Captaine  Yerdlyes 
expedition,  or  for  covetousnesse  of  their  goods  were 
assaulted  by  the  Savages,  one  of  which  had  a  Peece 
furnished  and  therewith  shot  Killingbeck  dead  ;  the  rest 
also  were  all  slaine,  stripped,  and  spoyled.  Other 
murthers  also  were  done  by  other  Savages,  which 
Opachankanough  excused  by  ignorance,  and  for  the 
former,  hee  sent  a  basket  of  earth,  in  token  of  the 
gift  and  possession  of  that  Towne  where  they  dwelt, 
to  Captaine  Argal,  desiring  him  not  to  revenge  the  fault 
of  a  few,  which   for  feare  of  revenge  were  fled   to    the 

120 


OCCURRENTS    IN   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1619. 

Woods,  on  their    innocent   neighbours.     Sam.  Arg.  Jo. 

Rolfe. 

Master  Rolfe  writ,  June  15.  1618.  that  Powhatan  Powhatan* 
died  in  Aprill  before,  Itopatan  his  second  brother  death- 
succeeded,  who  with  Opachanckanough  had  confirmed 
the  league  with  the  Colony.  May  1 1 .  happened  at 
James  Towne  in  the  night,  a  terrible  storme  which 
lasted  about  halfe  an  houre,  and  poured  downe  haile- 
stones  eight  or  nine  inches  about. 

A.  1619.  Sir  Edwin  Sands  being  chosen  Treasurer,  Sir  Edwin 
Captaine  Yerdley  was  knighted  and  sent  Governour  f*nds 
into  Virginia.  A  little  Pinnace  had  arrived  some 
twelve  dayes  before  him,  in  which  Captaine  Argall 
returned,  leaving  in  his  place  Captaine  Nathaniel  Powel. 
As  for  their  digusts  given  the  Company  (in  their 
apprehension)  by  Captaine  Argall,  I  am  not  fully 
informed,  or  lust  to  bee  the  Informer. 

Sir  George  Yerdly  arriving  Aprill  18.  filled  the  Colony  Sir  George 
with  joyfull   hopes   of  better   successe    at    his    arrivall,  Yerdley 
and   I    freely   acknowledge   the   Treasurers   great  study  Governmr- 
and  care   was   worthy    (had   God   so   pleased)   of  better 
events,     then     by     unexpected     accidents     have     since 
happened. 

Captaine  West,  Captaine  Powel,  Master  Pory,  Master 
Rolfe,  Master  Wickam,  Master  Macock,  were  added  to 
the  Councell.     A  Pinnace  of  Captaine  Bargrave,  another 
of  Captaine    Lawnes,    and    a    third    of   Master    Evans, 
and   the    Marget   of  Bristol  arrived.     Some  scandalous 
Letters,  which  laid  a  false  imputation  on  the  Countrey, 
caused    enquiry    to    bee    made,    where   by  men   of  best 
experience    was    found,    that    an    industrious    man    not  Profit  to  be 
otherwise  imployed,   may  well  husband  foure  Acres  of  ma^e}n 
Corne,  and  one  thousand  Plants  of  Tobacco,  of  which     trSma- 
many  to   have   much,   neglect  the  goodnesse  (in  suffer- 
ing too   many  leaves  to  grow  on  one  stalke)  and  many 
Tobaccomongers    in   England  are  said  to   sell  the   best 
of  it   in   other   names,   calling  all   their  trash   Virginian, 
and  so  at  once   rob  both  England  and  Virginia.     June 

121 


A.D. 
1619. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

25.  the  Triall  came  in  with  Corne  and  Cattell.  The 
Governour  and  Counsell  caused  Burgesses  to  be  chosen 
in  all  places,  and  a  generall  assembly  was  held  for 
consultation  about  the  Colonies  good.  The  ancient 
Planters  being  set  free  chose  places  to  their  content, 
and  sweetnesse  of  proprietie  made  them  emulous  to 
exceed  each  other  in  building  and  planting.  Many- 
good  instructions  were  sent  from  the  Company,  to  amend 
the  Virginian  abuses  and  competencie  of  provision  was 
appointed  for  Officers. 

But  leave  we  awhile  our  Captaines  Notes,  and  let  us 
listen  to  that  which  the  Company  published,  A.   1620. 


Chap.   XIII. 

The  estate  of  the  Colony,  A.  1620.  and  Master 
Dermers  Letter  to  mee  from  Virginia,  touch- 
ing his  Voyage  for  the  South  Sea. 

Ow  touching  the  present  estate  of  our 
Colony  in  that  Countrey,  We  have 
thought  it  not  unfit  thus  much  briefly 
to  declare.  There  have  beene  sent  thither 
this  last  yeere,  and  are  now  presently 
in  going,  twelve  hundred  persons  and 
upward,  as  particularly  appeareth  in  the 
note  above  specified  :  and  there  are  neere  one  thousand 
more  remaining  of  those  that  were  gone  before.  The 
men  lately  sent,  have  beene  most  of  them  choice  men, 
borne  and  bred  up  to  labour  and  industry.  Out  of 
Devonshire,  about  an  hundred  men,  brought  up  to 
Husbandry.  Out  of  Warwickshire  and  Staffordshire, 
about  one  hundred  and  ten ;  and  out  of  Sussex,  about 
fortie  ;  all  framed  to  Iron-workes :  the  rest  dispersedly 
out  of  divers  Shires  of  the  Realme.  There  have  beene 
also  sundry  persons  of  good  qualitie,  much  commended 
for  sufficiency,  industry  and  honestie,  provided  and 
sent   to   take   charge  and  government  of  those  people. 


122 


THE   STATE   OF   VIRGINIA  ad. 

1620. 

The  care  likewise  that  hath  beene  taken  by  directions, 
instructions,  Charters  and  Commissions  to  reduce  the 
people  and  affaires  in  Virginia  into  a  regular  course, 
hath  been  such  and  so  great,  that  the  Colony  beginneth 
now  to  have  the  face  and  fashion  of  an  orderly  State,  and 
such  as  is  likely  to  grow  and  prosper.  The  people  are 
all  divided  into  severall  Burroughes  ;  each  man  having  Severall. 
the  shares  of  Land  due  to  him  set  out,  to  hold  and  Burroughs. 
enjoy  to  him  and  his  Heires.  The  publike  Lands  for 
the  Company  here,  for  the  Governour  there,  for  the 
Colledge,  and  for  each  particular  Burrough,  for  the 
Ministers  also,  and  for  divers  other  necessary  Officers, 
are  likewise  laid  out  by  order  and  bounded.  The  par- 
ticular Plantations  for  divers  private  Societies,  are  setled 
in  their  Seates,  being  allotted  to  their  content,  and  each 
in  convenient  distance.  The  rigour  of  Martiall  Law, 
wherewith  before  they  were  governed,  is  reduced  within 
the  limits  prescribed  by  his  Majesty  ;  and  the  laudable 
forme  of  Justice  and  government  used  in  this  Realme, 
established,  and  followed  as  neere  as  may  be.  The 
Governour  is  so  restrained  to  a  Counseli  joyned  with 
him,  that  he  can  doe  wrong  to  no  man,  who  may  not 
have  speedy  remedy.  Each  Burrough,  and  each  particular 
Plantation,  partly  hath,  partly  is  bound  to  have  in  short 
time  a  sufficient  Minister  :  for  whom  maintenance  is 
ordained,  to  each  of  two  hundred  pounds  a  yeere  value. 
Which  orderly  proceeding  there,  by  direction  from  hence, 
hath  caused  the  Colony  now  at  length  to  settle  themselves 
in  a  firme  resolution  to  perpetuate  the  Plantation.  They  [iv.  ix. 
fall  to  building  of  Houses,   each  for  his  owne  private  ;  177^-] 

and  the  Generality  to  the  rearing  of  publike  Guest- 
houses, for  entertaining  of  new  men  upon  their  first 
arrivall.  They  fall  to  set  up  their  Ploughes,  to  the 
planting  of  Vineyards  ;  to  the  pursuing  of  the  Staple 
Commodities  furnished  and  commended  from  hence.  In 
summe,  they  are  now  so  full  of  alacrity  and  cheereful- 
nesse,  that  in  a  late  generall  Assembly,  they  have  in  the 
name    of  the    Colony    presented    their    greatest    possible 

123 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1620. 

thankes  to  the  Company,  for  the  care  that  hath  beene 
taken  for  the  setling  of  the  Plantation.  Neither  is  it  to 
be  omitted,  the  care  which  hath  beene  had  here  lately  at 
home,  for  the  reducing  of  all  the  proceedings  and  affaires 
of  the  Company,  to  an  orderly  course  of  good  govern- 
ment and  Justice.  Wherein  to  begin  with  the  Fountaine 
thereof,  his  Majesties  authoritie  and  pleasure,  there  hath 
beene  a  collection  made  of  all  the  branches  of  the  same,. 
Patent  three  dispersed  in  his  Letters  Patents,  now  three  times  renewed  : 
times  renewed.  as  ajso  out  Qf  other  instructions  proceeding  from  his 
Majestie.  Out  of  both  which,  together  with  such  other 
Orders  as  (authorized  by  his  Majestie)  the  Companie 
themselves  have  thought  necessary  to  make,  hath  beene 
compiled  a  booke  of  standing  Orders  and  Constitutions, 
approved  by  the  generall  consent  of  all  the  Companie  : 
whereby  both  the  Company  here,  and  the  Colony  in 
Virginia,  have  their  businesse  carried  regularly,  industri- 
ously, and  justly,  every  man  knowing  both  his  right  and 
dutie,  to  their  generall  great  content,  and  the  great 
advancement  of  the  Action.  And  whereas  the  Colony 
likewise  have  been  often  Sutors  in  effect,  to  reduce  into  a 
compendious  and  orderly  forme  of  writing,  the  Lawes  of 
England  proper  for  the  use  of  that  Plantation,  with 
addition  of  such  other,  as  the  nature  of  the  place,  the 
novelty  of  the  Colony,  and  other  important  circumstances 
should  necessarily  require  :  A  course  is  likewise  taken  for 
the  effecting  of  this  worke  ;  yet  so  as  to  submit  it  first  to 
his  Majesties  view  and  approbation  ;  it  being  not  fit  that 
his  Majesties  Subjects  should  bee  governed  by  any  other 
Lawes,  then  such  as  receive  the  influence  of  their  life 
from  him. 

And  now  to  come  to  that  which  concerneth  the 
Adventurors  in  particular,  by  whose  charges,  care,  and 
labour  (next  unto  his  Majesties  especiall  grace)  this 
famous  Plantation  hath  not  onely  beene  undertaken,  but 
through  so  many  difficulties  upheld  and  continued  :  wee 
should  bee  very  greatly  injurious  to  them,  if  we  should 
not   acquaint   them    with    this    seasonable    time,   for    the 

124 


THE   STATE   OF   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1620. 

reaping  of  that  benefit  and  reward  which  is  due  unto 
them.  Wee  therefore  let  them  know,  that  in  this  last 
yeere  now  ended,  there  have  beene  granted  by  the 
Company  under  their  legall  Seale,  eleven  severall  Patents 
for  particular  Plantations  ;  and  more  are  in  hand  to  bee 
passed  this  next  Quarter-Court.  It  is  not  unprobable 
that  upon  each  of  these  Patents,  divers  hundreds  of 
persons  will  soone  Plant  in  Virginia  :  there  have  beene 
already  transported  upon  the  first,  above  three  hundred 
men.  These  and  other  like  Planters,  having  priority  of 
time,  will  have  priority  also  in  choice  of  the  Seat  of  their 
Plantations.  Seeing  therefore  the  onely  matter  of  retri- 
bution to  the  Adventurors,  is  by  a  faire  proportion  of 
Land  to  them  and  their  heires,  namely,  of  one  hundred 
Acres  for  every  share  of  twelve  pounds  and  ten  shillings, 
upon  a  first  division  ;  and  as  much  more  upon  a  second, 
the  first  being  peopled  ;  with  fiftie  Acres  for  every  person 
(to  bee  doubled  in  like  manner)  which  at  their  own 
charges  they  shall  transport  to  inhabite  in  Virginia  before 
the  foure  and  twentieth  of  June,  1625.  if  hee  continue 
there  three  yeeres,  either  at  one  or  severall  times,  or 
die  after  he  is  shipped  for  that  voyage  :  It  standeth  them 
upon,  who  are  not  willing  to  be  the  least  in  the  benefit  to 
be  partaked,  not  to  be  the  last  in  setting  forth  to  the 
choice  and  peopling  of  their  Land.  Wherein  what  favour 
or  assistance  may  by  us  bee  given  them,  they  shall  bee 
well  assured  of  it,  in  equall  proportion  with  our  selves, 
as  their  charges  and  long  expectance  have  well  deserved. 
And  to  the  end  that  not  onely  the  Adventurors  now 
living,  but  the  Heires  also  of  the  deceased,  may  take 
certaine  notice  of  the  severall  proportion  of  Land,  which 
ratably  to  their  Adventures  in  money  are  due  and 
belonging  to  them. 


125 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1619. 

A  Note  of  the  Shipping,  Men,  and  Provisions  sent 
to  Virginia,  by  the  Treasurer  and  Company,  in 
the  yeere  16 19. 

Ships.  rT~">He  Bona  Nova  of  two  hundred  Tun,  sent  in  August 

jl  1 61 9.  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  persons.  The 
Duty,  of  seventy  Tun,  sent  in  January  16 19.  with 
fiftie  one  persons.  The  Jonathan  of  three  hundred 
and  fiftie  Tun,  sent  in  February  1619.  with  two  hun- 
dred persons.  The  Triall,  of  two  hundred  Tun,  sent  in 
February  1619.  with  fortie  persons,  and  sixtie  Kine. 
The  Faulcon,  of  one  hundred  and  fiftie  Tun,  sent  in 
February  1619.  with  thirtie  sixe  persons,  fiftie  two  Kine, 
and  foure  Mares.  The  London  Merchant,  of  three 
hundred  Tun,  sent  in  March  1619.  with  two  hundred 
persons.  The  Swan  of  Barnstable,  of  one  hundred 
Tunne,  sent  in  March,  16 19.  with  seventie  one  persons. 
The  Bonaventure  of  two  hundred  and  fortie  Tun,  sent  in 
April,  1620.  with  one  hundred  and  fiftie  three  persons. 
Besides  these,  set  out  by  the  Treasurer  and  Company, 
there  hath  beene  set  out  by  particular  Adventures  for 
private  Plantations.  The  Garland  of  two  hundred  and 
fiftie  Tun,  sent  in  June,  161 9.  for  M.  John  Ferrars 
Plantation,  with  fortie  five  persons.  Who  are  yet 
detained  in  the  Summer  Hands.  A  Ship  of  Bristoll, 
of    eightie    Tun,    sent    in    September,     16 19.    for    M. 

[IV.  ix.  Barkleys   Plantation,    with    fortie    five    persons.      There 

I777-]  are  also  two  Ships  in  providing  to  be  shortly  gone,  for 
about  three  hundred  persons  more,  to  bee  sent  by  private 
Adventurers  to  Virginia.  The  summe  of  the  persons  one 
thousand  two  hundred  sixtie  one.  Whereof  in  the  eight 
Ships  set  out  by  the  Treasurer  and  Company,  eight  hun- 
dred seventie  one. 

People.  Of  these  persons  there  are  sent  for  publike  and  other 

pious  uses,  these  ensuing :  Tenants  for  the  Governours 
Land,  besides  fiftie  sent  the  former  Spring,  eightie. 
Tenants  for  the  Companies  Land,  one  hundred  and 
thirtie.     Tenants  for  the  Colledges  Land,  one  hundred. 

126 


SUPPLIES   FOR  VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1619. 

Tenants   for  the   Ministers   glebe-Lands,   fiftie.     Young 

Maids  to  make  Wives  for  so  many  of  the  former  Tenants, 

ninetie.     Boyes  to  make  Apprentices  for  those  Tenants, 

one  hundred.     Servants  for  the  publike,  fiftie.     Men  sent 

by  their  labours,  to  beare  up  the  charge  of  bringing  up 

thirtie  of  the  Infidels  children  in  true  Religion  and  Civilitie. 

The  sum  of  persons  for  publike  use,  &c.  six  hundred  and 

fiftie.     The  six  hundred  and  eleven  remaining,  are  sent 

for  private  Plantations. 

The  Commodities  which  these  people  are  directed  Commodities. 
principally  to  apply  (next  to  their  own  necessary  main- 
tenance) are  these  ensuing :  Iron,  for  which  are  sent  one 
hundred  and  fiftie  persons,  to  set  up  three  Iron-workes ; 
proofe  having  beene  made  of  the  extraordinary  goodnesse 
of  that  Iron. 

Cordage :  for  which  (besides  Hempe)  direction  is  given 
for  the  planting  of  Silke-grasse  (naturally  growing  in 
those  parts)  in  great  abundance :  which  is  approved  to 
make  the  best  Cordage  and  Linnen  in  the  world.  Of 
this,  every  housholder  is  bound  to  set  one  hundred 
Plants:  and  the  Governour  himselfe  hath  set  five 
thousand. 

Pot-ashes  and  Sope-ashes,  Pitch  and  Tarre:  for  the 
making  whereof  the  Polacres  are  returned  to  their 
workes. 

Timber  of  all  sorts,  with  Masts,  Planks  and  Boords 
for  provision  of  Shipping,  &c.  there  being  not  so  good 
Timber  for  all  uses,  in  any  one  knowne  Countrey  what- 
soever. And  for  the  ease  and  encrease  of  divers  of  these 
workes,  provision  is  sent  of  men  and  materialls,  for  the 
setting  up  of  sundry  Sawing  Mills. 

Silke:  for  which  that  Countrey  is  exceeding  proper, 
having  innumerable  store  of  Mulbery  Trees  of  the  best,  and 
some  Silk-wormes  naturally  found  upon  them,  producing 
excellent  Silke  :  some  whereof  is  to  be  seene.  For  the 
setting  up  of  which  Commoditie,  his  Majesty  hath  beene 
graciously  pleased  now  the  second  time  (the  former 
having  miscarried)  to  bestow  upon  the  Company  plenty 

127 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS    PILGRIMES 

1619. 

of    Silk-wormes-feed     of    his    owne    store,    being     the 
best. 

Vines :  whereof  the  Countrey  yeeldeth  naturally  great 
store,  and  of  sundry  sorts :  which  by  culture  will  be 
brought  to  excellent  perfection.  For  the  effecting 
whereof,  divers  skilfull  Vignerons  are  sent,  with  store 
also  from   hence  of  Vine-plants  of  the  best  sort. 

Salt :  which  workes  having  beene  lately  suffered  to 
decay,  are  now  ordered  to  bee  set  up  in  so  great  plentie, 
as  not  onely  to  serve  the  Colony  for  the  present ;  but  as  is 
hoped  in  short  time  also  the  great  Fishings  on  those 
Coasts. 

For  the  following,  working,  and  perfecting  of  these 
Commodities,  all  provisions  necessary  for  the  present 
are  sent  in  good  abundance.  As  likewise  the  people 
that  goe  are  plentifully  furnished  with  apparell,  bedding, 
victuall  for  sixe  moneths  :  Implements  both  for  the  House 
and  Labour,  Armour,  Weapons,  Tooles,  and  sundry 
other  necessaries.  And  a  supply  of  Armour,  Powder, 
and  many  necessary  provisions  is  made  for  those  of 
the  Colony  which  were  there  before ;  yet  without  any 
prejudice  to  the  former  Magazin. 
Gifts.  There  have  beene  given  to  the  Colony  this  yeere  by 
devout  persons,  these  Gifts  ensuing :  Two  persons 
unknowne,  have  given  faire  Plate,  and  other  rich 
Ornaments  for  two  Communion  Tables;  whereof  one 
for  the  Colledge,  and  the  other  for  the  Church  of 
Mistresse  Mary  Robinsons  founding :  who  in  the  former 
yeere  by  her  Will,  gave  two  hundred  pounds  towards  the 
founding  of  a  Church  in  Virginia. 

Another  unknowne  person  (together  with  a  godly 
Letter)  hath  lately  sent  to  the  Treasurer,  five  hundred 
and  fiftie  pounds  in  gold,  for  the  bringing  up  of  children 
of  the  Infidels :  first  in  the  Knowledge  of  God  and  true 
Religion ;  and  next,  in  fit  Trades  whereby  honestly  to 
live. 

Master  Nicolas  Ferrar  deceased,  hath  by  his  Will  given 
three  hundred  pounds  to  the  Colledge  in  Virginia,  to  bee 

128 


SUPPLIES   FOR  VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1619. 

paid,   when  there  shall  be    ten  of  the  Infidels  children 

placed  in  it.     And  in  the  meane  time  foure  and  twentie 

pounds  by  yeere,  to  bee  distributed  unto  three  discreet 

and  godly  men  in  the  Colony,  which  shall  honestly  bring 

up   three  of  the   Infidels  children  in  Christian  Religion, 

and  some  good  course  to  live  by. 

An  unnamed  person  sent  to  the  Treasurer  the  summe 
of  ten  pounds,  for  advancing  of  the  Plantation. 

There  have  beene  Patents  granted  this  yeere  for  par-  Patents. 
ticular  Plantations,  as  here  ensueth  :  To  the  Societie  of 
Southamton  Hundred.  To  Master  Heath,  Recorder  of 
London.  To  Master  Wincop.  To  Master  Tracie. 
To  Doctor  Bohun.  To  Master  Pierce.  To  Master 
Delbridge.  To  Master  Pointz.  To  Master  Barkley. 
To  Captaine  Bargrave.  To  Captaine  Ward.  Who 
have  undertaken  to  transport  to  Virginia  great  multi- 
tudes of  people,  with  store  of  cattell. 

It  is  to  be  knowne,  that  touching  the  Colledge  for  the 
Infidels  children,  it  hath  beene  thought  more  expedient  to 
begin  first  with  the  planting  and  peopling  of  the  Lands 
(which   hath  beene   done  this  yeere)   and  afterwards  to  [IV.  ix. 
proceed  to  the  erecting  of  the  Fabricke,  which   is  to  be  V?8-] 

performed  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  Lands. 

To  his  Worshipfull  Friend  M.  Samuel  Purchas, 
Preacher  of  the  Word,  at  the  Church  a  little 
within  Ludgate,  London. 

Sir, 

IT  was  the  nineteenth  of  May,  before  I  was  fitted  for 
my  discovery,  when  from  Monahiggan  I  set  sayle  in 
an  open  Pinnace  of  five  tun,  for  the  Hand  I  told  you  of. 
I  passed  alongst  the  Coast  where  I  found  some  antient 
Plantations,  not  long  since  populous  now  utterly  void  ; 
in  other  places  a  remnant  remaines,  but  not  free  of  sick- 
nesse.  Their  disease  the  Plague,  for  wee  might  perceive 
the  sores  of  some  that  had  escaped,  who  described  the 
spots  of  such  as  usually  die.  When  I  arrived  at  my 
xix  129  1 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1619. 

Savages  native  Country  (finding  all  dead)  I  travelled 
alongst  a  daies  journey  Westward,  to  a  place  called 
Nummastaquyt,  where  finding  Inhabitants,  I  dispatched 
a  Messenger  a  dayes  journey  further  West,  to  Poco- 
naokit  which  bordereth  on  the  Sea ;  whence  came  to 
see  me  two  Kings,  attended  with  a  guard  of  fiftie  armed 
men,  who  being  well  satisfied  with  that  my  Savage  and  I 
discoursed  unto  them  (being  desirous  of  noveltie)  gave 
mee  content  in  whatsoever  I  demanded,  where  I  found 
that  former  relations  were  true.  Here  I  redeemed  a 
Frenchman,  and  afterwards  another  at  Mastachusit,  who 
three  yeeres  since  escaped  shipwracke  at  the  North-east 
of  Cape  Cod.  I  must  (amongst  many  things  worthy 
observation)  for  want  of  leisure,  therefore  hence  I  passe 
(not  mentioning  any  place  where  we  touched  in  the  way) 
to  the  Hand,  which  wee  discovered  the  twelfth  of  June. 
Here  we  had  good  quarter  with  the  Savages,  who  like- 
wise confirmed  former  reports.  I  found  seven  severall 
places  digged,  sent  home  of  the  earth,  with  samples  of 
other  commodities  elsewhere  found,  sounded  the  Coast, 
and  the  time  being  farre  spent  bare  up  for  Monahiggan, 
arriving  the  three  and  twentieth  of  June,  where  wee  found 
our  Ship  ready  to  depart.  To  this  He  are  two  other  neere 
adjoyning,  all  which  I  called  by  the  name  of  King  James 
his  lies,  because  from  thence  I  had  the  first  motives  to 
search.  For  that  (now  probable  passage)  which  may 
hereafter  be  both  honourable  and  profitable  to  his 
Majestic  When  I  had  dispatched  with  the  ships  ready 
to  depart,  I  thus  concluded  for  the  accomplishing  my 
businesse.  In  regard  of  the  fewnesse  of  my  men,  not 
being  able  to  leave  behind  mee  a  competent  number  for 
defence,  and  yet  sufficiently  furnish  my  selfe,  I  put  most 
of  my  provisions  aboord  the  Sampson  of  Cape  Ward 
ready  bound  for  Virginia,  from  whence  hee  came,  taking 
no  more  into  the  Pinnace  then  I  thought  might  serve  our 
turnes,  determining  with  Gods  helpe  to  search  the  Coast 
along,  and  at  Virginia  to  supply  our  selves  for  a  second 
discovery,  if  the  first  failed.     But  as  the  best  actions  are 

130 


THOMAS   DERMER  ad. 

1619. 
commonly  hardest  in  effecting,  and  are  seldome  without 
their  crosses,  so  in  this  we  had  our  share,  and  met  with 
many  difficulties :  for  wee  had  not  sayled  above  forty 
leagues,  but  wee  were  taken  with  a  Southerly  storme, 
which  drave  us  to  this  strait;  eyther  we  must  weather 
a  rockie  point  of  Land,  or  run  into  a  broad  Bay  no  lesse 
dangerous ;  Incidit  in  Syllam,  &c.  the  Rockes  wee  could 
not  weather,  though  wee  loosed  till  wee  received  much 
water,  but  at  last  were  forced  to  beare  up  for  the  Bay, 
and  run  on  ground  a  furlong  off  the  shoare,  where  we 
had  beene  beaten  to  pieces,  had  wee  not  instantly  throwne 
overboord  our  provisions  to  have  our  lives ;  by  which 
meanes  we  escaped  and  brought  off  our  Pinnace  the  next 
high  water  without  hurt,  having  our  Planke  broken,  and 
a  small  leake  or  two  which  we  easily  mended.  Being 
left  in  this  misery,  having  lost  much  bread,  all  our  Beefe 
and  Sider,  some  Meale  and  Apparell,  with  other  provi- 
sions and  necessaries ;  having  now  little  left  besides  hope 
to  encourage  us  to  persist :  Yet  after  a  little  deliberation 
we  resolved  to  proceed  and  departed  with  the  next  faire 
winde.  We  had  not  now  that  faire  quarter  amongst  the 
Savages  as  before,  which  I  take  it  was  by  reason  of  our 
Savages  absence,  who  desired  (in  regard  of  our  long 
journey)  to  stay  with  some  of  our  Savage  friends  at 
Sawahquatooke)  for  now  almost  every  where,  where  they 
were  of  any  strength  they  sought  to  betray  us.  At 
Manamock  (the  Southerne  part  of  Cape  Cod,  now 
called  Sutcliffe  Inlets)  I  was  unawares  taken  prisoner, 
when  they  sought  to  kill  my  men,  which  I  left  to  man  the 
Pinnace ;  but  missing  of  their  purpose,  they  demanded  a 
ransome,  which  had,  I  was  as  farre  from  libertie  as  before : 
yet  it  pleased  God  at  last,  after  a  strange  manner  to 
deliver  me,  with  three  of  them  into  my  hands,  and  a 
little  after  the  chiefe  Sacheum  himselfe;  who  seeing  me 
weigh  anchor,  would  have  leaped  overboord,  but  inter- 
cepted, craved  pardon,  and  sent  for  the  Hatchets  given 
for  ransome,  excusing  himselfe  by  laying  the  fault  on  his 
neighbours ;  and  to  be  friends  sent  for  a  Canoas  lading  of 

131 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1619. 

Corne,  which  received  we  set  him  free.  I  am  loth  to  omit 
the  story,  wherein  you  would  finde  cause  to  admire  the 
great  mercy  of  God  even  in  our  greatest  misery,  in  giving 
us  both  freedome  and  reliefe  at  one  time.  Departing 
hence,  the  next  place  we  arrived  at  was  Capaock,  an  Hand 
formerly  discovered  by  the  English,  where  I  met  with 
Epinew  a  Savage  that  had  lived  in  England,  and  speakes 
indifferent  good  English,  who  foure  yeeres  since  being 
carried  home,  was  reported  to  have  beene  slaine,  with 
divers  of  his  Countreymen,  by  Saylers,  which  was  false. 
With  him  I  had  much  conference,  who  gave  mee  very 
good  satisfaction  in  every  thing  almost  I  could  demand. 
Time  not  permitting  mee  to  search  here,  which  I  should 
have  done  for  sundry  things  of  speciall  moment :  the 
wind  faire,  I  stood  away  shaping  my  course  as  the  Coast 
led  mee,  till  1  came  to  the  most  Westerly  part  where  the 
Coast  began  to  fall  away  Southerly.  In  my  way  I  dis- 
covered Land  about  thirtie  leagues  in  length,  heretofore 
taken  for  Mayne,  where  I  feared  I  had  beene  imbayed,  but 
by  the  helpe  of  an  Indian  I  got  to  the  Sea  againe,  through 
many  crooked  and  streight  passages.  I  let  passe  many 
[IV.  ix.  accidents  in  this  journey  occasioned  by  treacherie,  where 

I779-]  wee  were  compelled  twice  to  goe  together  by  the  eares, 
once  the  Savages  had  great  advantage  of  us  in  a  streight, 
not  above  a  Bowe  shot,  and  where  a  multitude  of  Indians 
let  flye  at  us  from  the  banke,  but  it  pleased  God  to  make 
us  victours  :  neere  unto  this  wee  found  a  most  dangerous 
Catwract  amongst  small  rockie  Hands,  occasioned  by  two 
unequall  tydes,  the  one  ebbing  and  flowing  two  houres 
before  the  other :  here  wee  lost  an  Anchor  by  the  strength 
of  the  current,  but  found  it  deepe  enough  :  from  hence  wee 
were  carried  in  a  short  space  by  the  tydes  swiftnesse  into  a 
great  Bay  (to  us  so  appearing)  but  indeede  is  broken 
land,  which  gave  us  light  of  the  Sea  :  here,  as  I  said,  the 
Land  treadeth  Southerly.  In  this  place  I  talked  with 
many  Salvages,  who  told  me  of  two  sundry  passages  to 
the  great  Sea  on  the  West,  offered  me  Pilots,  and  one 
of  them   drew  me  a  Plot   with   Chalke  upon  a  Chest, 

132 


THOMAS   DERMER  a.d. 

1619. 

whereby  I  found  it  a  great  Hand,  parted  the  two  Seas ; 
they  report  the  one  scarce  passable  for  shoalds,  perillous 
currents,  the  other  no  question  to  be  made  of.  Having 
received  these  directions,  I  hasten  to  the  place  of  greatest 
hope,  where  I  purposed  to  make  triall  of  Gods  goodnesse 
towards  us,  and  use  my  best  endevour  to  bring  the  truth 
to  light,  but  wee  were  but  onely  shewed  the  entrance, 
where  in  seeking  to  passe  wee  were  forced  backe  with 
contrary  and  overblowing  windes,  hardly  escaping  both 
our  lives.  Being  thus  overcharged  with  weather,  I  stood 
alongst  the  coast  to  seeke  harbours,  to  attend  a  favour- 
able gale  to  recover  the  streight,  but  being  a  harbourlesse 
Coast  for  ought  we  could  then  perceive,  wee  found  no 
succour  till  wee  arrived  betwixt  Cape  Charles  and  the 
Maine  on  the  East  side  the  Bay  Chestapeak,  where  in 
a  wilde  Roade  wee  anchored  ;  and  the  next  day  (the  eight 
of  September)  crossed  the  Bay  to  Kecoughtan,  where  the 
first  newes  strooke  cold  to  our  hearts,  the  generall  sicke- 
nesse  over  the  Land.  Here  I  resolved  with  all  possible 
speede  to  returne  in  pursuite  of  this  businesse ;  so  that 
after  a  little  refreshing,  wee  recovered  up  the  River  to 
James  Citie,  and  from  thence  to  Cape  Warde  his  Plan- 
tation, where  immediately  wee  fell  to  hewing  of  Boords 
for  a  close  Decke,  having  found  it  a  most  desired  course 
to  attempt  as  before.  As  wee  were  thus  labouring  to 
effect  our  purposes,  it  pleased  almighty  God  (who  onely 
disposeth  of  the  times  and  seasons,  wherein  all  workes 
shall  be  accomplished)  to  visite  us  with  his  heavie  hand,  so 
that  at  one  time  there  were  but  two  of  us  able  to  helpe 
the  rest,  my  selfe  so  sore  shaken  with  a  burning  feaver, 
that  I  was  brought  even  unto  deaths  doore,  but  at  length 
by  Gods  assistance  escaped,  and  have  now  with  the  rest 
almost  recovered  my  former  strength.  The  Winter 
having  overtaken  us  (a  time  on  these  Coasts  especially) 
subject  to  gusts  and  fearefull  stormes,  I  have  now  resolved 
to  choose  a  more  temperate  season,  both  for  the  generall 
good  and  our  owne  safeties.  And  thus  I  have  sent  you 
a  broken    discourse,   though   indeede  very  unwilling  to 

i33 


A.D. 
1619. 


Cap.  J.  Smith. 
Sir  Edw. 
Sands  was 
Treasurer 
from  Ap. 
1 61 9.  till 
Jun.  1620. 


Master 

Stockams 

Letter  to 

Master 

Whitaker 

before. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

have  given  any  notice  at  all,  till  it  had  pleased  God  to 
have  blessed  mee  with  a  thorow  search,  that  our  eyes 
might  have  witnessed  the  truth.  I  have  drawne  a  Plot  of 
the  Coast,  which  I  dare  not  yet  part  with  for  feare  of 
danger,  let  this  therefore  serve  for  confirmation  of  your 
hopes,  till  I  can  better  performe  my  promise  and  your 
desire,  for  what  I  have  spoken  I  can  produce  at  least 
mille  testes  ;  farre  separate,  of  the  Sea  behinde  them, 
and  of  Ships,  which  come  many  dayes  journey  from 
the  West,  and  of  the  great  extent  of  this  Sea  to  the 
North  and  South,  not  knowing  any  bounds  thereof 
Westward.  I  cease  to  trouble  you  till  a  better  oppor- 
tunity offer  it  selfe,  remembring  my  best  love,  &c.  I 
rest 

Yours  to  command, 


Tho.  Dermer. 


From  Captaine  Martyn  his  Plan- 
tation. 27.  Decemb.   161 9. 


To  Sir  Edwin  Sands  in  the  Treasurership  succeeded 
the  right  Honorable  Henry  Earle  of  Southampton,  whose 
industry  together  with  that  of  those  two  brethren  John 
and  Nicolas  Farrars  the  successive  Deputies,  have  given 
much  content  to  many,  but  to  divers  others  matter  of 
complaint ;  wherein  I  am  an  unfit  Judge  ;  onely  as  a 
reasonable  man  and  Christian  Minister  (that  I  say  not 
Historian)  I  am  much  grieved  that  Virginias  prosperity 
cannot  answer  mens  hopes  ;  nor  can  any  man  mervaile  if 
divisions  (minde-massacres)  here,  with  the  massacring 
Savages  and  diseases  there,  have  hindred  there  the 
expected  effects  of  honorable  and  carefull  indevours. 
Master  Stockam,  a  Minister,  writ  thence,  May  the 
eight  and  twentieth,  that  which  deserveth  just  con- 
sideration, that  he  found  no  probability  by  faire  meanes 
alone  to  draw  the  Savages  to  goodnesse,  and  if  Mars 
and  Minerva  went  hand  in  hand,  they  would  effect  more 
good   in    one   houre,  then   these   verball  Mercurians  in 

J34 


1780.] 


THOMAS   DERMER  a.d. 

1620. 

their  lives  :  and  till  their  Priests  and  Ancients  have 
their  throats  cut,  there  is  no  hope  to  bring  them  to 
conversion. 

Chap.  XIIII.  [Ivix- 

A  true  Relation  of  a  Sea  Fight  betweene  two 
great  and  well  appointed  Spanish  Ships,  or 
Men  of  Warre  ;  and  an  English  Ship,  called 
the  Margaret  and  John,  or  the  Blacke  Hodge, 
going  for  Virginia. 

Aving  taken  our  journey  toward  Virginia  in  1620. 
the  beginning  of  February  last  past,  in  a 
Ship  called  the  Blacke  Hodge,  her  burthen 
one  hundred  and  sixtie  tunne,  manned 
onely  with  eight  Iron  Peeces,  and  a  poore 
Faulcon,  we  soone  over-passed  both  the 
tedious  endurances  and  fearefull  dangers 
of  such  a  Voyage,  and  came  at  last  by  the  foureteenth 
of  March  under  13.  and  halfe  Latitude,  within  twenty 
leagues  of  Matalina. 

Falling  with  Mevis  by  the  twentieth  of  March,  and 
compassing  the  furthest  point  to  stand  in  the  handsommer 
with  the  shore,  wee  perceived  two  tall  Ships  at  anchor 
right  over  against  the  watring  place  with  their  top  sayles 
loose,  and  their  Boates  going  ashoare  for  their  men.  At 
first  we  supposed  them  Hollanders,  in  respect  of  their 
building,  and  the  Hollanders  colours  borne  by  their  Hollanders 
Admiral!  in  the  maine  top,  the  vice  Admirall  having  colours- 
his  fore  top  mast  downe,  and  no  colors  displayed,  which 
encreased  our  former  opinion,  adding  withall  that  it  must 
needes  be  prise,  or  some  other  Ship  subject  to  the  mis- 
fortune of  a  fight. 

But  driving  by  necessity  of  water,  and  willing  to  refresh 
our  selves  a  shoare,  wee  trimmed  our  Ship,  and  came  to 
anchor  fairely  by  them,  sending  our  Boate  in  friendly 
manner  to  hale  them  both  unprovided  and  unarmed, 
which  returned  with  certificate,  that  they  were  Spaniards, 

'35 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1620. 

wherein  not  fully  satisfied,  by  reason  of  our  former  appre- 
hension that  it  was  otherwise  ;  the  better  to  be  resolved, 
we  sent  out  our  Boate  againe,  as  well  to  be  assured  what 
to  trust  unto,  as  to  gaine  sometime  to  prepare  our  Shippe, 
and  trim   her  more  commodiously,  being  pestered  with 
goods  and   fardels    betweene  the  deckes,  and  altogether 
unprovided  for  any  fight,  either  offensive  or  defensive. 
The  Boate  approached  the  hindmost  Ship,  which  I  call 
the  vice-Admirall,  and  haled  her,  demanding  who   they 
were,  but  instead  of  resolving  us,  she  commanded  them 
to  come  aboord,  and  would  answere  no  otherwise;  where- 
upon the  Boate  rowed  from  them,  as  resolving  all  was  not 
well,  and  so  made  haste  unto  us  againe,  yet  could  not 
The  Spaniards  prevent  a  volley  of  small  shot  powred  very  dangerously 
shot  at  the        amongst  them,  insomuch  that  they  had  their  cloathes  shot 
through,  their  Oares  shivered,  and  the  sides  battered  with 
Bullets  ;  yet  thankes  be  to  God,  neither  was  a  man  hurt,, 
nor  any  thing  lost ;  which,  as  if  they  had  had  notice  of  the 
same  escape,  rated  their  rage  so  much  the  more  :  For  by 
that  time  the  Boate  was  out  of  reach  of  their  small  shot, 
They  shot  at     they  followed  it  to  the  Ship  with  great  Ordnance  ;  and 
the  Ship.         when    they    perceived    they    were    safely    come    aboord, 
they    tooke    it    so    ill,    that    they    thundred    against    our 
Ship   with   the    soarer   rage,    and   most    violent    vollies, 
English  which   we    could    not   answer,   having   no   Peece    in   our 

unprepare  pi  gUnner  r0ome,  nor  indeede  any  other  well  mounted  for 

such  a  Sea  fight. 
Spanish  By  this  time  their  vice  Admirall  heaved  up  her  anchor 

advantages.  to  j^j.  warpCj  an(j  laid  her  selfe  to  wind-ward,  if  either  we 
should  passe  forward,  or  anchor  short  againe,  so  that 
we  perceived  they  meant  to  assault  us  on  all  hands  : 
for  she  let  flye  a  whole  broad-side  upon  us,  and  came 
furiously  up  to  our  lee  quarter  without  damage  or  resist- 
ance of  our  parts. 

But  when  we  were  thus  terrified  and  threatned  by 
them,  and  thus  encombred  and  disanimated  amongst  our 
selves,  knowing  withall  (by  reason  of  our  ill  prepared 
Ordnance)  the  disadvantage  and  hazard  to  be  boorded 

136 


A   SEA  FIGHT  a.d. 

1620. 
at  anchor  by  two  good  Ships  well  prepared  for  spoyle  and 
ruine ;  we  hoysed  up  our  sailes,  and  determined  to 
set  forward,  had  not  the  vice-Admirall  come  on  our 
star-boord  side,  and  beate  upon  us  so  hardly,  that  we 
fell  to  our  businesse,  and  answered  their  unkindenesse 
accordingly  with  many  faire  shot,  which  proved  most 
effectuall,  especially  from  a  demy-culvering,  which  at 
last  shot  her  betweene  winde  and  water,  so  that  shee 
was  compelled  from  us,  and  bare  off  to  Sea,  leaving 
her  Admirall  onely  single  with  us,  who  at  last  came 
fairely  in  our  quarter  to  winde-ward,  taking  in  her 
Holland  flagge,  and  advanced  her  Spanish  colours,  and  Spanish  colors. 
so  haled  us. 

We  quiedy  and  quickly  answered,  both  what  we  were,  Their 
and  whither  wee  were  bound,  discovering  the  effect  of  our  conference. 
Commission,  and  relating  the  cause  of  our  tarrying  there 
for  water,  neither  purposing  to  annoy  any  subject  of  the 
King  of  Spaines,  nor  by  way  of  affront  to  brave  either 
Merchant  or  man  of  Warre.  Then  she  charged  us 
to  strike  our  sailes  for  the  King  of  Spaine,  and  vaile 
the  bonnet  according  to  the  prerogative  they  had  in 
those  Seas  :  we  replyed  with  enlarging  the  particulars 
of  the  league  betweene  the  King  our  Master  and  their 
King,  adding  with  all,  that  as  we  intended  no  ill,  we 
would  take  no  wrong ;  Whereupon  the  Master  left 
the  poope,  and  sequestred  himselfe  from  such  open 
conference ;  had  they  not  called  for  the  Captaine 
againe,  who  at  last  presented  himselfe,  till  they  com- 
manded him  to  come  aboord  with  his  Commission, 
which  he  refused,  yet  wished  them  to  send  their  Boat  [IV.  ix. 
aboord,  and  then  they  should  see  it  most  willingly.  I7^1-] 

But  instead  either  of  answering  us  further  with  kinde 
words,  or  accepting  of  our  reply  in  good  part,  they  made 
two  great  shot  at  us,  and  poured  among  us  such  a  volley 
of  small  shot,  before  we  could  get  off  the  poope,  that 
we  thanked  God  they  did  no  more  harme,  yet  we  were  . 
much  amazed  they  did  so  much :  not  thus  content  they  insolence  of 
waved  us  with  their  bright  swords,  and  reviled  us  with  the  Spaniards. 

i37 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1620. 

opprobrious  tearmes,  mis-tearming  us  dogs,  and  inventing 
more  odious  names  against  us,  then  we  could  imagine  that 
Christians  durst  urge  one  another  withall:  at  last  they 
laid  us  aboord,  which  enforced  us  to  raise  up  our  maine 
sayle,  and  to  give  the  word  to  our  small  shot,  which 
all  this  while  lay  close,  well  resolved  and  prepared :  but 
The  English  sodainely  breaking  forth  wee  plyed  them  in  such  sort 
fight-  that  wee  made  them  give  backe  and  shrinke  from  their 

former  forwardnesse. 

The  fight  continued  some  halfe  houre  in  our  quarter, 
and  according  to  the  terrour  of  such  encounters,  wee  were 
compast  as  it  were  in  fire  and  smoake,  untill  they 
discovered  the  waste  of  our  Ship  naked,  and  were 
encouraged  with  the  hope  of  reciprocall  damage,  where- 
upon they  bravely  ranne  upon  our  side,  and  laid  us 
aboord  loofe  to  loofe,  hastning  with  Pikes  and  Swords 
Spaniards  to  enter,  to  which  was  added  such  fury,  that  if  they 
seeke  to  enter,  ha(j  not  beene  prevented,  we  should  have  shrunke  under 
the  rage  of  a  barbarous  slaughter :  but  it  pleased  God 
so  to  direct  our  Master  with  advice,  and  encourage  our 
men  with  valour,  that  our  Pikes  being  formerly  placed 
under  our  halfe  decke,  and  certaine  shot  lying  close  for 
that  purpose  under  the  portels  of  the  Shippe,  encountred 
them  so  bravely,  that  their  fury  was  not  onely  rebated, 
but  their  hastinesse  intercepted,  and  the  whole  Company 
Their  repulse,  beaten  backe,  especially  upon  the  wind-ward  side,  where 
the  charge  was  hottest,  and  the  fight  bloodiest;  for  there 
the  throng  was  great,  and  men  had  worke  enough  to 
make  proofe  of  their  courages  and  fortunes.  Divers  of 
our  men  were  hurt,  and  many  fell  on  their  side. 

In  the  end  they  were  violently  repulsed  by  us,  enforced 
to  a  retreat,  untill  they  were  reinforced  backe  againe  by 
their  Commanders,  who  standing  upon  tearmes  of  honor, 
as  being  men  of  Warre,  and  designed  for  that  purpose, 
thought  it  an  indignity  to  be  so  afronted  and  counter- 
Second  charge,  manded ;  which  caused  a  second  charge,  and  that  was 
answered  with  a  second  beating  backe,  till  the  Captaine 
himselfe  grew  enraged,  as  not  brooking  to  be  so  much 

138 


A   SEA   FIGHT  a.d. 

1620. 

overmated,  and  constrained   them   to   come   on   a   fresh,  Third  charge. 

which  they  did  so  effectually,  that  questionlesse  it   had. 

wrought  an  alteration,  if  the  God  that  tosseth  Monarchies, 

and  teareth  the  Mountaines  in  his  fury,  had  not  taught 

us  to  tosse  our  Pikes  with  prosperous  event,  and  poured 

out  a  sodaine  volley  of  small  shot   upon  them,  whereby 

that  worthy  Commander  was  slaine  at  the   foote   of  a  T^eir  CaP~ 

Pike,   and    many    of  his    Souldiers    dropped    downe   on  tam  satne- 

the   top   of  the   hatches.     Presently   our   Master  tooke 

advantage    of    their    discomfiture    (though    with    some 

commiseration  for  their  valiant  Captaine  so  slaine)  that 

hee  not  onely  plyed  them  a  fresh  with  great  Ordnance, 

but  had   more  false  shot  under  the  Pikes,  which  were 

bestowed  to  good  purpose,  and  amased  our  enemies  with 

the  sodainnesse. 

Amongst  the  rest  one  Lucas  our  Carpenters  mate  must  Lucas  his 
not  be  forgotten,  who  perceived   a  way  how  to  annoy  brave  acU 
them,   as   they   were   thus   pusled   and   in   a   confusion, 
drue  out  a  minion  which  hee  nobly  set  a  worke  under 
the  halfe  decke,  till  at  the  last  hee  brought  it  to  the  doxe 
of  the  halfe  decke,  and  there  bent  it  upon  them,  but 
in  such  a  manner,  that  when  it  was  fiered  the  cases  full 
of  stones  and  peeces  of  Iron  fell  upon  them  like  haile, 
and  cleared  their  decke  in  such  a  sort  that  it  slue  many,  The  case 
and  in  short  time  we  saw  few  assailants,  but  onely  such  altered. 
as  crept  from  place  to  place  very  covertly,  and  seemed  0mmum 
willing  to  obscure  themselves  from  the  fury  of  our  shot,  v-lcissitud0. 
which   now  was  thicker  then   theirs :    For  although   (as 
farre  as  we  may  commend  our  enemies)  they  had  done 
some  things  worthy  of  admiration :    yet    either    wanting 
men,  or  overtaken  with  the  unlooked  for  valour  of  our 
company,    they    now    began    to    shrinke,    and    gave    us 
leave  to  be  wanton  with  our  advantage. 

Yet  were    our    great  Ordnance    onely    foure,  that  we  The  English 
could  use  in  this  fight,  but  it  should  seeme  they  served  couid  use  but 
the  turne  as  well  as  foure  times  foure :    for    they    shot  Q^nance 
her    divers    times    betweene    winde    and    water,    and    so 
prevailed,    that   at    last    we    saw   many    signes    of  their 

J39 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1620. 

willingnesse  to  leave  us,  but  by  reason  she  was  fast  in 
a  slach  of  our  cable,  which  in  haste  of  weighing  our 
anchor  hung  loose,  she  could  not  be  divided  nor  make 
that  way  shee  purposed,  untill  one  of  our  men  cut  it 
with  an  Axe  without  direction,  and  was  slaine  for  his 
labour.  But  when  she  perceived  she  was  loose,  after 
she  had  beene  a  boord  two  houres  and  a  halfe,  good 
Spaniards  fall  Lord  what  haste  she  made,  and  how  quickly  were  we 
°ff'  divided,    both    great   and    small    shot    playing   on    both 

sides,  which  lasted  untill  the  remotenesse  was  above  a 
Caliver  shot,  and  we  discovered  the  vice-Admirall 
comming  to  her  assistance,  who  began  a  farre  off  to 
ply  us  with  great  shot,  and  put  us  in  minde  we  had 
another  worke  in  hand. 

Whereupon  wee  manned  our   Ship  a  new,  separating 

the  dead  and   hurt  bodies  by  themselves  from  us,  and 

Bravado         were  so  encouraged,  that  we  waved  her,  and  in  a  manner 

tTrfie/d,  made  toward  her  to  fight  a  fresh  :  For  when  we  perceived, 

that  the  Admirall  made  not  a  shot  more  at  us,  we  verily 

imagined,  that  either  she  was   preparing  her  selfe  with 

[IV.  ix.  a  new  supply,  or  wanted  men  to  make  her  serviceable  or 

i7°2-J  resolved  to  goe  away  from  us,  considering  shee  had  lost 

her  Captaine ;  yet  loth  to  bee  secure,  and  imagining  the 

Vice-admirall  might  come  and  boord  us  finding  us  play, 

till  the  Admirall   did   make    her   selfe  better  readie,  we 

prepared  our  selves,  wondring   yet   that    shee   came    no 

neerer    us    then    Falcon    shot,  wherewith    she   plyed    us 

still  on  the  Lee  side,  untill  at  last  she  received  another 

payment    from    our    Demie-culvering,   which    shot    her 

through,    and    made    her    beare    with    the    shore    into 

smooth   water,    where    shee    remayned    till    two    of   the 

clocke  after  midnight,  and  so  wee  had  time  to  reforme 

our    disorders,  and    make    our   selves  better   readie   for 

the  next  dayes  varietie. 

Next  dayes  By   breake   of   day    she    came    up    againe   with    the 

Mht-  Admirall   with    her;    as   if  they   determined    indeed   to 

devoure   us   at   once ;    but   as   it  seemed  it  was  but  a 

Bravado,  though   for   the   time   they  forsooke   not   our 

140 


A   SEA  FIGHT  ad. 

1620. 

quarter  within  Musket  shot :  for  all  that  night  and 
morning  they  were  quiet  Neighbours,  and  kept  us 
company  without  any  great  annoyance  with  their  Top- 
sayles  downe,  not  knowing,  as  it  should  seeme,  what 
to  doe  with  us,  or  else  suspecting  their  owne  hurts 
and  Leakes,  they  durst  not  trust  themselves  too  farre 
from  Land,  nor  to  the  furie  of  another  encounter.  All 
that  night  we  had  time  and  leisure  to  over-looke  our 
losses,  and  prepare  for  them,  the  Admirall  made  shew 
of  an  encounter,  and  we  after  Prayers  were  ended 
provided  to  fight  with  them,  but  suddenly  wee  per- 
ceived the  Vice-Admirall  hang  a  sterne,  cutting  her 
mayne  sayle  to  come  up,  and  stirring  very  ill. 

At  length  the  Admirall  shooke  in  the  wind,  and   by 
apparant   signes   gave   us   notice   of  slacking  her  course, 
whereby   we   might   runne   a   head   and    follow   the    Seas 
at    her    pleasure,    so    wee    perceived    the    Vice-Admirall  The  Vice- 
with   all   her  Savles  to  make    towardes    an    Hand    called  AdfiraU 

sppkpth.  to 

Sana,    which    the    Admirall    either    tooke    notice    of,    as  recover  ^ 
knowing    the    danger    she    was    in,    or    gave    directions  Hand,  and  the 
accordingly,  considering  there  was  no  good  to  bee  done  qualitie,Sana. 
with    us :    for    presently  she  tacked  about   and   lost    us, 
bearing  toward  that  Hand  also. 

Wee  lost  Doctor  Bohune,  and  seven  other  were  slaine  Doctor  Bo/une 
out-right :    two  died   shortly  after  of  their  wounds,   and  <™d  seven 
sixteene   were    shot    through   in   some    part  or   other    of  other\ slaine 
the  bodie,  whose  wounds  Gods  be  thanked  were  recured 
and   without   mayme   or   further    impeachment  of  health 
are  now  recovered  and  settled  in  Virginia,  according  to 
our   first   entended   purpose  and  Commission :    1  reckon 
not    such    as    are    hurt  with   Pikes    and    other    offensive 
Weapons,  because   there   was   no   danger   in   their   cures, 
and  the  skilfull  Surgeon  shewed  his  art  and  good  speed 
with    facilitie.     How    many    they    lost    wee    cannot    tell,  Spanish  losse. 
nor  what  men  of  name  were  entertayned  amongst  them, 
onely  I  am  sure  we  saw  many  lie  slaine  on  the  Decke, 
and    more    cast    over-boord    in    the    fight,    besides    the 
Scuppers    ran  with    bloud,  and    the    very    Sea    in    their 

141 


described. 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1620. 

quarter  was  coloured  with  a  Scarlet  hue,  and  looked 
fearfully  upon  us  all. 
Spanish  ships  The  burthen  of  their  Admirall  was  three  hundred 
tunnes,  having  two  and  twentie  Peeces  of  Brasse,  and 
all  provision  of  a  man  of  Warre  indeed :  their  Vice- 
Admirall  three  hundred  tuns,  and  sixteene  cast  Peeces, 
nor  much  inferiour  to  her  for  trimming  and  corre- 
spondent Equipage,  and  both  to  outward  shew  over- 
masterfull  and  daring  for  one  poore  Merchant  and 
Passenger,  being  but  a  hundred  and  sixtie  tunnes,  having 
eight  Iron  Peeces  and  one  Falcon,  over-loaden  with  StufFe 
and  Wares,  encombred  with  Passengers,  toyled  with  a 
storme,  tyred  with  a  long  Voyage,  affrighted  with  wants, 
and  every  way  insufficient  to  answere  any  such  enemie  : 
but  as  it  is  in  the  Scripture,  it  is  all  one  to  thee,  O  God, 
whether  there  be  few  or  many,  and  Gedeons  three 
hundred  shall  slay  many  thousands  of  the  Midianites : 
as  for  deliverances,  the  people  of  Israeli  shall  passe 
through  the  Red  Sea  dry  foot :  Jonas  shall  bee  cast  safe 
on  shoare  out  of  the  Whales  belly :  and  Paul  shall  escape 
shipwracke,  saving  his  life  with  all  his  Passengers  in 
the  Hand  of  Malta. 

For  to  conclude  with  the  purpose  in  hand,  there  is 
one  thing  most  remarkable  as  an  inducement  to  this 
our  deliverance,  that  Captaine  Chester  embraced  Doctor 
Bohune  beeing  mortally  wounded,  and  thus  recomforted 
him,  saying,  O  Doctor  Bohune  what  a  disaster  is  this; 
the  Noble  Doctor  no  whit  exanimated,  replyed;  Fight 
it  out  brave  man,  the  cause  is  good,  and  Lord  receive 
my  soule. 

A  Sea  Fight. 

Slaine  out  right.  Doctor  Bohune.  Thomas  Demeter 
Gentleman.  Th.  Read.  William  Garret.  Th.  Vernam. 
Gabriel  Petes.  David  Bathering.  Raph.  &c.  Died  after. 
Francis  Annis  Gentleman.  Ed.  Nerobery  Sayler. 
Wounded  yet  cured.  William  Bird  Gentleman.  Alexander 
Boventine.  William  Bannington  Gentleman.  William  Joyce 

142 


A   SEA   FIGHT  a.d. 

1621. 

Quarter    Master.   John   Wakings.   John  Wilson   Sayler. 

George    Tayler    Sayler.    William    Lucas    Sayler.    John 

Robbins  Steward.   Phillip  Durwine.     Three  Frenchmen. 

Robert  Lector.  Anthony  Browne  Gentleman. 

Chap.  XV. 

Virginian   affaires  since   the  yeere    1620.    till   this  tIV- 1X- 

present   1024. 

§.  1. 

A  note  of  the  shipping,  men,  and  provisions  sent 
and  provided  for  Virginia,  by  the  Right  Honour- 
able Henry  Earle  of  South-hampton,  and  the 
Company,  and  other  private  Adventurers, 
in  the  yeere  1621.  &c.  with  other  Occurrents 
then  published  by  the  Company. 

Ships  And  People. 

He  Elianor   30.  tun:   in   May    1621. 

with   10.  persons. 

The  George  180.  tun:  in  July.   120. 

The  Charles  120.  tunne :  in  July.  80. 

The   Marmaduke    100.  tun:  in  July 

80. 

The  Temperance  80.  tun :  in  July  50. 

The  Warwicke   160.  tun:  in  August  100. 

7  The  Tigre  40.  tun  :  in  August  40. 

8  The  Sea-flowre   140.  tun:  in  August  120. 

9  The   Flying    Hart  200.   tun :    in    August   60.    Men, 

and  40.  Cattell. 

10  The  Discoverie  60.  tun :  in  November 

1 1  The  Bona  Nova  200.  tun :  in  November 

1 2  The  Hope-well  60.  tun :  in  November 

13  The  God-speed   150.  tun:  in  Aprill   1622. 

14  The  Gift  of  God   140.  tun:  in  Aprill 

1 5  The  Prime-Rose  80.  tun :  in  Aprill 

1 6  The  Charitie  80.  tun :  in  Aprill 

143 


2 

3 
4 

5 
6 


20. 

50. 

20. 
100. 
100. 

60 

30- 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

17  The  Bonaventure  50.  tun:   in  Aprill  10. 

18  The   White   Lion    180.   tun:  in  May  40  Men,  40. 

Cattell. 

19  The  Furtherance   180.  tun:   in  May  80.  men. 

20  The  Margaret  and  John    160.  tun:   in  May  80. 

21  The  James   120.  tun:  in  May  80. 

Summe  of  the  persons,   1300.     Cattell  80. 

Sent  also  to  the  Summer  Hands  by  that  Company. 

22  The  Joseph    150.  tun:  in  May   1621.   100.  persons. 

23  The  James   120.  tun:  in  July  80. 

24  The  Concord   180.  tun :  in  August  70. 

Persons      250. 

So  there  is  foure  and  twentie  Sayle  of  ships,  with 
five  hundred  Mariners  in  them  imployed  to  these 
Plantations  in  this  yeere. 

Besides,  there  are  now  providing  severall  ships  in 
divers  parts  of  this  Kingdome  to  transport  to  the 
Plantations  above  five  hundred  persons. 

And  for  the  benefit  of  the  Plantations  these  things 
following  have  beene  here  done  this  yeere. 

Beads.  Sixteene  persons  and  others  have  beene  provided  and 

sent  for  the  making  of  Beads  for  trade  in  the  Countrie 
with  the  Natives,  and  for  making  Glasse  of  all  sorts. 

Maids.  Seven    and    fiftie    young    Maides   have   beene   sent   to 

make  wives  for  the  Planters,  divers  of  which  were  well 
married  before  the  comming  away  of  the  Ships. 

Magazine.  A  Magazine  hath  beene  sent  of  all  necessaries  for  the 

Colonie,  to  the  value  of  two  thousand  pound,  besides 
all  private  mens  sending  goods,  which  was  very  ample, 
Trade  being  set  open  for  all  his  Majesties  Subjects. 
A  ship  called  the  Discoverie,  hath  beene  set  out  for  the 

Furre-trade.  rich  Trade  of  Furres,  which  both  the  French  and 
Hollanders  have  yeerely  within  our  Precincts,  and 
within   fiftie  leagues  of  us.     Five   and    twentie    persons 

Boat-builders,  for  the  building  of  Boats,  Pinnasses  and  Ships,  for  the 
necessarie    use   of  the   Colonie   for    fishing,   Trade,  and 

144 


OCCURRENTS   IN   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1620. 

Discoverie,   &c.     Seven    persons    sent    for    planting    the 

thousand  Acres  of  Land  given  to  the  East  Indie  Schoole.  East  lndte 

Schoole. 

Other  Occurents  of  Note. 

The  Governours  arrivall  in  Virginia,  at  the  end  of 
the  last  Summer,  with  nine  ships,  and  neere  seven 
hundred  people,  all  safely,  and  in  good  health.  The 
admirable  deliverance  of  divers  ships ;  and  namely,  of 
the  Tiger,  which  beeing  driven  strangely  neere  two 
hundred  leagues  out  of  her  course,  fell  into  the  Turkes 
hands,  and  yet  came  save  to  Virginia. 

Master  Berkleyes  Letters  assure  us,  that  there  is  not  [IV- 1X- 
a  more  fit  place  for  Iron-workes  then  in  Virginia,  both  I784-J 

for  Wood,  Water,  Mynes,  and  Stone :  and  that  by  Whit- 
sontide  next,  wee  may  relie  upon  Iron  made  by  him. 

The  Plants  of  Cotton-wooll  trees  that  came  out  of  Cotton. 
the  West  Indies,  prosper  exceeding  well,  and  the 
Cotton-wooll-feeds  from  the  Mogols  Countrie  come  up, 
and  grow :  Samples  of  it  they  have  sent ;  and  this 
Commoditie  they  hope  this  yeere  to  bring  to  a  good 
perfection  and  quantitie.  The  Indico  Seed  thrives  well,  India. 
but  they  yet  want  knowledge  how  to  cure  it. 

Our    Frenchmen   assure   us   that   no   Countrie   in    the 
World    is    more    proper    for    Vines,    Silke,  Olives,  Rice,  Vines. 
&c.    then    Virginia,    and    that    it    excelleth    their    owne 
Countrey.     The    Vines    beeing    in    abundance    naturally 
over  all  the  Countrey :  a  taste  of  which  Wine  they  have 
alreadie  sent  us,  with  hope  the  next  yeere  to  send  us  a 
good  quantitie.     There  bee  Mulberie  trees  in  wonderfull  s^e  and 
abundance,  and   much   excelling  both   in   goodnesse   and      u  enes' 
greatnesse    those    of    their    Countrey    of    Languedocke. 
To  the  full  perfecting  of  both  which  rich   Commodities 
of  Wine  and   Silke,   there   wanteth   nothing    but   hands. 
And  of  the  Mulberies  may  bee  made  also  good  whole- 
some  Wine   for   the   people    there.     And   of  a   certaine 
Plumme  in  the  Countrey,  they  have  made  good  drinke.  Plum-drinke. 

Salt-workes  are  erecting  (the  proper  place  being  now  Sa/t-workes. 
found,  as  the  Rocheller  doth  certifie  us)  whereby  many 
xix  145  K 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1620. 

ships  will  transport  people  at  easier  rates  hereafter, 
finding  Salt  there  to  furnish  them  for  the  great  and 
profitable  fishings  upon  that  Coast,  whither  twentie 
sayle  of  ships  went  this  last  yeere  out  of  the  Westerne 
parts  of  England,  besides  the  ships  formerly  mentioned. 
New  Dis-  Master   John   Porie   hath  of  late  made   a  Discoverie 

p^ner  y  '  into  the  great  Bay  Northward  (yet  at  the  bottome  of 
it  he  was  not,  reserving  it  to  a  second  Voyage)  where 
are  now  setled  neere  one  hundred  English  very  happily, 
with  hope  of  a  good  Trade  of  Furres  there  to  bee  had. 
And  Terra  Lemnia  was  sent  us  from  thence,  which  is 
found  as  good  as  that  of  Turkey,  and  is  in  great  abun- 
dance to  be  had. 

In  February  last  he  likewise  discovered  to  the  South 
River,  some  sixtie  miles  over  Land  from  us,  a  very 
fruitfull  and  pleasant  Countrey,  full  of  Rivers,  wherein 
are  two  Harvests  in  one  yeere  (the  great  King  giving  him 
friendly  entertainment,  and  desirous  to  make  a  league 
with  us)  hee  found  also  there  in  great  quantitie  of  the 
same  Silke-grasse  (as  appeareth  by  the  samples  sent  us) 
whereof  Master  Heriot  in  his  Booke  1587.  makes 
relation,  who  then  brought  home  some  of  it,  with 
which  a  piece  of  Grogeran  was  made,  and  given  to 
Queene  Elizabeth,  and  some  heere  who  have  lived  in 
the  East  Indies  afnrme,  that  they  make  all  their 
Cambaya  StufFes  of  this,  and  Cotton-wooll.  Also  in  his 
passage  by  Land,  Master  Porey  discovered  a  Countrey 
full  of  Pine-trees,  above  twentie  miles  long,  whereby  a 
great  abundance  of  Pitch  and  Tarre  may  bee  made : 
and  other  sorts  of  woods  there  were,  fit  for  Pot-ashes 
and  Sope-ashes. 
Copper  Mine.  The  Indians  have  made  relation  of  a  Copper  Myne, 
that  is  not  farre  from  thence,  how  they  gather  it,  and 
the  strange  making  of  it :  a  piece  whereof  was  sent 
home,  being  found  (after  trial)  very  excellent  metalL 
Some  of  the  English  have  made  relation  of  a  China 
Boxe  seene  at  one  of  the  Kings  Houses,  who  declared, 
that   it   was   sent   him   from  the   West,  by   a   King   that 

146 


OCCURRENTS    IN    VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

dwels  over  the  great  Hils,  whose  Countrey  is  neere  the 
Sea,  he  having  that  Boxe  from  a  people  as  hee  said, 
that  come  thither  in  ships,  and  weare  clothes,  and  dwell 
in  Houses,  and  are  called  Acanackchina.  And  he 
offered  our  people  that  he  would  send  his  Brother 
along  with  them  to  that  King :  which  the  Governour 
purposeth  not  to  refuse,  hoping  thereby  to  discover  the 
South  Sea,  so  long  talked  of. 

A  small  ship  comming  in  December  last  from  the 
Summer-Hands,  to  Virginia,  brought  thither  from  thence  Summer  Hand 
these  Plants,  viz.  Vines  of  all  sorts,  Orange  and  Leman  P^ants- 
trees,  Sugar  Canes,  Cassado  Roots  (that  make  bread) 
Pines,  Plantans,  Potatoes,  and  sundry  other  Indian 
fruits  and  plants,  not  formerly  seene  in  Virginia,  which 
begin  to  prosper  very  well. 

Gifts. 

The  Gentlemen  and  Mariners  that  came  in  the 
Royall  James,  from  the  East  Indies  (beeing  at  Cape  Bona 
Speranza  homeward  bound)  gave  towards  the  building 
of  a  Free  Schoole  in  Virginia,  to  be  called  the  East 
Indie  Schoole,  the  summe  of  seventie  pound  eight 
shillings  six  pence. 

Towards  the  furtherance  of  the  said  East  India 
Schoole,  an  unknowne  person  hath  added  the  summe  of 
thirtie  pound. 

A  person  refusing  to  be  made  knowne,  hath  given 
the  summe  of  fortie  shillings  a  yeere  for  ever,  for  a 
Sermon,  before  the  Virginia  Company  thirtie  pounds. 

At  a  Quarter  Court  held  the  thirtieth  of  January 
1 62 1.  by  a  person  not  willing  as  yet  to  bee  knowne, 
was  sent  in  Gold  to  helpe  forward  the  East  Indie  Schoole, 
five  and  twentie  pounds. 

At  the  same  Quarter  Court,  a  small  Bible,  with  a 
cover  richly  wrought ;  a  great  Church  Bible ;  Bookes  of 
Common  Prayer ;  and  other  Books  were  presented  to 
be  sent  to  Virginia,  in  the  name  of  a  person  who  had 
the   yeere    before  sent,  for   the    use   of  the  Colledge  at 

147 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

Henrico,  divers  Bookes,  and  an  exact  Map  of  America ; 
the  Giver  is  not  knowne,  but  the  Bookes  are  valued  at 
tenne  pound. 
[IV.  ix.  Given  by  Master  Thomas  Bargrave,  Preacher  in  Vir- 

I785-J  ginia  deceassed,  for  the  use  of  the  Colledge,  a  Library 
valued  at  a  hundred  Markes. 

And  there  is  a  contribution  made  by  the  Inhabitants 
in  Virginia,  for  the  building  of  an  house  of  entertain- 
ment for  new  commers  at  James  Citie,  amounting  to 
the  value  of  fifteene  hundred  pounds. 

Patents  granted  this  yeere. 

1  To  the  Ladie  Dale. 

2  To  Sir  Dudly  Digges. 

3  To  Sir  John  Bourchier. 

4  To  Captaine  Ralph  Hamer. 

5  To  Master  Arthur  Swayne,  &c. 

6  To  Master  Rowland  Truelove,  &c. 

7  To  Master  John  Crowe. 

8  To  Master  Edward  Rider. 

9  To  Captaine  Simon  Leeke. 

10  To  Master  Daniell  Gookin. 

1 1  To  Master  Edward  Bennet. 

12  To  Master  Joseph  Leming. 

13  To  Sir  Charles  North. 

14  To  Sir  George  Yeardly. 

15  To  Master  Thomas  Leveson. 

16  To  Captaine  William  Wildon. 

17  To  Master  Henry  Southey. 

18  To  Martins  Hundred. 

19  To  Master  Robert  Moston. 

20  To  Master  Edmund  Wynne. 

21  To  Captaine  Henry  Pelham,  &c. 

22  To  Captaine  Daniell  Tucker. 

23  To  Sir  Bowyer  Worsly. 

24  To  Master  Thomas  Buckley. 

25  To  Master  Francis  Harwell. 

26  To  Sir  John  Brooke. 

148 


OCCURRENTS   IN  VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

Who  together  with  their  Associates,  have  undertaken 
to  transport  great  multitudes  of  people  and  cattle  to 
Virginia. 

§.  n. 

Newes  from  Virginia  in  Letters  sent  thence  1621. 
partly  published  by  the  Company,  partly  tran- 
scribed from  the  Originals,  with  Letters  of 
his  Majestie,  and  of  the  Company  touching 
Silke-workes. 

N  the  three  last  yeeres  of  1619.  1620.  and  1621. 
there  hath  beene  provided  and  sent  for  Virginia 
two  and  fortie  Saile  of  ships,  three  thousand  five  357°-  people 
hundred   and   seventie  men   and   women   for  Plantation,  se^t.t0.~ 
with   requisite   provisions,    besides    store    of  Cattle,   and  fAree  jast 
in  those  ships  have  beene  above  twelve  hundred  Mariners  yeeres 42. Saile 
imployed :   There   hath  also  beene  sent  in  those  yeeres  of  ships, 
nine   ships    to    the    Summer    Hands    with    about    nine  I2°°/  ^fariJ 
hundred   people   to    inhabit   there,    in   which   ships   two  "^  To  the 
hundred  and  fortie  Mariners  were  imployed.     In  which  Summer 
space    have    beene   granted    fifty    Patents    to    particular  Hands. 
persons,    for    Plantation    in    Virginia,    who    with    their  Nt»e  ships,  & 
Associates   have    undertaken   therein    to    transport  great  ^s' impkled 
multitudes  of  people  and  cattell   thither,  which  for  the 
most  part  is   since    performed,  and   the   residue   now  in 
preparing,  as  by  the  severall  Declarations  of  each  yeere 
in    their  particulars,   (manifested  and  approoved  in   our 
generall  and  publike  Quarter-Courts)  and  for  the  fuller 
satisfaction    of  all   desirous   to    understand    the    particu- 
larities   of    such    proceedings,    hath    beene    by    printing 
commended  to  the  understanding  of  all. 

Sir  Francis  Wiat  was  sent  Governour  into  Virginia, 
who  arrived  there  in  November  1621.  with  Master 
George  Sandys  Treasurer,  Master  Davison  Secretarie, 
&c.  In  the  nine  ships  sent  in  that  Fleet  died  but  one 
Passenger  of  seven  hundred,  in  whose  roome  there  was 
another  also  borne  at  Sea.     Their  provisions  were  not 

149 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

found  so  well  conditioned  as  was  expected.  The  Sailers 
are  still  blamed  for  imbezelling  the  goods  sent  to  private 
persons,  for  killing  of  Swine,  inordinate  trucking  &c. 
It  was  ordained  that  for  every  head  they  should  plant 
but  a  thousand  plants  of  Tobacco  (and  for  the  better 
strength  not  to  suffer  above  nine  leaves  to  grow  on 
each  plant)  which  will  make  about  a  hundred  weight. 

Master  Gookin  arrived  also  out  of  Ireland  with  fiftie 
men  of  his  owne,  and  thirtie  Passengers  well  furnished. 
The  present  gaine  by  Tobacco,  had  made  the  planting 
of  Corne  to  be  neglected :  and  some  thinke  that  if 
Corne  might  there  be  valued  (not  at  two  shillings  sixe 
pence  the  bushell)  as  deere  as  that  which  is  brought 
from  hence,  there  would  be  lesse  feare  of  famine,  or 
dependance  on  Tobacco. 

The  Letters  written  from  the  Governour  and  Treasurer 
in  Virginia  in  the  beginning  of  March  last,  (which  came 
hither  in  Aprill)  gave  assurance  of  overcomming  and 
bringing  to  perfection  in  this  yeere,  the  Iron-workes, 
Glasse-workes,  Salt-workes,  the  plentifull  sowing  of  all 
sorts  of  English  graine  with  the  Plough,  having  now 
cleered  good  quantitie  of  ground ;  setting  of  store  of 
Indian  Corne  or  Maiz,  sufficient  for  our  selves,  and  for 
trucke  with  the  Natives ;  restraint  of  the  quantitie  of 
Tobacco,  and  amendment  of  it  in  the  qualitie,  learned 
by  time  and  experience;  The  planting  of  Vines  and 
Mulberie  trees  neere  to  their  Houses,  Figge-trees,  Pome- 
granates, Potatoes,  and  Cotton-wooll  Seeds,  Pocoon, 
Indico,  Sugar  Canes,  Madder,  Woade,  Hempe,  Flaxe, 
[IV.  ix.  and  Silke-grasse ;  and  for  the   erecting  of  a  faire   Inne 

1786.]  jn  James  Citie  for  the  better  entertainment  of  new 
commers,  whereto  and  to  other  publike  workes,  every 
old  Planter  there  offered  freely  and  liberally  to  contri- 
bute. I  write  the  words  of  their  Letters.  And  how 
in  a  late  Discoverie  made,  a  few  moneths  before  by 
some  of  them  to  the  Southward,  they  had  past  thorow 
Forrest  of  great  Forrests  of  Pines,  fifteene  or  sixteene  miles  broad, 
Pines.  and    above    threescore   miles   long,    very   fit   for    Masts 

150 


OCCURRENTS   IN   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

for  shipping,  and  for  Pitch  and  Tarre,  and  of  other 
sorts  of  woods  fit  for  Pot-ashes  and  Sope-ashes,  and 
came  unto  a  most  fruitfull  Countrey,  blessed  with 
abundance  of  Corne,  reaped  twice  a  yeere  (within  the 
limits  of  Virginia)  where  also  they  understand  of  a 
Copper  Myne,  an  essay  whereof  was  sent,  and  upon 
trial!  here  found  to  be  very  rich,  and  met  with  a  great 
deale  of  Silke-grasse  there  growing,  which  monethly 
may  be  cut,  of  which  kinds,  and  Cotton-wooll,  all  the 
Cambaya  and  Bengala  Stuffes  are  made  in  the  East 
Indies :  and  of  which  kindes  of  Silke-grasse  was  here- 
tofore made  a  piece  of  Grogeram  given  to  Queene 
Elizabeth.  And  how  that  in  December  last  they  had  M.  Harlot  in 
planted  and  cultivated  in  Virginia  Vines  of  all  (as  well  h"  Booke  °f 
those  naturally  growing,  as  those  other  Plants  sent  them  j  is.%t 
from  these  parts  of  Europe)  Orenge  and  Lemon-trees,  Vines  planted. 
Fig-trees,  Sugar  Canes,  Cotton-wooll,  Cassavi  Roots 
(that  make  very  good  bread)  Plantanes,  Potatoes,  and 
sundry  other  Indian  fruits  and  Plants  not  formerly  seene 
in  Virginia,  which  at  the  time  of  their  said  Letters  began 
to  prosper  very  well :  as  also  their  Indico  Seed,  for  the 
true  cure  whereof  there  is  lately  caused  a  Treatise  to 
be  written. 

Furthermore,  they    write  that   in   a   Voyage   made  by 
Lieutenant    Marmaduke    Parkinson,   and    other    English 
Gentlemen,    up    the    River    of    Patomacke    they    saw  a 
China   Boxe   at  one   of  the   Kings   Houses    where   they  Note.  J  China 
were.     This    Boxe    or    Casket    was    made    of    braided  Boxe  seene 
Palmito,   painted   without,  and   lined  in  the   inside   with  Saw 
blue    Taffata    after    the    China    or    East    India    fashion. 
They  enquiring  whence  it  came,  the  King  of  Patomecke 
said,  it  was  presented  him  by  a  certaine   people  of  the 
Mountaines    toward   the    South-west,   who    got    it    from 
another  Nation  beyond  them  some  thirtie  dayes  journie 
from  Patomacke,  called  Acana  Echinac,  beeing  of  small 
stature,  who  had  Houses,  Apparell,  and  Houshold  stuffe 
like   us,   and   living  within    foure   dayes  journey   of  the 
Sea,    had    ships    come    into    their     River :    and    he    his 

151 


vages. 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

Brother  along  with  them  to  that  King,  which  offer  the 
Governour  purposed  not  to  refuse ;  and  the  rather,  by 
reason  of  the  continuall  constant  relations  of  all  those 
Savages  in  Virginia,  of  a  Sea,  and  the  way  to  it  West, 
they  affirming  that  the  heads  of  all  those  seven  goodly 
Rivers  (the  least  whereof  is  greater  then  the  River  of 
Thames,  and  Navigable  above  an  hundred  and  fiftie 
miles,  and  not  above  sixe  or  eight  miles  one  from 
another)  which  fall  all  into  one  great  Bay,  have  their 
rising  out  of  a  ridge  of  Hils,  that  runnes  all  along- 
South  and  North:  whereby  they  doubt  not  but  to 
find  a  safe,  easie,  and  good  passage  to  the  South  Sea,, 
part  by  water,  and  part  by  Land,  esteeming  it  not 
above  an  hundred  and  fiftie  miles  from  the  head  of  the 
Falls,  where  we  are  now  planted ;  the  Discoverie  where- 
of will  bring  forth  a  most  rich  Trade  to  Cathay,  China, 
Japan,  and  those  other  of  the  East  Indies,  to  the  inesti- 
mable benefit  of  this  Kingdome. 

M.  Berkley.  Moreover,  the  Letters  of  Master  John  Berkley,  some- 
times of  Bevestone  Castle  in  the  Countie  of  Glocester, 
(a  Gentleman  of  an  Honourable  Family)  likewise  certifie, 
that  a  more  fit  place  for  Iron-workes  (whereof  he  was 
made  Master  and  Over-seer)  then  in  Virginia,  both  for 
Wood,  Water,  Mynes,  and  Stone,  was  not  to  be  found : 
And  that  by  Whitsontide  the  Company  might  relye  upon 
good  quantities  of  Iron   made  by   him :    which  also  by 

M.G.Sandys.  Letters  from  Master  George  Sandys  the  third  of  March 
last,  was  confirmed,  with  this  farther  description  of  the 
place  (called  The  falling  Creeke)  to  be  so  fitting  for 
that  purpose,  as  if  Nature  had  applyed  her  selfe  to  the 
wish  and  direction  of  the  Workman ;  where  also  were 
great  stones  hardly  seene  else-where  in  Virginia,  laying 
on  the  place,  as  though  they  had  beene  brought  thither 
to  advance  the  erection  of  those  Workes. 

French  The  Letters   of  the    French  Vignerons   or  Vine-men,. 

Fignerons.  procured  out  of  France,  and  sent  over  into  Virginia, 
did  likewise  assertaine,  that  no  Countrey  in  the  World 
was  more  proper  for  Vines,  Silke,  Rice,  Olives,  and  other 

152 


OCCURRENTS   IN   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

fruits,  then  Virginia  is :  and  that  it  farr  excelled  their 
owne  Countrie  of  Languedocke ;  the  Vines  of  divers 
sorts  being  in  abundance  naturally  over  all  the  Countrey. 
They  scarsly  beleeved  those  fruits  to  be  Grapes  till  they 
had  opened  them  and  seene  their  kernels;  such  was 
their  bignesse.  They  are  in  love  with  the  Countrey, 
and  having  planted  some  cuttings  of  Vines  at  Michael- 
mas last,  in  their  Letters  affirme  that  these  bare  Grapes 
alreadie  this  Spring  to  their  great  wonder,  as  being  a 
thing  they  suppose  not  heard  off  in  any  other  Countrie. 
A  taste  of  Wine  made  of  the  wilde  Grape,  they  last 
yeere  sent,  with  hope  to  send  a  good  quantitie  this  next 
Vintage ;  and  that  the  Mulbery  trees,  where  they  abode  Mulberies 
were  in  wonderfull  abundance,  and  much  excelling  both 
in  goodnesse  and  greatnesse  those  of  their  owne  Countrey 
of  Languedocke :  and  that  those  Silke-wormes  they  have, 
prosper  exceeding  well,  and  some  Silke  they  hope  to 
send  this  yeere,  there  wanting  nothing  to  set  up  that 
rich  Commoditie  but  store  of  hands  wherewith  England 
doth  abound.  Of  the  fruit  of  which  Mulbery  trees 
(as  of  a  Plumme  there  plentifully  growing)  they  would 
make  wholsome  Drinkes  for  the  Colonie  and  people 
there. 

Opachankanough  doted  on  a  house  which  the  English 
had  built  for  him  of  our  fashion :   hee  dwelled  therein,  [IV.  ix. 
shewed  it  to  his  owne  people  and  strangers  with  pride,  17%7-] 

keeping  his  Keyes  charily,  and  busying  himselfe  with 
locking  and  unlocking  the  doores,  sometimes  a  hundred 
times  in  a  day,  admiring  the  strangenesse  of  that  Engine, 
a  Locke  and  Key.  Hee  gave  the  English  leave  to  seate 
themselves  any  where  on  his  Rivers  where  the  Natives 
are  not  actually  seated,  and  entred  into  further  covenants 
of  amity,  for  reciprocall  defence,  mutuall  transportation, 
discovery  of  mines,  &c.  They  report  also  of  Copper 
Peeces  presented  to  Opachank :  which  Copper  is  gathered 
at  the  foote  of  the  Mountaines,  where  they  digge  a  hole 
in  the  ground,  in  which  they  put  the  oare,  and  make 
thereon   a    great  fire,  which   causeth  it  to  runne  into  a 

153 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

masse,  and  become  malleable :  neither  have  they  any 
tooles,  but  smooth  stones  for  that  purpose.  This  seemed 
strange  to  ours  which  heard  the  English  Copper  passeth 
eleven  fires. 

His  Majesties  gracious  Letter  to  the  Earle  of 
South-hampton,  Treasurer,  and  to  the  Counsell 
and  Company  of  Virginia  here  :  commanding 
the  present  setting  up  of  Silke  workes,  and 
planting  of  Vines  in  Virginia. 

Right  trusty  and  welbeloved,  We  greete  you  well : 
whereas  We  understand,  that  the  Soyle  in  Virginia 
naturally  yeeldeth  store  of  excellent  Mulberry  trees,  We 
have  taken  into  Our  Princely  consideration,  the  great 
benefit  that  may  grow  to  the  Adventurers  and  Planters, 
by  the  breede  of  Silkewormes,  and  setting  up  of  Silke- 
workes  in  those  parts.  And  therefore  of  Our  gracious 
Inclination  to  a  designe  of  so  much  honour  and  advantage 
to  the  publike,  We  have  thought  good,  as  at  sundry 
other  times,  so  now  more  particularly  to  recommend  it  to 
your  speciall  care,  hereby  charging  and  requiring  you  to 
take  speedy  order,  that  our  people  there,  use  all  possible 
diligence  in  breeding  Silkewormes,  and  erecting  Silke- 
workes,  and  that  they  rather  bestow  their  travell  in 
compassing  this  rich  and  solid  Commodity,  then  in  that 
of  Tobacco  ;  which  besides  much  unnecessary  expence, 
brings  with  it  many  disorders  and  inconveniences.  And 
for  as  much  as  Our  servant,  John  Bonoell  hath  taken 
paines  in  setting  downe  the  true  use  of  the  Silkeworme, 
together  with  the  Art  of  Silkemaking,  and  of  planting 
Vines,  and  that  his  experience  and  abilities  may  much 
conduce  to  the  advancement  of  this  businesse ;  We  doe 
hereby  likewise  require  you  to  cause  his  directions,  both 
for  the  said  Silkeworkes  and  Vineyards,  to  be  carefully 
put  in  practice  thorowout  our  Plantations  there,  that  so 
the  worke  may  goe  on  cheerefully,  and  receive  no  more 
interruptions  nor  delayes. 

iS4 


OCCURRENTS    IN  VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

Given  under  Our  Signet,  at  our  Pallace  of  Westminster, 
the  ninth  day  of  July,  in  the  twentieth  yeare  of  our 
Raigne  of  England,  France  and  Ireland,  and  of  Scotland 
the  five  and  fiftieth. 

To  Our  right  trusty  and  right  welbeloved  Cousin  and 
Councellour,  Henry,  Earle  of  South-hampton,  Treasurer 
of  our  Plantation  in  Virginia,  and  to  Our  trusty  and 
welbeloved,  the  Deputy,  and  others  of  Our  said 
Plantation. 

Virginia.  Windebank. 

The  Treasurour,  Counsell  and  Company  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  the  Governour  and  Counsell  of  State 
in  Virginia  residing. 

AFter  our  very  harty  commendations  :  His  Sacred 
Majesty,  out  of  his  high  wisedome  and  care  of  the 
noble  Plantation  of  Virginia,  hath  beene  graciously  pleased 
to  direct  his  Letters  to  us  here  in  England,  thereby  com- 
manding us  to  advance  the  setting  up  of  Silkworkes,  and 
planting  of  Vineyards  ;  as  by  the  Copy  herewith  sent, 
you  may  perceive. 

The  intimation  of  his  Majesties  pleasure,  we  conceive 
to  be  a  motive  sufficient,  to  induce  you  to  imploy  all 
your  indevors  to  the  setting  forward  those  two  Staple 
Commodities  of  Silke  and  Wine  ;  which  brought  to  their 
perfection,  will  infinitely  redound  to  the  honour,  benefit, 
and  comfort  of  the  Colony,  and  of  this  whole  Kingdome  : 
yet  we,  in  discharge  of  our  duties,  doe  againe  renew  our 
often  and  iterated  Instructions,  and  invite  you  cheerefully, 
to  fall  upon  these  two  so  rich,  and  necessary  Commodities. 
And  if  you  shall  finde  any  person,  either  through  negli- 
gence or  wilfulnesse,  to  omit  the  planting  of  Vines,  and 
Mulberry  trees,  in  orderly  and  husbandly  manner,  as  by 
the  Booke  is  prescribed,  or  the  providing  of  convenient 
roomes  for  the  breeding  of  Wormes  ;  we  desire  they  may 
by  severe  censures  and  punishment,  be  compelled  there- 
unto.    And  on  the  contrary,  that  all  favour  and  possible 

i55 


A.D. 
l62I. 


[IV.  ix. 

1788.] 


The  Booke  is 
printed,  con- 
taining many 
good  rules  both 
for  Silkzvorks, 
Vines  &  other 
husbandry  ; 
but  too  long 
here  to  be 
inserted. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

assistance  be  given  to  such  as  yeelde  willing  obedience  to 
his  Highnesse  Commands  therein.  The  breach  or  per- 
formance whereof,  as  we  are  bound  to  give  a  strict 
account,  so  will  it  also  be  required  of  you  the  Governour 
and  Counsell  especially.  Herein  there  can  be  no  Plea, 
either  of  difficulty  or  impossibility;  but  all  the  contrary 
appeares,  by  the  naturall  abundance  of  those  two  excellent 
Plants  afore-named  every  where  in  Virginia  :  neither  will 
such  excuses  be  admitted,  nor  any  other  pretences  serve, 
whereby  the  businesse  be  at  all  delayed  :  and  as  wee 
formerly  sent  at  our  great  charge  the  French  Vignerons 
to  you,  to  teach  you  their  Art  ;  so  for  the  same  purpose 
we  now  commend  this  Booke  unto  you,  to  serve  as  an 
Instructour  to  every  one,  and  send  you  store  of  them  to 
be  dispersed  over  the  whole  Colony,  to  every  Master  of 
a  Family  one,  Silke-seede  you  shall  receive  also  by  this 
Ship,  sufficient  to  store  every  man  :  so  that  there  wants 
nothing,  but  industry  in  the  Planter,  suddenly  to  bring 
the  making  of  Silke  to  its  perfection  :  which  either  for 
their  owne  benefit  (we  hope)  they  will  willingly  indevour, 
or  by  a  wholesome  and  necessary  severity  they  must  be 
inforced. 

This  particular  advice  we  thought  necessary  to  give 
you,  lest  that  if  it  should  have  come  to  you  mingled  with 
others,  you  would  have  interpreted  it  as  a  common 
Instruction,  or  a  businesse  that  was  not  taken  so  to  heart, 
as  this  by  us,  and  we  hope  will  be  by  you  in  humble 
obedience  to  his  Sacred  Majesties  Royall  Instructions. 
The  paines  and  industry  of  the  Authour,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Plantations  (being  a  member  of  our  Company)  are 
sufficient  arguments  of  his  good  affection  to  the  Action, 
and  they  both  deserve  your  best  acceptance  and  ours,  that 
others  may  thereby  be  invited  to  impart  their  knowledge 
in  businesse  of  this  and  the  like  nature  ;  whereby  the 
Colony  may  not  onely  be  supported  for  the  present,  but 
brought  to  that  perfection,  that  may  redound  to  the  glory 
of  God,  the  honour  of  his  Majestie,  and  the  inestimable 
benefit  of  his  noble  Kingdomes  ;  which  as  they  are  the 

156 


OCCURRENTS   IN    VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

true  aime  and  end  the  Adventurers  and  Planters  have 

proposed  unto  themselves,  so  ought  they  to  be  still  the 

honorable  seedes  to  put  others  also  forward  in  this  action : 

we  commend  this  businesse  againe  to  your  speciall  care. 

And  so  we  commit  you  all,  and  your  waighty  affaires,  to 

the  protection  of  the  Almighty. 

Henry  Southampton. 

§.  in. 

The  barbarous  Massacre  committed  by  the  Savages 
on  the  English-Planters,  March  the  two  and 
twentieth,   1621.  after  the  English  accompt. 

i]He  last  May  there  came  Letters  from  Sir  Francis 
Wiat  Governour  in  Virginia,  which  did  advertise 
that  when  in  November  last  he  arrived  in  Virginia, 
and  entred  upon  his  Government,  he  found  the  Country 
setled  in  a  peace  (as  all  men  there  thought)  sure  and 
unviolable,  not  onely  because  it  was  solemnly  ratified  and 
sworne,  and  at  the  request  of  the  Native  King  stamped  in 
Brasse,  and  fixed  to  one  of  his  Oakes  of  note,  but  as 
being  advantagious  to  both  parts  ;  to  the  Savages  as  the 
weaker,  under  which  they  were  safely  sheltred  and 
defended  ;  to  us,  as  being  the  easiest  way  then  thought 
to  pursue  and  advance  our  projects,  or  buildings,  plant- 
ings, and  effecting  their  conversion  by  peaceable  and  faire 
meanes.  And  such  was  the  conceit  of  firme  peace  and 
amity,  as  that  there  was  seldome  or  never  a  Sword  worne, 
and  a  Peece  seldomer,  except  for  a  Deere  or  Fowle.  By 
which  assurance  of  security,  the  Plantations  of  particular  Hasty 
Adventurers  and  Planters  were  placed  scatteringly  and  securtty- 
straglingly  as  a  choyce  veine  of  rich  ground  invited  them, 
and  the  further  from  neighbours  held  the  better.  The 
houses  generally  set  open  to  the  Savages,  who  were 
alwayes  friendly  entertained  at  the  table  of  the  English, 
and  commonly  lodged  in  their  Bed-chambers.  The  old 
Planters  (as  they  thought  now  come  to  reape  the  benefit 
of  their  long  travels)  placed  with  wonderfull  content  upon 

iS7 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

their  private  dividends,  and  the  planting  of  particular 
Hundreds  and  Colonies  pursued  with  an  hopeful!  alacrity, 
all  our  projects  (saith  he)  in  a  faire  way,  and  their 
familiarity  with  the  Natives,  seeming  to  open  a  faire  gate 
for  their  conversion  to  Christianity. 

The  Country  being  in  this  estate,  an  occasion  was 
Opachanka-  ministred  of  sending  to  Opachankano  the  King  of  these 
noes  dissimula-  Savages,  about  the  middle  of  March  last,  what  time  the 
by* English  *  Messenger  returned  backe  with  these  words  from  him, 
security.  That  he  held  the  peace  concluded  so  firme,  as  the  Skie 

should  sooner  fall  then  it  dissolved :  yea,  such  was  the 
treacherous  dissimulation  of  that  people,  who  then  had 
contrived  our  destruction,  that  even  two  dayes  before  the 
massacre,  some  of  our  men  were  guided  thorow  the 
woods  by  them  in  safety  :  and  one  Browne,  who  then  to 
learne  the  language  lived  among  the  Warrascoyacks  (a 
Province  of  that  King)  was  in  friendly  manner  sent  backe 
by  them  to  Captaine  Hamor  his  Master,  and  many  the 
like  passages,  rather  increasing  our  former  confidence, 
then  any  wise  in  the  world  ministring  the  least  suspition 
of  the  breach  of  the  peace,  or  of  what  instantly  ensued  ; 
yea,  they  borrowed  our  owne  Boats  to  convey  themselves 
crosse  the  River  (on  the  bankes  of  both  sides  whereof  all 
our  Plantations  were)  to  consult  of  the  divellish  murder 
that  ensued,  and  of  our  utter  extirpation,  which  God  of 
his  mercy  (by  the  meanes  of  some  of  themselves  con- 
verted to  Christianity)  prevented :  and  as  well  on  the 
Friday  morning  (the  fatall  day)  the  two  and  twentieth  of 
March,  as  also  in  the  evening,  as  in  other  dayes  before, 
they  came  unarmed  into  our  houses,  without  Bowes  or 
Arrowes,  or  other  weapons,  with  Deere,  Turkies,  Fish, 
[IV.  ix.  Furres,   and   other   provisions,   to   sell   and    trucke   with 

I789-J  us  for  Glasse  Beades,  and  other  trifles  :  yea,  in  some 
places,  sat  downe  at  Breakfast  with  our  people  at  their 
tables,  whom  immediately  with  their  owne  tooles  and 
weapons,  either  laid  downe,  or  standing  in  their  houses, 
they  basely  and  barbarously  murthered,  not  sparing 
either  age  or   sexe,  man,  woman  or  childe  ;  so   sodaine 

158 


OCCURRENTS   IN   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

in    their    cruell    execution,    that   few   or  none  discerned 

the  weapon  or  blow  that  brought  them  to  destruction. 

In   which   manner  they  also   slew   many   of  our  people 

then    at    their   severall    workes    and  husbandries  in  the 

fields,    and    without    their    houses,     some    in    planting 

Corne    and    Tobacco,    some    in    gardening,    some     in 

making    Bricke,    building,    sawing,    and    other    kindes 

of  husbandry,   they   well    knowing    in    what    places   and 

quarters    each    of   our    men    were,    in    regard    of   their 

daily    familiarity,    and    resort    to    us    for    trading    and  347-  s^aine 

other    negotiations,    which    the    more    willingly    was    by  and  b^se^ 

us   continued   and   cherished    for   the   desire   we    had   of    *    ,,.  »' 

~       .             .                                                                   r             1               1     •  some  tfllnk 

effecting  that  great   master-peece   or  workes,   their   con-  more% 

version.     And  by  this  meanes  that  fatall  Friday  morning,  He  had 
there    fell   under    the    bloudy    and    barbarous    hands   of  wr'ltten  letters 

that    perfidious    and    inhumane    people,    contrary    to    all  ^  /g^M 

lawes  of  God  and  Men,  of  Nature  and  Nations,  three  17.  testifying 

hundred    and    forty    seven    men,  women,  and  children,  the  plentiful 

most   by   their   owne   weapons ;    and   not   being  content  commmg  UP  °f 

with    taking    away    life    alone,    they    fell    after    againe  f  l \  ottJ? 

upon   the   dead,   making  as   well  as  they  could  a  fresh  attributing  the 

murder,    defacing,    dragging,    and    mangling    the    dead  ill  successe  of 

carkasses    into    many    peeces,    and    carrying    some    parts  things,  to  the 

away     in    derision,    with    base    and    bruitish    triumph.  n°tsee  inS°f 

tvt   •  1                         v  1        1              t»                                  1  Gods  glory  in 

JN  either     yet     did    these    Beasts    spare    those    amongst  converting  the 

the    rest    well    knowne    unto    them,    from    whom    they  Natives, 

had    daily    received    many    benefits    and    favours,     but  which  he  said 

spitefully    also    massacred    them.      One    instance    of   it,  Wl^  ^ce~ 

amongst  too  many  shall  serve  for  all.  wanted  but 

That    worthy    religious    Gentleman,    Master    George  meanes{indeed 

Thorpe  Esquire,  Deputie  of  the  Colledge  lands,  some-  to  further 

times    one    of    his    Majesties    Pensioners,    and    in    one  ,.m' 

c     ,             •      •      11       1        J       r                      1     •       tt-      •    •         i«  1  this  conceit 

or    the    principall    places    or   command    in   Virginia,  did  procured)Sure 

so    truely    and    earnestly    affect    their    conversion,    and  binde,  sure 

was    so    tender    over    them,    that    whosoever    under   his  fin^    Pitty 

authority    had    given    them    but    the    least    displeasure  suLch f!1 ,Abel 

j  •                      1                 -ill                        1          tti          1  should  be  so 

or  discontent,  nee  punished  them  severely.     He  thought  Kain_ 

nothing    too    deare    for    them,    and    as    being    desirous  deceived. 

i59 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

to  binde  them  unto  him  by  his  many  courtesies,  he 
never  denied  them  any  thing  that  they  asked  him, 
insomuch  that  when  these  Savages  complained  unto 
him  of  the  fiercenesse  of  our  Mastives,  most  implacable 
and  terrible  unto  them  (knowing  them  by  instinct 
it  seemes,  to  be  but  treacherous  and  false-hearted 
friends  to  us,  better  then  our  selves)  he  to  gratifie 
them  in  all  things,  for  the  winning  of  them  by  degrees, 
caused  some  of  them  to  be  killed  in  their  presence, 
to  the  great  displeasure  of  the  owners,  and  would 
have  all  the  rest  guelt  (had  he  not  beene  hindered) 
to  make  them  the  gentler  and  the  milder  to  them. 
Hee  was  not  onely  too  kinde  and  beneficiall  to  the 
common  sort,  but  also  to  their  King,  to  whom  he 
oft  resorted,  and  gave  many  presents  which  he  knew 
to  be  highly  pleasing  to  him.  And  whereas  this  King 
before  dwelt  onely  in  a  Cottage,  or  rather  a  denne 
or  Hog-stye,  made  with  a  few  poles  and  stickes, 
and  covered  with  Mats  after  their  wilde  manner : 
to  civilize  him,  he  first  built  him  a  faire  House, 
according  to  the  English  fashion,  in  which  (as  before 
is  said)  he  tooke  such  joy,  especially  in  his  Locke 
and  Key,  which  hee  so  admired,  as  locking  and 
unlocking  his  doore  an  hundred  times  a  day,  he 
thought  no  device  in  all  the  world  was  comparable 
to  it. 

Thus  insinuating  himselfe  to  this  King  for  his 
Religious  purposes,  he  conferred  after  with  him  oft, 
and  intimated  to  him  matters  of  our  Religion ;  and 
thus  farre  the  Pagan  confessed,  moved  by  naturall 
Principles,  that  our  God  was  a  good  God,  and  better 
much  then  theirs,  in  that  hee  had  with  so  many  good 
things  above  them  endowed  us.  He  told  him,  if 
he  would  serve  our  God,  he  should  be  partaker  of 
all  those  good  things  we  had,  and  of  farre  greater 
then  sense  or  reason  ever  could  imagine.  He  won 
upon  him,  as  he  thought  in  many  things,  so  as  hee 
gave   him   faire   hearing  and   good   answer,   and   seemed 

160 


OCCURRENTS   IN   VIRGINIA  a.d 

1621. 

to  be  much  pleased  with  his  discourse,  and  in  his 
companie.  And  both  he  and  his  people  for  the  daily 
courtesies  this  good  Gentleman  did  to  one  or  other 
of  them,  did  professe  such  outward  love  and  respect 
unto  him,  as  nothing  could  seeme  more  :  but  all  was 
little  regarded  after  by  this  Viperous  brood,  as  the 
sequell  shewed  :  for  they  not  onely  wilfully  murdered 
him,  but  cruelly  and  felly,  out  of  a  divellish  malice, 
did  so  many  barbarous  despights  and  foule  scornes 
after  to  his  dead  corps,  as  are  unbefitting  to  be  heard 
by  any  civill  eare.  One  thing  I  cannot  omit,  that 
when  this  good  Gentleman,  upon  his  fatall  houre,  was 
warned  by  his  man  (who  perceived  some  treachery 
intended  to  them  by  these  hell-hounds)  to  looke  to 
himselfe,  and  withall  ran  away  for  feare  of  the  mischiefe 
he  strongly  apprehended,  and  so  saved  his  owne  life  ; 
yet  his  Master,  out  of  the  conscience  of  his  owne 
good  meaning,  and  faire  deserts  ever  towards  them, 
was  so  voide  of  all  suspition,  and  so  full  of  confidence, 
that  they  had  sooner  killed  him,  then  he  could  or 
would  beleeve  they  meant  any  ill  against  him. 

At  the  time  of  this  Massacre  there  were  three  or 
foure  of  our  Ships  in  James  River,  and  one  in  the 
next  River,  and  daily  more  to  come  in,  as  three 
did  within  foureteene  daies  after  ;  one  of  which  they 
endevoured  to  have  surprised,  but  in  vaine,  as  had 
also  beene  their  whole  attempt,  had  any  the  least 
fore-knowledge  beene  in  those  places  where  the  Massacre 
was  committed  :  yet  were  the  hearts  of  the  English 
ever  stupid,  and  averted  from  beleeving  any  thing 
that  might  weaken  their  hopes  of  speedy  winning 
the  Savages  to  Civilitie  and  Religion,  by  kinde  usage 
and  faire  conversing  amongst  them.  Hee,  and  the 
whole  Counsell  writ  further,  That  Almighty  God  (they  [IV-  1X- 
doubt  not)  hath  his  great  worke  to  doe  in  this  Tragedy,  !79°'J 

and   will   thereout   draw   honour  and  glory  to  his  great 
Name  ;    safety,  and   a   more  flourishing  estate  to  them- 
selves,  and   the   whole   Plantation   there  ;    and  the  more 
xix  161  L 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1 62 1. 

speedy  conversion  of  the  Children  of  those  Savages 
to  himselfe,  since  he  so  miraculously  preserved  so 
many  of  the  English,  whose  desire  to  draw  those 
people  to  Religion,  by  the  carelesse  neglect  of  their 
owne  safeties,  seemes  to  have  beene  the  greatest  cause 
of  their  owne  ensuing  destruction.  Yet  it  pleased 
God  to  use  some  of  them  as  instruments  to  save 
many  of  their  lives,  whose  soules  they  had  formerly 
saved,  as  at  James  Citie,  and  other  places,  and  the 
Pinnace  trading  in  Pamounkey  River  ;  all  whose  lives 
Converted       were   saved   by  a  converted   Indian,   disclosing  the  plot 

Indian.  [n   the    instant. 

Manner  of  the  These  wilde  naked  Natives  live  not  in  great  numbers 
Savages  life,  together,  but  dispersed,  and  in  small  companies ;  and 
where  most  together,  not  above  two  hundred,  and 
that  very  rare,  in  other  places  fifty  or  forty,  or 
thereabouts,  and  many  miles  distant  from  one  another, 
in  such  places  among  the  Woods  where  they  either 
found,  or  might  easeliest  make  some  cleared  plots 
of  ground,  which  they  imploy  wholly  in  setting  of 
Corne,  whereby  to  sustaine  their  lives.  These  small 
and  scattered  Companies  (as  I  have  said)  had  warning 
given  from  one  another  in  all  their  habitations  to 
meete  at  the  day  and  houre  appointed  for  our  destruction, 
at  all  our  severall  Townes  and  places  seated  upon  the 
River  ;  some  were  directed  to  goe  to  one  place,  some 
to  another,  all  to  be  done  at  the  same  day  and  time, 
which  they  did  accordingly  :  some  entring  their  Houses 
under  colour  of  trucking,  and  so  taking  advantage, 
others  drawing  our  men  abroad  upon  faire  pretences, 
and  the  rest  suddenly  falling  upon  those  that  were 
at  their  labours. 

By  Letters  and  those  that  returned  it  is  certified, 
that  besides  Master  George  Thorpe,  before  mentioned, 
Master  John  Berkeley,  Captaine  Nathaniel  Powel,  and 
his  wife  (daughter  of  Master  William  Tracy,  and  great 
with  Childe)  and  Captaine  Maycocke,  all  Gentlemen 
of   birth,    vertue,    arid    industry,    and    of  the    Councell 

162 


OCCURRENTS   IN  VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

there,  suffered  under  this  their  cruelty  and  treason. 
That  the  slaughter  had  beene  universall,  if  God  had 
not  put  it  into  the  heart  of  an  Indian  belonging  to 
one  Perry,  to  disclose  it,  who  living  in  the  house 
of  one  Pace,  was  urged  by  another  Indian  his  brother 
(who  came  the  night  before  and  lay  with  him)  to 
kill  Pace  (so  commanded  by  their  King,  as  he  declared) 
as  he  would  kill  Perry  telling  further,  that  by  such 
an  houre  in  the  morning,  a  number  would  come  from 
divers  places  to  finish  the  Execution  ;  who  failed  not 
at  the  time  :  Perries  Indian  rose  out  of  his  bed  and 
reveales  it  to  Pace,  that  used  him  as  a  Sonne  :  And 
thus  the  rest  of  the  Colony  that  had  warning  given 
them,  by  this  meanes  was  saved.  Such  was  (God 
be  thanked  for  it)  the  good  fruit  of  an  Infidell  con- 
verted to  Christianity ;  for  though  three  hundred  and 
more  of  ours  died  by  many  of  these  Pagan  Infidels, 
yet  thousands  of  ours  were  saved  by  the  meanes  of 
one  of  them  alone  which  was  made  a  Christian  : 
Blessed  be  God  for  ever,  whose  mercy  endureth  for 
ever  ;  Blessed  be  God  whose  mercy  is  above  his  justice, 
and  farre  above  all  his  works ;  who  wrought  this 
deliverance  whereby  their  soules  escaped  even  as  a 
Bird  out  of  the  snare  of  the  Fowler. 

Pace   upon   this   discovery,  securing  his  house,  before 
day  rowed  over  the  River  to  James  City  (in  that  place 
neere    three    miles    in    bredth)    and  gave  notice  thereof 
to  the  Governour,  by  which  meanes  they  were  prevented 
there,    and    at    such    other    Plantations    as    was    possible 
for   a   timely   intelligence   to  be  given  ;    for  where  they 
saw    us    standing    upon    our    Guard,    at  the  sight    of  a 
Peece  they  all  ranne  away.     In  other  places  that  could 
have    no    notice,    some    Peeces    with   munition   (the   use 
whereof    they     know     not)    were    there    carried    away, 
and    some    few    Cattell    also    were    destroyed    by    them.  Gunpoioder 
And  as  Fame  divulgeth  (not  without  probable  grounds)  s0^"e*^ac~. 
their    King    hath    since    caused    the    most    part    of  the  QaptJn 
Gunpowder   by   him    surprized,    to    be    sowne,    to    draw  Smiths  time. 

163 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

there-from  the  like  increase,  as  of  his  Maiz  or  Corne, 
in  Harvest  next.  And  that  it  is  since  discovered, 
that  the  last  Summer  Opachankano  practised  with  a 
King  of  the  Easterne  shoare  (no  well-wilier  of  his) 
to  furnish  him  with  store  of  poison  (naturally  growing 
in  his  Countrey)  for  our  destruction,  which  hee 
absolutely  refused,  though  he  sent  him  great  store 
of  Beades,  and  other  Presents  to  winne  him  thereunto  : 
which  he,  with  five  or  six  of  his  great  men,  offered 
to  be  ready  to  justifie  against  him.  That  the  true 
cause  of  this  surprize  was  most  by  the  instigation 
of  the  Divell  (enemy  to  their  salvation)  and  the  daily 
feare  that  possest  them,  that  in  time  wee  by  our 
growing  continually  upon  them,  would  dispossesse  them 
of  this  Country,  as  they  had  beene  formerly  of  the 
West  Indies  by  the  Spaniard  ;  produced  this  bloudy 
act.  That  never  griefe  and  shame  possessed  any 
people  more  then  themselves,  to  be  thus  butchered 
by  so  naked  and  cowardly  a  people,  who  dare  not 
stand  the  presentment  of  a  staffe  in  manner  of  a 
Peece,  nor  an  uncharged  Peece  in  the  hands  of  a 
Woman,  from  which  they  flye  as  so  many  Hares  ; 
much  faster  then  from  their  tormenting  Divell,  whom 
they  worship  for  feare,  though  they  acknowledge  they 
love  him  not. 

[iv.  ix.  §.  mi. 

1 791 .] 

A  Note  of  provisions  necessarie  for  every  Planter 
or  personall  Adventurer  to  Virginia  :  and 
accidents  since  the  Massacre. 

He  Inconveniences  that  have  happened  to  some 
persons  which  have  transported  themselves  from 
England  to  Virginia,  without  provisions  necessary 
to  sustaine  themselves,  hath  greatly  hindered  the  Pro- 
gresse  of  that  Noble  Plantation  :  For  prevention  of  the 
like  disorders  hereafter,  that  no  man  suffer  either  through 
ignorance  or  misinformation  ;    it  is  thought  requisite  to 

164 


NECESSARIES   FOR   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1621. 

publish   this  short  Declaration  :    wherein  is   contayned  a 

particular  of  such  necessaries,  as  either  private  Families 

or  single  persons  shall  have  cause  to  furnish  themselves 

with,   for   their   better   support  at   their   first   landing  in 

Virginia  ;  whereby  also  greater  numbers  may  receive  in 

part  directions  how  to  provide  themselves. 

Apparell  for  one  man  and  so  after  the  rate  for  more. 

One  Monmouth  Cap  i.s.   10. d. 

Three  falling  bands  i.s.  3.d. 

Three  shirts  7.S.  6.d. 

One  Waste-coate  2.s.  2.d. 

One  sute  of  Canvase  7.S.  6.d. 

One  sute  of  Frize  io.s. 

One  sute  of  Cloth  15.S. 

Three  paire  of  Irish  stockins  4.S. 

Foure  paire  of  shooes  8.s.  8. 

One  paire  of  garters  10. 

One  doozen  of  points  3»d. 

One  paire  of  Canvase  sheets  8.s. 

Seven  Ells  of  Canvase,  to  make  a  bed  and  boulster,  to 

be  filled  in  Virginia  8.s. 

One   Rug    for   a   bed    8.s.   which   with   the  bed   serving 

for  two  men,  halfe  is  8.s. 

Five  Ells  coorse  Canvase,   to    make    a    bed  at   Sea  for 

two  men,  to  be  filled  with  straw  4.S.  5.S. 

One  coorse  Rug  at   Sea  for   two  men,  will  cost  6.s.  is 

for  one. 

4.H. 

Victuall  for  a  whole  veere  for  one  man  and  so 
for  more  after  the  rate. 
Eight  bushels  of  Meale  2.I1. 

Two  bushels  of  Pease  at  3.S.  6.s. 

Two  bushels  of  Oatmeale  4.S.  6.d.  9.S. 

One  gallon  of  Aquavitae  2.s.   6. 

One  gallon  of  Oyle  3.S.  6.d. 

Two  gallons  of  Vineger  i.s.  2.s. 

3.IL  3s. 
165 


a.d.  PUItCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

Armes  for  one  man,  but  if  halfe  of  your  men 

have  Armour  it  is  sufficient,  so  that  all 

have  Peeces  and  Swords. 

One  Armour  compleat,  light  17.S. 

One   long   Piece,   five   foot   or    five  and   a  halfe,   neere 
Musket  bore  i.li.   2.s. 

One  Sword  5.S. 

One  Belt  i.s. 

One  Bandaleere  i.s.  6.d. 

Twentie  pound  of  Powder  i8.s. 

Sixtie  pound  of  shot  or  lead,  Pistoll  and  Goose  shot   5.S. 

3.IL  9.S.  6.d. 

Tooles  for  a  Family  of  sixe  persons,  and  so  after 
the  rate  for  more. 

Five  broad  howes  at  2.s.  a  piece  10. s. 

Five  narrow  howes  at   i6.d.  a  piece  6.s.   8.d. 

Two  broad  Axes  at  3.S.   8.d.  a  piece  7.S.  4-d. 

Five  felling  Axes  at  i8.d.  a  piece  7.S.  6.d. 

Two  Steele  Hand-sawes  at  i6.d.  a  piece  2.s.  8.d. 

Two  two-hand-sawes  at  5.S.  a  piece  io.s. 

One  whip-saw,  set  and  filed  with  boxe,  file  and  wrest 

io.s. 

Two  Hammers   I2.d.  a  piece  2.s. 

Three  shovels   i8.d.  a  piece  4.S.  6.d. 

Two  Spades  at  i8.d.  a  piece  3.S. 

Two  Augers  6.d.  a  piece  i.s. 

Six  Chissels  6.d.  a  piece  3.S. 

Two  percers  stocked  4-d.  a  piece  8.d. 

Three  gimblets  2.d.  a  piece  6.d. 

Two  hatchets  2i.d.  a  piece  3.S.   6.d. 

Two  froves  to  cleave  pale   i8.d.  3.S. 

Two  hand-bils  20.  a  piece  3.S.  4.d. 

One  Grindlestone  4.S.  4.S. 

Nailes  of  all  sorts  to  the  value  of  2.H. 

Two  Pickaxes  3.S. 

6.1i.  2.s.  8.d. 
166 


NECESSARIES   FOR  VIRGINIA  a.o. 

1621. 

Houshold  Implements  for  a  Family  of  six  persons, 

and  so  for  more  or  lesse  after  the  rate. 

One  Iron  Pot  7.S. 

One  Kettle  6.s. 

One  large  frying-pan  2.s.  6.d. 

One  Griddiron  i.s.  6.d. 

Two  Skillets  5.S. 

One  Spit  2.s. 

Platters,  dishes,  Spoones  of  wood  4-s. 

i.li.  8.s. 

For  Sugar,  Spice,  and  fruit  and  at  Sea  for  six  men 

12. s.  6.d. 

So  the  full  charge  of  apparell  victuall,  armes,  stooles,  & 
houshold-stuffe,  and  after  this  rate  for  each  person, 
will  amount  unto  about  the  sum  of  1 2.1.   io.s. 

The  passage  of  each  man  is  6.1i. 

The  fraight  of  these  provisions  for  a  man,  will  be  about 
halfe  a  Tun,  which  is  i.li.   io.s. 

So  the  whole  charge  wil  amount  to  about  20.I. 

Nets,  Hookes,  Lines,  and  a  Tent  must  be  added  if 
the  number  of  people  be  greater,  as  also  some  Kine. 

And  this  is  the  usuall  proportion  that  the  Virginia 
Company  doe  bestow  upon  their  Tenants  which  they 
send. 

Whosoever  transports  himselfe  or  any  other  at  his 
owne  charge  unto  Virginia  shall  for  each  person  so 
transported  before  Midsummer  1625.  have  to  him  and 
his  heires  for  ever  fiftie  Acres  of  Land  upon  a  first,  and 
fiftie  Acres  upon  a  second  division. 

Sir  George  Yeardly  intending  to  visit  Smiths  lies,  fell  [IV.  ix. 
sicke  and    thereupon    sent  Master  Porey   with   Estinien  /^ 

Moll  a  Frenchman  to  finde  a  convenient  place  to  make  s^/{ 
Salt,  in  Namenicus  King  ofPawtuxunt  came  and  shewed  M.Porie. 
them  his  naked  braest,  protesting  the  inside  to  be  as  free  Naked  breast 
ill    meaning,    as    that    from    deformitie,    and    promising  c°ncealed 
welcome  if  they  would  come  into  his  Countrey,   which 
they  promised.     After  this  they   having  conferred  with 

167 


A.D. 
l62I. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGBIMES 


Provident 
Savages. 


Kiptopeke  King  of  Aquohanok,  they  passed  Russels  lies 
and  Onancoke,  and  arrived  at  Pawtuxunt,  at  Attough- 
comoco  the  habitation  of  Namenacus,  and  Wamanato  his 
brother,  who  came  aboord  them  with  a  brasse  Kettle  bright 
without,  within  full  of  Oysters.  He  was  shewed  their 
hunting  conducted  forth  by  the  younger  and  home  by  the 
elder  :  presented  also  with  Beavers  skinnes,  which  hee 
requited  with  such  things  as  Wamanato  said  he  would 
keepe  them  while  hee  lived,  and  burie  them  with  him 
being  dead :  Namenacus  his  breast  proved  ulcerous  within 
and  treacherous,  but  without  harme  to  them  by  reason  of 
their  circumspection  :  an  ambush  being  provided  in  a 
Wood  at  a  point  where  they  would  have  had  them  land. 
Kiptokepe  is  the  elder  brother,  and  yeelded  the  moytie  of 
his  Countrie  to  the  younger,  bearing  still  the  greater 
burthen  in  government  but  lesse  honour,  whereas  on 
the  Westerne  shore,  the  younger  beares  the  charge,  the 
elder  the  dignitie.  These  are  the  most  thriftie  Savages, 
keeping  Corne  for  all  the  yeere  and  having  to  spare, 
whereas  others  want  for  one  halfe.  They  are  also  more 
civill,  just  reckoners,  use  no  Black-boy-ceremonies,  and  in 
Affinitie  and  Consanguinitie  observe  a  larger  distance  in 
their  Marriages. 

Anno  1622.  the  Abigail  was  sent,  and  therein  Captaine 
Barwick  with  five  and  twentie  men  to  build  ships  and 
Boats,  and  others  to  build  the  East  Indie  Schoole.  That 
fatall  Massacre,  some  thinke  to  have  beene  occasioned  by 
Nemattanow,  a  Savage  called  usually  Jacke  of  the  Feather, 
in  best  esteeme  amongst  them  for  courage  and  policie  ; 
who  perswading  one  Morgan  to  go  with  him  to  Pamaunke 
Cause  of  the  tQ  trucke,  by  the  way  slue  him  two  or  three  dayes  after 
hee  returned  to  Morgans  house,  and  answered  his  Servants 
asking  for  their  Master  that  hee  was  dead,  whereupon  they 
would  have  had  him  to  Master  Thorpe,  but  hee  so  moved 
their  patience  that  they  shot  him.  Hee  (whom  the 
Savages  esteemed  free  from  hurt  by  the  English  and  shot 
free)  desired  before  his  death  that  they  would  bury  him 
with  the  English,  and  not  make  it  knowne  that  hee  was 

168 


Jack  of  the 
Feather. 


OCCURRENTS   IN    VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1622. 

slaine  with  a  bullet.  Opachancanough  was  moved  with 
his  losse  so  as  he  threatned  revenge,  which  he  could  not 
effect  but  by  treacherous  pretence  of  greatest  peace,  after 
fourteene  dayes  by  so  many  deaths,  giving  life  to  the 
following  Tragedie  :  which  you  heard  delivered  by  publike 
Authoritie. 

This  terrible  blow  so  affrighted  all  that  it  was  con- 
cluded, that  all  the  pettie  Plantations  should  be  left, 
to  make  good  a  few  places  (some  say  five  or  six)  whither 
for  want  of  Boats  their  goods  and  cattell  could  not  be 
so  suddenly  conveyed,  but  that  much  was  exposed  to 
the  Savages  cruell  gleanings.  Master  Gookins  at  Nuports  M.  Gookins. 
newes,  having  thirtie  five  of  all  sorts  with  him  refused  that 
order,  and  made  good  his  part  against  the  Savages. 
Master  Jordan  at  Beggars  Bush  gathered  a  few  about  M.  Jordan. 
him,  and  fortified  himselfe  in  despight  of  the  enemie. 
Mistris  Procter  would  have  adventured  the  like,  and  Mistris 
did  it  for  three  weekes  till  the  Officers  (as  some  report)  Procter- 
would  no  longer  permit  her.  Captaine  Nuse  and  Cap- 
taine  Crawshaw  are  much  for  providence  and  valour 
commended.  Waters  and  his  wife  were  kept  prisoners 
by  the  Nansamuds  (this  Edward  Waters  is  one  of  those 
three  which  first  stayed  in  Bermuda,  and  found  the  great 
piece  of  Ambergreece)  whence  by  chance  upon  occasion  of 
a  Boat  lost  by  ill  weather  (whose  company  were  saved) 
and  comming  on  their  shoare,  they  being  busied  in  their 
Triumphs  and  Dances  for  joy,  they  found  opportunitie  to 
get  into  a  Canoa,  and  escaped  to  Kecoughtan.  Captaine 
Nuce  called  his  Neighbours  together  when  he  heard  of 
the  Massacre,  entrenched  himselfe,  and  mounted  three 
Peeces  of  Ordnance,  so  that  in  foure  dayes  hee  was  strong 
enough  to  defend  himselfe  against  all  the  Barbarian  forces. 
Captaine  Crashaw  with  five  others  fortified  himselfe  in 
despight  of  all  the  Savages,  with  the  helpe  of  other 
Savages,  and  made  offer  to  the  Colonie,  if  they  would 
send  him  a  shallop  with  Armes,  men  and  provision  for 
Trade,  that  the  next  Harvest  he  would  provide  them 
Corne  sufficient,  which  then  (in  the  latter  end  of  June) 

169 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

was  little  to  bee  had  in  the  Countrie.  Captaine  Maddeson 
is  reported  to  have  given  over-hastie  credit  to  an  exiled 
King,  which  comming  to  Patowomeke  for  succour  and 
not  obtayning  it,  in  revenge  devised  and  slandered  the 
Patowomekes  with  intent  of  betraying  and  killing  the 
English  :  which  credulitie  produced  effects  of  crueltie  and 
the  conceits  of  bloudie  treacherie  conceived  (if  others 
conceive  not  falsly)  treacherie  and  bloud. 

The  last  Summer  1623.  they  set  forth  a  company  which 
destroyed  the  Savages  Corne  and  houses,  and  surprized 
Pamaunke  chiefe  Seat  of  Opachancanough.  And  the  last 
report  is  that  the  Colonie  is  now  in  health,  and  that  the 
Savages  have  returned  seven  of  the  English  which  they 
held  prisoners,  out  of  selfe  guiltinesse  and  feare  of 
revenge  seeing  ships  still  come  thither,  and  wearie 
of  their  watchings  and  manifold  losses  and  dangers. 
Opachankanough  the  author  of  the  Massacre  is  said  to 
have  come  to  his  end  by  meanes  more  sutable  to  his 
deserts,  then  perhaps  agreeing  with  Christian  simplicitie. 
A  sicknesse  after  the  Massacre  fell  amongst  the  English, 
by  reason  that  from  neere  eightie  Plantations,  they  were 
brought  to  fewer  then  eight,  these  distracted  with  a 
sudden  remoove  and  distressed  wants.  It  is  thought 
that  1800.  survived  both. 
[IV.  ix.  His  Majestie  not  a  little  moved  with  the  losse  of  so 

179S-i  many  his  good  Subjects,  and  some  complaints  also  being 
made  of  the  Government,  many  of  the  Virginian  Com- 
pany here  holding  no  such  uniforme  agreement  as  was 
meete :  both  shewed  his  gracious  bountie  in  the  gift 
of  divers  Armes  out  of  the  Towre,  with  further  promises 
of  his  assistance  ;  and  appointed  Commissioners  to  examine 
the  Causes  of  Virginias  not  answering  to  the  care  and  cost 
in  so  long  time  bestowed  on  her.  I  am  no  fit  Relater  of 
things  ensuing,  and  farre  unfitter  Umpire  in  such  differ- 
ences. I  will  now  speake  to  God  rather  then  men : 
Quid  enim  nisia  vota  supersunt.  My  Prayers  shall  be 
to  the  Almightie  for  Virginias  prosperitie ;  whose 
Dwarfish  growth   after   so   many  yeeres,  convulsions  by 

170 


OCCURRENTS   IN  VIRGINIA 

dissentions  there  and  heere,  lamentations  in  the  com- 
plaints of  both  sides  (a  Plurisie  Stich  in  her  sides, 
continuing  after  so  much  bloud  taken  from  her)  weak- 
nesse.  Sinne  armes  after  such  successions  of  armes 
and  forces ;  Tantalean  starvings  amidst  both  Magazines 
and  fertilitie  ;  subversions  here,  and  selfe-eversions  there 
(perversnesse  I  mention  not)  rather  then  conversions  of 
Savages  after  so  many  learned  and  holy  Divines  sent 
thither ;  povertie,  sicknesse,  deaths,  in  so  rich  a  Soyle, 
and  healthfull  a  Climate ;  what  should  I  say  ?  I  can 
deplore,  I  doe  not  much  admire,  that  we  have  had  so 
much  in  Virginia,  and  have  so  little ;  the  promises  as 
probable  as  large,  and  yet  the  premisses  yeelding  in  the 
conclusion  this  Virginian  sterilitie,  and  meagrenesse  rather 
then  the  multiplied  issue  and  thrift  of  a  worthy  Matron 
and  Mother  of  a  Family,  answerable  to  her  great  Inheri- 
tance there,  and  Jointer  from  hence.  But  what  doe  I  in 
plaints,  where  some  perhaps  will  complaine  of  my 
complayning  ?  I  will  expect  better  from  God  and  his 
Majestie,  and  while  my  selfe  meane-while  in  the  better 
thriving  of  the  English  Colonie  in  Bermudas  or  Summer 
Hands. 

Chap.  XVI. 

English  Voyages  to  the  Summer  Hands  ;  Henry 
Mays  shipwracke  there  1593.  The  first 
Colonie  sent    161 2. 


A.D. 

!593- 


r  is  now  time  to  leave  the  Continent  and  Sup.  cap.  6. 
visit  Bermudas,  of  Sir  George  Summers 
called  Summer  Hands.  The  occasion  you 
had  before  related  by  Master  Strachie, 
and  that  some  of  their  Company  tooke 
up  their  abode  there.  This  was  not  the 
first  time  that  English  eyes  had  seene 
For    in    the    yeere    1593.    Henry    May 


those   Hands. 

had  beene  there ;  one  of  Captaine  Lancasters  Company, 
which  had  beene  in  the  East  Indies,  and  in  returning  had 

171 


a.d.  PUKCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

J593- 

put  over  to  Trinidad,  and  thence  to  Puerto  Rico  and 
Hispaniola  for  refreshing,  where  Captaine  Lancaster 
desired  a  Frenchman  Monsieur  de  Barbotiere,  to  give 
this  Henry  May  passage  home  with  him.  They  departed 
from  Laguna  the  last  of  November,  and  December  the 
seventeenth  were  wracked  on  the  North-west  part  of 
Bermuda  about  midnight.  The  Pilots  making  themselves 
at  noone  to  be  twelve  leagues  to  the  Southwards  of  the 
Hand,  certified  the  Captaine  that  they  were  from  all 
danger :  and  demanded  their  wine  of  height,  which 
they  had  thought  they  had  beene  cast  away  by  the  shore, 
but  were  seven  leagues  off;  by  the  helpe  of  their  Boat, 
and  a  Raft,  sixe  and  twentie  of  above  fiftie  were  saved. 
I  (saith  May)  durst  not  presse  in,  but  stayed  in  the  ship 
almost  full  of  water,  till  the  Captaine  being  entred  the 
Boat,  called  me  to  him,  and  I  entred  leaving  the  better 
halfe  of  our  company  to  the  mercie  of  the  Sea.  We 
rowed  all  day  till  an  houre  or  two  before  night,  yet 
we  could  come  on  Land  towing  the  Raft  with  the 
Boat.  Having  beene  all  day  without  drinke,  wee 
sought  long,  and  at  last  one  digging  among  weeds, 
found  fresh  water  being  only  raine  water,  which  was 
all  we  found.  It  pleased  God  that  we  had  saved  our 
Carpenters  tooles,  and  going  roundly  to  worke,  we  built 
a  Barke  of  some  eighteene  tun,  for  the  most  part  with 
trunnels  and  a  few  nailes.  For  tacklings  we  made  a 
Voyage  to  our  ship  and  cut  downe  her  shrouds ;  in  stead 
of  Pitch  wee  made  Lime  and  mixed  it  with  the  Oyle  of 
Tortoises ;  assoone  as  the  Carpenters  had  calked,  spread- 
ing it  on  with  a  sticke,  which  was  soone  dried  by  the  heat, 
being  in  Aprill  wee  hasted  away  for  feare  of  water  failing 
us.  We  made  two  great  chists  and  calked  them,  and 
stowed  them  on  each  side  our  maine  Mast,  and  so  put 
in  our  provisions  of  raine  water,  and  thirteene  living 
Tortoyses  for  our  food.  The  Hogs  were  leane,  and  there 
was  store  of  Fowle,  Fish  and  Tortoyses.  There  is 
also  good  fishing  for  Pearles. 

The  eleventh  of  May  we  were  cleere  of  the  Land  for 

172 


ENGLISH   VOYAGES   TO    BERMUDA  ad. 

1612. 

our  Voyage  to  New-found-land,  and  on  the  twentieth  fell 
with  the  Land  neere  to  Cape  Briton,  and  thence  to  the 
Banke  of  New-found-land,  where  a  Barke  of  Falmouth 
tooke  us  in,  wherein  I  had  passage  home,  and  arrived  at 
Falmouth  in  August   1594.     Thus  much  for   May. 

Let  us  now  heare  the  Relation  sent  from  an  English 
Colonie  planted  there  under  the  government  of  Master 
Richard  Moore.  This  following  Discourse  hath  beene 
printed,  and  was  added  to  a  Tractate  of  Master  Silvester 
Jordan  touching  the  wracke  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and  Sir 
George  Summers  on  the  Bermudas,  which  beeing  delivered 
more  fully  by  Master  Strachie  sup.  cap.  6.  I  have  here 
omitted,  and  proceed  to  the  English  proceedings  in  those 
Hands. 

Being  bound  for  the  Sommer  Hands,  in  the  Ship  called 
the   Plough,   wee  imbarked  the  eight   and    twentieth   of  [IV.  ix. 
Aprill    1 61 2.      So    passing    down    to    Gravesend,    wee  I79+-J 

anchored  at  Tilbery-hope,  untill  the  fifth  of  May.     The 
wind  comming   faire,   wee   put   forth  and  came  to  the 
Downes    the    sixth    of    May,    where   we   staied  till   the 
ninth.     And  then  setting  forward  wee  had  a  faire  and 
comfortable  passage,  and  by  Gods  blessing  found  so  direct 
a  course,  that  on  the  eleventh  of  July  in  the  morning, 
betwixt  nine  and  ten  of  the  clocke  wee  descried  our  hoped 
and  desired  Hands,  and  in  the  afternoone  of  the  same  day, 
about  three  a  clocke,  wee  arrived  in  a  verie  safe  harbour 
neere  S.   Georges  Hand,   there  wee  landed  all  our  men  Saint  Georges 
and  women,  and  had   beene  at  anchor  above  an  houre,  * a    ' 
before  wee  could  heare  of  our  three  men  which  had  beene  Three  men 
left  there.     As  soone  as  wee  had  landed  all  our  company,   / '  ,.sta!e    , 

11  •  ,  ,       ,  1      T        1  r       behind,  and 

we  went  all  to  praier,  and  gave  thankes  unto  the  Lord  ror  went  not  t0 
our  safe  arrivall ;  and  whilest  wee  were  at  praier,  wee  saw  Virginia, 
our  three  men  come  rowing   downe  to  us,  the  sight  of  Hartert 
whom  did  much  rejoyce  us :  so  they  welcomming  us,  and  c?tnJ  a" 
wee   the  like  to  them  againe,   we  sung  a  Psalme,  and 
praised    the   Lord    for   our  safe   meeting,  and   went  to 
supper. 

The    next   day,    being   the    Sabbath    day,    which    wee 

i73 


A.D. 

1612. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


Commodities 
of  the 
Countrie. 


Fishes. 


dedicated  to  God  in  the  best  manner  wee  could,  wee 
abode  still  in  the  foresaid  Hand,  with  all  the  rest  of 
our  company  till  Munday  morning,  being  the  thirteenth 
of  July :  Then  we  went  up  with  our  Ship  and  company 
higher  into  the  harbour,  to  the  place  where  these  three 
men  had  planted  themselves.  They  had  planted  Corne, 
great  store  of  Wheat,  Beanes,  Tobacco  and  Mellon s,  with 
many  other  good  things  for  the  use  of  man  :  Besides  they 
had  wrought  upon  Timber,  in  squaring  and  sawing  of 
Cedar  Trees,  for  they  intended  to  build  a  small  Pinnace  to 
carrie  them  into  Virginia,  being  almost  out  of  hope  and 
comfort  of  our  comming ;  because  Cap.  Davies  time  was 
to  have  beene  with  them  long  before  we  came. 

Wee  were  no  sooner  come  within  a  league  of  the 
Land,  but  a  company  of  Fish,  as  it  were,  met  us,  and 
never  left  us  till  wee  were  come  to  an  ankor  within 
the  harbour ;  and  as  soone  as  we  had  passed  over  our 
businesse,  and  all  things  safe  and  in  order,  with  a  Hooke 
and  Line  wee  tooke  more  then  our  whole  company  was 
able  to  eate,  so  that  there  was  enough  to  feed  many  more. 
The  next  day  after  the  Sabbath,  wee  went  with  our  Net 
and  Boat,  and  if  we  would  have  loaded  two  Boats  wee 
might ;  and  so  may  you  do  day  by  day,  Fishes  doe 
so  abound,  and  there  be  of  these  sorts,  Mullets,  Breames, 
Hog-fish,  Rock-fish  and  Lobstars,  with  more  sorts  of 
other  Fish  which  I  cannot  name. 

Turkles  there  be  of  a  mightie  bignesse;  one  Turkle 
^^atuse  w*^  serve  or  suffice  three  or  foure  score  at  a  meale, 
especially  if  it  be  a  shee  Turkle,  for  shee  will  have  as 
many  Egges  as  will  suffice  fiftie  or  threescore  at  a  meale : 
This  I  can  assure  you,  they  are  verie  good  and  wholsome 
meat,  none  of  it  bad,  no  not  so  much  as  the  verie  Guts 
and  Maw  of  it,  for  they  are  exceeding  fat,  and  make  as 
good  Tripes  as  your  beasts  bellies  in  England.  And  for 
Fowle  we  went  the  third  day  of  our  arrivall  unto  the 
Bird  Hands  (as  wee  call  them)  and  using  neither  Stick, 
nor  Stone-bow,  nor  Gun,  we  tooke  them  up  with  our 
hands  so  many  as  wee  would,  that  everie  one  of  the  com- 

174 


Tortoises 


Fowle. 


ENGLISH   VOYAGES   TO   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1612. 

pany  were  to  have  some  three,  some  foure  a  piece ;  three 

for  a  child,  boy  or  girle,  for  a  man  foure ;  then  reckon 

what   those   that    served    some    fourescore    people    did 

amount  unto.     But  this  is  for  certaine,  if  wee   would 

have  brought  awaie  twice  so  many  more  we  might. 

Some  sixe  daies  after  our  comming,  wee  sent  out  for 
Hogges,  so  the  company  which  went  out  brought  home  Hogs  by  reason 
some :  for  the  meate  of  them,  I  hold  your  Mutton  of  of  their  food 
England  not  of  so  sweet  and  pleasant  a  taste.  there,  and  our 

For  the  inclination  of  the  weather,  considering  in  what  stomackes  ex- 
climate  it  lies,  wee  have  had  for  the  space  of  some  fortie  traordinarily 
daies  no  raine,  but  verie  coole  and  fresh  gales  of  wind,  ^eet. 
yet  in  the  day  time  verie  hot :  but  wee  agree  with  it  verie       e  weather- 
well,  and  not  a  man  that  had  lien  sicke  or  diseased,  but 
all  likes  well,   and  followes  and  imploies  themselves  to 
one  businesse  or  other. 

For  the  fruites  which  the  Land  yeelds,  they  bee  the  Fruits. 
Mulberrie,  great  store,  and  Peares  which  have  in  them  a  Peares  not 
red  liquor,  as  the  Pomgranat  hath,  or  somewhat  redder,  ^urtfull. 
but  verie  wholsome :  if  you  eate  an  hundred  at  one  time, 
you  shall  never  surfet  of  them,  if  you  eate  some  propor- 
tion of  them  they  will  bind,  but  if  you  exceed  in  eating  of 
them,  then  are  they  of  the  contrarie  operation  :  yet  never 
any  that  hurt  themselves  by  them,  eate  they   never  so 
many.     It  is  certaine,  that  one  man  eate  above  a  peck  of 
them  in  some  ten  houres,  and  was  never  the  worse.     We 
have  a  kind  of  Berrie  upon  the  Cedar  Tree  verie  pleasant  Cedar 
to  eate ;  and  for  the  Palmito  Tree,  the  top  of  it  is  a  great  Berrtes- 
deale  sweeter  and  wholsomer  then  any  Cabedge. 

In  some  of  our  Hands  there  growes  Pepper,  but  not  so  Pepper. 
good  as  our  Indian  Pepper :  divers  sorts  of  other  good 
things  there  is,  which  the  severall  times  of  the  yeere  bring 
forth  one  after  another :  but  the  top  of  the  Palmito  Tree 
is  in  season  and  good  all  the  yeere.  Take  a  Hatchet  and 
cut  him  or  an  Augar  and  bore  him,  and  it  yeelds  a  very 
pleasant  liquor,  much  like  unto  your  sweet  Wines;  it  Palme-liquor. 
beares  likewise  a  Berrie  in  bignesse  of  a  Prune,  and  in 
taste  much  like. 

i75 


A.D. 

1612. 


Ambergreece 
and  Pearle. 


Tobacco. 
[IV.  ix. 

1795-] 
Silk-spider. 


Timber  Trees. 
*J  have 
omitted  the 
rest  of  this 
discourse,  as 
being  better 
knowne  to 
later  Writers. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Also  wee  have  Olives  grow  with  us,  but  no  great  store : 
many  other  good  excellent  things  wee  have  grow  with  us, 
which  this  short  time  will  not  permit  mee  to  write  of  so 
largely  as  I  might;  but  this  is  of  truth,  that  Hogs, 
Turkles,  Fish,  and  Fowle  doe  abound  as  dust  of  the 
earth :  for  Amber-greece  and  Pearle  wee  have  not  had 
leasure,  in  so  few  daies  since  our  arrivall  to  goe  looke 
out  for  the  one,  or  to  fish  for  the  other ;  but  the  three 
men  which  were  left  there,  have  found  of  them  both. 
Also  they  have  made  a  great  deale  of  Tobacco,  and  if 
some  would  come  that  have  skill  in  making  it,  it  would 
be  verie  commodious,  both  to  the  Merchant,  and  to 
the  maker  of  it.  And  for  the  Silk-worme,  if  any  were 
brought  over,  and  some  of  skill  to  use  them,  there 
would  bee  very  much  good  done  with  them,  for  the 
verie  Spider  in  these  our  Hands  doth  weave  perfect 
fine  Silke,  both  Yellow  and  White. 

The  Timber  of  the  Countrey  consisteth  of  three  sorts, 
the  one  is  the  Cedar,  verie  fine  Timber  to  worke  upon, 
of  colour  red,  and  verie  sweet :  the  other  sorts  we  have 
no  name  for,  for  there  is  none  in  the  company  hath 
seene  the  like  in  other  Countries   before  we  came,  &c. 

A  Copie  of  the  Articles  which  Master  R.  More, 
Governour  Deputie  of  the  Sommer  Hands, 
propounded  to  the  Company  that  were  there 
with  him  to  be  subscribed  unto,  which  both 
he  and  they  subscribed  the  second  of  August, 
in  his  house,  Anno  1612.  which  about  the 
same  time  he  sent  into  England,  to  the  Wor- 
shipfull  Company  of  the  Adventurers. 

WEe,  who  have  here  under  subscribed  our  names, 
being  by  the  great  goodnesse  of  God  safely  arrived 
at  the  Sommer  Hands,  with  purpose  here  to  inhabite, 
doe  hereby  promise  and  bind  our  selves,  to  the  per- 
formance of  the  severall  Articles  hereafter  following,  and 

176 


ARTICLES   FOR   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1612. 

that    in    the  presence   of  the   most   glorious   God,  who 

hath  in  mercy  brought  us  hither. 

First,  We  doe  faithfully  promise,  and  by  these  pre- 
sents solemnly  binde  our  selves  ever-more  to  worship 
that  aforesaid  only  true  and  everliving  God,  who  hath 
made  the  Heavens,  and  the  Earth,  the  Sea,  and  all  that 
therein  is,  and  that  according  to  those  rules  that  are 
prescribed  in  his  most  holy  Word,  and  ever  to  continue 
in  that  faith  into  the  which  wee  were  baptised  in  the 
Church  of  England,  and  to  stand  in  defence  of  the 
same  against  all  Atheists,  Papists,  Anabaptists,  Brownists, 
and  all  other  Heretikes  and  Sectaries  whatsoever,  dissent- 
ing from  the  said  Word  and  Faith. 

Secondly,  because  the  keeping  of  the  Sabboth  day 
holy  is,  that  wherein  a  principall  part  of  Gods  worship 
doth  consist,  and  is  as  it  were  the  Key  of  all  the  other 
parts  thereof,  wee  do  therefore  in  the  presence  aforesaid 
promise,  That  wee  will  set  apart  all  our  owne  labours 
and  imployments  on  that  day,  unlesse  it  be  those  that 
be  of  meere  necessitie,  much  more  vaine  and  unfruit- 
full  practises,  and  apply  our  selves  to  the  hearing  of 
Gods  Word,  Prayer,  and  all  other  exercises  of  Religion 
in  his  Word  required,  to  the  uttermost  of  our  power. 

Thirdly,  Seeing  the  true  worship  of  God  and  holy 
life  cannot  be  severed,  we  doe  therefore  promise  in  the 
presence  aforesaid,  That  to  the  uttermost  of  our  power 
we  will  live  together  in  doing  that  which  is  just,  both 
towards  God  and  Man,  and  in  particular  we  will  for- 
beare  to  take  the  most  holy  name  of  God  in  vaine,  in 
ordinary  swearing  by  it,  or  any  other  thing,  or  by 
scoffing,  or  vaine  abusing  of  his  most  holy  Word,  or 
to  use  cursing,  or  filthy  speeches,  or  any  other  thing 
forbidden  in  Gods  most  holy  Word,  as  also  to  live 
together  without  stealing  one  from  another,  or  quarrel- 
ling one  with  another,  or  slandering  one  of  another : 
And  to  avoide  all  things  that  stand  not  with  the  good 
estate  of  a  Christian  Church  and  well  governed  Common- 
wealth, as  also   to  embrace  the  contrary  as  Justice,  and 

XIX  J77  M 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1612. 

Peace,  Love,  and   all  other   things  that  stand  with  the 
good  and  comfort  of  Societie. 

Fourthly,  Whereas  we  are  here  together  farre  remote 
from  our  native  soile  of  England,  and  yet  are  indeed 
the  naturall  Subjects  of  our  most  Royall  and  gracious 
King  James  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland, 
King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c.  Wee  doe  therefore 
in  the  presence  aforesaid,  solemnly  promise  evermore  to 
continue  the  loyall  Subjects  of  our  said  Soveraigne  King, 
his  Heires  and  Successors,  and  never  to  revolt  from  him, 
or  them,  unto  any  other  whatsoever,  but  evermore  to 
acknowledge  his  Supreme  Government. 

Fifthly,  Whereas  wee  were  sent  hither  by  divers 
Adventurers  of  the  Citie  of  London,  and  other  parts 
of  the  Realme  of  England,  wee  doe  here  in  the  presence 
aforesaid  promise  to  use  all  diligence  for  the  good  of 
the  Plantation,  and  not  to  purloyne  or  imbesell  any  of 
the  prohibited  commodities  out  of  the  generall  estate, 
but  to  use  all  faithfulnesse,  as  it  becommeth  Christians 
to  doe,  as  also  to  bee  obedient  to  all  such  Governour 
or  Governours,  or  their  Deputie  or  Deputies,  as  are, 
or  shall  be  by  them  sent  to  governe  us ;  As  also  to 
yeeld  all  reverence  towardes  the  Ministery  or  Ministers 
of  the  Gospel,  sent,  or  to  be  sent. 

Sixtly  and  lastly,  Wee  doe  here  in  presence  afore- 
said promise,  the  Lord  assisting  us,  that  if  at  any  time 
hereafter  any  forrain  power  shall  attempt  to  put  us  out 
of  this  our  lawful  possession,  not  cowardly  to  yeeld  up 
the  same,  but  manfully  to  fight  as  true  Englishmen, 
for  the  defence  of  the  Common-wealth  we  live  in,  and 
Gospel  wee  professe,  and  that  whiles  we  have  breath 
wee  will  not  yeeld  to  any,  that  shall  invade  us  upon 
any  conditions  whatsoever. 

I  had  thought  hitherto  to  have  added  a  Letter  of 
M.  Hughes,  written  from  thence,  Dec:  21.  1614.  and 
printed.  But  our  latter  intelligence,  being  more  ample, 
hath  caused  mee  to  omit  him  and  others ;  Yea  all  things 
in   some,  and    some  things   in   all.     M.   Norwood   hath 

178 


RELATIONS   OF   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1610. 

beene  a  diligent   Surveyor   of  the   place  and   accidents,  [IV.  ix. 
and  hath  given  a  Map  of  the  one  (common  to  be  sold)  x796-] 

and  a  briefe  relation  of  the  other.  But  because  his 
History  of  the  Creatures  is  briefe,  I  have  borrowed 
out  of  Captaine  Smith,  what  he  had  borrowed  of 
Capt.  Butler,  and  others  to  give  the  Reader  more  full 
satisfaction  in  that  kind. 

Chap.  XVII. 

Relations  of  Summer  Hands,  taken  out  of  M. 
Richard  Norwood,  his  Map  and  Notes  added 
thereto,  printed  1622.  The  History  of  the 
Creatures  growing  or  living  therein,  being 
inlarged  out  of  Capt.  Smiths  written  Relations. 

Ir  Thomas  Gates,  and  Sir  George  Sum- 
mers, having  staied  in  Bermuda  nine 
moneths,  with  helpe  of  such  things  as 
they  saved  with  the  Sea-venture,  and  of 
such  as  they  found  in  the  Countrey,  had 
built  of  Cedar,  and  rigged  fit  for  the 
Sea,  two  Vessels,  a  Ship  and  a  Pinnace, 
and  upon  the  tenth  of -May,  16 10.  departed  toward 
Virginia,  leaving  onely  two  men  behind  them,  and 
carrying  them  store  of  provision  for  the  reliefe  of  the 
people  there.  Upon  the  foure  and  twentieth  of  May, 
they  arrived  safely  there,  and  shortly  after  some  of 
them  returned  to  the  Sommer  Hands  againe  for  a 
further  supply,  in  the  same  Ship  which  they  had 
formerly  built  there ;  where  Sir  George  Sommers  dying, 
his  men  did  not  according  to  his  last  charge  given 
unto  them,  returne  to  Virginia ;  but  framed  their  course 
for  England,  leaving  behind  them  three  men,  that 
staied  voluntarily,  who  shortly  after  found  in  Sommer- 
set  Hand,  which  is  a  part  of  Sandys  Tribe,  a  verie 
great  treasure  in  Ambergreece,  to  the  valew  of  nine  or  Ambergreece. 
ten  thousand  pound  sterling :  there  hath  also  been  found 
since  divers  times  of  the  best  sort, 

179 


A.D. 
l6lO. 


Rat-plague. 
How  vaine  a 
thing  is  man, 
whose  best  wits 
and  industry 
are  triumphed 
over  by  silly 
Rats?    Great 
God,  give  us 
grace  to  feare 
thee,  that  we 
may  feare 
nothing  else  ; 
else  shall  we 
feare  with 
Pharao,  Frogs, 
Lice,  Flies, 
Grashopper; 
or  with  others, 
Fleas,  Spar- 
rowes,  $£c. 
Tea  a  few 
Rats,  in  despite 
of  Cats,  Dogs, 
Traps,  poisons, 
shall  starve  us. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

This  new  discovery  of  the  Sommer  Hands,  being  thus 
made  knowne  in  England,  to  the  Virginian  Company, 
by  these  men  which  returned,  they  sold  it  to  some 
hundred  and  twentie  persons  of  the  same  Company, 
who  obtained  a  Charter  from  his  Majestie,  and  so  hold 
it.  And  toward  the  latter  end  of  Aprill,  1612.  sent 
thither  a  Ship,  called  the  Plough,  with  some  sixtie 
persons  to  inhabite,  appointing  Governour  one  Master 
Richard  Moore,  a  man  ingenuous  and  carefull,  who  since 
dyed  in  Sir  Walter  Rawlyes  last  voyage  to  Guiana,  (a 
place  as  appeareth  by  our  Moderne  Geographers,  very 
rich  and  spatious.)  But,  as  I  say,  he  arrived  there  about 
the  beginning  of  July,  and  found  the  foresaid  three 
men  that  staied  voluntarily,  very  well.  Master  Moore 
spent  the  three  yeeres  of  his  government,  for  the  most 
part  in  fortifying  the  Countrey,  and  trayning  the  people 
in  Martiall  exercises,  which  custome  hath  beene  continued 
by  his  successours :  hee  built  some  nine  or  tenne  Forts, 
placing  Ordnance  and  Munition  in  them.  In  his  time, 
the  Lord  sent  upon  the  Countrey,  a  very  grievous 
scourge  and  punishment,  threatning  the  utter  ruine  and 
desolation  of  it:  That  it  came  from  God  I  need  not 
strive  to  prove,  especially  considering  it  was  generally 
so  acknowledged  by  us  at  that  time :  The  causes  and 
occasions  of  it,  I  need  not  name,  being  very  well  knowne 
to  us  all  that  then  lived  there,  which  were  about  sixe 
hundred  persons,  thought  shortly  after  much  diminished. 
I  will  onely  shew  the  thing  it  selfe,  which  was  a  wonder- 
full  annoyance,  by  silly  Rats :  These  Rats  comming  at 
the  first  out  of  a  Ship,  few  in  number,  increased  in 
the  space  of  two  yeeres,  or  lesse,  so  exceedingly,  that 
they  filled  not  onely  those  places  where  they  were  first 
landed :  But  swimming  from  place  to  place,  spread  them- 
selves into  all  parts  of  the  Countrey.  Insomuch,  that 
there  was  no  Hand,  though  severed  by  the  Sea  from 
all  other  Lands,  and  many  miles  distant  from  the  lies 
where  the  Rats  had  their  originall,  but  was  pestered 
with  them.     They  had  their  Nests  almost  in  every  Tree, 

180 


RELATIONS   OF   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1612. 

and  in  all  places  their  Burrowes  in  the  ground  (like 
Conies)  to  harbour  in.  They  spared  not  the  fruits  of 
Plants  and  Trees,  neither  the  Plants  themselves,  but 
eate  them  up.  When  wee  had  set  our  Corne,  they 
would  commonly  come  by  troupes  the  night  following, 
or  so  soone  as  it  began  to  grow,  and  digge  it  up 
againe.  If  by  diligent  watching  any  of  it  were  pre- 
served till  it  came  to  earing,  it  should  then  very  hardly 
scape  them.  Yea,  it  was  a  difficult  matter  after  wee 
had  it  in  our  houses,  to  save  it  from  them,  for  they 
became  noysome  even  to  the  persons  of  men.  Wee 
used  all  diligence  for  the  destroying  of  them,  nourish- 
ing many  Cats,  wilde  and  tame,  for  that  purpose,  wee 
used  Rats-bane,  and  many  times  set  fire  on  the  Woods, 
so  as  the  fire  might  run  halfe  a  mile  or  more  before  it 
were  extinct :  Every  man  in  the  Countrey  was  enjoy ned 
to  set  twelve  Traps,  and  some  of  their  owne  accord  set 
neere  a  hundred,  which  they  visited  twice  or  thrice  in 
a  night.  Wee  tray  ned  up  our  Dogs  to  hunt  them, 
wherein  they  grew  so  expert,  that  a  good  Dog  in  two 
or  three  houres  space,  would  kill  fortie  or  fiftie  Rats, 
and  other  meanes  we  used  to  destroy  them,  but  could 
not  prevaile,  finding  them  still  to  increase  against  us. 

And  this  was  the  principall  cause  of  that  great  dis- 
tresse,  whereunto  wee  were  driven  in  the  first  planting 
of  the  Countrey,  for  these,  devouring  the  fruits  of  the 
earth,  kept  us  destitute  of  bread  a  yeere  or  two,  so  that,  [IV.  ix. 
when  wee  had  it  afterwards  againe,  wee  were  so  weaned  x  797-J 

from  it,  that  wee  should  easily  neglect  and  forget  to  eate 
it  with  our  meat.  We  were  also  destitute  at  that  time 
of  Boats,  and  other  provision  for  fishing.  And  moreover, 
Master  Moore  had  received  warning  from  England,  that 
hee  should  expect  the  Spaniard  that  yeere,  yet  they  came 
not,  but  with  two  ships,  attempting  to  come  in,  and 
having  their  Boat  before  them  to  sound  the  way,  were 
shot  at  by  the  said  Master  Moore  from  Kings  Castle,  and 
as  we  supposed  one  of  them  stricken  through,  whereupon 
they  presently  departed.     But  (as  I  say)  this  expectation 

181 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1612. 

of  them  caused  us  (though  in  great  necessitie)  to  hasten 
the  fortifications  of  the  Countrey.  All  these  joyntly  (but 
principally  the  Rats)  were  the  causes  of  our  distresse :  for 
being  destitute  of  food,  many  dyed,  and  wee  all  became 
very  feeble  and  weake,  whereof  some  being  so,  would 
not;  others  could  not  stir  abroad  to  seeke  reliefe,  but 
dyed  in  their  houses :  such  as  went  abroad  were  subject, 
through  weaknesse,  to  bee  suddenly  surprized  with  a 
The  Feage.  disease  we  called  the  Feages,  which  was  neither  paine 
nor  sicknesse,  but  as  it  were  the  highest  degree  of 
weaknesse,  depriving  us  of  power  and  abilitie  for  the 
execution  of  any  bodily  exercise,  whether  it  were  working, 
walking,  or  what  else.  Being  thus  taken,  if  there  were 
any  in  company  that  could  minister  any  reliefe,  they 
would  straightwayes  recover,  otherwise  they  dyed  there : 
Yet  many  after  a  little  rest  would  be  able  to  walke  again, 
and  then  if  they  found  any  succour  were  saved. 

About  this  time,  or  immediately  before,  came  thither 
a  company  of  Ravens,  which  continued  with  us  all  the 
time  of  this  mortalitie,  and  then  departed.  There  were 
not  before  that  time,  nor  since  (so  far  as  I  heare)  any 
more  of  them  seene  there.  And  this,  with  some  other 
reasons  of  more  moment,  moved  many  to  thinke  that 
there  was  some  other  Hands  neere  the  Sommer  Hands, 
betweene  Virginia,  and  it ;  and  M.  Moore  (in  his  time, 
with  some  other  of  us)  went  forth  in  a  Boat  so  far  as 
then  wee  could  conveniently,  of  purpose  to  discover  it : 
Since  then,  it  hath  beene  endeavoured  by  other,  and  is  yet 
(as  I  heare)  to  be  further  attempted.  And  howsoever 
I  am  perswaded  (for  certaine  causes  which  I  cannot  here 
relate)  there  is  no  such  thing;  Yet  would  I  not  dis- 
animate  any  from  this  enterprise,  for  if  they  find  any, 
their  labours  will  be  well  recompenced ;  and  though 
they  find  none,  yet  might  they  discover  those  parts  so 
well,  that  the  passage  to  and  from  Virginia  would  be 
more  safe  and  easie. 

But  to  returne  from  whence  wee  have  digressed : 
The    extremitie    of  our    distresse  began  to  abate  a  little 

182 


RELATIONS   OF   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1612. 

before  M.  Moores  time  of  government  was  expired, 
partly  by  supplies  out  of  England,  of  victuall  and  pro- 
vision for  fishing,  and  partly  by  that  rest  and  libertie 
we  then  obtained,  the  Countrey  being  fortified.  Yet 
the  Rats  encreased  and  continued  almost  to  the  end 
of  Captaine  Tuckers  time,  although  hee  was  provident 
aud  industrious  to  destroy  them,  but  toward  the  end 
of  his  time  it  pleased  God  (by  what  meanes  it  is  not 
wel  known)  to  take  them  away,  insomuch  that  the  wilde 
Cats  and  many  Dogs  which  lived  on  them  were  famished, 
and  many  of  them  leaving  the  Woods,  came  downe  to 
the  houses,  and  to  such  places  where  they  use  to  garbish 
their  Fish,  and  became  tame.  Some  have  attributed  this 
destruction  of  them  to  the  encrease  of  wild  Cats,  but 
that's  not  likely  they  should  be  so  suddenly  encreased 
rather  at  that  time,  then  in  the  foure  yeeres  before.  And 
the  chiefe  occasion  of  this  supposition  was,  because  they 
saw  such  companies  of  them  leave  the  Woods,  and  shew 
themselves  for  want  of  food.  Others  have  supposed  it 
to  come  to  passe  by  the  coolnesse  of  the  weather,  which 
notwithstanding  is  never  so  great  there,  as  with  us  in 
March,  not  scarce  as  it  is  in  April,  except  it  be  in  the 
wind ;  besides  the  Rats  wanted  not  feathers  of  young 
Birds  and  Chickens  which  they  daily  killed,  and  of 
Palmeto  Mosse  (as  wee  call  it)  to  build  themselves  warme 
nests  out  of  the  wind,  as  usually  they  did.  Neither  doth 
it  appeare  that  the  cold  was  so  mortall  to  them,  seeing 
they  would  ordinarily  swim  from  place  to  place,  and 
be  very  fat  even  in  the  midst  of  Winter.  It  remaineth 
then,  that  as  we  know  God  doth  sometimes  effect  his 
will  without  subordinate  and  secondary  causes,  and 
sometimes  against  them  :  So  wee  need  not  doubt,  but  that 
in  the  speedy  encrease  and  spreading  of  these  Vermine ; 
as  also,  in  the  preservation  of  so  many  of  us  by  such 
weake  meanes  as  we  then  enjoyed,  and  especially  in  the 
sudden  removall  of  this  great  annoyance,  there  was  joyned 
with,  and  besides,  the  ordinary  and  manifest  meanes,  a 
more  immediate  and  secret  worke  of  God. 

183 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1616. 

Now  to   proceed.     M.   Moores  time  of  government 

Cap.  Tucker,  being  expired,  Capt.  Tucker  succeeded,  arriving  there 
about  mid-May,  161 6.  who  likewise  governed  (according 
to  the  custome)  three  yeeres ;  which  time  hee  spent,  for 
the  most  part,  in  husbandring  the  Countrey,  planting  and 
nourishing  all  such  things  as  were  found  fit  either  for 
trade,  or  for  the  sustentation  and  use  of  the  Inhabitants, 
wherein  hee  travelled  with  much  diligence  and  good 
successe,  sending  to  some  parts  of  the  Indies  for  Plants 
and  Fruits :  hee  also  added  to  the  Fortifications,  and 
made  some  Inclosures.  In  his  time,  viz.  in  the  yeere 
1 617.  was  sent  a  Ship  and  provision,  with  men  of  skill, 

Whales.  for   the   killing  of  Whales ;   but  they  arrived  there  too 

late  to  wit,  about  the  midst  of  April,  so  that  before  they 
could  make  ready  their  Shallops,  and  fit  themselves,  the 
principall  season  for  Whale-fishing  was  past :  For  the 
Whale  come  thither  in  January,  and  depart  againe  toward 
the  latter  end  of  May :  Yet  they  strook  some,  but  found 
them  so  lively,  swift,  &  fierce  after  they  were  stricken, 
that  they  could  take  none.  They  yeeld  great  store  of 
Oyle,  as  appeared  by  one  that  drave  to  shoare  on 
Sommerset  Hand,  in  Sandys  Tribe :  and  by  another  that 
we  found  not  far  from  thence  dead  upon  a  Rocke. 

[IV.  ix.  I  also  received  by  Captaine  Tucker,  directions  from  the 

!798-J  Adventurers   to   divide  the  Countrey,  and  to  assigne  to 

Shares.  each   Adventurer    his    shares   or  portion  of  Land :    and 

withall,  a  description,  with  notes  touching  the  manner 
how  they  would  have  it  done,  as  they  had  formerly 
determined  by  Lot.  Which  thing  I  did  with  all  faithful- 
nesse  and  diligence,  the  manner  of  it  doth  above  appeare, 
and  is  more  largely  manifested  in  a  Booke  of  the  Survey 
of  the  Country,  exhibited  to  the  Right  Honorable  his 
Majesties  Counsell,  and  the  Court  of  Adventurers  for 
these  parts.  And  then  began  this,  which  was  before  as 
it  were  an  unsetled  and  confused  Chaos  (I  meane  as 
touching  a  Plantation,  for  considered  onely  as  a  Regiment 
it  was  otherwise)  to  receive  a  convenient  disposition, 
forme,  and   order,  and  to  become  indeed  a  Plantation  ; 

184 


RELATIONS   OF   BERMUDA  a.d. 

i  619. 

for  though  the  Countrey  was  small,  yet  they  could  not 
have  beene  conveniently  disposed  and  well  settled, 
without  a  true  description  and  survey  made  of  it ;  and 
againe  every  man  being  settled  where  hee  might  con- 
stantly abide,  they  knew  their  businesse,  and  fitted 
their  houshold  accordingly.  They  built  for  themselves 
and  their  Families,  not  Tents  or  Cabins,  but  more 
substantiall  houses:  they  cleered  their  grounds,  and 
planted  not  onely  such  things  as  would  yeeld  them 
their  fruits  in  a  yeere,  or  halfe  a  yeere:  but  all  such 
too,  as  would  afFoord  them  profit  after  certaine  yeeres, 
&c.  So  that  in  short  time  after,  even  before  expiration 
of  Captaine  Tuckers  government,  the  Country  began  to 
aspire  and  neerely  to  approch  unto  that  happinesse  and 
prosperity  wherein  now  it  flourisheth.  For  may  it  not 
justly  be  accounted  happinesse  and  prosperitie,  for  men 
to  live  where  they  enjoy  the  meanes  of  true  Religion 
and  Salvation,  to  wit,  the  sincere  Ministerie  of  the 
Word  and  Sacraments  ?  where  the  government  is  good 
without  rigour  and  oppression,  the  place  healthfull  and 
temperate?  where  they  are  freed  from  all  extreme  care 
and  toyle?  where  they  have  food  in  abundance,  and 
very  good,  with  other  things  needfull  to  the  body  ?  and 
where  they  have  Commodities  meete  for  Trade,  by 
which  they  better  advance  their  estates?  all  which  and 
more  is  largely  verified  in  the  present  estate  of  that 
Colonie,  whatsoever  some  maliciously  minded,  or  to 
evill  ends  suborned,  may  say  to  the  contrary,  so  that 
there  may  seeme  to  bee  a  restauration  of  that  Golden 
Age  so  much  spoken  of. 

The  Governour  now  there  resident,  is  one  Captaine 
Butler,  for  Captaine  Tucker  departing  thence  in  Decem- 
ber 1 61 8.  left  in  his  place  Captaine  Kendall  (who  also 
was  one  that  supplied  the  same  place  in  the  interim, 
betweene  Master  Moores  time  and  Captaine  Tuckers, 
and  hath  spent  some  nine  or  ten  yeeres  in  the  Countrey. 
But  in  the  yeere  161 9.  about  Midsummer,  the  Ad- 
venturers   sent    thither    as    Governour    for   three   yeeres 

185 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   FILGRIMES 

1619. 

(according  to  the  custome)  the  said  Captaine  Butler, 
and  foure  ships,  with  some  five  hundred  persons,  there 
beeing  at  that  time  in  the  Countrey  onely  five  hundred 
more:  for  by  the  space  of  foure  yeeres,  to  wit,  during 
the  latter  part  of  Master  Moores  government,  and  all 
the  time  of  Captaine  Tuckers,  they  had  sent  few  thither, 
being  almost  hopelesse  of  the  place,  by  reason  of  the 
Rats :  But  since  there  have  beene  sent  many  companies 
more  then  have  come  to  my  knowledge.  Insomuch 
that  I  understand  the  Countrey  is  now  almost  fully 
planted  and  inhabited. 

Thus  have  I  briefly  related  (so  farre  forth  as  hath 
come  to  my  knowledge  and  remembrance)  every  thing 
of  most  note  and  importance  that  hath  befallen  in  the 
first  Discoverie  and  planting  of  these  Hands,  till  this 
present.  I  have  laboured  to  contract  my  selfe,  yet  have 
exceeded  my  entended  limits.  Now  I  must  speake 
something  of  the  Countrey  it  selfe :  Which  consisteth 
of  a  company  of  small  Hands,  situate  and  formed  as 
above  appeareth.  It  lyeth  in  the  Westerne  Ocean,  in 
that  part  of  the  World  lately  discovered,  and  called 
America,  or  the  New  World,  vulgarly,  the  West  Indies : 
It  hath  Latitude,  or  Elevation  (as  is  abovesaid)  32. 
degrees  25.  minutes,  which  is  almost  the  same  with  the 
Maderaes,  or  rather  more  Southward. 

The  Countrey  is  round  about  environed  with  Rockes ; 
which  to  the  Northward,  Westward,  and  Southward, 
extend  farther  then  hath  beene  yet  discovered  :  By  reason 
of  these  Rockes  the  Countrey  is  very  strong :  For  there 
is  onely  two  places  (and  scarce  two,  except  to  such  as 
know  them  well)  where  shipping  may  safely  come  in : 
and  those  places  are  very  well  fortified :  but  within  is 
roome  to  entertaine  a  Royall  Fleet.  The  Rockes  in 
most  places  appeare  at  a  low  water :  neither  are  they 
much  covered  at  a  high  water;  For  it  ebbes  and  flowes 
there,  not  above  five  foot.  The  shoare  it  selfe  (for  the 
most  part)  is  a  Rocke:  so  hardned  by  the  Sunne,  Wind, 
and  Sea,  that  it  is  not  apt  to  be  worne  by  the  Waves ; 

186 


RELATIONS   OF   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1619. 

whose  violence  is  also  broken  by  the  Rocks,  before  they 

come  at  the  shoare.     The  Mould  is  of  divers  colours ; 

neither   Clay,  nor  Sand,  but   a   meane   betweene.     The 

Red,    which    resembleth    Clay    is    worst;    the    whitish, 

resembling  Sand,  and  the  blackish,  Clay,  is  good :    the 

Browne,   betweene   them    both    (which    they   call  white, 

because   there   is   mingled  with   it,  as   it  were  a  white 

Marie)  is  best.     Under  the  Mould  two  or  three  foote 

deepe,  and   sometimes   lesse,   is  a  kind   of  white,   hard 

substance,  which  they  call  the  Rocke :  the  Trees  usually 

fasten    their    Roots  in   it:    and  draw  their  nourishment 

from  it :   Neither  is  it  indeed  Rocke  or  Stone,  nor  so 

hard,   though    for   the   most   part  harder   then   Chalke ; 

not    so    white,    but    Pumice-like    and    Spongie,    easily 

receiving  and  contayning  much  water :   I  have  seene,  in 

some   places,    Clay   found    under   it.      It   seemes   to  be 

engendred   of  the    Raine   water,    drayning   through    the 

earth,    and    drawing   with    it   of   his   substance,    unto   a 

certaine   depth    where   it   congeales.     The    hardest   kind 

of  it    (which    is   commonly   under   the   red   ground)   is 

not   so   Spongie,   nor   retaynes   much  water ;    but   lyeth  [IV.  ix. 

in  the  ground  in  Quarries,  as  it  were  thicke  Slates  one  !799-] 

upon   another :    and  there  is  some   chinkes   or   crevises 

betwixt  one  lare  and  another,   through  which  the  water 

hath  passage :  so  that  in  such  places  there  is  scarce  found 

any  fresh  water.     For  all,  or  the  most  part  of  their  fresh 

water  (whereof  they  have  good  store)  commeth  out  of  the 

Sea ;  drayning  through  the  Sand,  or  through  the  foresaid 

substance,  which  they  call  the  Rocke,  and  leaving  his  Salt 

behind  it  becomes  fresh :  Sometimes  we  digged  Welles  of  Weh. 

fresh  water,  within  foure  or  five  paces  of  the  Sea-side ; 

sometimes  further  off.     The  most  part  of  them  would 

ebbe  and  flow,  as  the  Sea  did,  and  be  levell  or  little  higher 

then  the  Superficies  of  the  Sea. 

The  Aire  is  most  commonly  cleere,   very  temperate,  The  Aire. 

moist,  with  a  moderate  heate,  very  healthfull,  and  apt 

for  the  Generation  and  nourishing  of  all  things ;  so  that 

there  is  scarce  any  thing  transported  from  hence  thither, 

187 


A.D. 
1619. 


Temperature 
of  the 
Countrey. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGBJMES 

but  it  yeelds  a  farre  greater  encrease  ;  and  if  it  be  any 
living  thing,  becomes  fatter  and  better  liking,  then  here. 
By  this  meanes  the  Countrey  was  so  replenished  with 
Hennes  and  Turkeyes,  within  the  space  of  three  or  foure 
yeeres,  that  beeing  neglected,  many  of  them  forsooke  the 
Houses,  and  became  wilde,  and  so  lived  in  great  abund- 
ance. The  like  encrease  there  is  of  Hogges  and  other 
Cattle,  according  to  their  kinds.  There  seemes  to  be 
a  continuall  Spring,  which  is  the  cause  that  some  few 
things  come  not  to  that  maturitie  and  perfection,  as  were 
requisite.  And  though  the  Trees  doe  shed  their  leaves, 
yet  are  they  alwayes  full  of  greene. 

Their  Corne  is  the  same  which  they  use  almost  in  all 
parts  of  the  West  Indies,  to  wit,  Maiz :  which,  to  such  as 
are  used  to  it,  is  more  heartie  and  nourishing  then  our 
English  Wheate,  and  yeelds  a  farre  greater  increase,  as  a 
pound,  sometimes,  of  one  or  two  graines.  Of  this  Corne, 
and  divers  other  things,  without  either  plowing  or  digging 
the  ground,  they  have  two  Harvests  every  yeere  :  for  they 
set  about  March,  which  they  gather  in  July ;  and  againe 
in  August,  which  is  ripe  in  December :  And  little  slips  of 
Figge  trees,  and  Vines,  doe  usually  beare  fruit  within  lesse 
then  a  yeere  after  they  are  planted,  sometimes  in  halfe  a 
yeere.     The  like  fertilitie  it  hath  in  other  things. 

There  is  scarce  at  any  time  to  be  perceived  either  Frost 
or  Snow,  nor  any  extreme  heate;  for  there  is  almost 
alwayes  some  wind  stirring,  which  cleereth  and  cooleth 
the  Aire.  Their  Summers  and  Winters  observe  the  same 
times  with  ours,  but  their  longest  dayes  and  nights  are 
shorter  then  ours  in  England,  by  two  houres  and  almost  a 
halfe :  as  also  their  shortest  dayes  and  nights  are  as  much 
longer  then  ours :  for  their  longest  dayes  and  nights  are 
about  fourteene  houres,  and  their  shortest  ten.  When  it 
is  Noone  with  us,  it  is  Morning  with  them ;  and  when  it 
is  about  five  of  the  clocke  in  the  Evening  with  us,  it  is 
high-noone  with  them :  so  that  whilest  the  Sun  declines 
with  us,  it  riseth  with  them,  as  also  it  doth  in  Virginia. 
It  is  apt  to  Thunder  and  Lightning  all  the  yeere,  oft- 

188 


RELATIONS   OF   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1619. 

times  more  terrible  then  in  England  ;    but  no  man,  or 

other  living  creature  have  I  knowne  hurt  by  it.     There 

is  no  venemous  creature  in   the   Countrey :    the  yellow 

Spider  which   is    there,   making   her  Webbe   as  it  were  Spiders. 

of  Silke,  and  bringing  forth  her  young  (as  the  Alchimists 

their  stone)  of  Egges  like  little  Balles  of  Quick-silver,  is 

not  perceived  to  bee  any  whit  venemous.     Yet  there  is  a 

Plant  (that  climbeth  Trees  like  Ivie,  the  leafe  also  of  the 

same  colour,  but  in  shape  like  the  Vine)  that  is  somewhat 

venemous,  but  of  no  great  force. 

There  is  great  store  and  varietie  of  Fish,  and  so  good 
as  these  part  of  the  World  affoords  not  the  like ;  which 
being  for  the  most  part  unknowne  to  us,  each  man  gave 
them  names  as  they  best  liked:  as  one  kind  they  called 
Rocke-fish,  another  Groopers,  others  Porgie-fish,  Hog- 
fish,  Angle-fish,  Cavallies,  Yellow-tayles,  Spanish  Makerell, 
Mullets,  Breame,  Connie-fish,  Morrayes,  Sting-rayes, 
Flying-fish,  &c.  The  like  they  did  by  the  Fowle,  as 
Cohooes,  Sand-birds,  Herons,  Ducke  and  Teale,  Pem- 
blicoes,  Castle-boobies,  Hawkes,  &c. 

The  Countrey  when  we  first  beganne  the  Plantation, 
was  all  over-growne  with  Woods  and  Plants  of  severall 
kinds :  and  to  such  kinds  as  were  unknowne  to  us  (which 
were  the  most  part)  we  also  gave  names ;  such  as  were 
knowne  retayning  their  olde  names  :  as  Cedars,  Palmetoes, 
Black-wood,  White-wood,  Yellow-wood,  Mulberie-trees, 
Stopper-trees,  Lawrell  and  Olive-trees,  Mangrowes, 
Pepper-trees,  Yellow-bery-weed,  Red-weed :  These,  and 
many  others,  wee  found  naturally  growing  in  the  Coun- 
trey. But  since  it  hath  beene  inhabited,  there  hath  beene 
brought  thither,  as  well  from  the  Indies  as  from  other 
parts  of  the  World,  sundry  other  Plants,  as  Vines  of 
severall  kinds,  Sugar-canes,  Figge-trees,  Apple-trees, 
Oranges,  Lemmons,  Pomegranets,  Plantanes,  Pines,  Par- 
snips, Raddishes,  Artichokes,  Potatoes,  Cassavi,  Indico, 
and  many  other :  Insomuch  that  it  is  now  become  as  it 
were  some  spacious  Garden  or  Nourcerie  of  many  pleasant 
and  profitable  things. 

189 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1619. 

Now  if  I  should  proceed  to  a  more  speciall  Narration, 
and  speake  of  all  these  Plants,  Birds,  Fishes,  and  other 
remarkable  things  particularly :  I  could  not  but  bee  much 
larger  then  were  any  wayes  expedient  in  this  place. 
Besides,  I  have  long  since  understood,  that  Captaine 
Butler  (the  Governour  there  resident)  hath  undertaken 
to  write  of  these  and  the  like  things,  a  peculiar  Treatise. 
This  therefore  that  is  spoken  touching  the  nature  of  the 
Countrey  in  generall,  shall  suffice.  Onely  to  make  choice 
of  two  particulars,  whereof  I  will  speake,  not  so  largely  as 
the  things  require ;  but  so  farre  forth  as  will  be  meet  and 
convenient  in  this  place. 
[IV.  ix.  The   £rst  ^11   Dee  the  Tortoyse,  which  they  call   a 

1  oo.j  turtle  .  wnicn  having  some  affinitie  and  resemblance  with 
Fishes,  Beasts,  and  Fowles,  shall  serve  instead  of  a  His- 
toric of  them  all.  The  other  shall  be  that  which  they  call 
the  prickled  Peare-tree :  which  participating  in  nature,  and 
resembling  in  some  things,  herbs  and  in  other  Trees; 
shall  likewise  serve  in  stead  of  the  Naturall  Historie  of 
them  both. 

And  first  of  the  Turckle,  not  regarding  (for  brevities 
sake)  the  large  Discourses  of  others ;  I  will  onely  write 
what  I  have  seene  and  knowne  my  selfe.  They  are  in  the 
shape  of  their  bodie  like  a  Crab-fish ;  and  have  foure 
finnes  :  they  are  as  great  as  three  or  foure  men  can  carrie  : 
the  upper  part  of  them  is  covered  with  a  great  shell, 
which  wee  call  a  Galley-patch,  weighing  (as  I  take  it) 
halfe  a  hundred  weight  :  the  flesh  that  cleaveth  to  the 
in-side  of  this  being  rosted  against  the  fire,  is  excellent 
meate  :  almost  like  the  Marrow  of  Beefe  :  but  the  shell  it 
selfe  harder  then  Home :  shee  hath  also  a  shell  on  her 
belly,  not  so  hard,  but  being  boyled  it  becommeth  soft,  like 
the  sinewes  or  gristle  of  Beefe ;  and  good  meate.  These 
live  in  the  Sea,  spending  the  Spring  time,  and  part  of  the 
Summer  about  these  Hands :  but  the  residue  of  the  yeere, 
we  know  not  where.  They  are  like  to  Fowle  in  respect 
of  the  smallnesse  and  fashion  of  their  heads  and  neckes  : 
which  are  wrinkled  like  a  Turkeyes,  but  white,  and  not  so 

190 


RELATIONS   OF   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1619. 

sharpe  billed.  They  also  breed  their  young  of  Egges 
which  they  lay.  They  resemble  Beasts,  in  that  their  flesh 
is  like  Veale,  but  more  hard  and  solid ;  and  they  feed 
alwayes  upon  grasse  growing  at  the  bottome  of  the  water ; 
neither  can  they  abide  any  longer  under  water,  then  they 
hold  their  breath  ;  which  the  old  ones  will  doe  long  :  but 
the  young  ones  being  chased  to  and  fro,  cannot  continue 
two  minutes  with  out  comming  up  to  breathe.  Shortly 
after  their  comming  in,  the  Male  and  Female  couple, 
which  wee  call  cooting;  this  they  continue  some  three 
dayes  together,  during  which  time,  they  will  scarce  sepa- 
rate though  a  Boat  come  to  them,  nor  hardly  when  they 
are  smitten.  Not  long  after,  the  Shee-Turckle  comes  up 
by  night  upon  some  Sandie  Bay ;  and  further  up  then  the 
water  useth  to  flow,  shee  digges  a  hole  with  her  finne  in 
the  Sand,  some  two  foote  deepe ;  and  there  comming  up 
severall  nights,  layes  her  Egges,  some  halfe  a  bushell 
(which  are  about  the  bignesse  of  a  Hennes  Egge,  and 
round  as  a  Ball)  and  each  time  covers  them  with  Sand 
very  curiously ;  so  that  a  man  shall  hardly  finde  the 
place.  These  Egges  (as  it  seemes)  are  afterwards  hatched 
by  heate  of  the  Sunne,  and  then  by  the  Providence  of 
God  (the  meanes  are  yet  unknowne  to  us)  are  brought 
out  of  the  earth,  for  wee  could  never  perceive  that  shee 
returnes  any  more  to  them,  and  yet  in  likelihood  they 
remaine  not  long  in  the  Earth  after  they  are  hatched, 
because  (as  I  have  before  said)  they  cannot  live  without 
breathing.  We  sometimes  see  of  the  young  ones  no 
bigger  then  a  mans  hand,  which  some  fish  will  devoure. 
They  grow  slowly,  and  seeme  to  have  a  very  long  life, 
they  will  sleepe  on  the  top  of  the  water,  and  were  wont  to 
sleepe  often  on  the  Land,  till  the  Countrie  was  peopled ; 
they  will  also  live  out  of  the  water  some  three  weekes, 
and  that  without  meate,  but  mourne  and  pine  away ;  they 
are  very  wittie.  Being  on  the  Land  turned  upon  their 
backes,  they  can  no  more  without  some  helpe  or  advan- 
tage recover  themselves ;  by  which  meanes  when  they 
come  on  shoare  to  lay  their  Egges,  they  are  easily  taken, 

*9* 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1619. 

as  also  they  are  when  they  are  cooting.  But  otherwise 
wee  take  them  for  the  most  part  by  night,  making  a  great 
light  in  a  Boate,  to  which  they  will  sometimes  swimme, 
and  seldome  shunne :  so  that  a  man  standing  readie  with  a 
staffe  in  his  hand,  which  hath  at  one  end  a  socket,  wherein 
is  an  Iron  lesse  than  a  mans  finger,  foure-square  and  sharpe, 
with  a  line  fastned  to  it,  hee  striking  this  Iron  into  the 
upper  shell  of  the  Turckle,  it  stickes  so  fast,  that  after 
shee  hath  a  little  tired  her  selfe  by  swimming  too  and  fro, 
shee  is  taken  by  it.  They  will  live,  the  head  being  cut 
off,  foure  and  twentie  houres ;  so  that  if  you  cut  the  flesh 
with  a  Knife,  or  touch  it,  it  will  tremble  and  shrinke 
away.  There  is  no  meate  will  keepe  longer  either  fresh 
or  salt. 

But  leaving  these,  we  will  now  come  to  speake  of  the 
Prickled  Peares,  which  are  a  fruit  growing  in  these 
Hands,  in  such  places  as  are  scarce  fit  for  any  thing  else, 
namely,  upon  Rockes  and  Cliffes,  and  commonly  by  the 
Sea  side,  as  if  the  salt-water  did  somewhat  helpe  to  the 
generation  and  nourishing  of  them.  The  tree  seemes  to 
grow  certaine  yeeres  before  it  beares  fruit,  and  then  to 
continue  bearing,  very  many  yeeres,  having  almost  all  the 
yeere  long  fruit  upon  it.  And  although  we  call  this 
a  Tree,  yet  hath  it  scarce  any  bodie  or  branches,  but 
consisteth  in  a  manner  wholly  of  leaves  and  fruit,  soft  and 
brittle. 

But  we  will  give  you  a  larger  Historie  of  the  Creatures 
from  Captaine  Smith,  in  the  next  Chapter. 


19: 


OCCURRENTS    IN   BERMUDA  ad. 

1612. 

Chap.    XVIII.  [IV.  ix. 

r  1801.] 

Extracts  out  of  Captaine  John  Smiths  Historie 
of  Bermudas,  or  Summer  Hands  ;  touching 
the  English  Acts  and  Occurrents  there  from 
the    beginning    of   the    Plantation. 

Ome    one    hundred    and    twentie    of  the 

Virginian    Company    bought    that    Title 

which    the     Company     might     seeme   to 

have  to  Bermuda,   and  obtayned  Letters 

Patents    of    his    Majestic      Sir    Thomas 

Smith     was      elected      Treasurer,      and 

Master    Richard     Moore     sent      thither 

with  the  first  Colonie,  which  found  the  three  men  well, 

Carter,    Chard,   and   Waters,   which   had   found    store   of 

Ambergrice,    which    was    the    occasion    of   great    stirres  lnveniuntur 

betwixt    Moore    and    Kendall,     (who    was    imprisoned)  °Pes  lrrli 

Chard  (who  was  condemned  and   on  the    Ladder  to   be  amna 

hanged,    but    reprived,   and    all    Moores    time    detayned 

prisoner)  and  Captaine  Davies,  who  had   almost  kindled 

a  mutinie  till   better   thoughts  did   better  him.     Sic  vos 

non  vobis,  was   the   conclusion  of  that  Treasure   to   the 

finders,   howsoever   Davies   and  Kendall   are   said  to  have 

licked    their    fingers    well.      For    the     naturall   Historie 

thereof   I    have    added    thus   much   out   of  him   to    that 

which  before  hath   beene  delivered   by    others. 

The  most  troublesome  to  these  Hands  are  the  Winds 

and    Wormes,    specially    in    the    Spring    and    Autumne, 

rather  to  awaken  industrie  then  to  cause  despaire. 

The   Musketas   or   Flies   are   very   busie,    with   a   cer- 

taine  Indian  bugge  called  by  the  Spaniards,  a  Cacaroatch,  Flies. 

which    creeping    into    Chists    by    their    ill    sented    dung 

defile    all,     besides    their    eating.     Little    Ants     are    in 

Summer    so    troublesome    that    they    are    forced    to   dry  Ants. 

their    figs    on    high    frames,    annointing    the    feet    with 

Tarre    which    stay   their   passage   that   else    would    spoile 

all.     Wormes  in  the  earth  are  noisome   to    their    Corne  iVormes. 
xix  193  N 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1612. 

and  Tobacco,  causing  them  great  labour  every  morning 
to  destroy  them  ;    which  else  would  destroy  all.     Large 

Lizards.  Lizards    have   been    there,    now    destroyed   by  the   Cats. 

Spiders.  Spiders  are  large  but  beautifully  coloured,  as  if  they 
were  adorned  with  Silver,  Gold,  and  Pearle  :  their 
Webs  in  Summer  woven  from  Tree  to  Tree,  a  perfect 
raw  Silke  in  substance  and  colour,  so  strong  that  Birds 
like  Snites  bigger  then  Black-birds,  are  snared  in  their 
Nets. 

Fowles.         There   are  grey   and   white   Hearne,   grey   and   greene 

Plover,  wild  Ducks,  and  Mallards,  Coots,  Red-shankes, 

Sea-wigeons,    grey    Bitternes,     Cormorants,    numbers    of 

small   Birds,    like   Sparrowes    and    Robbins,    which   have 

lately    beene  destroyed    by    the    Wild    Cats,  very    many 

Wood-peckers,    Crowes,   which   since   the   Plantation   are 

killed,  and  seldome  seene  except  in  places  least  inhabited, 

where    they    are    observed    to    take    their    flight    about 

Sun-set,    directing    their  course  toward   the    North-west, 

which    causeth    the    conjecture    of   other    Hands.     (Yea, 

the    Spaniards    say    this    is    not    true     Bermuda,    &c.) 

sometimes  also  are  seene  Falcons,    Jarfalcons,  Osprayes,  a 

Bird  like  a  Hobby,  holden  but  a  passenger. 

The  Cohow  is  so  termed  of  his  voice  ;    a  night  Bird 

all    day    hid    in    the    Rockes.     The    Egge-bird    on    the 

first    day    of   May    constantly    observed    to    come,    they 

begin    to   lay    Egs   as    big    almost    as   Hens   Egges  ;    so 

continuing    till   Mid-summer,   so   tame  you   must  thrust 

them    off":    then    permitted    to    breed    (growing    weake) 

and    their    young    are    excellent    meate.     The    Egges    of 

those   are  white  ;  of  the  Cohowes  speckled,  as    bigge  as 

Hennes  :    strict   inhibition    was    made    for    their    sparing 

beeing  almost   destroyed. 

The     Tropiks     Bird    hath     his    name    of    the    places 

where   he  is   most   seene.     Another   Bird   of  her   Cry  is 

called  Pemblico,  seldome    seene  by  day,    an    unwelcome 

Prophet   of  Tempests    by  her  clamorous    crying.     Owles 

are  now  gone,  Pigeons  prosper  not.     Tame  Duckes  and 

Geese  are  there. 

194 


OCCURRENTS   IN   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1612. 

Now  for  Plants  there  growing,  the  most  remarkeable 
are,  the  Poyson-weed,  which  is  much  in  our  English 
Ivie,  with  the  touch  thereof  causing  rednesse,  itching  and 
blisters,  all  which  after  a  while  passe  away  of  themselves 
without  further  hurt. 

The  Red-reed  is  a  tall  Plant,  whose  stalke  is 
covered  with  a  red  rind  ;  the  Roote  steeped,  or  a 
small  quantitie  of  the  juyce  drunke  alone  procureth  a 
forceable  Vomit,  generally  used  and  effectual  against  dis- 
tempers of  the  stomacke. 

A  kind  of  Wood-bind  is  common  neere  the  «Sea 
running  on  Trees  like  a  Vine,  the  fruit  somewhat 
like  a  Beane  but  flatter,  which  eaten  any  way  causeth 
to  purge  vehemently,  yet  without  further  harme. 

Another  small  Tree  causeth  costivenesse.  There  is 
also  a  Plant  like  a  Bramble,  bearing  a  long  yellow 
fruit  with  a  hard  shell,  and  within  a  hard  Berrie  which 
stamped  and  taken  inwardly,  purgeth  gently. 

Red-Pepper  is  a  fruit  like  our  Barberies,  which 
beaten,  or  bruized  with  the  Teeth,  sets  all  the  mouth 
on  a  heat,  for  the  time  terrible  ;  but  swallowed  whole 
have  the  same   operation  that   blacke   Pepper. 

The  Sea-feather  is  a  Plant  growing  on  the  Rocks  in 
the  bottome  of  the  Sea  in  forme  of  a  Vine-leafe,  but 
farre  more  spread  with  veines  of  a  palish  red,  strangely 
interlaced  and  weaved  into  each  other  :  the  vertue 
unknowne. 

There  are  besides  fruits  thither    carried    which    thrive  [IV.  ix. 
and    multiply,    White,     Red,    Yellow    Potatoes,    Sugar-  1802.] 

canes,  Indicoes,  Parsnips,  exceeding  large  Radishes, 
Cassavi  (the  American  root  for  bread)  the  Indian 
Pompeon,  the  water  Melon,  the  Muske  Melon,  the 
most  delicate  Pine-apple,  Plantans,  and  Papawes  ;  the 
English  Artichoke,  Pease,   &c. 

Master    Moore   applied  himselfe   to   fortifying   and   to  Moores  Forts. 
traine    his   men  :    hee    laid    the    foundation    of  eight    or 
nine     Forts,    called    the    Kings    Castle,     Charles     Fort, 
Pembrokes   Fort,    Smiths  Fort,   Gates   Fort,   Warwickes 

i95 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1612. 

Castle,  Saint  Katherines  Fort,  &c.  mounting  therein  all 
such  Ordnance  as  he  had.  Being  busied  in  these  and 
other   necessaries,   which  held  the   men  hard  at   worke, 

MasterKeath.  Master  Keath  the  Minister,  a  Scot,  taxed  him  in  the 
Pulpit  for  grinding  the  faces  of  the  poore,  oppressing 
his  Christian  brethern  with  Pharoos  taxes ;  for  which 
being  convented,  and  by  the  generality  contraried,  he 
fell  on  his  knees  and  asked  pardon,  which  was  easily 
with  good  admonition  granted.  Two  other  male- 
contents  were  condemned  to  be  hanged,  one  of  which 
for  feare  fell  into  a  dead  palsie,  the  other  was  freed, 
and  after  proved  a  good  labourer.  He  got  two 
peeces  of  Ordnance  out  of  the  Sea  Venture  (Sir  George 

Church  built.  Summers  wracke)  framed  a  Church  of  Timber,  which 
was  blowne  downe  and  reedified,  and  another  built  in 
a   closer   place   with    Palmito   leaves.     Before   the   yeare 

Supplies  sent     expired,    an   Adviso    with   thirtie  passengers  were    sent, 

An.  1 61 3.  to  prepare  for  Spaniards;  which  made  them  fall  so 
hard  to  worke,  that  many  fell  sicke.  The  Martha 
followed     with     sixtie     passengers,     and    in    it     Master 

M.  Barklie.  George  Barklie,  who  tooke  good  notice  of  those  Hands. 
The  Elizabeth  was  sent  the  second  time  with  fortie 
passengers.  These  carried  the  first  Potatos,  which 
being    all    lost   but   two    castaway    rootes    have    yeelded 

Increase  of      increase    there    to   admiration,  and    are   great    reliefe  to 

Potatos.  the  Inhabitants. 

Spanish  Ships.  Two  Spanish  Ships  were  seene  soone  after  this  Ship 
was  gone,  to  sound  with  their  Boate,  attempting  to 
come  in  ;  but  from  the  Kings  Castle  Master  Moore 
made  two  shot,  which  caused  them  to  depart,  to  the 
joy  of  the  Plantation,  which  then  had  but  three 
quarters  of  a  barrell  of  Powder,  and  but  one  shot 
more  :  the  Powder  also  by  carelesnesse  tumbled  under 
the  Mussels  of  the  two  Peeces  which  were  discharged, 
and    yet    not    touched    with    fire.     The    like    mercifull 

Escapes  from    providence    appeared    in    certaine     cartrages     of    Paper 

dangers.  filled    with    Powder  ;     a  negligent     fellow     leaving    his 

Match    burning    upon    one    of  them   all   the   while   they 

196 


OCCURRENTS    IN    BERMUDA  a.d. 

1614. 

were   at   Prayer,    so   that   the   cole   touched    the    Paper 

and  fired  it  not. 

A    worse    thing    happened    by    a    carvell    of   Meale, 
which    Daniel    Elfred    brought   thither,    so    stored    with 
Rats,    that   had   neere   ruined  all  the   Plantation.     Two  &ats- 
yeeres    after    came    in    the    Blessing   with    one    hundred 
passengers,  and  the  Starre  with  one  hundred  and  eightie, 
and    soone    after  the   Margaret,   and   two    Frigats    with 
one   hundred  and  sixtie.      Master  Barkley  also   came  to  M.  Barklm 
divide    the    Countrie     into     Tribes,     and     the    Tribes  second  comnS- 
into     shares ;    but     Moore     seeing    his    share     and    the 
Colonies   to   be   none,   gave   him   so   cold   entertainment, 
that    he    returned    as    he    came. 

This    bred    Moore    more    dislike    in    England,    and 
his    minding    fortification     so    much,     with    neglect    of  1614. 
Corne    bred    a    famin  ;     that     attended    with    diseases  Famine  and 
specially   one  called  the   Feagues,    which   without  sense  m  nesse' 
of  paine,    swallowed    up    all    their    strength    at    once, 
whereof  without    succour   they    died ;     some  by   foode 
and     rest     recovered.        The     Ravens     continued     this  Ravens- 
mortality    and    then    departed.      William    Millinton    was 
drawne     into     the     Sea     by     a  Fish,    and    never     seen 
more.     The  Famine  gave  a  supersedeas  to  the  workes, 
and    Moore    sent   them    to  seeke   reliefe.     At   Coupers 
He    with    a    contrary    extremity    of    the    abundance    of  Contrary 
Cahows   and    Fish,    many    surfeited    and    died.      Some  extnme- 
killed   the    Cattell,    and  one  stole   away    to  the  Woods 
and    there    franked   himselfe,    feeding   on   land    Crabbes 
and  Wilkes.      For  fishing,  the  Smith  was  faine  to  make 
Hookes   of   Swords,    and   Lines   of  old    Ropes,    till    a 
Frigat  being  sent  with  advice  into  England,  the  Welcome 
was    sent    with    provision.     Master    Moore    returned    in 
this   Ship,   and   left   the   Government   to    a    Councell    of  b  a  Qoumen 
sixe,     which     should    succeede     each    other    monethly ; 
viz.    Captaine   Miles    Kendall,  Captaine  John  Mansfield, 
Thomas  Knight,  Charles  Caldicot,  Edward  Waters,  and 
Christopher     Carter,    with    twelve    Assistants.       Moore 
arriving    here,     after     much     quarrell,     obtained     eight 

197 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1614. 

shares  of  Land.  Hee  died  after  in  Sir  Walter  Raleighs 
Guiana  voyage.  He  was  a  man  very  pragmaticall, 
and  had  before  undertaken  much  in  Foulenesse  for 
Rapes  seede,  &c.  A  man  fitter  for  such  a  Plantation 
as  this  in  the  beginning  was,  then  some  silken 
Citizen,  or  stalking  Gentleman,  or  talking  Traveller, 
or  sowre  Humorist,  or  grim  Martialist  might  haply 
have  proved. 

Caldkots  lot.  Caldicots  Lot  was  first,  whose  moneth  being  ended, 
with  Knight  and  Waters  in  a  small  Frigot  he  went  to 
Virginia,  Mansfield  succeeded  in  the  new  triumvirate, 
and  a  plot  not  to  surrender  the  Government  to  such 
as  from  England  should  be  appointed,  was  disappointed  : 
Master    Hughes     was     imprisoned,    and    soone    set    at 

M.Keathand  liberty,  but  Master  Keath  his  Symmystes  fell  to  strange 
•  ughes.  disputes,  and  Hughes  was  againe  convented,  and  by  the 
Jury  acquitted.  Mansfields  moneth  being  passed 
in  braules,  the  two  next  were  quiet ;  yet  those  contest- 
ings  after  revived.  The  Edwin  arrived  with  good 
supplies.  Divers  Boates  were  lost  at  Sea  about  this 
time. 

Strange  But   one   memorable   accident   was   this :    In    March, 

accident.  a  season  m0st  tempestuous,  on  a  faire  Friday  morning, 

seven  men  went  in  a  Boate  of  two  or  three  tuns 
to  fish,  some  of  them  fasting,  neither  had  they  any 
provision  in  the  Boat  with  them  but  a  few  Palmeto 
berries  ;  some  foure  leagues  from  shoare  a  tempest 
tooke    them,    and    carried    them    quite    out  of  sight  of 

[IV.  ix.  land  ;  their  strength  being  spent,  the  strength  also  of  the 

l8o3-]  tempest  abated  on  Sunday,  and  a  calme  followed.     Too 

weake  for  Oares   they   lay  adrift    that  night :    the    next 

Andrew  morning  Andrew    Hillyard  (the  rest    not  able    to  helpe 

Hilhards  themselves)  spred  the  saile  :  On  tuesday  one  died,  on 
Wednesday  three,  which  were  cast  overboord  ;  on  thurs- 
day  night  the  sixth,  whom  he  was  not  able  to  turne  over, 
but  stripped  him,  ripped  his  belly  with  his  Knife,  threw 
his  bowels  into  the  Sea,  spred  his  body  abroad,  tilted  open 
with  a  sticke,  and  so  let  it  lye  as  a  Cesterne  to  receive 

198 


OCCURRENTS    IN   BERMUDA  ad. 

1616. 

some  luckie  raine  water,  which  God  sent  presently  after, 
so  that  in  a  small  shower  he  recovered  about  foure 
spoonefuls  of  raine  to  his  unspeakable  refreshment.  He 
also  preserved  neere  halfe  a  pint  of  blood  in  a  shooe, 
which  hee  did  sparingly  drinke  to  moisten  his  mouth. 
Two  dayes  he  fed  on  his  flesh  to  the  quantity  of  a 
pound  :  the  eleventh  day  after  his  losse  of  Land,  two 
flying  Fishes  fell  into  his  Boate,  whose  warme  jucie  bloud 
he  sucked,  to  his  great  comfort,  and  within  an  houre 
after,  with  greater  comfort  espied  land,  which  within 
foure  houres  he  attained  on  a  Rocke  neere  Port  Royall, 
where  his  Boate  was  split  presently  in  peeces,  and  he 
made  shift  to  climbe  so  steepe  a  Rocke  by  night,  as 
would  have  troubled  the  strongest  man  in  the  He  to 
have  done  by  day.  He  discerned  in  the  morning  where 
he  was,  and  without  other  refreshing  then  water  (which 
he  tooke  temperately,  or  might  else  have  drunk  his  last) 
he  got  in  halfe  a  day  to  a  friends  house.  He  was  living 
Anno   1622. 

Some   treasure    in   Dollers,    to    the    value    of   twentie  M.  Tucker. 
pounds  was  found,  the  remainder  of  some  Wrack.     The 
Company  sent    M.    Daniel   Tucker,    to    be    Governour ; 
hee  set  saile  in  the  George,  accompanied  with  the  Edwin  : 
some  preparation  was  made  to  resist,  but  he  at  last  was 
received  and  acknowledged   in   May,    161 6.     Somewhat  161 6. 
hee  had  to  doe    to  bring   them    to  their    workes,  which 
yet  he  effected  ;  their  day  worke  till  nine  in  the  morning, 
and  then  staying  till  three  in  the  afternoone,  they  began 
againe  continuing  till  sun-set.   .  Besides  meat,  drinke,  and 
clothes,  they  had  for    a  time   a    certaine  kind  of  brasse 
Money,  with    a   Hog    on   the   one    side,  in    memory  of 
the  Hogs  there  found  at  first  landing.     Hee  by  Master 
Richard  Norwoods    helpe,   laid    out  the    eight  Tribes  in  Tribes  laid 
the  Mayne,   which  were   to  consist  of  fiftie  shares  to  a  ouL 
Tribe,  each  share  twentie  five  Acres.     He  began  to  plant 
some  of  the   Colony   on    speciall    shares,    and  appointed 
Bailiffes  to  each  Tribe.     Hee  held   a  generall  Assise  in  Assises. 
his  second  moneth  at  Saint  Georges,  where  for  sedition 

199 


A.D. 
l6l6. 


The 
Governours. 


Admirable 
voyage. 


His  course  was 
neerer  shoare, 
with  all  pro- 
visions fitting. 


Small  Boat 
from 
Bermudas 
commeth  to 
Ireland. 
Sanders  his 
fortunes. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

John  Wood  a  Frenchman  was  hanged.  He  sent  the 
Edwin  to  Trade  with  the  Natives  of  the  West  Indies 
for  Cattel,  Corne,  Plants,  which  had  it  been  continued,, 
might  happily  have  bin  more  beneficiall  to  the  Plantation 
then  the  Magazines  from  hence.  She  returned  with 
Figs,  Pines,  Sugar-canes,  Plantans,  Papawes,  and  divers 
other  plants,  which  were  presently  replanted,  and  since 
have  increased  by  the  Governours  commendable  hus- 
bandry. Severity,  by  the  conceit  thereof  produced  an 
admirable  fact :  Five  men  which  could  by  no  meanes  get 
passage  for  England,  resolved  to  adventure  an  escape, 
viz.  Richard  Sander  Mariner  chiefe  plotter,  William 
Goodwin  a  Ship  Carpenter,  Tho.  Harison  a  Joyner, 
James  Baker  Gentleman,  and  Henry  Puet.  These  in- 
sinuated to  the  Governour,  that  they  would  build  him 
a  Boat  of  two  or  three  Tuns  with  a  close  Deck,  fit 
to  fish  in  all  weathers.  Hee  glad  to  see  them  so  obse- 
quious, furnished  them  with  necessaries  whatsoever  they 
could  desire.  Shee  was  fitted  and  gone  the  evening 
before  hee  sent  for  her,  to  see,  as  was  reported,  how 
shee  could  saile.  This  was  most  true,  and  Botelias  his 
adventure  from  Goa  in  the  East  Indies  to  Lisbon  was 
not  so  admirable  a  triall.  Barker  had  borrowed  a  Com- 
passe  Diall  of  M.  Hughes,  leaving  a  Letter  to  him  to 
have  patience  for  that  losse,  whereby  their  adventure 
was  intimated.  The  Governours  threats  were  not  in  that 
remotenesse  so  terrible  as  the  two  present  swelling 
Elements,  whom  yet  they  found  more  gentle  then  a 
French  Pickaroone,  who  in  stead  of  succour,  which  they 
desired,  tooke  from  them  what  they  liked,  leaving  them 
not  so  much  as  a  Crosse-staffe  to  observe  with,  and 
so  cast  them  off.  They  continued  their  course  till  their 
victuall  began  to  faile,  and  the  knees  of  their  Boat  were 
halfe  hewed  away  for  fire  wood.  They  at  last  arrived 
in  Ireland,  where  the  Earle  of  Tomund  entertained  them, 
and  caused  the  Boat  to  be  hanged  up  for  a  Monument, 
having  sayled  3300.  miles  thorow  the  Ocean  by  a  right 
line  without  sight  of  any  Land.     This  fortunate  Sanders 

200 


OCCURRENTS   IN   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1618. 

in  the  rifling  of  a  Ship  taken  in  the  East  Indies,  bought 
a  Chest  for  three  or  foure  shillings,  but  would  for  want 
of  a  Key  have  sold  it  againe  for  lesse.  But  one  day 
having  little  to  doe,  hee  broke  it  open  and  found  therein 
1000.  pounds  sterling,  or  so  much  gold  as  bought  him 
in  England  a  good  estate,  which  leaving  with  his  wife  he 
returned  againe  to  the  East  Indies. 

The  Company  sent  Captaine  Powell  in  the  Hopewell,   CaP-  Powell. 
after  he  had   landed  his  passengers  in   Summer  lies,  to 
trade  in   the    Indies,    who    by    the    way    fell    foule  on  a 
Brasillman,  and   afterwards  a    Frenchman    on   him  :    but 
hee  got  safe  to  the  Hands  and  told  what  he  had  done. 
The  Governour  kept  his  second  Assize,  and  made  a  pro- 
clamation against  the  killing  of  coheires.     Powell  is  againe 
sent  to  the  West  Indies  from  thence,  with   thirteene  or 
fourteene  men.     Hee  made  triall   but  in  vaine,   for  the 
Whale-fishing,  for  which  and  to  which  purpose  the  Com- 
pany soone  after  sent   the    Neptune.     In  the    beginning 
of  his  second  yeere  he    called  the   third  azise,  in  which 
one  was  hanged,  two  others  condemned,  but  reprieved. 
The  Rat  Tragedy  was  now  terrible  :   some  Fishes  have 
been  taken  with    Rats    in    their   bellies,  catched  as  they 
swam  from  He  to    lie.      One    Henry    Long,    with    sixe   161 7. 
others    being    on    fishing,    a    sudden    storm    arose    with  Hu!'(  h  Rats 
terrible  thunder,  and  the  Boat  was  tossed  over  the  Rocks,  j^a 
the  fish  tossed    over-boord,   and  Long    with  two   others 
escaped    (the    rest    drowned)    one    of    the    three    being 
demanded  what  he  thought  in  the  present  perill,  answered, 
hee  said  nothing,  but  Gallowes  claime  thy  right,  which  [IV.  ix. 
within    halfe    a    yeere     fell     out     accordingly.       Powell  1804.] 

returned  with  three  Frigats,  laden  with  Meale,  Hides,  and  Galhzoes 
Munition.     The  Master  and  Governour  contending,  both 
were  dispossessed   by   a   stronger    power.     Waters,  with 
twelve  men  were  sent  to  Virginia,  and  would  no  more 
returne  to  Summers  lies.  161%. 

A.   161 8.  arrived  there  the  Diana,  with  men  and  pro-  MaZa%l'lcs 
1       1         r  a  /i  /  t    1  not  so  projit- 

vision,  and    the    first    Magazine  (a    course    1   heare    not  ayie  as 

much  applauded  by   the    Planters    here,   or    in  Virginia,  intended. 


201 


A.D. 
l6l8. 


Escapers  not 
escaping. 


Two  ships 
sent. 


Cap.  Butler 

Governour. 

1619. 


Great  stormes. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

the  companies  honest  care)  seeming  by  some  others  dis- 
honestie  frustrate.  This  Ship  fraught  with  30000.  weight 
of  Tobacco,  gave  by  the  good  sayle  thereof  encourage- 
ment to  the  Adventurers.  The  Governour  building  a 
house  of  Cedar  in  the  best  Land,  appropriated  it  to 
himselfe  to  the  griefe  of  others  there,  of  whom  Master 
Hughes  could  not  by  threats  nor  imprisonment  be  so 
pacified,  but  that  here  to  the  Company  hee  approved  his 
cause.  Two  men  and  a  Gentlewomen,  thinking  to  make 
their  escape  in  a  Boat  to  Virginia,  were  never  heard 
of  after.  Sixe  others  attempted  the  like,  but  were 
apprehended,  arraigned,  condemned,  and  one  of  them 
hanged.  The  Governours  hard  dealings  so  much  com- 
plained of,  caused  him  in  the  Blessing  to  returne  to  excuse 
himselfe,  and  to  get  that  house  assured  him,  leaving 
Captaine  Kendall  to  supply  his  place.  The  Gilli-flower 
and  the  Treasurer  were  sent.  By  the  Sea-flower  which 
went  to  Virginia,  a  Preacher  was  sent  to  the  Hands,  and 
newes  of  a  new  Governour.  Captaine  Kerby  came  in  with 
a  small  Barke  from  the  West  Indies.  A  Dutch  Frigot 
was  cast  away  on  the  Westerne  shoare,  the  people  saved 
by  the  English. 

Captaine  Butler,  the  new  Governour  arrived  in  the 
Warwicke,  the  twentieth  of  October,  1619.  The 
Redoubt,  a  platforme  of  the  Kings  Castle,  at  the  same 
time  whiles  the  New  Governour  and  old  Planters  were 
feasting  aboord,  accidentally  was  consumed  with  fire. 
The  next  month  came  in  the  Garland,  which  had  come 
from  England  sixe  or  seven  weekes  before  him,  and  spent 
seventeen  weekes  on  the  voyage,  which  proved  so  tedious, 
that  many  both  Saylers  and  Passengers  died.  In  the  end 
of  November,  arose  such  a  storme  that  many  great  Trees 
were  blown  up  by  the  roots,  the  Warwicke  cast  away, 
the  Garland  forced  to  cut  her  Masts  overboord.  Not 
long  after  happened  another  as  fierce ;  in  which  the 
Mount,  built  by  M.  Moore  for  a  Watch-tower,  was 
blowne  up  by  the  roots ;  and  their  winter  crop  of 
Corne  blasted. 


202 


OCCURRENTS   IN   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1620. 

He  began  the  new  yeere  with  refortifying  the  Kings 
Castle,  and  finding  the  Treasurer  rotten,  tooke  nine  Peeces 
of   Ordnance   out   of   her.      Hee   sent   the   Garland   for 
England.     Hee  finished  the  Church  begun  by  Captain 
Kendall,  with  great   toile  got  three  Peeces  out  of  the 
wracked  Warwick,  imployed  a  Dutch  Carpenter  of  the 
former  Dutch  wrack  to  build  Boates.     A  luckie  fellow  Ambergreece. 
in    February,    found   a   piece   of   Ambergreece   of  eight 
Ounces,  as  hee  had  done  twice  afore,  and  according  to 
order  of  Court  (to  prevent  concealements)  had  therfore 
thirtie  pound  an  Ounce.     Two  Dutch  Frigots  arrived, 
conducted  by  Captaine  Powell,  and  much  refreshed  the 
Colony    with    Oyle   and    Bacon    at    cheape    rates.      The  Nezv 
Governour  made  a  new  platforme  in  place  of  the  burned  ^ 
Redoubt,  and  mounted  seven  great  Peeces  on  Cariages 
of  Cedar.     The  Ministers  not  being  conformable  to  the 
Church   of  England,   nor  uniforme   with   themselves   in  Ministers 
administration   of   the   Sacrament,   and   Matrimony,   hee  scruples. 
translated  the  Liturgie  Booke  of  Garnsie  and  Jarsie,  void 
of  the  pretended  scruples  which  was  generally  embraced, 
and  in  his  time  practised,  and  the  Sabbaths  observation 
proclaimed.     They  rebuilded  the  Mount,  and  divers  Boats 
was  indangered  with  a  Hericano,  one  lost.     Finding  a  Sir  George 
little  Crosse  erected  where  Sir  George  Summers  his  heart  Summers 
and   entrailes  were  buried:     he  caused  a   Marble  stone 
brought  out  of  England,   to  bee  handsomely  wrought, 
and  an  Epitaph  engraven,   in  memory  of  that  worthy 
Souldier,  and  laid  thereon,  invironed  with  a  square  wall 
of  hewed  stone. 

On  the  second  of  June,  began  their  Assizes,  in  which 
their  Lawes  and  Government  were  reduced  to  the  English 
forme.  The  first  of  August,  was  a  generall  Assembly  Their  first 
in  manner  of  a  Parliament,  at  Saint  Georges,  divers  Pa}'ltament- 
Articles  concluded,  and  being  sent  hither,  by  the  Company 
confirmed,  which  for  brevitie  I  omit.  The  Magazine 
Ship  soone  after  came  in  weake  case  thither,  having  cast 
overboord  twentie  or  thirtie  of  her  people,  and  had  they 
staied  at   Sea  a   weeke   longer,   were  likely   to   have   all 

203 


A.D. 

l620. 


Spanish 
Wrack. 

These  made 
false  reports  in 
England,  the 
Spanish 
Embassadour 
also  urging  the 
same,  till  the 
contrarie  was 
manifested. 


[IV.  ix. 

1805.] 


Weavells  cure. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

perished.  That  aire  soon  mends  or  ends  men  in  that 
case,  and  those  which  died  not  soone  after  the  landing 
recovered,  not  without  infection  of  others  there,  70000. 
weight  of  Tobacco  was  prefixed  for  her  freight.  Com- 
mandement  came  now  to  entertaine  no  Ships,  but  such 
as  were  sent  from  the  Company,  to  the  Colonies  great 
griefe,  which  now  were  forced  to  a  Magazine-Monopoly, 
and  debarred  of  occasionall  reliefe.  Cap.  Powell  soone 
after  came  thither,  imployed  by  the  States,  desiring 
admittance  for  wood  and  water,  which  was  denied  with 
exceeding  murmuring  and  exclaiming  of  the  Colony. 
The  Magazine  Ship  arrived,  her  Master  dead,  and  many 
passengers,  the  rest  sicke. 

Then  happened  also  in  September  a  Spanish  Wrack,, 
which  comming  from  Carthagena  with  the  Spanish  Fleet 
lost  their  Ship  on  those  Rockes,  and  seventie  persons  were 
saved,  some  of  which  had  beene  rifled,  but  their  money 
to  the  value  of  one  hundred  and  fortie  pound  restored 
them  by  the  Governours  meanes :  into  whose  hands  they 
committed  it  for  disbursment  of  their  charges.  Some 
were  sent  away,  others  forced  to  stay  till  their  labours 
had  procured  meanes  for  their  passage.  Hee  made  meanes 
to  get  out  of  the  Wrack  two  Sakers,  and  three  Murtherers, 
which  were  the  same  which  Cap.  Kendall  had  sold  to 
Cap.  Kerby,  who  was  taken  by  two  men  of  War  of 
Carthagena,  most  of  his  men  slaine  or  hanged,  hee 
wounded  died  in  the  Woods,  as  these  Spaniards  related. 
Three  Bulwarkes  were  raised  at  Southampton  Fort,  with 
two  Curtens  and  two  Javelens.  Armes  were  distributed 
to  all  such  as  were  able  to  use  them. 

The  Weavells  (which  had  at  this  time  much  hurt  their 
Corne)  found  a  strange  remedy.  For  a  proclamation 
being  made  that  all  Corne  should  be  gathered  by  a  day, 
because  many  had  lost  some  for  want  of  gathering,  still 
haunting  the  Ships  for  Aqua-vitae  and  Beere ;  some  bad 
husbands  hastily  gathered  it,  and  threw  it  on  heapes  in 
their  houses  unhusked,  so  letting  it  lye  foure  or  five 
moneths.     Now  the  good  husbands  husked  theirs,  and 

204 


OCCURRENTS    IN   BERMUDA  a.d. 

1621. 

Ranged  it  up  with  much  labour,  where  the  Flies  did  blow 
it,  which  the  others  idlenesse,  as  the  event  shewed, 
prevented,  that  being  thus  found  to  be  the  best  way 
to  save  the  corne  and  labour,  to  let  it  lye  in  the 
huske.  Divers  places  of  fresh-water  were  now  also  luckily 
found  out.  Another  triall  of  whale-fishing  was  vainely 
attempted  by  a  Ship  which  came  from  Virginia,  who 
returned  thither  fraught  with  Lime-stone,  20000.  pound 
weight  of  Potatos,  &c. 

Aprill  and  May  were  spent  in  building  a  Prison,  and 
perfecting  some  Fortifications,  and  foure  Sakers  were 
gotten  from  the  Spanish  Wrack,  and  mounted  at  the 
Forts.  One  was  hanged  for  buggering  a  Sow,  whose 
Cock  in  the  time  of  his  imprisonment  used  also  to  tread 
a  Pig,  as  if  it  had  beene  a  Hen,  till  the  Pig  languished 
and  died,  and  then  the  Cock  haunted  the  same  Sow. 
About  the  same  time  two  Chickens  were  hatched,  one  of 
which  had  two  heads,  the  other  is  said  to  have  crowed 
loud  and  lustily  within  twelve  houres  after  it  was  out  of 
the  shell.  Other  Peeces  were  got  out  of  the  Spanish 
Wrack,  and  a  Saker  also  out  of  that  of  Sir  George 
Summers. 

By  a  Barke  going  to  Virginia,  Captaine  Butler,  his 
time  expiring,  conveied  himselfe  thither,  leaving  the 
government  to  C.  Felgate  C.  Stokes,  &c.  In  the  Kings 
Castle  were  mounted,  on  sufficient  platformes,  sixteen 
Peeces  of  Ordnance.  In  Charles  Fort  two,  in  South-  ^orif  & 
ampton  Fort  five,  betwixt  which  &  the  Castle  passeth 
the  channel  into  the  Harbor,  secured  by  twenty  three 
Peeces  of  good  Ordnance.  In  Coups  He  is  Pembrookes 
Fort,  with  two  Peeces.  Saint  Georges  channell  is  guarded 
by  Smiths  Fort  and  Payets  Fort,  in  which  are  eleven 
Peeces.  Saint  Georges  Towne  is  commanded  by  War- 
wicks  Fort,  with  three  great  Peeces,  on  the  Wharfe  before 
the  Governours  house  are  eight  more,  besides  the  warning 
Peece  by  the  Mount,  and  three  in  Saint  Katherines ;  in 
all  tenne  Fortresses,  and  fiftie  two  Peeces  of  Ordnance 
sufficient   and   serviceable.     Hee   left   one   thousand   five 

205 


Ordnance  in 
Bermudas. 


A.D. 
l62I. 


M.  Bernard 

Governour. 

1622. 


M.   Harrison 

Governour. 

1623. 

Wo?-mes 

noysome. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

hundred  persons,  and  neere  one  hundred  Boates,  the  He 
replenished  with  provisions,  fruites,  poultry,  &c. 

Master  John  Bernard,  was  sent  by  the  Honourable 
Company  to  supply  his  place,  who  arrived  within  eight 
dayes  of  Captaine  Butlers  departure,  with  two  Ships,  and 
one  hundred  and  fortie  Passengers,  with  Armes  and  all 
sorts  of  Munition  and  other  provisions.  During  his  life 
(which  continued  but  sixe  weekes)  hee  gave  good  proofe 
of  his  sufficiency  in  reforming  things  defective.  He  and 
his  wife  were  both  buried  in  one  day,  and  one  grave : 
and  Master  John  Harrison  chosen  Governour  till  further 
order  came  from  London. 

The  Wormes  before  mentioned  are  still  troublesome, 
and  make  them  morning  workes  to  kill  them.  Cater- 
pillers  are  pernicious  to  their  fruits,  and  Land  Crabs  are 
as  thicke  in  some  places,  as  Conies  in  a  Warren,  and  doe 
much  harme.  A  Ship  in  which  had  beene  much  swearing 
and  blaspheming  used  all  the  voyage,  perished ;  the 
companies  negligence  jovially  frolicking  in  their  cups  and 
Tobacco  (having  landed  certaine  goods)  by  accident  the 
Powder  fired,  and  blew  up  the  great  Cabbin ;  some  were 
taken  up  in  the  Sea,  living  in  miserable  torments,  eighteene 
were  lost  with  this  fatall  blast,  the  Ship  also  sunke,  with 
sixtie  Barrells  of  Meale  sent  for  Virginia,  and  her  other 
provisions  lost.  The  Company  have  sent  Captaine 
Woodhouse  in  a  Ship  called  the  Tigre  for  that  govern- 
ment, a  man  much  commended  and  hopefull.  I  have 
beene  told  that  there  are  three  thousand  persons  of  all 
sorts  living  there,  halfe  of  which  number  is  able  to  beare 
Armes,  and  exercised  to  that  service. 


206 


INTELLIGENCE    FROM   VIRGINIA 


A.D. 

1624. 


Chap.  XIX. 

Briefe  intelligence  from  Virginia  by  Letters,  a 
supplement  of  French-Virginian  Occurrants, 
and  their  supplantation  by  Sir  Samuel  Argal, 
in  right  of  the  English  Plantation. 

He  late  alteration  of  Virginia  Govern- 
ment is  unknowne  to  none ;  and  most 
know  of  the  frequent  complaints,  both 
by  private  Letters,  and  by  Petitions  to 
his  Majesty.  Now  least  any  should 
hereupon  thinke  Virginia  to  be  unworthy 
of  such  our  care  and  cost ;    I  have  out 


of  one  of  the  Planters  private  Letters  transcribed  a  few 
words  of  grievances,  and  yet  a  magnifying  of  the  Country, 
that  the  English  may  be  more  blamed  for  want  of 
Providence,  then  the  Region  for  defect  of  Natures  best 
gifts.  Other  things  I  could  alleadge  from  others,  but 
my  meaning  is  to  amend  things  not  to  quarrell  them, 
and  to  awaken  the  care  of  good  men,  rather  then  to 
recite  the  faults  of  the  bad.  In  one  Letter,  dated 
Dec.  22.  last  past,  he  hath  these  words : 

The  intolerable  rates  we  pay  here  for  commodities, 
as  ten  pound  sterling  a  hogshead  of  Meale,  sixteen 
shillings  a  gallon  of  Alligant,  three  pound  sterling  a 
Henne  and  eight  Chickens,  &c.  and  so  according  to  these 
rates  for  every  thing  else :  lastly,  the  heavy  taxations 
that  are  laid  upon  us  free  men,  for  building  of  Castles, 
paying  of  publique  debts,  for  the  not  gathering  of 
Sasafras,  &c.  so  that  it  will  come  to  my  share,  with  that 
that  is  paid,  and  that  that  is  to  pay  in  Corne  and  Tobacco, 
to  at  least  twenty  or  five  and  twenty  pound  sterling,  this 
yeere ;  so  that  when  I  have  paid  this,  and  paid  my  faith- 
lesse  servants  their  wages,  I  shal  scarse  have  good  Tobacco 
enough  left  to  buy  my  selfe  for  the  next  yeer  a  pint  of 
Aquavitae,  &c.  Thus  you  see  (I  neither  warrant,  nor 
except  against  the  truth,  but  present  the  worst  quarelled 

207 


[IV.  ix. 

1806.] 


He  mentions 
in  other  letters 
3./.  a  pound  of 
Butter,  6.d. 
ready  monie 
for  a  pinte  of 
Milke,  io.s. 
or  12.S.  a  day 
for  a  workman 
{Carpenter) 
besides  meate 
and  lodging. 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1624. 

paralelled  with  the  best)  complaints  of  great  prizes  of 
things,  not  arising  from  plenty  of  money,  as  you  reade 
before  in  the  conquest  of  Peru,  but  from  I  know  not 
what  ill  habit  and  indisposition  of  that  Colony.  And 
least  any  man  should  withdraw  his  heart,  hand,  or  purse 
therefore  from  that  worthy  work,  I  have  out  of  the  same 
mans  Letters  delivered  a  commendation  of  the  Countrey. 
The  Letters  were  written,  and  dated  22.  March  1624. 
and  containe  for  substance  none  other  then  what  before 
you  have  read  in  others ;  yet  are  more  sutable  to  this 
time  and  purpose,  as  later  newes  and  fitter  directories  to 
the  Phisitians  of  that  Estate ;  that  at  last  the  English 
honour  may  be  vindicated  against  so  base  perils  From 
Savages,  and  baser  quarrels  from  and  amongst  our  owne. 
God  prosper  his  Majesties  care,  and  make  those  which 
are  therein  emploied  not  to  seeke  their  owne  good  by 
hasty  returnes,  much  lesse  other  their  fellow  adventurers 
evill  by  calumnies  and  underminings,  but  Virginias 
prosperity ;  of  which,  Natures  prosperity  is  thus  related 
by  one  querulous  of  his  owne  losses  and  crosses.  His 
words  are  these : 

Now  concerning  the  state  of  the  Country,  so  much  as 
I  have  observed,  I  will  relate  unto  you :  First,  the 
Countrie  it  selfe,  I  must  confesse  is  a  very  pleasant  Land, 
rich  in  Commodities,  and  fertile  in  soyle  to  produce  all 
manner  of  Plants,  Hearbes,  and_  Fruites.  I  have  seene 
here  my  selfe  both  Carrets,  Turneps,  Cabages,  Onyons, 
Leekes,  Garlicke,  Tyme,  Parseley,  Pompions,  Musk- 
milion,  and  Watermilions,  rare  fruits  and  exceeding 
wholesome,  here  are  also  Strawberries ;  I  have  lien  downe 
in  one  place  in  my  Corne  field,  and  in  the  compasse  of 
my  reach  have  filled  my  belly  in  the  place :  and  for 
Mulberries,  I  can  when  I  list  goe  and  gather  a  bushell 
at  a  time ;  here  is  also  a  coole  Fruite  growing  wildely 
on  the  ground,  much  resembling  a  great  Walnut  with 
the  greene  rinde  on  it,  which  reserves  in  it  three  admirable 
good  tastes,  namely  of  Strawberries,  Rosewater,  and 
Sugar,  they  were  an  exceeding  great  comfort  to  me  in 

208 


INTELLIGENCE    FROM   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1624. 

my  last  yeeres  sicknesse,  and  are  admirable  good  against 

the  bloudly  fluxe. 

English  Wheate  and  Barley  will  grow  here  exceeding 

well ;  I  have  seene  here  growing  as  good  English  Wheate 

as  ever  I  saw  in  England  in  all  my  life.     For  Timber 

we  have  the  Oake,  Ashe,  Poplar,  blacke  Walnut,  white 

Walnut,    Pines,    Gumme    trees ;    the   Pines    here    afford 

admirable  good  Pitch  and  Tarre,  and  serve,  split  out  in 

small   peeces,   in   many   places   of   this   Land   instead   of 

Candles ;    but  it  will  smeare  one  worse  then  a  Linke : 

here  are  also  Peare  trees  which  yearely  bring  forth  Peares. 

But  there  is  a  tree  that  passeth  all  Fruite  trees,  which 

we  call  by  the  names  of  a  Prissurmon  tree,  which  beareth 

a  Plum  much  about  the  bignesse  of  a  Peare  plum.     I 

doe  thinke  it  is  one  of  the  rarest  Fruites  in  the  world ; 

when  they  are  ripe  they  eate  naturally  of  themselves  from 

the  tree  better  then  any  preserved  Plummes  I  ever  tasted 

in  England.     The  Beasts   that  this  Land   is  plentifully 

stored  withall  are  Deere,  Beares  in  some  parts,  Beavers, 

Otters,   Foxes,   Hares,   Squirrels,   Roccounes,   Possucins, 

names  strange  to  you,  yet  are  they  singular  good  meate ; 

the  Roccouns   tasting   as   well  as  Pigges   flesh.     Indian 

Dogges  here  are  as  good  meate  with  us  as  your  English 

Lambe.     English  Cattell  here  increase  and   thrive  very 

well,  as  Kine,  Hogges,  Goates,  and  Poultry.     Fowle  here 

are  abundance,  as  Swans,  Brants,  Geese,  Turkies,  Herons, 

Cranes,   Eagles,  fishing  Hawkes,   Bussards,   Ducke  and 

Mallard,     Sheldrake,    Dapchicke,    Partriches,    Pidgeons, 

Crowes,  Blacke-birds,  and  all  manner  of  small  Birds  in 

abundance.     Our  Rivers  here  are  likewise  rich  by  the 

abundance  of  Fish,  as  Herings,  Shads,  Perch,  Eele,  Pike, 

Carpe,   Cat-fish,   Rock-fish,   Gor-fish,   and   Sturgeon.     If 

here  were  any  that  would  make  fishing  for  Sturgeon  an 

occupation,  they  might  take  inough  to  furnish  this  Land, 

and  also   plentifully   supply  England.     I   my   selfe  have 

seene  above  twenty  Sturgeon  leape  above  water  in  lesse 

then  two  houres.     As  for  our  Graine,  I  thinke  it  produceth 

the  plentifullest   encrease  of  any   Corne  in   the  World ; 

xix  209  o 


aj>.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1624. 

for  I  have  seene  one  graine  of  Corne,  that  by  the  assist- 
ance of  growth  and  time,  hath  yeelded  a  pint  of  Corne : 
we  have  here  also  Beanes  and  Pease. 

I  confesse  here  are  plentie  of  all  those  things  I  have 
set  before  you,  but  all  the  craft  is  in  catching  them ;  for 
he  that  will  get  any  gaine,  must  be  a  wary  and  a  well 
eyed  shot,  and  to  prop  his  profession,  he  must  adde  great 
care  and  vigilance,  both  in  defending  himselfe  and  winning 
his  game.  It  hath  beene  often  seene  in  this  Land,  that 
whilest  an  Englishman  hath  beene  winning  his  game,  an 
Indian  hath  dogd  him,  attending  his  opportunitie  by  the 
others  discharge  to  fill  him  full  of  Arrowes.  Since  the 
Massacre  they  have  killed  us  in  our  owne  doores,  fields, 
and  houses :  thus  are  we  not  safe  neither  at  home  nor 
abroad ;  and  (which  grieves  me  to  write)  our  safetie  is 
lessened  by  our  malice  one  to  another,  for  the  most  part 
altogether  neglecting  the  common  enemie.  I  my  selfe 
and  my  wife  are  by  some  secret  enemies  much  wronged, 
for  I  am  shaven  so  bare,  that  I  have  scarse  either  Garter, 
Girdle,  Stocking,  or  Shirt  left ;  all  my  wearing  Cloathes 
likewise  are  torne  and  tattered,  I  can  accuse  no  man,  and 
they  that  likewise  doe  it,  doe  it  privately,  and  which 
grieves  me  most  of  all,  they  strive  by  base  and  insinuating 
[IV.  ix.  meanes  to  clip  the  wings,  as  well  of  my  prosperitie  as  of 

1 807.]  my  reputation  ;  yet  I  hope  God  will  give  me  patience  to 
beare,  and  in  his  good  time  give  me  a  joyfull  deliverance 
in  the  middest  of  all  these  miseries.  Whilest  I  was  a 
writing  these  lines,  newes  was  brought  me  of  the  killing 
of  one,  and  the  carrying  away  prisoner  of  another  of  my 
neighbours,  by  the  Indians ;  one  was  an  old  Virginian, 
and  one  who  for  a  long  time  was  Sir  Thomas  Dale  his 
Overseer  in  this  Land,  his  name  was  Master  Henry 
Watkins  :  and  but  two  daies  agoe  there  was  another  that 
had  his  braines  beaten  out  by  the  Indians,  in  the  next 
Plantation  to  us.  Wherefore  with  a  sad  and  sorrowfull 
heart  I  take  my  leave  of  you  deere  Father,  Mother, 
Sisters,  Brethren,  and  all  the  rest  of  my  kinde  and  loving 
friends ;    for  the  case  stands  so  with  us  here,  that  if  wee 


210 


INTELLIGENCE    FROM   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1624. 

goe  out  in  the  morning,  wee  know  not  whether  wee  shall 

ever  returne ;    working  with  our  Hoe  in  one  hand,  and 

our  Peece  or  Sword  in  the  other,  &c. 

xVnd  now  from  latest  intelligence  you  have  notice  of 
the  good  and  evill,  as  beeommeth  a  faithfull  Historian, 
nequid  non  veri  audeat,  nequid  veri  non  audeat ;    It  is 
good   to   know   the   worst,    to   prevent   it :    forewarned, 
forearmed.     Easily  you  may  see  that  the  good  things  of 
Virginia  are  naturall  and  her  owne,   the  bad  accidentall 
and  our  owne  ;  and  consequently  if  wee  amend  our  selves, 
Virginia    will    soone    be   amended.     The    body    there   is 
found ;    to  cut   the  haire,   avoide   the  excrements,   paire 
the  nailes,  wash  away  sweate  and  dust,  and  to  cure  other 
like  accidents  of  negligence,  or  impenitent  and  unprofit- 
able   diligence,    is    a    worke    feasible  and    facile    also    to 
industrious     and     unanimous     workemen.     One     thing 
touching  the  French  (whose  Plantations  are  before  recited) 
remaineth,   that  we  take  away  all  scruple  from  feare  of 
suspected  neighbours.     I  shall  therefore  adde  a  little  more 
touching  them,  the  conclusion  of  their  Virginian  Planta- 
tion in  a  double  sense.     As  for  the  English  right  to  these 
parts,  the  next  Chapter  will  shew,  and  consequently  the 
Justice  of  Sir  Samuell  Argals  act.     The  Patents  to  Sir  Corteregalis 
Humfry  Gilbert,  and  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  their  JJ^J  V0JW 
actuall  possession  before  these  latter  Plantations  may  be  jn  x/QQi 
alleadged  likewise  against  the  French.     These  things  I  and  another 
have  collected  out  of  Sir  William  Alexanders  Encourage-   i5QI-   -After 
ment  to  Colonies ;    Lescarbot  hath  also  related  them.        fa*i.  1 

The  Marquesse  de  la  Roche,  by  a  Commission  from  ^0^/0/t 
Henry    the    fourth,    intending    a    Voyage    for    Canada,   Gomes 
happened  by  the  way  upon  the  He  of  Sablon  (which  is  another  Por- 
now  comprehended  within  the  Patent  of  new  Scotland)  tu&a{  i0U&ht 
and  there  (trusting  to  the  strength  of  the  place,  where  jn 
there  are  no  Savages  at  all)  landed  some  of  his  men,  till  The  land  was 
he  should  have  found  a  convenient  place  within  the  maine  called  Terra 
Land  fit  for  a  habitation,  promising  then  to  returne  for  Corteregalis 
them.     But   it   was   his   fortune,   by   reason   of  contrary  t°^  j^ur  ^ 
winde,  never  to  finde  the  Maine  Land,  but  he  was  blowne 

211 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1624. 

backe  to  France  without  seeing  of  them,  where  he  was 
in  the  time  of  the  civill  warres  (such  is  the  uncertainty 
of  worldly  things)  taken  prisoner  by  the  Duke  of 
Mercaeur,  and  shortly  after  died  ;  so  that  his  people  whom 
he  had  left  at  Sablon,  furnished  but  for  a  short  time,  had 
quickly  spent  their  provisions,  having  for  their  main- 
tenance onely  such  things  as  the  place  it  selfe  did  without 
labour  freely  afford ;  which  hath  a  race  of  Cowes,  as  is 
thought,  first  transported  thither  by  the  Portugals,  that 
have  long  continued  there :  they  had  likewise  there 
growing  wilde,  of  this  which  wee  call  Turkey  Wheate, 
and  sundry  Rootes  fit  to  be  eaten,  and  every  where 
abundance  of  Fishes,  with  Venison,  and  (having  no 
meanes  to  live  but  by  sport)  as  for  their  Apparell,  they 
cloathed  themselves  with  the  Skins  of  such  creatures  as 
they  could  kill  by  Land  or  Sea :  so  that  having  lived 
there  for  the  space  of  12.  years  :  when  they  were  presented 
to  King  Henry,  who  had  hired  a  Fisherman  to  bring 
them  home,  as  I  have  heard  from  them  that  did  see  them 
at  first  before  the  King,  they  were  in  very  good  health, 
and  looked  as  well  as  if  they  had  lived  all  that  time  in 
France :  having  bin  abused  by  the  Fisherman,  who 
cunningly  conceiling  that  he  had  bin  directed  by  the  King, 
did  bargaine  with  them  to  have  all  their  Skins  for  trans- 
porting them  home,  which  were  of  great  value,  some  of 
them  being  of  blacke  Foxes,  which  have  bin  sould  at 
fiftie  pound  sterling  a  peece  and  above :  for  the  recovery 
thereof  they  intended  a  Processe  against  him  before  the 
Court  of  Parliament  at  Paris,  wherein  they  prevailed, 
gaining  by  that  meanes  a  stocke  wherewith  to  traffique 
in  these  parts  againe. 

Monsieur  de  Montes  betaking  himselfe  to  trade  for 
Furs,  Monsieur  Pourtrincourt  resolving  to  prosecute  the 
Plantation  at  that  place  sent  his  sonne  Biencourt  to 
France,  to  bargaine  with  some  that  would  send  them  a 
supply,  such  as  was  requisite  for  establishing  of  that 
Colonic 

The    first    that    embraced    his    propositions    were    the 

212 


INTELLIGENCE    FROM   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1624. 
Jesuites,  who  as  they  have  ordinarily  good  wits  which  Jesuites. 
made  them  the  rather  capable  of  so  advantagious  a 
project,  so  they  were  the  more  animated  thereunto  by 
upbraiding  the  lazinesse  of  our  Clargie,  to  shew  with 
what  fervency  they  travelled  to  propagate  the  Gospell, 
in  doing  whereof  (whether  it  be  ambition  or  devotion  that 
provokes  them)  sparing  no  paines,  they  have  travelled 
both  to  the  East  and  West  Indies,  and  to  the  admired 
Kingdome  of  China.  Their  society  in  France,  prevailing 
with  all  that  had  any  inclination  either  to  zeale  or  to 
vertue,  did  easily  gather  a  voluntary  contribution  for  the 
farthering  of  so  commendable  a  purpose.  Thereafter 
they  sent  away  two  Fathers  of  their  Company,  with  a  new 
supply  of  all  things  necessary  to  the  Plantation  at  Port 
Royall,  but  shortly  after  their  arrivall  (their  predominant 
disposition  hardly  yeelding  to  any  superiour,  specially 
if  it  be  a  secular  power)  they  began  to  contradict  Pourtrin- 
court  in  the  execution  of  those  decrees  which  had  bin  l1  v-  1X- 
given  forth  by  him,  as  civill  Magistrate  of  that  place :  '-* 

whereupon  the  Gentleman  extreamely  discontented,  and 
weary  of  contesting  with  him ;  having  said  that  it  was 
his  part  to  rule  them  upon  earth,  and  theirs  onely  to 
guide  him  the  way  to  heaven,  he  returned  backe  to 
France,  leaving  his  Sonne  Biencourt  in  his  place.  Who 
being  a  youth  at  that  time  of  more  courage  then  circum- 
spectnesse,  disdaining  to  be  controuled  by  them  whom 
he  had  envited  thither,  and  scorning  their  insupportable 
presumption,  using  spirituall  armes  for  temporall  ends, 
and  an  imperious  kinde  of  carriage,  who  onely  for  spleene 
had  excommunicated  and  branded  him  with  a  spirituall 
censure ;  he  threatned  them  by  his  temporall  power  with 
a  more  palpable  punishment.  So  that  after  much  con- 
troversie,  resolving  to  separate  themselves,  the  two 
Jesuites  taking  a  part  of  the  Company  with  them,  went 
from  thence  to  a  place  in  new  England,  called  by  them 
Mount  Desart,  where  they  seated  themselves  ;  and  having 
a  supply  from  the  Queene  Mother  did  plant  sundry  Fruit 
trees   of    the    most    delicate    kindes    in    France,    such   as 

213 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1624. 

Apricockes  and  Peaches,  never  intending  to  remove  from 
thence. 
*/  have  heard  At  this  time  Sir  Samuel  Argall  being  then  Governor  * 
/W  T\  °^  Virginia,  coasted  alongst  new  England  to  traffique  and 
Governor  of  discover,  or  to  acquire  things  necessary  for  the  Southerne 
Virginia  and  Colony  in  these  parts,  where  the  lands  are  reputed  to  be 
sent  him.  more  fertil,  and  the  Seas  more  frequented,  &  did  conceive 

by  a  description  made  unto  him  by  the  Savages,  that  there 
were  some  come  from  this  part  of  the  World  to  inhabit 
there  ;  and  being  jealous  of  any  thing  that  might  derogate 
from  the  honour,  or  prove  prejudiciall  to  the  benefit  of 
his  Nation,  where  their  interest  in  this  was  easie  to  be 
apprehended ;  he  went  whereas  he  was  informed  that 
they  were,  and  his  unexpected  arrivall,  as  it  would  seeme, 
not  onely  amazed  the  mindes  of  the  French,  but  like- 
wise preventing  their  preparation  and  resolution ;  he 
approached  so  neere  to  a  Ship  that  lay  before  their  Fort, 
that  hee  beate  them  all  that  were  therein  with  Musket 
shot  from  making  any  use  of  their  Ordnance,  save  one 
Jesuite  killed,  of  the  two  Jesuites,  who  was  killed  in  giving  fire  to  a 
Peece  :  Having  taken  the  Ship,  they  landed  and  went 
before  the  Fort,  summoning  them  that  were  therein  to 
yeelde  themselves,  who  at  the  first  made  some  difficulty, 
asking  a  time  to  advise ;  but  that  being  refused,  they 
privately  abandoned  the  Fort,  stealing  out  by  some  backe 
way  into  the  Woods,  where  they  staied  one  night,  and 
the  next  day  comming  backe,  rendered  themselves  to  Sir 
Samuel  Argall,  who  had  lodged  all  that  night  within  the 
Fort,  giving  up  the  Patent  they  had  from  the  French 
King  to  be  cancelled.  He  used  them  very  curteously, 
as  their  owne  Writers  doe  make  mention,  suffring  such 
as  had  a  minde  to  goe  for  France,  to  seeke  out  Fishers 
Ships  wherein  they  might  be  transported ;  the  rest  that 
were  willing  to  goe  for  Virginia  went  thither  alongst 
with  him  ;  no  man  having  lost  his  life  but  onely  that  one 
Jesuite,  who  was  killed  whilst  they  made  resistance,  during 
the  time  of  the  conflict.  Thereafter  Father  Biard,  the 
other  of  the  Jesuites,  comming  backe  from  Virginia  with 

214 


INTELLIGENCE    FROM   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1624. 

Sir  Samuell  Argall,  out  of  the  indigestable  malice  that 
he  had  conceived  against  Biencourt,  did  informe  him 
where  he  had  planted  himselfe,  offering  (as  he  did)  to 
conduct  him  thither.  As  soone  as  they  were  entered 
within  the  Fort,  neere  the  uppermost  of  the  Hands,  Sir 
Samuel  directed  the  Ship  to  ride  at  a  reasonable  distance 
to  attend  occasions  before  the  Fort  did  land  himselfe  with 
forty  of  the  best  of  his  men  upon  a  Meddow,  where 
immediately  they  heard  a  peece  of  Ordnance  from  the 
Fort,  and  he  conceiving  since  it  was  shot  whilst  it  could 
doe  no  harme,  that  it  was  done  either  but  to  give  terrour 
to  them,  or  to  warne  some  that  might  happen  to  be  abroad, 
did  make  the  greater  haste  towards  the  Fort,  where  he 
presently  entered,  finding  it  abandoned  without  any  men 
at  all  left  for  the  defence  thereof.  He  went  up  the  River 
side  five  or  six  miles,  where  he  saw  their  Barnes,  and  the 
ground  where  a  great  quantity  of  Wheate  had  grown, 
which  he  carried  with  him  to  prove  for  Seede  in  Virginia : 
he  saw  also  their  corne  Milne  very  conveniently  placed, 
which  together  with  the  Barnes  he  left  standing  untouched. 
As  for  the  Fruit  it  selfe  he  destroied  it  downe  to  the 
ground,  racing  the  French  armes,  and  leaving  no  Monu- 
ment that  might  remaine  to  witnesse  their  being  here. 

After  this,  Biencourt,  who  had  been  somewhere  abroad 
travelling  through  the  Countrey  comming  home,  desired 
to  conferre  with  Sir  Samuel  Argall,  who  did  meete  with 
him  a  part  from  the  company  upon  a  meadow :  and  after 
they  had  expostulated  a  space  for  what  had  past  contro- 
verting concerning  the  French  and  English,  little  to  these 
bounds,  at  last  Biencourt  offered,  if  hee  might  have  a 
protection  from  him,  to  depend  upon  our  King,  and  to 
draw  the  whole  Furres  of  that  Countrey  to  one  Port, 
where  he  would  divide  them  with  him ;  as  likewise  hee 
would  show  him  good  mettalls,  whereof  he  gave  him 
pieces,  the  other  refused  to  joyne  in  any  societie  with  him, 
protesting  that  his  Commission  was  onely  to  displant  him, 
and  that  if  hee  found  him  there  thereafter  hee  would  use 
him  as  an  enemy.     Beincourt  labouring  earnestly  to  have 

215 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS    PILGRIMES 

1624. 

had  the  Jesuit,  as  he  confessed,  with  a  purpose  to  hang 
him.  Whilest  they  were  discoursing  together,  one  of  the 
Savages  rushing  suddenly  forth  from  the  Woods,  and 
licentiated  to  come  neere,  did  after  his  manner,  with  such 
broken  French  as  he  had  earnestly  mediate  a  peace, 
wondring  why  they  that  seemed  to  be  of  one  Country, 
should  use  others  with  such  hostilitie,  and  that  with  such 
a  forme  of  habit  and  gesture  as  made  them  both  to  laugh. 
After  Biencourt  removing  from  thence  to  some  other, 
Monsieur  Champlein,  who  had  lived  long  here,  did  carry 
a  company  with  him  from  France  of  some  fortie  persons 
[IV.  ix.  or  thereabouts,  up  the  River  of  Canada  whom  hee  planted 

9-J  on  the  North  side  thereof,  with  a  purpose  to  sue  for  a 
Factory,  drawing  all  the  trade  of  that  farre  running  River, 
within  the  hands  of  a  few  whom  he  doth  command,  which 
a  Plantation  would  have  dispersed  in  many  parts,  other- 
wise, if  his  desires  had  beene  bended  that  way,  hee  might 
have  planted  many  people  there  ere  now ;  the  place  is 
called  Kebeck,  where  the  French  doe  prosper  well,  having 
Corne  by  their  owne  labour,  which  may  furnish  themselves 
for  foode,  and  likewise  for  a  stocke  to  traffique  with  the 
Savages,  with  sundry  other  Fruites,  Rootes,  Vine  grapes 
and  Turkey  Wheate.  Champlein  hath  discovered  the 
River  of  Canada  from  the  Gulfe  upwards  above  1200. 
miles,  finding  in  it  sometimes  such  fals  as  he  must  carry 
his  Boate  a  little  way  by  land,  and  then  put  it  in  againe. 
He  did  many  times  come  to  great  Lakes,  at  the  end 
whereof  he  did  alwaies  finde  a  River  againe :  and  the* 
last  Lake  where  he  came  was  a  very  huge  one,  judged  to 
be  three  hundred  miles  in  length,  by  the  report  of  some 
Savages,  who  did  afnrme  unto  him,  that  at  the  further 
end  thereof  they  did  finde  Salt  water,  and  that  they  had 
The  South  Sea  scene  great  Vessels ;  which  made  Champlein  beleeve  that 
suspected  {as  a  passage  might  be  there  to  the  Bay  of  California,  or  to 
before  in  some   part   of   the   South    Sea,   which   would   prove  an 

Dermers  inestimable  benefit   for   the   Inhabitants   of   these   parts, 

letter)  b\  ... 

Savages  opening  a  neere  way  to  China,  which  hath  bin  so  many 

relations.  sundry  wayes  with  so  great  charges  so  long  sought  for. 

216 


INTELLIGENCE    FROM   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1624. 

Howsoever,  in  regard  of  the  season,  and  for  want  of 
necessary  provisions,  Champleine  did  returne  backe  at  that 
time,  with  a  purpose  to  goe  againe  another  yeare :  which 
if  hee  hath  done  is  not  yet  knowne,  but  this  is  most 
certaine,  that  the  River  of  Canada  hath  a  long  course, 
and  through  many  goodly  Countries  :  some  of  these  great 
Lakes,  by  sending  forth,  or  by  receiving  great  Rivers, 
doe  afford  meanes  of  commerce  as  farre  as  to  some  parts 
of  Terra  Florida,  as  may  be  gathered  by  Champleines 
discovery,  &c. 

THus  have  I  given  thee  Others  travells  to  Virginia 
and  the  Summer  Hands,  I  will  conclude  with  mine 
owne  travells  for  them.  I  see  many  likely  to  bee 
disheartened  by  the  slender  growth  of  the  Virginian 
Plantation,  which  for  the  time  might  have  beene  not  onely 
a  safe,  but  a  rich  and  blessed  Mother  of  a  numerous 
thriving  generation,  branching  farre  into  other  Colonies ; 
and  yet  is !  But  why  doe  I  intercept  your  eyes  and  divert 
your  thoughts  (suspend  them  at  best)  from  that  which 
for  my  Countries  good  and  zeale  to  Virginia,  without 
partiall  respect  on  the  right  hand  or  on  the  left,  with  a 
candid  right  hand  I  here  present,  and  forbid  all  sinister 
hands  to  meddle  with  ?  Tros  Tyriusve  mihi — I  side  no 
where,  but  embrace  Virginia  with  a  right  heart,  my  pen 
directed,  my  hands  erected  for  her  good,  which  can  doe 
mee  no  other  good,  but  in  reference  to  the  publike,  whose 
I  am  and  whom  under  God  and  his  Majestie  I  serve  and 
observe  with  all  that  I  have,  am,  and  can.  I  had  written 
it  as  a  tractate  by  it  selfe,  at  the  request  of  some  worthy 
friends,  but  here  have  abridged  it  in  some  such  things  as 
the  other  parts  of  these  Volumes  containe. 


217 


A.D. 
I625. 


'Ek  Aide  dp- 
X^fiecrda  tov 
yd  /cat  yevos 
efffievov. 

Arat.  Of 
God,  and  the 
image  of  God 
in  Man. 


Gen.  1.  1. 


Eph.  4.  24. 


Gen.  1.  28. 


Gen.  9.  2. 


PURCHAS    HIS    PILGRIMES 

Chap.  XX. 

Virginias  Verger :  Or  a  Discourse  shewing  the 
benefits  which  may  grow  to  this  Kingdome 
from  American  English  Plantations,  and  speci- 
ally those  of  Virginia  and  Summer  Hands. 

Od  is  the  beginning  and  end,  the  Alpha 
and  Omega,  that  first  and  last,  of  whom 
and  for  whom  are  all  things.  The  first 
and  last  thing  therefore  in  this  Virginian 
argument  considerable,  is  God ;  that  is, 
whether  we  have  Commission  from  him 
to  plant,  and  whether  the  Plantation  may 


bring  glory  to  him  :  This  in  regard  of  us  and  our  scope ; 
That  in  regard  of  it,  and  the  lawfulnesse  thereof.  To 
begin  with  this ;  In  the  beginning  God  created  heaven 
and  earth  (all  things  therefore  are  his  by  a  higher  name 
then  right,  this  rule  and  the  things  ruled,  being  his 
creatures)  of  both  which  Man  onely  amongst  Visible 
creatures  was  created  capable,  which  Moses  delivereth  in 
these  words,  that  God  created  him  after  his  owne  Image : 
which  is  spoken  not  onely  of  the  spirituall,  immortall 
substance  of  his  soule,  whose  unity  shineth  with  that 
created  Trinity  of  Understanding,  Will,  Memory,  in  it 
selfe ;  and  that  of  Vegetation,  Sense,  Reason,  exercised 
in  and  by  bodily  motion ;  but  more  especially  in  regard 
of  the  Creator,  a  conformity  to  him  in  righteousnesse  & 
holinesse  of  truth  (the  whole  Man  shining  with  a  borrowed 
light,  as  the  Moone  is  the  image  and  reflexion  of  the 
Sunne)  and  in  regard  of  the  Creature,  a  just  dominion 
over  the  same,  as  the  holy  words  manifest ;  replenish  the 
Earth  and  subdue  it,  and  have  dominion  over  the  Fish  of 
the  Sea,  and  over  the  Fowle  of  the  ayre,  and  over  every 
living  thing  that  moveth  upon  the  earth.  Although  Mans 
rebellion  had  forfeited  this  Naturall  Charter,  yet  was  the 
same  in  the  repeopling  of  the  World  renewed  to  Noah 
and   his   Sons,   which   ever   since   have   beene   in   actuall 

218 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA 

possession  :  and  as  Adam  gave  names  (as  humaine  eare- 
marks)  to  the  living  creatures ;  so  Noahs  heires  have 
since  given  names  to  Seas  and  Lands,  and  other  creatures 
quite  thorow  the  knowne  World.  Neither  did  the  Fall 
of  Man  so  cracke  this  earthen  vessell,  that  all  his  created 
excellence  ran  out :  for  neither  were  the  substance  or 
faculties  of  the  soule  extinct,  nor  his  prerogative  over  the 
visible  creatures  (the  spirituall  creature  naturally  excelling 
the  bodily,  and  the  reasonable  and  living,  the  sensitive, 
vegetative  and  torpid : )  these  received  a  wound,  the  other 
(his  spirituall  and  religious  conformitie  in  these  to  God) 
as  a  purer  water  of  the  purest  life,  ran  forth  irrecoverably ; 
and  as  our  natural!  parts  were  weakned  and  wounded,  so 
of  those  supernaturall  wee  were  utterly  robbed ;  till  that 
good  Samaritan  undertooke  the  restitution  of  that  in 
redemption,  whereunto  in  creation  he  had  given  first 
institution,  God  hath  laid  upon  him  the  iniquitie  of  us 
all,  and  in  his  stripes  wee  are  healed  ;  our  Charter  is  renued 
and  now  made  so  compleat,  that  whereas  the  devills 
thought  to  rob  man  of  Earth  and  Paradise,  Hee  which 
taketh  the  wise  in  his  craftinesse  hath  restored  him :  nay 
(that  is  little)  hath  added  Heaven  Himselfe  :  that  as  the 
Israelites  entred  upon  the  houses,  Cities  and  possessions 
of  the  cursed  Canaanites,  so  Christians  into  those  Thrones 
and  celestiall  Dominions,  which  those  spirituall  Thrones 
and  Dominions  lost,  and  there  have  God  himselfe  and 
the  Lambe  to  be  their  Temple  and  All  in  all  unto  them 
for  ever,  Amen. 

Hence  is  it  that  Christians  (such  as  have  the  Grace  of 
the  Spirit  of  Christ,  and  not  the  profession  of  his  merit 
alone)  have  and  hold  the  world  and  the  things  thereof  in 
another  tenure,  whereof  Hypocrites  and  Heathens  are  not 
capable.  These  have  onely  a  Naturall  right,  by  the 
reliques  of  the  Law  of  Nature  left  in  Man,  by  the  Creators 
goodnesse,  for  the  conservation  of  the  face  of  a  world 
in  the  world ;  the  same  further  improved  with  a  war- 
rantization,  Contra  omnes  gentes  (our  evidences  dialect) 
by  the  Law  of  Nations  unto  Nations,  and  Lawes  Politicke 

219 


A.D. 

1625. 
Gen.  2. 


[IV. 


IX. 


1810.] 


Esay  53. 


1.  Cor.  3. 


Apoc.  21. 
1.  Cor.  15. 
Of  the  right  of 
Christians  and 
that  of 
Heathens  to 
the  zvorld. 
See  these 
things  more 
fully  handled 
in  To.  1 .  /.  1 . 
c.  i.§.  3.4.  5. 


A.D. 
1625. 


70/5.8.35.36. 
Hicttis  avo- 
Trdicpt-Tos, 

I.  Tim.  1.  6. 


Christians 
may  not  spoik 
Heathens. 


Gal  3.  17. 


Tit.  1. 


John   19.  36. 


2.  Cor.  10.4. 


Mtftf/5.  16. 


/a^.  8. 

2.  iV.  2.  19. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

and  Civill  in  each  Nation,  allotting  to  the  members  thereof 
the  publike  and  private  civill  rights  and  tenures,  which 
either  publike  or  private,  persons  or  corporations,  held 
therein. 

This  tenure  comparatively  that  Christian,  is  by  our 
Lord  himselfe  called  a  tenure  in  villenage,  that  of  sonnes : 
the  servant  hath  his  time  and  abides  not  in  the  house  for 
ever :  but  the  sonne  is  heire  in  fee  simple  (fide  simplici) 
for  ever.  Neither  yet  is  it  lawfull  for  Christians,  to 
usurpe  the  goods  and  lands  of  Heathens;  for  they  are 
villains  not  to  us ;  but  to  our  and  their  Lord ;  nor  hath 
the  sonne  in  nonage  power  to  dispossesse  villaines :  nor 
are  wee  sonnes  by  nature,  but  by  adoption,  and  a  later 
Evangelicall  Charter  which  doth  not  disannull  the  former 
(the  Truth,  or  Word  of  the  Gospel  received  by  Faith, 
makes  us  free)  free  Tenants  to  our  Lord,  not  Lordly 
subverters  of  others  tenures ;  which  may  with  a  good 
conscience  use  our  owne  (all  things  to  the  pure  are  pure, 
which  others  cannot,  whose  conscience  being  pitchy,  all 
things  it  toucheth,  are  defiled)  and  not,  as  some  have 
turned  libertie  into  licentiousnesse,  with  a  bad  conscience 
take  away  that  which  is  anothers.  Christ  came  not  to 
destroy  the  Law,  of  which  one  Commandement  is,  Thou 
shalt  not  steale :  My  Kingdome,  saith  hee,  is  not  of  this 
world,  and  therefore  properly  medleth  not  with  proprietie 
and  civill  interests.  The  weapons  of  our  warfare,  saith 
Saint  Paul,  are  not  carnall  but  spirituall,  and  the  Keyes 
so  much  boasted  on  by  Peters  pretended  Successors,  are 
called  Keyes  of  the  Kingdome  of  Heaven ;  lawfull  keyes, 
not  thievish  picklocks ;  of  Heaven,  not  of  Earth.  And 
it  is  remarkable  that  neither  Pope  nor  Anabaptist  (the 
troubles  of  Israel  with  worse  then  Heathenish  conceits  in 
this  kind)  ever  inverted  or  interverted  Scepters,  till'  they 
had  denied  the  very  Christian  name  which  they  received 
in  Baptisme  ;  nor  dispised  government  till  they  were  twice 
dead,  nor  promised  this  libertie  to  others,  till  themselves 
were  the  servants  of  corruption.  Even  a  Malefactor,  a 
Traytor,  a  very  Faux,  or  Raviliac,  is  permitted  to  breath, 

220 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

yea  is  in  prison,   the  Kings  house  (whereof  no  private 

hand  may  dispossesse  him)  maintained  at  the  Kings  charge, 

till  judgement  have  passed  on  him,  which  to  the  world 

is  not  till  the  end  of  the  world,  when  Christ  shall  come 

to  judge  the  quick  and  dead ;   who  once  so  respected  the 

jurisdiction    of    Ethnickes,    that    himselfe    was    thereby 

adjudged  to  the  worst  of  sufferings,  yea  acknowledged 

that  power  given  to  Pilat  from  above.     His  Birth  acknow-  ^ohn  19.  n. 

ledged    Augustus    his    Edict,    his    Infancy    fled    Herods 

tyranny,   his   Man-hood  payd  Tiberius  tribute,   and  his 

Death  was  Roman  both  in  kind  and  sentence.     Let  every   Rom.  13.  1. 

soule  be  subject  to  the  higher  powers,  yeelded  those  noble 

armies  of  Martyrs  in  the  Primitive  Church  ;    the  contrary 

whereof  hath  yeelded  Mastives  and  Monsters  in  these 

last  and  worst  dayes. 

Therefore  was  Babels  building  in  the  East  (and  shall  Gen.  11. 
not  Babelbable  building  in  the  West  be)  confounded  that 
men    might    bee   dispersed    thorow    the   world,    to    take 
possession   of   their   inheritance :    and   God   which    said, 
Replenish  the  earth,  hath  made  of  one  bloud  all  Nations  Acts  17.  27. 
of  men,  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  hath 
determined   the   times   and   bounds   of   their   habitation. 
Hee  gave  Ar  to  the  children  of  Lot,  and  the  Land  of  the  Deut.2.9.19. 
Horims  to  Esaus  posteritie,  though  not  with  like  circum- 
stances   as    Canaan    to    Israel :    and    it    was    by    speciall 
indulgence,   that   Israel  both   spoiled  the  Egyptians  and 
disherited  the  Canaanites.     Let  it  bee  enough,  that  Christ 
hath  given  us  our  selves  in  the  Lords  service  to  bee  a 
perfect   freeman,   the   Universe   in   an   universall   tenure, 
and  Heaven  in  reversion ;    that  hath  given   his  Sonne, 
doth  give  his  Spirit,  will  give  himselfe;    that  all  things   *•  Got:  3. 
are   ours,   and   wee   Christs,   and   Christ   Gods :    without 
thoughts    of    invasion    and    usurpation,    knowing    that 
Christian   Charity   seeketh   not   her   owne   things   (much   *■  Cer'  I3- 
lesse  obtrudes  on  others)  and  Christian  libertie  maketh 
liberall  Saints  of  naturall  men,  not  unnaturall  devills  of 
professed    Saints.     Our   Light    should    so    shine    before  Matth.  5. 
others,   that   they  may   see   our  good  workes,   that   they   v.  Pet.  3. 


221 


A.D. 
1625. 


[IV.  ix. 

1811.] 

Mans  naturall 
right  in  places, 
either  wholly 
or  in  great 
part  not 
inhabited. 
Abraham, 
Lot,  Jacob, 
&c. 

I  have  heard 
by  one  which 
I  thinke  hath 
more  searched 
the  Countrie 
then  any  other 
Cap.  Smith, 
that  in  nee7e 
so  much  as  all 
England,  they 
have  not  above 
5000.  men 
able  to  bear 
armes,  which 
manured  and 
civilly  planted 
might  well 
nourish 
1500000. 
and  many 
many  more;  as 
appeareth  by 
this  our 
countrie,  not 
having  so  rich 
a  naturall 
Inheritance. 
Right  of  Mer- 
chandise. 
I .  Cor.  1 1 . 2 1 . 
Securitie  of 
Ports. 
Gen.  10. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

which  know  not  the  world,  may  bee  won  without  the 
Word,  in  admiring  our  Christian  conversation. 

This  should  be,  and  in  the  most  Adventurers  I  hope  is 
the  scope  of  the  Virginian  Plantation,  not  to  make 
Savages  and  wild  degenerate  men  of  Christians,  but 
Christians  of  those  Savage,  wild,  degenerate  men ;  to 
whom  preaching  must  needs  bee  vaine,  if  it  begins  with 
publike  Latrocinie.  And  this  is  sufficient  to  prevent 
scruple  of  the  Popes  Bui,  which  (if  Basan  Buls  roaring 
were  evidence)  maketh  aswel  against  England,  this  being 
no  lesse  questionable  then  Virginia,  Paul,  Pius,  Gregory 
Sixtus  breathing  as  much  fire  against  this,  as  Alexander 
for  that.  But  what  right  can  England  then  challenge  to 
Virginia?  I  answere,  that  we  would  be  loth  to  begin 
our  right  at  wrong,  either  to  Ethnick  or  Christian  :  nor 
need  we,  having  so  manifold  and  just  interests.  First, 
as  men,  we  have  a  naturall  right  to  replenish  the  whole 
earth :  so  that  if  any  Countrey  be  not  possessed  by  other 
men,  (which  is  the  case  of  Summer  Hands,  and  hath  beene 
of  all  Countries  in  their  first  habitations)  every  man  by 
Law  of  Nature  and  Humanitie  hath  right  of  Plantation, 
and  may  not  by  other  after-commers  be  dispossessed, 
without  wrong  to  human  nature.  And  if  a  country  be 
inhabited  in  some  parts  therof,  other  parts  remaining 
unpeopled,  the  same  reason  giveth  liberty  to  other  men 
which  want  convenient  habitation  to  seat  themselves, 
where  (without  wrong  to  others)  they  may  provide  for 
themselves.  For  these  have  the  same  right  unto  these 
latter  parts,  which  the  former  had  to  the  former ;  especially 
where  the  people  is  wild,  and  holdeth  no  settled  possession 
in  any  parts.  Thus  the  holy  Patriarks  removed  their 
habitations  and  pasturages,  when  those  parts  of  the  world 
were  not  yet  replenished :  and  thus  the  whole  world  hath 
been  planted  and  peopled  with  former  and  later  Colonies : 
and  thus  Virginia  hath  roome  enough  for  her  own  (were 
their  numbers  an  hundred  times  as  many)  and  for  others 
also  which  wanting  at  home,  seeke  habitations  there  in 
vacant  places,   with   perhaps   better  right   then   the  first, 

222 


A    DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

which  (being  like  Cain,  both  Murtherers  and  Vagabonds 

in  their  whatsoever  and  howsoever  owne)  I  can  scarsly 

call  Inhabitants.     To  question  this  right,  were  to  accuse 

almost  all  Nations  which  were  rocked  (for  the  most  part) 

in  no  other  cradle :    and  to  disappoint  also  that  Divine 

Ordinance  of  replenishing  the  Earth,  whose  habitations 

otherwise  would  be  like  scattered  Hands  in  the  Seas,  or 

as    the    present    Spanish    Plantations    in    the    Indies,    so 

dispersed  and  disjoyned  that  one  cannot  in  any  distresse 

succour  another,  and  therefore  are  made  an  easier  prey 

to  every  Invader.     Another  right  is  that  of  Merchandise  : 

Non  omnia  possumus  omnes,  Nee  vero  terra?  ferre  omnes 

omnia  possunt ;  God  in  manifold  wisedome  hath  diversified 

every  Countries  commodities,  so  that  all  are  rich,  and  all 

poore ;    not    that    one    should    be    hungry    and    another 

drunken,  but  that  the  whole  world  might  be  as  one  body 

of  mankind,  each  member  communicating  with  other  for 

publike  good.     He  hath  made  this  immutable  decree  in 

the  mutabilitie  of  the  Winds,  commodities  &  commodious- 

nesse  of  Seas,  and  Harbors,  varietie  of  Baies  and  Rivers, 

multiplicity  of  all  Mens  both  Necessities  and  Superfluities, 

and  their  universall  desires  of  Novelties.     Thus  Salomon 

and  Hiram  had  right  to  sayle  over  the  Ocean,  and  to 

negotiate  with  the  Ophirians  for  Gemmes,  Gold,  Ivory, 

and     other     commodities     serviceable     for     his     peoples 

necessities,     for    pompous     Magnificence,     and    for    the 

Temples    Holies.     And   if   hee   did   not    plant    Colonies 

there,  you  must  remember  that  the  Jewish  Pale  was  then 

standing,  which  prohibited  voluntarie  remote  dwellings, 

where  each  man  was  thrice  a  yeere  to  appeare  before  the 

Lord  in  Jerusalem.     Besides,  it  is  a  question  whether  the 

Countrey  peopled  so   long  before,   had  roome  for   such 

Neighbours. 

It  is  therefore  ungodly,  and  inhumane  also  to  deny  the 

world  to  men,  or  like  Manger-dogges  (neither  to  eat  hay 

themselves,  nor  to  suffer  the  hungry  Oxe)  to  prohibite 

that  for  others  habitation,  whereof  themselves  can  make 

no    use ;    or    for    merchandise,    whereby    much    benefit 

22' 


0 


A.D. 
1625. 


Rom.  2.  14. 


Right 

Nationall:  Jus 
gentium. 


Lucan. 

Right  by  right 
conquest. 


2.  Sam.  10. 


Deut.  2.  19. 


[IV.  ix. 

1812.] 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

accreweth  to  both  parts.  They  which  doe  this,  Tollunt 
e  vita  vitae  societatem,  to  use  Tullies  phrase,  &  hominem 
ex  homine  tollunt,  to  borrow  Saint  Jeroms  in  another 
matter.  The  Barbarians  themselves  by  light  of  nature 
saw  this,  and  gave  Ours  kind  entertainment  in  mutuall 
cohabitation  and  commerce :  and  they  having  not  the  Law 
were  a  Law  to  themselves,  practically  acknowledging  this 
Law  of  Nature  written  by  him,  which  is  Natura  naturans, 
in  their  hearts :  from  which  if  they  since  have  declined, 
they  have  lost  their  owne  Naturall,  and  given  us  another 
Nationall  right ;  their  transgression  of  the  Law  of  Nature, 
which  tieth  Men  to  Men  in  the  rights  of  Natures  com- 
mons, exposing  them  (as  a  forfeited  bond)  to  the  chastise- 
ment of  that  common  Law  of  mankind ;  and  also  on  our 
parts  to  the  severitie  of  the  Law  of  Nations,  which  tyeth 
Nation  to  Nation.  And  if  they  Hee  not  worthy  of  the 
name  of  a  Nation,  being  wilde  and  Savage :  yet  as  Slaves, 
bordering  rebells,  excommunicates  and  out-lawes  are 
lyable  to  the  punishments  of  Law,  and  not  to  the 
priviledges ;  So  is  it  with  these  Barbarians,  Borderers  and 
Out-lawes  of  Humanity.  Arma  tenenti,  Omnia  dat  qui 
justa  negat,  If  the  Armes  bee  just,  as  in  this  case  of 
vindicating  unnaturall,  inhumane  wrongs  to  a  loving  and 
profitable  Nation,  entertained  voluntarily,  in  time  of 
greatest  pretended  amity.  On  this  quarrell  David  con- 
quered all  the  Kingdome  of  the  Ammonites  and  left  it  to 
his  successours  in  many  generations,  notwithstanding 
Moses  had  otherwise  left  a  speciall  caution  for  their 
security,  testifying  that  God  had  given  it  the  sonnes  of 
Lot,  and  prohibiting  invasion  to  Israel.  That  natural 
right  of  cohabitation  and  commerce  we  had  with  others, 
this  of  just  invasion  and  conquest,  and  many  others 
praevious  to  this,  we  have  above  others ;  so  that  England 
may  both  by  Law  of  Nature  and  Nations  challenge 
Virginia  for  her  owne  peculiar  propriety,  and  that  by  all 
right  and  rites  usuall  amongst  men,  not  those  mentioned 
alone  but  by  others  also,  first  discovery,  first  actuall 
possession,  prescription,  gift,  cession,  and  livery  of  seisin, 

224 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA 

sale  for  price,  that  I  mention  not  the  naturall  Inheritance 
of  the  English  their  naturally  borne,  and  the  unnaturall 
outcries  of  so  many  unnaturally  murthered,  for  just 
vengeance  of  rooting  out  the  authors  and  actors  of  so 
prodigious  injustice. 

And  first  for  discovery,  the  English,  Spaniard,  and 
Portugall  seeme  the  Triumviri  of  the  Worlds  first  dis- 
coveries, the  Spaniard  and  Portugall  first  opening  the 
Eastern,  Western,  and  Southern  parts,  the  English  the 
Northern  America,  and  all  known  parts  thence  to  the 
North  and  Northeast.  I  could  bring  authority  for  King 
Arthurs  conquests,  above  iooo.  yeers  since  in  Island, 
Gronland,  Estotiland  :  but  I  feare  this  would  seeme  too 
weake  a  foundation,  and  (which  lyers  get  by  lying)  dis- 
credit our  other  authorities  lesse  suspicious ;  howsoever 
Authors  of  best  note  in  Geography  alledge  those,  which 
reverence  of  the  truth  makes  me  let  passe.  And  so 
I  doe  King  Malgo  soone  after  him,  and  Saint  Brandon, 
and  the  Friar  of  Oxford  (which  A.  1360.  is  said  to  discover 
to  the  Pole)  and  Owen  G wined  Prince  of  North  Wales 
his  sonne  Madock,  A.  11 70.  which  conveyed  a  Colony, 
as  learned  men  thinke  into  the  West  Indies.  In  all 
Antiquities,  as  Varro  observed,  there  are  somethings 
fabulous  (so  I  deeme  the  former)  something  uncertaine, 
as  this  last ;  and  somethings  Historicall,  as  that  which  we 
shall  deliver.  Robert  Thorne  in  a  Booke  to  Doctor  Leigh 
writeth,  that  his  father  with  another  Merchant  of  Bristol, 
Hugh  Eliot,  were  the  first  discoverers  of  the  New- 
found-lands ;  and  if  the  Mariners  would  have  beene  ruled 
by  their  Pilot,  the  Lands  of  the  West  Indies  from  whence 
the  Gold  commeth  had  beene  ours.  What  yeere  this 
happened  he  expresseth  not ;  but  the  words  import  that 
it  was  before  Columbus  his  discovery.  And  before 
Columbus  his  discovery  of  the  continent,  Sir  Sebastian 
Cabot,  at  the  charges  of  K.  Henry  the  seventh,  with  two 
Carvels,  in  the  yeere  1496.  (so  himselfe,  in  Ramusio ;  the 
Map  with  his  picture  in  the  Privy  Gallery  hath  1497.) 
sailed  to  the  New-found-land,  which  he  called  Prima  Vista, 


A.D. 

1625. 

Englands 
manifold 
rights  to 
Virginia. 


First 
discovery. 


Mercator  D. 
Dee.  Ortel. 


M.  Thorne. 
Sir  Seb. ., 
Cabota.  his 
picture  in  the 
privie  gallerie 
at  White  Hall 
hath  these 
words. 
Effigies  Seb. 
Cabota:  Angli 
filii  Joafinis 
Cabota 
Veneti,  militis 
aurati,  iffc.  he 
was  born  at 
Venice,  and 
serving  H.  7. 
H.  8.  Ed.  6. 
was  accounted 
English,  tffr. 
Galpano  saith 
he  was  borne 
at  Bristol. 


XIX 


225 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS    PILGRIMES 

1625. 

and  the  Hand  S.  Johns,  because  it  was  discovered  on  the 
Feast  of  S.  John  Baptist ;  from  whence  he  sailed  Northerly 
to  67.  deg.  and  a  halfe,  hoping  by  that  way  to  passe  to 
Cathay,  but  his  mutinous  company  (terrified  haply  with 
Ice  and  cold)  forced  his  returne,  which  hee  made  along 
the  Coast  toward  the  Equinoctiall,  to  the  part  of  the  firme 
land  now  called  Florida,  and  then  his  victualls  failing,  he 
returned  into  England,  where  by  occasion  of  warres  with 
Scotland,  the  imploiment  was  laid  aside.  Afterwards  the 
same  Sir  Sebastian  Cabot  was  sent,  A.  15 16.  by  King 
Henry  the  eight,  together  with  Sir  Thomas  Pert  Vice- 
admirall  of  England,  which  after  coasting  this  Continent 
the  second  time,  as  I  have  read,  discovered  the  Coast  of 
Brasil,  and  returned  from  thence  to  S.  Domingo  and 
Puerto  Rico.  Now  Columbus  his  first  discovery  of  the 
Hands,  was  in  1492.  of  the  Continent  in  his  third  voyage 
in  August,  1497.  or  as  others,  1498.  so  that  counting 
most  favourably  for  Columbus,  Cabot  had  discovered  the 
Continent  in  June  next  before ;  by  one  reckoning  above 
a  yeere,  by  another  above  two  yeeres  before.  And  indeed 
that  New  World  might  more  fitly  have  borne  his  name, 
then  America  of  Americus  vesputius,  or  of  Columbus, 
Cabot  having  discovered  farre  more  of  that  Continent  then 
they  both,  or  any  man  else  in  those  Seas :  to  wit,  from 
67.  degrees  and  an  halfe  to  the  Line,  and  from  thence 
Southerly  to  the  River  of  Plate. 

Hee  also  was  the  principall  mover  in  the  setting  forth 
of  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  in  King  Edwards  time  (under 
Sir  Seb.  Cab.   whom  he  was  constituted  Grand  Pilot  of  England,  with 
Grand  Pilot  of  the  annuall  stipend  of  one  hundred  sixtie  sixe  pound 
England.  thirteene  shillings  foure  pence)  in  which  voyage  Greene- 

land  was  discovered  (neither  is  there  any  other  Wil- 
loughbys  Land  to  be  found,  but  in  erroneous  Maps)  and 
the  Russian  Empire  by  the  North  Cape,  and  the  Bay  of 
Saint  Nicolas.  But  for  Virginia,  as  it  was  then  discovered 
by  Sir  Seb.  Cabot,  so  it  received  that  name  from  our 
continuation  Virgin-Mother,  Great  Elizabeth  :  in  whose  time  formal 
prescription.      &    actual    possession    was    taken    for    her    Majesty,    the 

226 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

thirteenth  of  July,  1584.  by  Captain  Philip  Amadas,  and 

Captain  Barlow,  whom  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  had  sent  thither 

with   two   Barkes  furnished ;    who   also   the   next  yeere, 

1585.  sent  Sir  Richard  Greenevile  with  seven  sayle,  which 

there  left  an  English  Colony  under  the  government  of 

M.  Ralph  Lane.     A.  1586.  hee  sent  another  Ship  of  one 

hundred  Tuns  thither  for  their  reliefe :     but  the  Colony 

being  returned  in  Sir  Francis  Drakes  Fleet,  shee  returned 

also.     Sir  Richard  Greenevile  also  about  a  fortnight  after 

their  departure  arrived  with  three  Ships,  and  not  finding 

the  Colonie,  left  fifteene  men  to  keepe  possession,  furnished 

with  provision  for  two  yeeres. 

A.  1587.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  sent  a  new  Colony  of  one  The  names  of 

hundred  &  fifty  persons,  with  three  saile,  a  Ship  of  one  a^oveloo-^e 

hundred  and  twenty  Tuns,  a  Fly-boat  and  a  Pinnace.  Hack 

Hee  appointed  twelve  Assistants  to  the  Governour,  and  Tome. 

incorporated    them    by    the    name    of    Governour    and 

Assistants  of  the  Citie  of  Raleigh  in  Virginia.     To  these, 

Sir  Walter  Raleigh  sent  succour  five  severall  times,  the 

last  by  Samuel  Mace,  1602.     An.  1603.  the  Bristow  men 

sent  thither,  by  leave  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  in  which 

Expedition  was  Master  Robert  Saltern,  who   the  yeere 

before  had  beene  with  Cap.   Bart.   Gosnold.     And  thus 

are  wee  come  to  the  beginning  of  his  Majesties  gracious 

raigne,  when  the  North  and  South  Plantations  were  by 

new  Patents  eagerly  pursued,   the   one  from  hence,   the 

other  from  the  West  parts  of  England.     Mawooshen  and 

other  parts,  were  many  yeeres  visited  by  our  men,  and 

An.  1607.  a  Plantation  setled  at  Sagadahoc,  by  two  Ships 

sent  by  that  wise  and  severe  Justice  Sir  John  Popham 

and  others :     the  successe  whereof  hath  been  such,  that 

from  the  North  Plantation  it  hath  beene  dignified  with 

the  Title  of  New  England.     And  for  the  Southerne  parts, 

A.    1606.   a  Colony  went  from  hence,   set  forth  by  the  tIV- 1X- 

Virginia  Company,  which  have  ever  since  maintained  their  J   !3'J 

Plantation    in    differing    fortunes.      As    for    the    former 

Plantations  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,   some  children   were 

borne  to  them  there :     and  whether  they  live,  they  con- 

227 


A.D. 

1625. 

Two  former 
Colonies, 
wholly,  \$c. 


Virginians 
acknowledge 
subjection  and 
service  to  the 
English. 


Right  by  buy- 
ing &  selling: 
and  by  cession. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

tinued  the  possession  ;  or  if  the  Savages  dealt  perfidiously 
with  them  (as  Powhatan  confessed  to  Cap.  Smith,  that 
hee  had  beene  at  their  slaughter,  and  had  divers  utensills 
of  theirs  to  shew)  their  carkasses,  the  dispersed  bones  of 
their  and  their  Countrey  mens  since  murthered  carkasses, 
have  taken  a  mortall  immortall  possession,  and  being  dead, 
speake,  proclaime  and  cry,  This  our  earth  is  truly  English, 
and  therefore  this  Land  is  justly  yours  O  English. 

Thus  have  we  discovered  the  English  right  by  Dis- 
covery, Possession,  Prescription ;  to  which  we  may  adde, 
that  none  other  Nation  hath  once  adventured  to  settle 
in  those  parts,  nor  scarce  to  view  them :  yea  the  French 
and  Spanish  Plantations  in  Florida,  Virginias  Southerne 
neighbour,  soone  ended  in  bloudy  massacres,  the  Spanish 
cruelly  murthering  the  French,  under  the  conduct  of 
Pedro  Melendes,  which  An.  1567.  was  repaid  them  by 
Dominique  de  Gorgues,  the  acquittance  written  with  his 
sword  in  Spanish  bloud :  Florida  ever  since  expecting 
civilizing  from  her  first  discoverers  the  English :  which 
is  further  ratified  by  the  former  Spanish  disasters  in  the 
Expeditions  of  Pamphilo  di  Navarez,  1527.  and  of  Soto, 
1537.  into  Florida:  which  two  journeyes  consumed  neere 
one  thousand  men  therein  imployed :  besides  other 
Expeditions  of  Ponce  de  Leon  and  others  mentioned  by 
Vega  and  the  Spanish  Authors. 

Now  for  voluntary  subjection  of  the  Natives,  giving 
themselves  and  their  lands  to  the  Crown  of  England, 
M.  Ralph  Lane  hath  testified  for  the  first  Colonie,  that 
Menatonon  their  King  by  his  Messenger,  &  with  him 
twentie  foure  principal  men  sent  from  Okisko  King  of 
Weopomiok  his  Vassall,  formally  acknowledged  Her 
Majesty  as  servants  and  homagers  to  her,  and  under  her 
to  Sir  W.  R.  For  the  last  Plantation  by  the  present 
Patent  of  His  Majesty,  Paspehay,  one  of  their  Kings  sold 
us  land  for  Copper,  and  Powhatan  the  chiefe  Lord  of 
all  the  Savages,  with  thirty  nine  Werowances,  have  yeelded 
to  more  then  formes  and  circumstances  of  homage  ;  besides 
contribution,  having  also  actually  sold  for  Copper  by  him 

228 


A   DISCOURSE   ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

received  of  Cap.  John  Smith,  and  made  voluntary  cession 
of  as  much  as  the  English  desired,  going  away  with 
his  people  to  leave  it  to  the  English  onely.  This  purchase 
was  much  increased  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  and  for  what- 
soever else  which  he  held,  hee  accepted  a  Copper  Crowne 
as  Vassall  to  His  Majesty  :  which  also  hee  really  performed 
for  a  time,  howsoever  since  they  have  beene  perfidious. 
And  this  perfidiousnesse  of  theirs  hath  further  warranted  Right  by 
the  English  Title.  Temperance  and  Justice  had  before  Forfetture- 
kissed  each  other,  and  seemed  to  blesse  the  cohabitations 
of  English  and  Indians  in  Virginia.  But  when  Virginia 
was  violently  ravished  by  her  owne  ruder  Natives,  yea 
her  Virgin  cheekes  dyed  with  the  bloud  of  three  Colonies 
(that  of  Sir  R.  Greenevile,  that  of  Sir  W.  R.  both  con- 
fessed by  themselves,  and  this  last  butchery  intended  to 
all,  extended  to  so  many  hundreths,  with  so  immaine, 
inhumane,  devillish  treachery)  that  I  speake  not  of 
thousands  otherwise  mis-caring  here  and  mis-carrying 
there,  taking  possession  of  Virginia  by  their  facts,  and 
fates,  by  so  manifold  losses  adding  to  the  price  of  Virginias  Fatal!  posses- 
purchase :  Temperance  could  not  temper  her  selfe,  yea  mn- 
the  stupid  Earth  seemes  distempered  with  such  bloudy 
potions  and  cries  that  shee  is  ready  to  spue  out  her 
Inhabitants :  Justice  cryeth  to  God  for  vengeance,  and 
in  his  name  adjureth  Prudence  and  Fortitude  to  the 
execution. 

The  Holy  Patriarks  had  a  promise  of  Canaan,  yet  held 
no  possession  but  with  their  dead  bodies ;  Joseph  by  Heb.  1 1 . 
faith  gave  charge  concerning  his  bones :  Virginia  by  so 
many  rights  naturalized  English,  by  first  discovery,  actuall 
possession,  chargeable  continuation,  long  prescription, 
voluntary  subjection,  delivery  of  seisin,  naturall  inheri- 
tance of  English  there  borne,  reall  sale,  legall  cession, 
regall  vassallage ;  disloyall  treason  hath  now  confiscated 
whatsoever  remainders  of  right  the  unnaturall  Naturalls 
had,  and  made  both  them  and  their  Countrey  wholly 
English,  provoking  us,  if  wee  bee  our  owne,  not  base, 
degenerate,  unworthy  the  name  of  English ;    so  that  wee 

229 


A.D. 

1625. 


The  Glorie  of 
God  in  his 
Word  and 
Workes 
advanced  by 
this 
Plantation. 


*Cicero. 
Jo.  15. 


Ps.  19.  1. 
Ps.  92.  4. 


[IV.  ix. 

1814.] 
Ps.  148.  5. 
Ps.  16.  fef 
ac.  2. 
Ec.  1. 


The  workes  of 
God,  and 
varietie  there 
seen  set  forth 
his  glorie. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

shall  not  have  any  thing  left  (like  Davids  Embassadors, 
which  thus  abused,  brought  their  Master  a  just  title  to 
Ammon,  purchased  by  their  disgraces)  to  cover  our  naked- 
nesse,  till  Virginia  cover,  reward,  inrich  us  with  a  totall 
subjection  at  lest,  if  not  a  fatall  revenge.  And  thus  much 
for  our  right  which  God  hath  given  us :  whose  Virginian 
tribute  is  his  glory,  that  hee  may  indeed  be  Alpha  and 
Omega  (as  hath  beene  said)  of  the  Virginian  Plantation : 
which  if  it  hath  not  satisfied  the  expectation  hitherto,  no 
doubt  that  defect  hath  in  great  part  proceeded  from  this. 

The  end  of  a  thing  is  the  beginning,  being  first  in 
intention  though  last  in  execution :  the  end  which 
Christians  ought  to  ayme  at  is  God,  Doing  all  things  in 
the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  the  glory  of  God 
the  Father,  by  the  gracious  guide  and  assistance  of  the 
Holy  Ghost.  Glory  is,  *  Frequens  de  aliquo  fama  cum 
laude,  And  heereby  is  our  Father  glorified,  sayeth  Christ, 
if  yee  bring  forth  much  fruite,  and  so  shall  yee  be  my 
Disciples.  Loe  here  the  scope  of  Christians  Plantations, 
to  plant  Christianity,  to  produce  and  multiply  Christians, 
by  our  words  and  works  to  further  the  knowledge  of  God 
in  his  Word  and  Workes.  The  workes  of  God  glorifie 
their  Creator :  The  Heavens,  saith  David,  declare  the 
glory  of  God,  &c.  I  will  triumph  in  the  workes  of  thy 
hands.  O  Lord,  how  great  are  thy  workes?  and  thy 
thoughts  are  very  deepe.  A  bruitish  man  knoweth  not, 
neither  doth  a  foole  understand  this.  All  creatures  are 
invited  to  praise  the  name  of  the  Lord,  for  hee  hath 
commanded  and  they  were  created :  How  much  more 
should  the  tongue  of  man  be  the  Pen  of  a  readie  writer, 
and  as  it  is  called,  The  glory  of  the  man,  so  imploy  it 
selfe  in  setting  forth  the  glory  of  God,  in  his  Workes  of 
Creation,  Providence,  Redemption? 

God  is  a  Glorious  Circle,  whose  Center  is  every  where, 
his  circumference  no  where  :  himselfe  to  himselfe  is  Circle 
and  Circumference,  the  Ocean  of  Entitie,  that  very  ubique, 
from  whom,  to  whom  (the  Centre  of  unitie)  all  diversified 
lines  of  varietie  issue  and  returne.     And  although  we 

230 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

every  where  feele  his  present  Deitie,  yet  the  difference 

of  heavenly  climate  and  influence,  causing  such  discording 

concord    of    dayes,    nights,    seasons ;     such    varietie    of 

meteors,   elements,   aliments ;     such   noveltie   in    Beasts, 

Fishes,    Fowles ;     such   luxuriant   plentie   and   admirable 

raritie  of  Trees,  Shrubs,  Hearbs :    such  fertilitie  of  soyle, 

insinuation   of   Seas,   multiplicitie   of   Rivers,    safetie   of 

Ports,  healthfulnesse  of  ayre,  opportunities  of  habitation, 

materialls  for  action,  objects  for  contemplation,  haps  in 

present,    hopes    of    future,    worlds    of    varietie    in    that 

diversified  world ;   doe  quicken  our  mindes  to  apprehend, 

whet  our  tongues  to  declare,  and  fill  both  with  arguments 

of  divine  praise.     On  the  other  side  considering  so  good  Propagation  of 

a  Countrey,  so  bad  people,  having  little  of  Humanitie  ^f  Gospell: 

but  shape,  ignorant  of  Civilitie,  of  Arts,  of  Religion ;  t^3^ 

more  brutish  then  the  beasts  they  hunt,  more  wild  and 

unmanly  then  that  unmanned  wild  Countrey,  which  they 

range   rather   then    inhabite ;     captivated   also   to    Satans 

tyranny  in  foolish  pieties,  mad  impieties,  wicked  idlenesse, 

busie  and  bloudy  wickednesse  :    hence  have  wee  fit  objects 

of  zeale  and  pitie,  to  deliver  from  the  power  of  darknesse, 

that  where  it  was  said,  Yee  are  not  my  people,  they  may  Ose  2.  " 

bee  called  the  children  of  the  living  God :     that  Justice 

may  so  proceed  in  rooting  out  those  murtherers,  that  yet 

in  judgement  (imitating  Gods  dealing  with  us)  wee  may 

remember  Mercy  to  such  as  their  owne  innocence  shall 

protect,   and   Hope   shall   in   Charitie  judge   capable  of 

Christian   Faith.      And  let   men   know   that   hee  which  Jam.  5.  20. 

converteth  a  sinner  from  the  errour  of  his  way,  shall  save 

a  soule  from  death,  and  shall  hide  a  multitude  of  sinnes. 

And  Saviours  shall  thus  come  on  Mount  Zion  to  judge  Obad.  ult. 

the   Mount   of  Esau,   and   the   Kingdome   (of  Virginia) 

shall  be  Lord.     Thus  shall  wee  at  once  overcome  both 

Men  and  Devills,  and  espouse  Virginia  to  one  husband,   2.  Cor.  11.2. 

presenting  her  as  a  chast  Virgin  to  Christ.     If  the  eye  MattL  6.  22. 

of  Adventurers  were  thus  single,  how  soone  and  all  the 

body  should  be  light?      But  the  loving  our  selves  more 

then  God,  hath  detained  so  great  blessings  from  us  to 

231 


ad  PUXtCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

1.  Tim.  4.  8.  Virginia,  and  from  Virginia  to  us.  Godlinesse  hath  the 
promises  of  this  life,  and  that  which  is  to  come.  And  if 
wee  be  carefull  to  doe  Gods  will,  he  will  be  ready  to  doe 
ours. 

All  the  rich  endowments  of  Virginia,  her  Virgin- 
portion  from  the  creation  nothing  lessened,  are  wages  for 
all  this  worke :  God  in  wisedome  having  enriched  the 
Savage  Countries,  that  those  riches  might  be  attractives 
for  Christian  suters,  which  there  may  sowe  spirituals  and 
reape  temporals. 
Answeres  to  But  what  are  those  riches,  where  we  heare  of  no  Gold 

Objections:1^  nor  silver,  and  see  more  impoverished  here  then  thence 
want  of  SGold  enriched,  and  for  Mines  we  heare  of  none  but  Iron  ?  Iron 
and  Silver  mindes !  Iron  age  of  the  world !  who  gave  Gold  or  Silver 
Mines.  the  Monopoly  of  wealth,  or  made  them  the  Almighties 

favorites?  Precious  perils,  specious  punishments,  whose 
originall  is  neerest  hell,  whose  house  is  darknesse,  which 
have  no  eye  to  see  the  heavens,  nor  admit  heavens  eye 
(guilty  malefactors)  to  see  them ;  never  produced  to  light 
but  by  violence,  and  convinced,  upon  records  written  in 
bloud,  the  occasioners  of  violence  in  the  World ;  which 
have  infected  the  surface  of  their  native  earth  with 
deformity  and  sterility  (these  Mines  being  fit  emblemes 
of  mindes  covetous,  stored  with  want,  and  ever  wanting 
their  owne  store)  her  bowels  with  darknesse,  damps, 
deaths,  causing  trouble  to  the  neighbour  Regions,  and 
mischiefe  to  the  remotest !  Penurious  mindes !  Is  there 
no  riches  but  Gold  Mines?  Are  Iron  Mines  neglected, 
rejected  for  hopes  of  Silver?  What,  and  who  else  is  the 
Alchymist,  and  impostor,  which  turnes  the  World,  and 
Men,  and  all  into  Iron  ?  And  how  much  Iron-workes 
in  Warres  and  Massacres  hath  American  Gold  and  Silver 
wrought  thorow  all  Christendome  ?  Neither  speake  I 
this,  as  if  our  hopes  were  blasted,  and  growne  deplorate 
and  desperate  this  way,  the  Country  being  so  little 
searched,  and  the  remote  in-land-Mountaines  unknowne : 
but  to  shew  the  sordid  tincture  and  base  alloy  of  these 
Mine-mindes.     Did  not  the  Spanish  Iron  (tell  me  you 

232 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625, 

that  contemne  Iron-mines)  draw  to  it  the  Indian  Silver 

and  Gold?      I   will   not   be  a  Prophet   for   Spaine   from 

Virginia.     But  I  cannot  forget  the  wily  apophthegme  of 

the  Pilots  Boy  in  the  Cacafuego,  a  great  Ship  laden  with 

treasure  taken  in  the  South  Sea,  by  Sir  Francis  Drake ; 

who  seeing  the  English  Ordnance  command  such  treasure 

from  the  Spanish  Cacafuego  ;    Our  Ship,  said  he,  shall  be 

called  the  Cacaplata,  and  the  English  may  be  named  the 

Cacafuego.     I  will  not  be   so  unmannerly   to  give  you 

the   homely   English ;     it   is   enough   that   English   Iron 

brought  home  the  Spanish-Indian  Silver  and  Gold.     But 

let    us    consult    with    the    wisest    Councellour.     Canaan, 

Abrahams  promise,   Israels  inheritance,   type  of  heaven, 

and  joy  of  the  earth!      What  were  her  riches?  were  they 

not  the  Grapes  of  Eshcol,  the  balme  of  Gilead,  the  Cedary 

neighbourhood  of  Libanus,  the  pastury  vale  of  Jericho, 

the  dewes  of  heaven,  fertility  of  soile,  temper  of  climat, 

the  flowing   (not  with  Golden   Sands,   but)   with   Milke 

and  Hony  (necessaries,  and  pleasures  of  life,  not  bottome- 

lesse  gulfes  of  lust)  the  commodious  scituation  for  two 

Seas,  and  other  things  like  (in  how  many  inferiour?)  to 

this  of  Virginia.     What  golden  Country  ever  nourished 

with  her  naturall  store  the  hundreth  part  of  men,  in  so 

small  a  proportion   of  earth,   as  David   there   mustered,   [IV.  ix. 

being    11 00000.   of   Israel,   and   500000.*   of  Juda,   not  l8l5-] 

reckoning  the  Tribes  of  Levi  and  Benjamin,  all  able  men       Saml*. 

for  warres?     And  after  him,  in  a  little  part  of  that  little  zvithi.Ckron. 

Jehoshaphat   (More   I   dare   say   then   the   Spaniards   can   21.  It  seemes 

finde  in  one  hundred  times  so  much,  of  their  Mine  lands,  that  there  were 

and  choose  their  best  in  Peru,  New  Spaine,  and  the  Hands)  a  .°Ze  2tv0, 
.        0     .  .    .  •    r  ii-ii  11  'r   millions  of  men 

the   Scriptures  containing  an   infallible  muster-booke   or   besides  women 

1 1 60000.  able  Souldiers  in  his  small  territories  ?  and  children. 

That  then  is  the  richest  Land  which  can  feede  most 

men,  Man  being  a  mortall  God,  the  best  part  of  the  best 

earth,    and   visible    end    of    the    visible    World.      What 

remarkeable  Gold  or  Silver  Mines  hath  France,  Belgia, 

Lumbardy,  or  other  the  richest  peeces  of  Europe?  what 

hath   Babylonia,   Mauritania,   or  other  the  best   of  Asia 

233 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

and  Africke?  What  this  our  fertile  Mother  England? 
Aske  our  late  Travellers  which  saw  so  much  of  Spaine, 
the  most  famous  part  of  Europe  for  Mynes  of  old,  and 
inriched  with  the  Mynes  of  the  New  World,  if  an 
Englishman  needs  to  envy  a  Spaniard,  or  prefer  a  Spanish 
life  and  happinesse  to  his  owne.  Their  old  Mynes  made 
them  the  servants  of  Rome  and  Carthage  :  and  what  their 
Mynes  and  mindes  doe  now  I  leave  them  to  others. 
Once,  as  the  Mynes  are  in  barrennest  soyle,  and  covetous 
men  have  least,  even  when  they  are  had  of  most  money 
(mediis  ut  Tantalus  undis)  so  I  have  heard  that  in  Spaine 
is  lesse  Gold  and  Silver,  then  in  other  parts  of  Europe, 
{I  dare  not  mention  the  proportions)  from  both  Spanish 
and  English  relation :  their  usuall  money  also  (to  meddle 
with  no  more)  is  of  base  mettall,  and  their  greatest  summes 
computed  by  Maravedis  lesse  then  our  later  tokens : 
except  which  (devised  for  poorer  uses  of  the  poorest) 
England  of  long  time  knowes  no  base  monyes  :  and  hath 
seene  plentie  of  Silver  and  Gold,  of  Wine  and  Oyle  which 
(grow  not  in  her)  when  Spaine,  which  produceth  these, 
is  fed  with  salads,  and  drinketh  water,  helped  now  and 
then  with  Hogges-kinne  unsavoury  Wine.  The  Indian 
Fountaines  runne  with  golden  and  silver  streames  (sic 
vos  non  vobis)  not  to  themselves,  but  into  that  Spanish 
Cisterne  ;  and  these  Cisternes  are  like  those  of  the  London 
Water-house,  which  hath  the  Conduit  Pipes  alway  open 
in  the  bottome,  so  that  a  thousand  other  Cisternes  hold 
more  water  then  it :  so  may  it  be  said  of  the  other ; 
it  is  not  Concha  but  Canalis,  a  Pipe  rather  then  Cisterne, 
a  Cash-keeper  rather  then  Owner ;  and  (which  is  spoken 
of  better  things)  remaining  poore,  makes  many  rich.  To 
proceed,  are  not  Myners  the  most  miserable  of  Slaves, 
toyled  continually,  and  unto  manifold  deaths  tired  for 
others,  in  bringing  to  light  those  Treasures  of  darknesse, 
and  living  (if  they  live,  or  if  that  bee  a  life)  in  the  suburbs 
of  Hell,  to  make  others  dreame  of  Heaven?  Yea 
Paradise,  the  modell  of  heaven,  had  in  it  no  Minerals, 
nor  was  Adam  in  his  innocency,  or  Noah  after  the  Worlds 

234 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA 


A.D. 
1625. 


recovery,  both  Lords  of  all,  employed  in  Mines,  but  (in 
those  happy  workes  which  Virginia  inviteth  England  unto) 
in  Vines,  Gardening,  and  Husbandry.  Neither  let  any  man 
thinke  that  I  pleade  against  the  sourenesse  of  the  Grapes, 
like  the  Foxe  which  could  not  reach  them  :  but  I  seriously 
shew  that  they  are  calves  and  not  men,  which  adore  the 
golden  Calfe,  or  Nabuchadnezzars  great  golden  statue, 
as  if  the  body  were  not  more  then  raiment,  and  those 
things  to  be  preferred  to  money,  for  whose  sake  mony 
(the  creature  of  man ;  base  Idolatry  where  the  Creator 
worships  his  creature!)  was  first  ordained,  and  still  hath 
both  use  and  being. 

Doe  we  not  see  in  this  respect,  that  the  Silkes,  Calicos, 
Drugges,  and  Spices  of  the  East  swallow  up  (not  to 
mention  the  Belgian  whirlepoole)  all  the  Mines  of  the 
West?  and  that  one  Carricke  carrieth  more  Rials  thither, 
then  perhaps  some  whole  Region  in  Spaine  retaineth  for 
vulgar  use?  And  whence  are  English,  Portugals,  or 
Dutchmen  fitted  for  that  commerce?  as  if  America  had 
ominously  (for  other  just  reason  there  is  none)  beene 
called  India,  as  if  the  West  were  but  drudge  and  factor 
for  the  East.  And  what  hath  dispeopled  the  New  World, 
not  leaving  in  some  places  one  of  Millions,  but  Auri 
sacra  fames,  others  killing  them  in  the  Mines,  or  they 
killing  themselves  to  prevent  the  Mines?  Let  it  be 
riches  enough,  that  Sir  Thomas  Dale  testified  by  Letters 
from  thence,  and  after  his  returne  to  me  that  foure  of  Virginias  high 
the  best  Kingdomes  of  Christendome  were  not  for  naturall 
endowments  comparable  to  Virginia :  and  which  I  have 
heard  of  one  which  hath  travelled  in  all  the  best  Regions 
of  Europe,  and  hath  seene  more  of  Virginia  then  perhaps 
any  man  else,  and  which  needes  not  speake  for  any  gaine 
there  or  thence  gotten,  as  no  reputed  favourite  or  favourer 
of  that  Society  and  their  actions ;  that  he  hath  seene  no 
Country  to  be  preferred  for  soile,  nor  for  commodious 
Rivers  to  be  compared. 

And  if  successe  hath  not  beene  correspondent  to  English 
hopes :    who  seeth  not  the  causes  of  those  diseasters  ? 

235 


valuation. 


Cap.  Jon. 
Smith. 


Answer  to  the 
objected  ill 
successes  and 
causes  thereof. 


ad  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRXMES 

1625. 

Division  that  taile-headed  Amphisbaena  and  many- 
headed  monster,  deformed  issue  of  that  difformed  old 
Serpent,  in  some  of  the  Colony  there  &  Company  here, 
hath  from  time  to  time  thrust  in  her  forged  venomous 
tongue,   wherby   they   have   swolne   with   deadly   poison 

Jud.  51 16.      of  great  thoughts  of  heart  (onely  by  pride  doe  men  make 

Prov.  13. 10.  contention)  with  blinde-staring  eyes  of  self-love  abounding 
in  their  own  sense  :  whence  suspicions,  jealousies,  factions, 
partialities  to  friends  and  dependants,  wilfull  obstinacies, 
and  other  furious  passions  have  transported  men  from 
Virginias  good  and  their  owne.  Covetousnesse  hath 
distorted  others  to  minde  earth  and  not  heaven,  in  hasti- 
nesse  of  more  then  speedy  returne  and  present  gaine, 

1.  Tim.  6.  forgetting  that  Godlinesse  is  the  best  gaine,  and  that  they 
are  planting  a  Colony,  not  reaping  a  harvest,  for  a  publike 
and  not  (but  in  subordinate  order)  private  wealth.  A 
long  time  Virginia  was  thought  to  be  much  encombered 

[IV.  ix.  with    Englands    excrements,    some    vicious    persons,    as 

1816.]  corrupt  levin  sowring,  or  as  plague  sores  infecting  others, 
and  that  Colony  was  made  a  Port  Exquiline  for  such 
as  by  ordure  or  vomit  were  by  good  order  and  physicke 
worthy  to  be  evacuated  from  This  Body :  whence  not 
only  lazie  drones  did  not  further  the  Plantation,  but 
wicked  Waspes  with  sharking,  and  the  worst,  that  is 
beggerly  tyrants,  frustrated  and  supplanted  the  labours 
of  others.  Caelum  non  animum  mutant  qui  trans  mare 
currunt.  A  prodigious  Prodigall  here,  is  not  easily  meta- 
morphosed in  a  Virginian  passage  to  a  thrifty  Planter : 
nor  can  there  neede  wiser  choise  or  more  industrious  course 
in  any  undertaking,  then  is  requisite  in  a  Christian 
Colonies  plantation  amongst  Infidels.  Which  I  suppose 
hath  beene  carefully  by  many  Adventurers  practised  :  and 
whatsoever  faults  happened  by  ignorance  in  the  beginnings, 
neglect  of  seasons,  riot,  sloath,  occasionall  wants  of  or 
in  Governours  or  Government,  abuses  of  Mariners, 
trechery  of  Fugitives,  and  Savages ;  and  other  diseases, 
which  have  in  part  attended  all  new  Plantations,  and 
consumed    many :     experience    I     hope    by    this     time 

236 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA 

hath  taught  to  prevent  or  remedy.  The  late  barbarous 
Massacre  (hinc  illae  lachrymae)  still  bleedeth,  and  when 
things  were  reported  to  be  in  better  forwardnesse  then 
ever,  in  great  part  blasted  those  hopefull  blossomes, 
disjointed  the  proceedings  in  the  Iron  workes,  Vineyards, 
Mulberry  plants ;  and  in  sudden  shifts  for  life,  exposed 
them  to  manifold  necessities ;  insomuch,  that  many  of 
the  Principals  being  slain,  the  rest  surprised  with  feare, 
reduced  themselves  almost  from  eighty  to  eight  Planta- 
tions, whereby  pestered  with  multitude,  and  destitute  of 
Corne  and  other  forsaken  necessaries,  they  incurred  a 
grievous  and  generall  sicknesse,  which  being  increased 
by  infection  of  some  passengers  tainted  in  their  Ship- 
passage  with  corrupt  Beere,  there  followed  a  mortality 
which  consumed  about  five  hundred  persons,  besides  three 
hundred  and  fifty  or  thereabouts  murthered  in  that 
Savage-Massacre.  All  which  notwithstanding,  there 
remaine,  some  have  if  truely  calculated  and  conjectured 
eighteene  hundred  persons :  for  whose  security  and 
provision  it  hath  pleased  his  Majesty  to  have  a  Royall 
care,  as  likewise  the  Honorable  Lords  of  his  Majesties 
privy  Councell,  besides  the  honorable  endevours  of  the 
Councell  and  well  affected  members  of  that  Society,  which 
God  almighty,  the  great  Founder  of  Colonies,  prosper. 

Now  that  I  may  shew  Virginia  worthy  those  princely, 
honorable  and  industrious  thoughts,  I  have  adventured 
briefely  to  point  out,  rather  then  to  paint  out  her  beauty 
and  attractive  ornaments. 

First  Religion  (as  is  before  observed)  inviteth  us  there 
to  seeke  the  Kingdome  of  God  first,  and  all  other  things 
shall  be  ministred  to  us,  and  added  as  advantage  to  the 
bargaine  :  seeke  the  Kingdome  of  God,  and  see  an  earthly 
Kingdome  in  recompence,  as  the  earnest,  and  the  heavenly 
Kingdome  for  our  full  paiment.  Of  glorifying  God  in 
his  word  and  workes  in  this  designe  is  already  spoken. 

Secondly,  Humanity  and  our  common  Nature  forbids 
to  turne  our  eyes  from  our  owne  flesh ;  yea  commands 
us  to  love  our  neighbours  as  our  selves,  and  to  play  the 

237 


A.D. 
1625. 

The  massacre 
hath  been  the 
chiefe  cause  of 
later 
miscarying. 


This  number 
of  1800.  was 
presented  by 
the  Companie 
to  the  Lords  of 
the  Councell. 

Arguments  for 
Virginian 
plantation,  as 
being 
honorable. 
I.  Religion. 


Humanitie. 


A.D. 
1625. 


3.  Honor  of  the 
English 

Nation. 


4.  Honour  of 
the  King. 


5.  Honor  of  the 
Kingdome. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

good  Samaritan  with  these  our  neighbours  (though  of 
another  Nation  and  Religion,  as  the  wounded  Jew  was 
to  him)  to  recover  them  if  it  be  possible,  as  by  Religion, 
from  the  power  of  Sathan  to  God ;  so  by  humanity  and 
civility  from  Barbarisme  and  Savagenesse  to  good  manners 
and  humaine  polity. 

Thirdly,  the  Honour  of  our  Nation  enjoyneth  us  not 
basely  to  loose  the  glory  of  our  forefathers  acts,  which 
here  have  beene  shewed  in  King  Henry  the  seventh,  King 
Henry  the  eight,  King  Edward  the  sixt,  and  Queene 
Elizabeths  times,  all  which  illustrated  their  names  by 
Discovery  of  Realmes  remote,  unknowne  parts  and  ports 
(and  the  first,  first  of  all  Kings,  and  the  last  holding  to 
the  last)  Discovering  and  possessing  these,  and  leaving 
them  as  just  inheritance  to  his  Majesty.  What  shame 
to  a  degenerate  posterity,  to  loose  so  honorable  a  claime, 
and  gaine ;  yea,  to  neglect  that  which  many  English 
have  purchased  with  doing  and  suffering  so  much,  and 
not  with  their  sweate  alone,  their  care  and  cost,  but  with 
their  deerest  bloud  and  manifold  deaths? 

Fourthly,  wee  may  reckon  the  Honour  of  our  King, 
and  his  Royall  posterity :  to  which,  in  time  Virginia  may 
performe  as  much  with  equall  manuring  as  ever  Britannia 
and  Ireland  could  promise  when  first  they  became  knowne 
to  the  then  civiller  World.  And  were  not  comparisons 
odious!  I  am  sure  I  heard  Sir  Thomas  Dale  confidently 
and  seriously  exulting  in  private  conference  with  me,  in 
the  hopes  of  future  greatnesse  from  Virginia,  to  the 
English  Crowne.  And  if  the  wise  King  wisely  said,  the 
honour  of  a  King  is  in  the  multitude  of  his  Subjects,  loe 
here  the  way  to  preserve,  employ,  encrease  them ;  and 
for  his  Majesty  to  reach  his  long  royall  armes  to  another 
World.  The  Roman  Empire  sowed  Roman  Colonies 
thorow  the  World,  as  the  most  naturall  and  artificiall 
way  to  win  and  hold  the  World  Romaine. 

Fifthly,  the  honour  of  the  Kingdome,  thus  growing 
and  multiplying  into  Kingdomes,  that  as  Scotland  and 
England  seeme  sisters,  so  Virginia,  New  England,  New 

238 


A   DISCOURSE    ON    VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

found  Land  in  the  Continent  already  planted  in  part  with 
English  Colonies,  together  with  Bermuda,  and  other  Hands 
may  be  the  adopted  and  legall  Daughters  of  England. 
An  honorable  designe,  to  which  Honor  stretcheth  her 
faire  hand,  the  five  fingers  whereof  are  adorned  with  such 
precious  Rings,  each  enriched  with  invaluable  Jewels  of 
Religion,  Humanity,  Inheritance,  the  King,  the  King- 
dome  :  Honos  alit  artes,  omnesque  incenduntur  ad  studia 
gloria. 

And   if   Honour   hath   prevailed   with   honorable   and  [IV.  ix. 
higher  spirits,  we  shall  come  laden  with  arguments  of  l8l7-j 

profit  to  presse  meaner  hands  and  hearts  to  the  service  0fpro§t 
of  Virginia.     Onely  I  desire  that  men  bring  their  hearts  generally 
first,  and  consider  that  the  very  names  of  a  Colony  and  propounded. 
Plantation  doe  import  a  reasonable  and  seasonable  culture, 
and    planting    before    a    Harvest    and    Vintage    can    be 
expected  :   which  if  they  here  exercise  our  Faith  and  Hope 
both  for  earth  and  heaven,  where  all  things  are  prepared ; 
let  us  not  in  ruder  and  cruder  foundations  and  beginnings 
there,  precipitate  unto  hasty  fals. 

And  before  we  come  to  Virginias  particular  probabilities  Illustrated  by 
for  this  Kingdomes  good,  we  need  not  far  fetched  specu-  the  Castiltan 
lations,   we   have   evidence   from   experience.     Castile   (a  s 
Kingdome  which  now  stoops  to  none,  and  which  some 
of  her  flatterers  advance  above  all,  making  it  Catholike 
without  respect  to  Faith)  grew  from  an  almost  nothing 
out  of  the  Moorish  deluge,  to  be  but  a  pettie  something 
in  comparison  of  others  in  Europe,  till  Ferdinands  time 
who  sent  Columbus  to  America.     And  how  poore  abilities 
or  probabilities   had  they  for  it,   when  Columbus  upon   Upon  lesse 
false  grounds  having  conceived  strong,  strange  hopes  of  probabilities. 
the  Easterne  Indies,  stumbled  upon  a  Westerne  World 
whereof  hee  never  dreamed,   which   therefore  he  called 
India,    and    Hispaniola    Ophir :      to    which    Expedition 
(neither    founded    on    sound    reason,    nor   experience    of 
former  Discoveries,  when  as  yet  the  Mariners  Art  was 
but   crept   out   of   the   Cradle,   and   blessed   only   in   the 
Event)  the  state  of  Castile  was  as  poorely  furnished  as 

239 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

it  seemes,  eyther  with  money  or  credit,  the  Queene 
pawning  part  of  her  Jewels  for  2000.  Duckets,  to  set 
Columbus  forth  with  three  poore  Carvels  for  this  Dis- 
covery. Little  was  it  then  imagined,  that  in  Hispaniola 
should  be  found  (which  happened  in  the  taking  of 
Domingo  by  Sir  Francis  Drake)  a  Spanish  Scutchion  with 
a  Horse,  whose  hinder  feet  trod  on  the  Globe,  his  fore-feet 
prauncing  as  if  he  would  foot  out  another  World  (like 
Alexander  hearing  Philosophers  discourse  of  other  Worlds, 
weeping  that  hee  had  not  yet  finished  the  conquest  of 
this)  having  this  Motto  annexed,  Non  sufficit  Orbis. 
Yea,  but  they  found  Gold  and  Silver  in  abundance?  the 
See  Oviedo  y  Pockes  they  did !  and  plagued  all  Europe  with  the  great 
our  sixth  ones,  with  the  small  consuming  America :     and  if  they 

did  find  Gold  and  Silver,  how  poore  were  the  proportions 
till  the  Mexican  Discovery  almost  thirty  yeeres,  and  that 
of  Peru  forty  yeeres  after  their  Indian  plantation.  And 
who  knowes  what  Virginia  in  that  space  may  produce  by 
better  Discovery  of  it,  and  further  Discovery  of  parts 
adjoyning,  whereof  we  have  ten  thousand  times  more 
pregnant  hopes,  then  they  had  in  their  first  Expedition, 
by  knowledge  gathered  from  their  Discoveries. 

Besides,    though   Gold   and    Silver   from    thence   hath 

enriched  the  Spanish  Exchequer,  yet  the  Magazines  have 

Their  greatest  found  other  and  greater  wealth,  whereof  Virginia  is  no 

benefit  in         lesse  capeable,  namely,  the  Countrey  Commodities.     What 

not  in  Mines     Mynes  have  they,  or  at  least,  what  doe  they  use  in  Brasill, 

to  the  com-       or  in  all  the  Hands,  where  yet  so  many  wealthy  Spaniards 

mon  subject.      and   Portugalls   inhabit  ?     Their   Ginger,    Sugar,    Hides, 

Tobacco  and  other  Merchandize,   I  dare  boldly  affirme, 

yeeld  far  far  more  profit  to  the  generalitie  of  the  Spanish 

Subjects  thorow  that  vast  World,  then  the  Mynes  do  or 

have  done  this  last  Age.     Which  I  shall  make  apparant 

by   honourable   testimonie,    in   one   of   the  last   English 

Exploits  on  the  Spanish  Indies.     The  Right  Honorable 

Earle  of  Cumberland  in  a  Letter  of  his  after  the  taking 

of  Port  Rico,  (chiefe  Towne  if  not  the  greatest  Hand  in 

those    parts,    and    far    short    of    Hispaniola    and    Cuba) 

240 


A   DISCOURSE    ON    VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

affirmeth,  that  if  hee  would  have  left  the  place,  hee  might 

have  had  by  good  account  as  much  Sugar  and  Ginger  in 

the  Countrey,  as  was  worth   500000.  pounds.     But  he 

intended  to  keepe  it,  as  the  Key  of  the  Indies,  which  TkeEarkkad 

who  soever  possesseth  (I  use  his  owne  words)  may  at  his  PurPosejf i0 

LCCl%}£  off  J  oh?i 

pleasure  goe  to  any  Chamber  in  the  House,  and  see  how  Barkky  with 

they  sleepe  before  hee  be  either  stopped  or  descried :    so  a  Garrison  to 

as  they  must  at  every  doore  keepe  so  great  a  force  to  hold  it,^  but  a 

guard  them,  as  will  consume  a  great  part  of  their  yeerely  Sreai  "cknejse 
V>  j  1    •     r  1.1  •^■l  x.   and  mortahtie 

Revenue ;    and  send  it  from  place  to  place  with  so  great  consum-inz 

a  wastage,  as  will  cause  them  to  curse  their  new  Porter :    most  of  his 
for  when  they  have  done  what  they  can,  they  shall  beare  men,  he  was 
his  charge  to  their  owne  destructions,  and  still  be  loosing  forced  to  leave 
places  both  of  strength  and  wealth.     Thus  that  valorous   ,  ef  acfy  ",. 
and  renowmed  Earle,  whose  bloud  ennobled  his  attempts,  s^pSm 
whose  attempts  added  glory  to  his  bloud,  and  noblenesse  I  Jinde  this  in 
to  his  Nobilitie :     which  I  rather  recite  that  you  might  a  written 
see  the  great  wealth  which  the  Spaniards  reape  of  Ginger  t?trpC[ °^ 
and  Sugar,  to  which  that  of  Hides  in  that  Hand  holds  sjlipp\ng> 
such    proportion,    that    one    inhabitant    thereof    named  Cities,  Men, 
Cherigo,   had  no   fewer  then   twelve  thousand   Beeves :    £sV-  of  Spaine, 
where  Beeves  growing  wild,  it  was  tolerable  to  any  Ilander  m^c\ 
to  kill  a  beast,  if  hee  returned  the  skinne  to  the  Owner :   ^/0~w  t0 
and  what  he  speakes  of  a  Key  and  a  Porters  advantage,  that  industri- 
Mutato  nomine  de  te,  change  the  name,  and  if  Virginia  ous  Gentleman 
and  Summer  Hands  fall  short  some  wayes,  they  will,  more  M-  w- 
then  equall  it  other  wayes,  in  Case!      But  I  must  containe  QUn/u§     f 
my  selfe,  lest  I  purchase  a  Purchas  Case  for  medling.        tne  Navie. 

Now  if  any  shall  thinke  that  the  many  transplantations 
of  people  into  those  parts,  would  exhaust  England,  Spaine 
will  answere  that  point  also,  now  in  these  dayes  com- 
playning  no  more  of  scarcitie  of  people  (notwithstanding 
their  many  and  long  Warres  in  so  many  parts  of  Europe, 
except  the  expulsion  of  the  Moores  and  Marans,  have 
caused  it)  then  when  first  they  undertooke  those  con- 
suming vast  Enterprizes,  not  of  a  Virginia,  but  of  a 
World.  And  yet  what  in  comparison  is  Spaine  for 
multitudes  of  people,  whose  vastnesse  is  said  to  yeeld 
xix  241  Q 


A.D. 

1625. 


[IV. 


IX. 


1818.] 


Arg.  7,  from 
necessitie  by 
our  multitudes. 


Arguments  of 
particular 
comodities 
and  commo- 
diousnesse. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

(the  King,  Dukes,  Marquesses  and  Earles  only  with  their 
retinue  excepted)  from  eighteene  yeeres  of  age  to  fiftier 
but  1 125390.  men  of  all  sorts,  as  I  have  seene  in  an 
Extract  of  the  Royall  Muster-booke,  which  how  much 
is  it  exceeded  by  the  numerous  excesse  of  people  in  this 
Hand,  straitned  in  farre  lesse  roome,  and  wanting  necessary 
employments,  which  almost  exacteth  a  Virginian  vent  and 
adventure.  For  how  much  more  convenient  is  a  trans- 
migration, into  a  fruitfull,  large  and  wholesome  Region, 
where  the  Countrie  hath  need  of  a  Colonie  to  cultivate 
it,  as  well  as  those  Coloni  and  Inhabitants  have  need  of 
a  Countrie  to  inhabit  rather  then  to  breed  a  fulnes  in 
This  Bodie,  which  without  some  such  evacuation  either 
breeds  matter  for  the  pestilence  and  other  Epidemicall 
Diseases,  or  at  least  for  Dearth,  Famine,  Disorders,  over- 
burthening  the  wealthier,  oppressing  the  poorer,  disquiet- 
ing both  themselves  and  others,  that  I  mention  not  the 
fatall  hand  of  the  Hangman?  And  thus  you  have 
Virginias  hopes  in  generall  propounded  by  Spanish  example 
urged  and  enforced  by  our  necessitie  of  seeking  vent  to 
such  home-fulnesse. 

But  looke  upon  Virginia ;  view  her  lovely  lookes 
(howsoever  like  a  modest  Virgin  she  is  now  vailed  with 
wild  Coverts  and  shadie  Woods,  expecting  rather  ravish- 
ment then  Mariage  from  her  Native  Savages)  survay  her 
Heavens,  Elements,  Situation  ;  her  divisions  by  armes 
of  Bayes  and  Rivers  into  so  goodly  and  well  proportioned 
limmes  and  members ;  her  Virgin  portion  nothing 
empaired,  nay  not  yet  improoved,  in  Natures  best 
Legacies ;  the  neighbouring  Regions  and  Seas  so  com- 
modious and  obsequious ;  her  opportunities  for  offence 
and  defence ;  and  in  all  these  you  shall  see,  that  she  is 
worth  the  wooing  and  loves  of  the  best  Husband.  First, 
for  her  Heavens  and  Climate,  she  with  her  Virgin  Sisters 
hath  the  same  (being  extended  from  30.  to  45.  degrees 
of  North  latitude)  with  the  best  parts  of  Europe,  namely 
the  fat  of  Graecia,  Thracia,  Spaine,  Italie,  Morea,  Sicilia, 
(and  if  we  will  looke  more  Northward  to  the  height  of 

242 


A   DISCOURSE    ON    VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 
France  and  Britaine,  there  her  Sisters  New  England,  New 
Scotland,  and  New-found-land,  promise  hopefull  and  kinde 
entertainment  to  all  Adventurers.  If  you  looke  South-  1.  The  same 
wards,  you  may  parallel  it  with  Barbarie,  Egypt,  and  f™Q0™£les 
the  fertilest  parts  of  Africke)  and  in  Asia,  all  that 
Chuersonessus,  sometime  the  seate  of  foure  thousand 
Cities,  and  so  many  Kingdomes,  now  called  Natolia,  with 
her  Neighbours  Antiochia,  and  other  Regions  of  Syria, 
Damascus,  Libanus,  with  Babylonia  and  the  glorie  of  the 
Earth  :  and  Types  of  Heaven,  Judea  and  Paradise ;  the 
Silken  Countries  also  of  Persia,  China  in  her  best  parts, 
and  Japan,  are  in  the  elevation  ;  and  Virginia  is  Daughter 
of  the  same  Heavens,  which  promise  no  lesse  portion 
to  this  Virgin,  then  those  Matrons  had  for  the  foundation- 
stock  of  their  wealth  and  glory. 

Secondly,   this  Climate  as  it  promiseth  wealth,   so   it  ^.  Temperate. 
doth    health    also,    enjoying    the    temper    of    the    most 
temperate  parts,  even  of  that  in  which  Adam,  Abraham, 
with  the  Prophets  and  Apostles  were  bred  in,  and  received 
as  an  Earthly  priviledge ;   and  in  which  Christ  conversed 
in  the  flesh.     And  thirdly  for  extension,  if  covetousnesse  3.  Large 
gape  wide,   ten  Judseas,   and  a  hundred  Paradises,   may  extension. 
be   equalled   for   quantitie   in  Virginia,   whose   mid-land 
Regions  are  wholly  unknowne,  till  we  arrive  at  that  Nova 
Albion,  which  yeelded  it  selfe  English  before  the  first 
Virginian  plantation. 

Fourthly  for  commodious  divisions,  the  Lands  and  Seas  4.  Commodi- 
contend  by   fresh   Rivers  and  Armes   of  the   Sea   so   to  ous  ^vision  of 
diversifie  the  soyle  as  if  in  luxuriant  wantonnesse  they  Ra.n  s  an 
were  alway  engendring  manifold  Twinnes  of  Commoditie 
and  Commodiousnesse,  Profit  and  Pleasure,  Hunting  and 
Fishing,    Fruits    and    Merchandizing,    Marinership    and 
Husbandry,  Opus  and  Usus,  Meate  and  Drinke,  Wares 
and   Portage,    Defending   and    Offending,    Getting    and 
Keeping,  Mountaines  and  Valleyes,  Plaines  and  Hillocks, 
Rivers  Navigable  and  shallower  Foords,  Hands  and  Land- 
iles  (or  Peninsulae)  Woods  and  Marishes,  Vegetatives  and 
living  creatures  marvellously  diversified.     Looke  on  the 

=43 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

Map,  and  tell  me  if  any  Countrey  in  the  World  promiseth 
more  by  the  lookes  then  it.  Yea  I  have  observed  in  the 
Letters  of  greatest  Malcontents  from  thence,  foe  and  friend 
and  themselves  are  blamed  rather  then  the  Countrey,  the 
least  finger  of  Virginias  hand  (I  meane  the  least  of  five 
Rivers,  or  as  Master  Alexander  Whitakers  relateth,  the 
least  of  seven)  in  a  small  part  of  that  great  Countrie,  is 
bigger  then  the  First-borne  of  Britaines  waters,  the  famous 
Thames,  all  Navigable,  some  one  hundred  miles,  some 
one  hundred  and  sixtie,  receiving  Tributes  by  the  way 
of  innumerable  Springs,  Brookes,  Riverets  (such  as  that 
of  Ware,  and  fit  for  portage  of  Wares  in  smaller  Barkes, 
of  which  kind  James  River  hath  five  Attendants  in 
ordinary)  the  fall  of  every  one  of  the  five  is  within  twentie 
or  fifteene  miles  of  some  other :  and  not  above  fifteene 
miles  in  some  places  is  the  Great  River  of  Roanoke  said 
to  be  distant  from  some  of  those  which  fall  into  James 
River,  yeelding  a  commodious  intercourse  twixt  those 
Southerly  and  these  more  Northerly  parts  of  the  Countrey. 
I  know  not  how  Nature  hath  here  also  wantonized  and 
danced  a  Loath  to  depart  in  the  winding  of  those  Streames, 
which  seeme  willingly  againe  and  againe  to  embrace  that 
beloved  Soile,  and  to  present  her  with  rich  Collers  of 
silver  Esses,  murmuring  that  they  must  leave  so  fresh  and 
fertile  a  Land,  of  which  at  last  with  Salt  teares  they  take 
their  leave,  but  contracting  with  their  New  Sea  Lord  to 
visit  their  old  Land-lord  and  former  Love  every  Floud. 
Meane  whiles  those  many  impetuous  clippings  and  sweet 
embraces,  searching  refuges  every  way  make  shew  as  if 
they  would  meet  together  in  consultation,  and  agree  on 
some  Conspiracie,  which  howsoever  disappointed,  yeeld 
neverthelesse  many  conveniences  of  entercourse  and  easier 
portage,  each  River  comming  within  foure,  eight,  ten 
miles,  more  or  fewer  in  divers  places  of  another.     All 

[IV.  ix.  these  Rivers  runne  into  a  faire  Bay,  on  which  the  Earth 

1 8 19.]   every  way  is  a  greedie  gazing  Spectator,  except  where 

Bay  of  tjie  Ocean  rusheth  in  to  ravish  her  beauties,  flowing  neere 

two  hundred  miles  into  it,  and  forcing  a  Channell  one 

244 


A   DISCOURSE   ON   VIRGINIA 


A.D. 
1625. 


hundred  and  fortie,  of  depth  betwixt  seven  and  fifteene 
fathome,  and  ten  or  fourteene  miles  in  ordinary  breadth. 
The  Earth  yet  undermining  it  by  Hands,  and  mustering 
those  River  Captaines  and  innumerable  Springs  and 
Brookes,  maintaineth  his  fresh  challenge  with  continuall 
Warres,  forcing  backe  the  Ocean  every  Ebbe  to  retire, 
which  yet  loth  to  lose  so  sweete  a  possession  returneth 
within  few  houres,  freshly  flowing  with  Salt  reenforce- 
ments. 

Fifthly,  the  soile  is  blessed,  every  Element  bestowing  5.  Fertile soile 
a  rich  portion  on  her.  The  fire  hath  treasures  laid  up 
to  maintaine  her  fewell  unto  prodigality  (yea  which 
seldome  meete,  a  thriftie  prodigality)  for  many  yeeres. 
Her  store  of  waters  you  have  heard,  but  not  her  watery 
store  of  fishes  unto  incredibility  in  kinds,  goodnesse, 
numbers.  The  Aire  is  no  lesse  luxuriant  in  the  Fowles 
of  Heaven.  But  the  Earth  (fruitfull  Mother  of  Man- 
kind) she  is  prodigiously  prodigall,  in  fatnesse  of  the 
soile ;  talnesse,  sweetnesse,  strength,  varietie,  number- 
lesse  numbers  of  her  Trees :  her  Oakes  no  lesse  excellent 
then  frequent,  many  of  them  bearing  two  foote  and  an 
halfe  square  of  good  Timber  twenty  yards  long :  of  which 
also  are  divers  kinds.  Elmes  and  Ashes  (of  which 
Sope-ashes  are  made)  Wal-nuts  in  three  sorts,  Cypresses 
(or  much  resembling  them)  Cedars  and  other  sweet 
smelling  Timbers,  Chestnuts,  Plummes  of  divers  sorts, 
Cheries  and  other  Trees,  &c.  reckoned  by  Virginian 
Relators,  I  omit.  But  most  remarkable  and  promising 
are  the  Mulberie  and  the  Vine,  the  one  to  the  backe,  the 
other  to  the  belly,  yeelding  Silkes  and  Wine. 

As  for  Silke,  how  great  profits  are  raised  thereof  to 
the  Chinois  and  Persian  ?  Yea  to  come  neerer,  in  Naples 
and  other  parts  of  Italy,  which  have  provoked  France 
to  a  generall  imitation.  And  how  unvaluable  are  the 
expenses  of  this  Kingdome  for  that  materiall,  Ut  matronae 
in  publico  luceant?  Likewise  for  Wines  from  France, 
Spaine,  Germanie,  and  other  parts  how  many  thousands 
are  yeerely  expended  to  the  profits  of  Strangers,  that  I 

24s 


6.  Trees  for 
timber  and 
other  uses 
many. 


j.  Specially  for 
Silkes. 


8.  And  for 
IVines. 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

say  not  to  enemies,  or  at  least  to  suspected  friends  ?     It 

July  9.  A.R.  hath   pleased  his   Majestie   to   take   these   two   into   his 

Seesufi  c  1      Princely  consideration  and  by  his  Letter  to  the  Right 

Honorable  the  Earle  of  Southampton,  and  the  Company 

of  Virginia  to  commend  and  command  this  care  to  them. 

The  Countrey  it   selfe   naturally  produceth  Vines  in 

great  abundance,  and  some  of  a  very  good  sort :    divers 

plants  also  have  beene  sent  thither  of  the  better  kinds 

of  Christendome,  with  eight  Vignerons  procured  from 

Languedock  for  the  husbanding  of  that  commoditie.     The 

Soyle  is  no  lesse  naturally  happy  in  Mulberie  Trees  of 

the  best  kind  and  some  Silke-wormes  also :    and  generall 

order  hath  beene  taken  for  the  abundant  planting  of  them 

in  all  places  inhabited :    large  supply  also  of  Silke-worme- 

seed  from  his  Majesties  store,  and  men  skilfull  in  that 

kind  for  the  well  ordering  of  that  businesse  have  beene 

sent.     In  a  word,  the  very  prosperity  and  pregnant  hopes 

of  that  Plantation  made  the  Devil  and  his  lims  to  envy, 

feare  and  hate  it.     Hence  that  bloudy  Massacre  which 

caused  almost  a  sudden  Chaos  to  the  hinderance  of  those 

affaires,    by   the    convulsions,    combustions,    and   almost 

confusion   of  that   Body  and   their  Designes :     whereof 

yet  we  hope  not  only  a  recovery  but  greater  advantage, 

the  greatest  danger  from  the  Savages,  growing  out  of 

our  mens  confidence,  which  that  terrible  stroke  (except 

y.Justadvan-  a  stupid  Devill  possesse  us)  hath  cut  off;    which  likewise 

tage  from  the    requires  that  servile  natures  be  servily  used ;    that  future 

avagesto        dangers  be  prevented   by   the  extirpation   of   the  more 
picks  use  of  ~  *  .  .   *  /. 

their  labours,    dangerous,  and  commodities  also  raised  out  of  the  servile- 

nesse  and  serviceablenesse  of  the  rest. 

10.  Drugs,  As  for  Sassafras,  Salt,  Terra  Lemnia,  Gummes  and  other 
an,  '  weu  profitable  Drugges  I  shall  not  neede  speake  :  nor  of  their 
commodities.      Silke-grasse  naturally  growing,  besides  a  kind  of  Hempe 

or  Flaxe,  yeelding  most  excellent  Cordage.  Pot-ashes, 
Sope-ashes,  Pitch  and  Tarre  have  beene  the  employment 
of  Polacres  sent  thither. 

11.  Iron  In  foure  yeeres  space  before  the  Massacre  (the  Iron 
mines.             Oare    of    Virginia    being    found   very    good    and    very 

246 


A   DISCOURSE    ON    VIRGINIA 

plentifull)  above  five  thousand  pounds  were  spent,  and 
one  hundred  and  fiftie  persons  sent  for  that  imployment ; 
which  being  brought  in  manner  to  perfection,  was 
interrupted  by  that  fatall  accident,  since  which  the 
restitution  is  with  all  possible  diligence  (as  it  is  said) 
ordered  and  furthered. 

There  have  beene  also  sent  skilfull  men  from  Germany, 
for  setting  up  of  Saw-mils :  Virginia  yeelding  to  no  place 
in  the  knowne  World  for  Timbers  of  all  sorts,  commodious 
for  strength,  pleasant  for  sweetnesse,  specious  for  colours, 
spacious  for  largenesse,  usefull  for  Land  and  Sea,  for 
housing  and  shipping :  in  which  Timber  uses  England 
and  Holland  alone  are  said  to  disburse  about  300000. 
pounds  sterling  yeerely.  And  the  defects  at  home,  where 
the  Hearth  hath  climbed  into  the  Roofe,  where  back-fewell 
hath  devoured  our  buildings  in  the  Woods,  and  belly- 
fewell  hath  devoured  the  Woods,  and  converted  them  to 
arable :  where  so  many  ships  are  employed  for  provisions 
of  and  for  shipping,  Virginia  by  divine  bountie  is  Magna? 
spes  altera  Britanniae.  Herein  we  may  verifie  the  old 
Proverbe,  That  he  which  liveth  longest,  shall  fetch  his 
wood  furthest ;  but  so,  as  he  shall  be  paid  for  the  fetching 
with  great  advantage. 

And  if  an  Hand  needs  woodden  Wals  to  secure  it 
against  others,  to  enrich  it  from  others,  Virginia  offers 
her  service  herein,  and  will  looke  so  much  more  cheerefully 
on  you,  how  much  more  you  shall  disburthen  her  in  this 
kind  :  yea,  as  England  hath  wooed  and  visited  Virginia, 
so  herein  Virginia  will  be  glad  and  rejoyce  to  visit 
England,  in  her  there-built  ships,  and  to  dwell  here  with 
us  in  thence-brought  Timbers,  and  esteeme  her  selfe 
advanced  to  adorne  our  Towres,  and  take  view  of  our 
Pomps  and  Spectacles. 

And  touching  shipping  and  the  materials  thereof; 
Timbers,  Pitch,  Tarre,  Cordage,  Sayles,  Anchors,  &c. 
necessitie  of  the  times  exacteth  in  our  defects  at  home, 
for  securitie  from  enemies  abroad,  employment  of 
Mariners,    Merchants    and    our    numerous    multitudes, 

247 


A.D. 
1625. 


12.  Timber 
for  all  uses. 


13.  More 
especially  for 
building  both 
houses  &  ships. 
[IV.  ix. 

j  820.] 


14.  The 
manifold 
materialls  for 
shipping. 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

offending  our  Offenders,  defending  our  Allies,  that  I 
adde  not  the  Riches  of  the  World,  and  glory  of  Exploits* 
all  which  depend  on  Navigation.  Hence  Tyrus  and  her 
Daughter  Carthage  of  old  (Matre  pulchra  filia  pulchrior) 
hence  the  Egyptian  Alexandria  and  many  Nations  since, 
have  reaped  wealth  and  honour.  Hence  the  Lumbards 
and  Easterlings  sucked  out  the  sweetes  of  this  Kingdome 
in  former  times,  whiles  we  like  children  were  fed  by  their 
hands,  and  they  were  inriched  by  the  Importation  and 
Exportation  of  Merchandise  to  and  from  us  :  which  when 
that  glorious  Elizabeth  altered,  and  sought  to  stand  in  the 
Seas  on  her  owne  legs,  and  to  flie  over  them  with  her 
owne  wings,  it  not  only  wanne  her  renowne  but  dread 
abroad,  and  such  strength  at  home,  that  notwithstanding 
her  manifold  wars  offensive  and  defensive,  and  motherly 
protection  of  her  Neighbours  round  about  with  Men  and 
Monies ;  her  Custome,  her  Navie,  and  the  wealth  of  her 
people  is  thought  to  have  received  in  her  time  a  seven-fold 
advancement.  And  what  hath  so  long  upholden  and 
enhanced  the  Hanse  Townes?  What  hath  raysed  the 
rich  and  glorious  States  of  Venice  and  Genoa?  What 
hath  since  freed,  and  doth  still  sustaine  the  Hollanders, 
but  their  moving  Magazines  and  Castles,  their  strength 
and  magnificence  being  (by  a  Miracle  in  State)  hereby 
most,  wherein  it  is  least,  in  their  Sea-forrests ;  Nature 
denying  that  to  their  Soyle,  which  Art  hath  super- 
abundantly supplied  by  shipping,  to  their  Lands,  to  their 
Seas,  for  use,  for  admiration  ?  Hence  hath  the  Abassine 
or  Prester  John  lost  his  estate,  the  Turke  not  encreased 
his  by  swallowing  the  rest  of  Christendome,  the  Persian, 
the  Mogull  and  other  mighty  Asian  Potentates  have  not 
bin  mighty,  howsoever  sirnamed  Great ;  have  beene  so 
long  awed,  and  as  it  were,  imprisoned  within  their  owne 
shores,  there  also  often  braved,  assaulted,  forced  to  receive 
Lawes  and  conditions,  yea  to  pay  Customes  for  their  owne 
ships,  and  prohibited  Trade  with  others  by  a  handfull  of 
Portugalls.  Hence  the  Portugals  themselves  crept  out 
of  their  Straites  and  obscuritie,  and  hence  the  Castilian, 

248 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  ad. 

1625. 

colours  have  been  so  far  displayed,  and  set  the  rest  of  the 
World  in  this  present  Maze :  Hence  our  Edgar,  Edward 
the  Third,  and  Great  Elizabeth,  have  left  such  memories 
of  them,  after  them ;  hence  all  Maritime  States  and  Kings 
have  received  encrease  or  diminishing ;  as  their  Navies 
have  beene,  so  have  they.  Yea,  without  a  Navie,  Salomon 
had  not  beene  so  meet  a  Type  of  Christ,  so  glorious  in 
Domesticall,  Politicall  or  Ecclesiasticall  magnificence. 

Haile   then,    al-haile   Virginia,    hope   of   our   decayed   1$.  Saving  of 
Forrests,  Nursery  of  our  Timbers,  second  supply  to  our  e^Pe^ses ' and 
shipping,  the  succenturiatae  copiae  in  distresse  of  Navall  /an^rfiT 
materials :     and    those    independant    on  forreine    States,  forreine 
disburthened    of    Taxes,     Customes,     Impositions,    and  Countries. 
Suspensions  of  forreine  Princes :   yea  painfull  not  in  the   !  6-  ImPh~ 

^^  .111  /**f  J*      >■*-**  d 

ships  alone,  but  in  Shipmen  and  Mariners  trained  up  and   ,  '  ,. 

*■    .  ■         ■      *■  *■  breeding 

multiplyed  by  that  imployment,  with  mutuall  entercourse  0f  Mariners. 

of  Wares  and  manifold  Commodities.     Hee  that  lookes  ij.Manypro- 

on  the  best  Corne-fields  soone  after  the  sowing,   seeth  labilities  by 

expense  and  labour  without  any  profit  but  in  expectation.  traml>l"nta- 

r  y    r  r  tion  of  cattell 

Now  is  our  Seed-time ;    and  if  cost  and  industry  want  fruits  y^ 

not,  Virginia,  in  her  Soyle  and  Climate  not  only  promiseth  exemplified  by 
these  materials,  there  also  to  be  made  at  easier  rates ;   but  Spaniards. 
infinite  other  Commodities  also  which  may  be  transplanted 
from  these  and  other  parts,  as  the  Spaniards  in  their  Indies, 
have  given  us  example.     These  have  reserved  Wines  and 
Oyle,  as  Staple  Commodities  to  be  carried  from  Spaine 
(that   these  Americans   may   still   have   need   of   Spanish 
Commodities)  which  else  would  easily  grow  there.     They 
have  againe  furnished  those  parts  both  from  Spaine  and 
many  other  Countries,  with  Figs,  Oranges,  Limons,  and 
fruits  for  present  use  and  for  Merchandize,  with  Sugar- 
canes,  Gingers,  Cattell  and  other  Commodities,  yeelding 
exceeding  summes  of  Treasure  to  the  Planters.     And  I  18.  The 
know  not  but  in  a  settled  Virginian  Plantation,  Sugars,  Countrie, 
Gingers,  Hides,  &c.  may  there  proove  as  gainfull,  as  they  catteli  & 
have  in  the  Spanish  Indies,  that  is,  beyond  all  conceit  of    ?<2Sts  noton  y 

J •  1  •  1  1  T\/r  J0r  Use  t™™ 

ordinane  valuation,  and  as  good  as  many  Mynes.  i,ut  Merchan- 

Now  for  the  Cattell  and  Fowles,  I  might  here  present  dise  here. 

249 


A.D. 
1625. 


*Cap.  Smith 
tels  of  1000. 
Bassses  at  a 
draught :   M. 
Rolfe  of 
5000.  the 
least  of  two 
foot  long,  300. 
as  big  as  Cod, 
by  Sir  T.Dale. 
[IV.  ix. 

1821.] 

19.  Benefits 
by  fishing. 
D.  D.  Brit. 

Monarchie. 


Et  qua  non 
prosunt 
singula,  multce 
juvant. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

their  Deere  of  all  sorts,  reported  to  have  three  or  foure 
Fawnes  at  a  time,  and  none  under  two  (which  some  impute 
to  the  qualitie  of  that  Countrey,  having  happened  like- 
wise to  the  Goats  transported  from  hence)  and  were  it 
not  for  this  increase,  eyther  they  must  faile,  or  the  Natives 
(these  sparing  neither  old  nor  young,  nor  old  with  young, 
nor  observing  any  rule  of  Season  or  Reason  therein)  1 
might  adde  Shag-haired  Oxen-seene  by  Sir  Samuell  Argoll, 
Beavers,  Otters,  Foxes,  Wilde  and  Civet  Cats,  Muske 
Rats,  and  many  Beasts  which  beare  good  Furres ;  their 
large  Turkeyes,  Cranes,  Herons,  Partridges,  and  in- 
numerable other  Fowles :  fish  also  of  innumerable 
numbers  and  manifold  kinds,  Sturgeon,  Porpose,  Base, 
Rock-fish,  Carpe,  Shad,  and  the  rest.  It  seemeth  to 
us  incredible,  which  is  related  of  the  both  numbers  * 
and  excellencie  at  one  draught  taken.  As  for  the  varietie 
of  Corne,  the  excellencie  also  and  multiplication  to  1500. 
or  2000.  for  one  stalke  of  Maiz,  the  usefulnesse,  their 
succeeding-exceeding  Harvests,  their  Roots,  Herbs, 
Pulse,  and  the  rest,  I  referre  to  all  the  Writers  in  that 
Argument,  and  to  as  many  as  have  beene  Eye-witnesses 
themselves  to  be  Relaters. 

Were  it  but  a  fishing  trade,  yet  his  understanding  is 
contemptible,  that  thinkes  contemptibly  of  it.  He  that 
should  reade  Doctor  Dees  relations  of  so  many  hundred 
Busses,  and  Flemmish  saile  on  the  English,  and  Spanish, 
on  the  Irish  coasts :  or  what  Master  Gentleman  hath 
related  of  the  Commodities  raised  that  way  by  the 
Holanders,  summed  to  millions  of  pounds  in  Herring, 
Cod  and  Ling  :  and  that  which  others  relate  of  3600.  saile 
of  Fishermen  in  Holand  and  Zeland,  with  other  things 
of  like  nature  gathered  together  by  Captaine  Smith  in 
his  New  Englands  Trials,  with  the  experiments  of  that 
coast  also  part  of  our  Virginian  subject  shall  see,  as 
greatest  bodies  composed  of  least  parts,  so  greatest  summes 
raised  out  of  least  and  meanest  meanes,  that  being  dundant 
in  tale,  which  seemeth  wanting  in  weight.  Once,  the 
impregnable  wals  of  the  united  Provinces  are  their  Ships 

250 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

(whereof  some  reckon  small  and  great  of  all  sorts  20000,) 

and  their  principall  and  most  generall  Trade  is  Fishing, 

which  is  the  Seminary  of  their  Mariners  of  which  some 

have  reckoned  above  1 00000.  and  summed  their  returnes 

thence  growing  to  7000000.  pounds  in  a  yeare.     I  am 

none  of  Neptunes  Secretaries ;    yet  know  this,  that  there 

is  no  fishing  to  the  Sea,  and  no  Country  so  strong  by  Sea  as 

that  which  findeth  most  employment  in  this  kinde,  where 

no  exportation  of  treasure,  no  custome,  no  consumption 

and  exhausting  of  commodities  can  be  quarelled.     Thus 

then,  whether  we  consider  Wines,  Silkes,  and  other  the 

appurtenances     of    our    pleasures,     as    Dies,     Drugges, 

Gummes,   Sugars,   Ginger,   Furres,   and   the   like,   which 

cost  this  Kingdome  yearely  some  hundreths  of  thousands 

of  our  pounds :  or  whether  wee  reckon  those  more  staple 

and  necessary  commodities  for  Shipping,  and  all  sorts  of 

Timber,  Cordage,  and  other  like,  no  lesse  costly,  Virginia 

inviteth  our  hopes,  and  covenanteth  to  bestow  them  on 

the  industrious :  so  that  we  shall  save  those  treasures  and 

costs   that   way   expended,    shall   lesse   depend   on   other 

Nations,  lesse  feare  imbarguing,  detention,  imposts ;   yea,   zo#  Tobacco. 

shall  from  other  Nations  raise  by  returne  of  our  excesse  A  Booke 

in   these   kindes   great   Summes,   besides   the   furnishing  presented  to 

of    the    Kingdome    with    greater    encrease   of   Shipping,  tje^liament 

Marriners,     and     innumerable     employments,     and     the  Rennet.   It  is 

securing  and  enriching  the  Ports,   both  of  Ireland  and  said  that  some 

England.     As  for  Tobacco  I  have  said  little  of  it,  because  maliciously 

it  is  so  generally  knowne  (which  yet  is  said  to  be  worth  father  alltheir 

to  Spaine  1 00000.  pounds  yearely;   and  that  (I  grieve  to  m  ylr^n-ta 

speak  it)  from  the  fume-fome-froth-spirits  of  England)  &  and  Ber- 

the  abundance  brought  from  Virginia  and  Summer  Hands  mudas,  and 

(inopes  nos  cepia  fecit)  exceedeth  the  Market :  and  because  the  g°°dfrm 

to  many  by  immoderate  use  thereof  are  corrupted  here  at  s?™*}/" 

home,  and  the  present  benefit  thereby  accrewing  in  quicke  growth. 

returne,   hindreth  designes  of  better  consequence  there.   21.  Hopes  of 

And   thus  much   of  Virginias  present   or  very  probable  fature  Trade 

Commodities :  to  which  we  may  adde  the  hopes  in  future  ^°'  C0L  cs ,  , 
%       f     f  1  1  r  r  tit      i  1    other  English 

times  by  finding  there  as  good  vent  tor  our  Wools  and  commQ(iities. 

251 


A.D. 
l625. 


22.  Manifold 
necessities  of 
these  times. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Clothes,  both  to  the  English  and  civilized  Indian,  as  the 
Spaniards  doe  in  their  Indies  by  their  Wines  and  Oyle, 
of  which  I  have  already  said  that  they  permit  not  the 
generall  growth  in  their  Indian  plantations  for  the  continu- 
ance and  necessitie  of  commerce  with  Spaine.  And  who 
seeth  not  the  exceeding  benefit  which  may  arise  by 
compleat  commerce,  in  venting  our  owne  superfluities 
of  Men  ;  of  others,  and  specially  the  principall  of  English 
Commodities,  Cloth  and  Wooll,  with  the  Gospel  of  our 
Lord  Jesus ;  and  returning  from  thence,  Clapboord,  Pipe- 
staves,  Caviare,  Oade,  Madder,  Salt,  Cordage,  Pitch, 
Tarre,  Sope-ashes,  Pot-ashes,  Cotton-wools,  Gaules, 
Furres,  Hops,  Hides,  Gummes,  Dyes,  Gingers,  Sugars, 
Silkes,  Wines,  Iron,  Timbers,  Fish,  Ships,  Mariners, 
Merchants,  and  a  World  of  the  Worlds  most  useful  good 

open   Sea,   obnoxious 


things   thorow 


an 


to   no   forreine 
secure   Ports   and 


Potentate,   from   and   to   known  and 
Harbours  ? 

It  is  also  not  only  usefull  at  all  times,  but  necessary 
to  these  times,  as  to  transport  superfluous  numbers  from 
hence  to  Virginia,  so  to  cure  the  diseases  of  the  times 
caused  by  the  wants  of  Monies  (the  life  of  trading,  and 
sinewes  of  a  great  State)  attended  with  wants  of  sale  for 
the  Merchant,  and  consequently  of  Clothiers  and  other 
subordinate  professions ;  want  of  worke  for  Spinsters, 
Weavers,  and  innumerable  poorer  Trades  and  Handi- 
craftsmen ;  want  of  trading  for  Citizens  (neither  hath  such 
a  generall  breaking  beene  ever  knowne,)  so  many  shops 
in  the  principall  limmes  and  streets  of  this  Citie,  yea,  in 
Cheapside  the  faire  face,  yea,  in  the  eye  of  that  beauteous 
face,  the  Gold-Smiths  Row  (where  besides  so  many 
shoppes  converted  to  other  Trades,  I  have  told  this  last 
Winter  betwixt  Friday-street  and  Bread-street  the  third 
part  shut  up)  want  of  employment  for  decayed  Gentlemen, 
both  the  elder  Unthrifts  and  younger  Gallants ;  which 
want  of  moneyes  and  store  of  wants  thence  issuing,  is  in 
greatest  part  caused  by  the  Merchandizes  sought  and 
bought  in  other  Countries,  whereby  our  Moneyes  fall  into 

252 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

forraine  Whirle-pooles  without  hopes  of  recovery ; 
whereas  if  our  Trade  lay  (as  we  see  the  Spanish)  with 
our  owne  Colonies  and  Plantations  else-where,  wee  should 
hold  them  still  current  in  our  owne  Nation,  and  draw 
others  to  bring  to  us  both  Wares  and  Moneyes  from 
other  Regions  for  the  Commodities  aforesaid.  And  thus 
should  the  Vices  of  the  Times  be  remedied,  and  the  vices 
of  men  or  vicious  men  finde  from  Tobacco,  Silkes,  Wines 
and  other  excesses  (like  the  sting  of  Scorpions  from  the 
Oyle  of  Scorpions)  a  cure  thence,  whence  they  received 
their  wounds ;  and  so  many  ruptures  should  eyther  be 
prevented  or  healed  ;  provisions  also  procured  for  employ- 
ment of  honest  and  humble  povertie  at  home,  and  the 
inordinate  spirits  of  others  tamed  by  the  Sea,  and  trained 
at  labour  to  better  Discipline. 

I  adde  further,  that  the  prosecution  of  the  Virginian  [IV.  ix. 
Plantation,    is    both    profitable    and    necessary    for    the  .  l822-J 

strengthning  of  the  Plantations  already  begun  in  Summer  y>'ec^s^ie 
Hands,  New  England,  and  New  found  Land,  and  that  ing  other 
other  expected  in  New  Scotland.  Plantations. 

Now  if  we  adde  the  hopefull  passage  to  the  South  Sea,  H-  Probabih- 
that  one  argument  is  more  then  all  the  rest,  if  our  eyes  f*es  °* a     fi 
shall  once  be  blessed  with  that  desired  sight.     For  the  man-ie  manie 
trade  of  the  whole  world  is  then  made  compendious,  all  commodities 
the  rich  trades  of  the  East  Indies  are  obvious  and  neerer  thereby. 
hand,  and  no  force  is  able  to  scoure  so  large  a  Coast  as 
that  Westerne  shoare  of  all  America,  and  secure  it  from 
our  trading.     Hence,  if  we  finde  not  golden  Countries 
before  not  possessed  by  other  Christians  (whereof  also 
Sir  Francis  Drakes  Nova  Albion  so  long  since  subjected 
by  voluntary  surrender  to  the  English  Crowne,  hath  given 
us  hope)  yet  trade  will  bring  the  Mines  of  the  West  into 
our  ships,  and  the  Spices  and  other  rich  Merchandize  of 
the  East  into  our  shops  at  easier  charge,  and  therefore  25.  Necessitie 
saleable  at  easier  rates.  of  maintaining 

But  this  Designe  of  the  South  Sea  may  seeme  desperate,  VirSLn*a  m 
and  the  Argument  ridiculous.  I  shall  therefore  indevour  ^cedZ*' 
to  give  better  light  therein,  and  withall  to  adde  another  others. 

253 


ad  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

Argument   as  weightie   as    it,   and   greater  then  all   ex- 
ceptions. 

I  may  adde  also  the  case  of  Warre,  which  I  desire  not ; 
but  which  may  happen,  and  Bellona  may  even  now  seeme 
pregnant  and  alreadie  conceived,  whose  abortion  might  be 
wished,  if  necessitie  adde  not  honour  to  the  lawfulnesse. 
I  but  propound  a  case  possible.  The  most  certaine, 
honorable,  and  beauteous  front  of  Peace,  hath  a  backe 
part  of  Warre,  and  therefore  in  securest  Peace,  Prudence 
is  not  so  secure,  but  she  armeth  herselfe  against  feares  of 
War,  forewarning  and  forearming  men  by  the  Sword 
drawne  to  prevent  the  drawing  of  Swords,  and  eyther 
eschewes  it,  or  reaps  good  out  of  it. 
South  Sea  why  It  is  not  unknowne  what  expenses  England  hath 
so  called.  sustained   in,   and   ever   since   Sir   Sebastian   Cabots   first 

Discoverie,  as  in  those  of  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  Bur- 
rough,  Pet  and  Jackman  by  the  North-east,  of  Hudson, 
Poole,  Fotherby,  and  divers  other  Navigations  by  the 
North ;  of  Sir  Martine  Frobusher,  Captaine  Davies,  Sir 
Thomas  Button,  Master  Knight,  Hudson,  Hall,  Baffin, 
and  other  manifold  Discoveries  by  the  North-west,  all 
seeking  a  compendious  passage  to  Cathay,  and  to  the  East 
Indies.  The  Reasons  which  mooved  them  were  far  more 
hopefull  then  that  of  Columbus,  which  found  notwith- 
standing far  better  and  speedier  successe.  Successe  is  a 
servile  Argument,  for  Sense  rather  then  for  Reason,  and 
in  this  whole  Virginian  project,  I  speake  to  English 
Adventurers,  and  not  to  pettie  Pedlers,  or  Virginian 
Savages,  to  such  whose  eyes  are  in  their  heads  and  not 
in  their  hands :  Careat  successibus  opto,  Quisquis  ab 
eventu  facta  notanda  putet.  Yet  hath  not  Successe  beene 
wholy  frustrate,  yea  both  Reason  and  Sense  plead  for  a 
Passage,  and  Virginias  usefulnesse  therein. 

I  will  not  bring  uncertaine  testimonies  of  a  Portugall 
taken  in  a  Carrike  in  Queene  Elizabeths  dayes,  and  of 
another  Portugall  in  Guinie,  which  affirmed  to  Sir  Martine 
Frobusher  that  hee  had  past  it ;  nor  of  Garcia  Loaisa, 
v/hich  is  said  by  the  Coast  of  New-found-land  to  have 

254 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  ad. 

1625. 

gone  to  the  Moluccas ;  nor  of  Vasco  Coronado  in  his 
Letter  to  the  Emperour  Charles,  and  other  antiquated 
"Witnesses  of  Antiquitie. 

I  have  already  in  due  place  produced  *  Thomas  Cowles,  *See  SUP- the 
Juan  de  Fuca,  Thomas  Dermer,  Sir  Thomas  Button,  el  °/.L^' 
Master  Brigges,  besides  the  constant  and  generall  report  Derm'ers 
of  all  the  Savages  from  Florida,  to  the  great  River  of  Letter  in  this. 
Canada.  Now  for  the  hopes  of  Virginia  by  a  South-Sea 
Discovery,  how  neere  is  England  that  way  to  the  Trade 
of  both  Indies,  that  is,  of  all  the  remoter  World?  It 
stands  midway  betwixt  us  and  the  most  frequented  Ports 
of  the  West,  which  perhaps  may  shortly  come  to  full  age 
and  sue  out  her  Liverie,  how  ever  hitherto  kept  in  close 
Wardship,  and  debarred  the  rights  of  common  humanite, 
that  is,  the  commerce  with  other  Nations,  without  dis- 
cerning Friend  and  Foe.  Strange  jealousie  and  worthy 
of  jealous  Suspicion!  to  admit  Trade  in  all  European 
Ports,  not  Sivill  and  Madrid  excepted  and  to  prohibit 
the  same  in  all  the  East  and  West,  where  it  can  lesse  be 
prohibited!  there  to  repute  all  in  nature  of  Pyrats,  and 
accordingly  to  make  prize  of  ships,  goods,  and  men  which 
shall  attempt  to  sayle  that  vast  Ocean,  or  offer  Trade  in 
any  of  those  Habitations!  But  leaving  that  to  con- 
sideration of  my  Betters,  in  the  East  both  English  and 
Dutch  have  maintayned  their  just  Trade  by  force,  which 
by  unjust  force  was  denied,  and  have  paid  themselves 
largely  for  all  losses  sustayned  by  the  Insultings  or  Assault- 
ings  of  those  Monopolians,  with  gaine  with  honour : 
that  trade  being  almost  denied  to  those  injurious  deniers, 
their  owne  reputation  and  traffique  now  bleeding,  which 
would  have  cut  the  throates  of  all  others  adventures,  of 
all  other  adventurers.  I  neither  prophesie,  nor  exhort 
unto  the  like  in  the  West :  Our  prudent  and  potent 
Mother  Elizabeth  wan  renowne  and  wealth  in  their  owne 
harbours  and  Cities  at  home,  and  no  lesse  in  the  remotest 
of  their  Lands  and  Seas.  Yea,  the  South  Sea  by  furthest 
compasse  was  neere  to  her  long  and  just  armes,  and  their 
Cacaplata  and  Saint  Anne,  with  other  their  richest  Ships 

255 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

and  Ports  were  ransacked  by  English  Cacafuegos,  and  the 
charges  of  those  warres  borne  by  those  enemies  which 
caused  them.  Nulla  salus  bello,  pacem  te  poscimus 
omnes.  He  whose  words  and  workes  hath  ever  beene 
Beati  pacifici,  knowes  best  when  and  how  to  exact  his 
and  the  Worlds  right,  in  the  World,  of  which  God  hath 
granted  a  Monopoly  to  no  man ;  and  (if  others  can 
embrace  the  whole  Globe  with  dispersed  habitations)  not 
[IV.  ix.  to  suffer  his  long  arme  to  be  shortned,  and  the  strong 

l823-J  armes  of  his  to  be  pinioned,  and  forced  to  accept  of  a 
bounded  and  limited  commerce  in  a  little  corner  at  others 
pleasure.  Once,  in  just  and  even  peace,  Virginia  stands 
fit  to  become  Englands  Factor  in  America ;  if  war  should 
happen,  both  it  and  Bermuda  are  fit  Sentinels  and  Scouts, 
yea  fit  Searchers  and  Customers,  fit  Watch-towers  and 
Arsenals  to  maintaine  right  against  all  wrong-doers.  And 
for  the  South  Sea,  if  a  passage  be  found  neere  unto 
Virginia,  as  Master  Dermer  was  confident  upon  relations 
(as  he  writ  to  me)  of  a  thousand  witnesses,  wee  then  see 
Virginias  lap  open,  yeelding  her  Ports  and  Harbours  for 
the  Easterne  treasures  to  be  the  neerest  way  conveied  by 
the  West.  Yea  if  it  be  more  remote,  as  Chacke  and 
Fuca  relate,  yet  hath  Virginia  an  usefull  neighbourhood 
both  for  sicke  men,  weatherbeaten  Ships,  and  provisions 
exhaust  in  long  Voyages,  to  make  them  fitter  for  returne. 
And  if  such  passage  were  not  at  all,  yet  the  Mountaines 
of  Virginia  cannot  but  send  Rivers  to  that  Sea ;  so  that 
as  the  wealth  of  Peru  is  brought  to  Panama,  and  thence 
by  Land  convaied  to  the  Ports  of  this  Sea,  so  may  the 
wealth  of  the  South  Sea,  and  the  Regions  of  the  West 
of  America  be  that  way  passed  to  English  hands.  The 
like  may  be  said  of  the  Hands  of  Salomon,  the  South 
unknowne  Continent,  which  aftertimes  may  discover 
(probably  as  rich  as  the  rest)  that  I  mention  not  the  knowne 
Regions  of  the  East  already  traded.  And  although  the 
passage  be  not  yet  perfectly  knowne,  yet  may  the  seasons 
and  fittest  opportunities  and  provisions  for  that  discovery 
be  most  easie  from  Virginia :   and  there,  if  crossed  with 

256 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

i  1625. 

v.stormes  or  other  disasters,  they  may  finde  securest  refuge 
/and  refreshing.  An  if  (which  God  avert)  we  may  not 
have  the  wares  of  peace,  yet  the  peace  of  warres  (that  is, 
a  fit  rendevous  and  retiring  place,  where  to  cheere  and 
hearten,  to  repaire  and  supply  upon  all  occasions)  is  there 
offered  by  the  advantages  of  both  Seas.  For  in  both, 
that  vast  body  must  needes  be  of  slow  motion,  where 
the  limmes  are  so  disjoynted,  and  one  member  unfit  to 
helpe  another  by  remotenesse.  And  if  it  should  but  force 
the  adversary  to  maintaine  Garrisons  in  his  Ports  on  both 
sides,  to  secure  them  from  invasion,  and  a  double  Navie 
of  War  in  both  Seas,  the  one  to  secure  the  Coasts,  the 
other  to  secure  his  Shippes  in  the  South  Sea  passing  from 
the  Philippinas,  or  from  one  Port  to  another ;  and  in  the 
North  Sea  to  wafte  his  Treasures  and  Merchandise  into 
Europe,  the  wings  of  that  Eagle  would  be  so  pulled  with 
such  costs,  that  hee  could  not  easily  make  invasive  flight 
upon  his  neighbours  in  these  parts ;  yea,  both  those  and 
these  Dominions  would  be  exposed  to  the  easier  invasions 
of  others.  Tarn  Marte,  quam  Mercurio,  in  Peace  and 
Warre,  so  usefull  may  Virginia  and  Bermuda  be  to  this 
Kingdome. 

Now  if  any  say  Medice  cura  teipsum,  and  alleadge 
that  they  themselves  are  not  able  to  stand  against  an 
enemy :  I  answere,  first,  for  Bermuda,  or  Summer  Hands, 
that  little  body  is  all  heart,  and  hath  the  strength  of 
Nature  and  Art  conspiring  her  impregnablenesse.  For 
the  Rockes  every  way  have  so  fortified  the  scituation,  that 
she  would  laugh  at  an  Armada,  at  a  World  of  Ships ; 
where  the  straight  passage  admits  not  two  Ships  abreast  to 
enter,  and  hath  ten  Forts  with  Ordnance  to  entertaine 
them.  She  feares  no  ravishment,  and  as  little  needes  she 
famishment,  so  that  unlesse  God  for  our  sinnes,  or  the 
Divell  by  the  worst  of  sinnes,  treason,  and  the  worst  of 
his  Sonnes,  some  Judas,  expose  her  to  the  Enemy,  she 
can  know  no  other  love  or  Lord  but  English.  And  for 
Virginia  against  the  Savages  greatest  fright,  Captaine 
Smith  maintained  himselfe  without  losse,  with  gaine  with 
xix  257  R 


A.D. 
1625. 


*M.  Thomas 
Turner  an 
English  Mer- 
chant living 
then  in  Por- 
tugattinname 
of  an  Almaine. 

Q.  Elizabeths 
praises. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

thirty  eight  men :  against  others  she  hath  so  fit  places  for 
fortification ;  so  fit  meanes  and  materials  to  secure  herr 
as  eye-witnesses  report,  that  the  worst  of  enemies  to  be 
feared  is  English  backwardnesse  or  frowardnesse,  like 
Sampsons  Foxes  either  drawing  backe,  or  having  fire  at 
their  tongues  ends. 

Now  if  Queene  Elizabeth  of  glorious  memory,  were 
able  from  England  onely  to  annoy  her  enemies,  so  great 
and  potent,  so  much  and  farre :  what  may  we  in  Gods 
name  hope  of  a  New  England,  New  found  Land,  Bermuda, 
and  Virginia  already  planted  with  English  ?  When  upon 
newes  of  the  fall  of  that  great  Northen  Starre,  the  Duke 
of  Braganzas  brother  spake  of  her  as  the  Jesuites  had 
slandered ;  hold  your  peace  brother,  said  the  Duke  him- 
selfe  (one  *  then  present  related  this  to  me)  had  it  not 
beene  for  her  Religion  (for  which  wee  most  honour  hery 
for  which  God  did  most  blesse  her)  she  might  justly  have 
beene  ranked  with  the  ancients  Romans :  England  is  a 
small  thing,  as  the  Map  sheweth,  to  Spaine,  and  yet  we- 
durst  not  looke  out  of  doores  for  her  and  hers.  Thus 
worthily  that  worthy  man,  of  the  Worthy  of  women  in 
her  time.  Great  and  glorious  Elizabeth !  how  didst  thou 
contemne  the  Iberian  threates?  How  didst  thou  invert, 
divert,  subvert  their  attempts?  How  victoriously  didst 
thou  evade  their  invincible  Invasion?  how  didst  thou 
invade  the  Invaders,  at  their  gates,  in  their  ports?  how 
didst  thou  meete  them  in  the  Atlanticke,  pursue  them  to 
the  South,  to  the  Indian  Seas,  and  round  about  the  World  ? 
How  did  the  skie,  windes,  waves  serve  to  a  higher 
providence  in  thy  deliveries,  in  thy  triumphs?  how  often 
were  the  prodigious  Carrikes  of  the  East,  and  prodigall 
Vessels  of  the  West,  either  staid  at  home  for  feare,  or 
driven  to  fort-covert  by  the  way,  or  costly  wafted  on  their 
way,  or  burned  in  the  way,  or  sunke  out  of  the  way,  or 
carried  quite  away  to  visite  the  English  shoares,  and 
adorne  the  Trophees  of  great  and  glorious  Elizabeth? 
Rouze  up  your  brave  spirits  English  hearts  in  loyall 
subjection  to  your  Royall  Soveraign :   be  ready  to  offer- 

258 


A  DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

right,  feare  not  to  suffer  wrong :    seeke  the  good,  and 

see  the  goods  which  Virginia  offers.     Here  could  I  wilder 

my  selfe  in  thickets  of  arguments,  and  could  Muster  more  [IV.  ix. 

motives   and   more   necessarily   concluding   for   Virginias  1824.] 

advancement,   if  that  which  we  desire  not  be  enforced 

on  us,  then  I  have  already  numbred  in  plantation  and 

commerce :    Yea  almost  all  those  former  arguments  are 

pressed  of  necessity,   or  offer  their  service  voluntarily, 

some  more,  others  no  lesse  serviceable  that  way,  then  to 

publike  peace  and  traffique,  which  also  are  securest  when 

they  neede  not  feare  a  Warre. 

The  honour  of  Religion  defended  by  the  Defender  of 
the  Faith  ;  of  our  Nation,  King,  Kingdome  ;  the  Materials 
of  Ships,  Mariners,  Armes,  Victuals ;  Fishing,  Merchan- 
dise, and  Prize  subservient  to  each  Voyage,  that  one  may 
supply  if  the  other  faile  ;  in  crossed  Voyages,  a  convenient 
receptacle  for  refreshing ;  fit  place  of  stay  in  not  fitting 
and  unseasonable  seasons :  a  safe  repository  for  spoiles 
gotten  in  expectation  of  greater  purchase :  a  redresse  to 
weatherbeaten  and  storme-distressed  Ships :  a  refuge  to 
such  as  the  enemy  hath  battered  and  endangered :  an 
Hospitall  for  sicke,  wounded,  and  presently  unserviceable 
Mariners  and  Souldiers :  a  storehouse  to  repaire  Timbers, 
Tackling,  and  other  provisions,  to  Ships  and  Men :  a  fit 
meane  (in  supplying  us  from  thence  with  necessaries)  to 
keepe  those  Monies  in  our  owne  hands,  whereby  we  are 
destitute  of  the  principall  sinewes  of  warre,  yea  perhaps 
the  enemy  armed  against  us :  a  schoole  and  training  place 
for  our  youth  to  endure  labour  and  hardship,  and  to 
prepare  them  like  the  Jewes  in  Nehemiahs  time,  to  use 
the  Sword  with  one  hand,  and  instruments  of  labour  in 
the  other  :  an  exercise  to  breede  Men  for  longer  Voiages  : 
a  backedoore  to  breake  out  suddenly  on  the  enemy :  an 
ambushment,  whiles  Ships  from  hence  &  thence  shal  at 
once  be  expected,  and  he  which  flees  the  one  shall  fall  into 
the  other :  a  redoubling  of  our  forces  when  they  meete : 
a  safe  harbour  in  Bermuda  or  in  Virginia  for  a  hundred 
sailes,  or  many  more,  to  awaite  all  opportunities :  a  place 

259 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

likely  to  yeelde  to  men  of  merit  entertainment  and  reward  : 
a  place  yeelding  opportunity  by  trade  there  to  weaken  our 
possible  or  probable  enemies,  to  whom  now  wee  seeke 
for  trade,  and  consequently  to  weaken  them  by  the  want 
of  our  Commodities,  and  to  adde  a  double  strength  to 
our  selves :  a  place  commodious  to  prevent  warre  by 
diverting  it,  to  divert  it  by  preventing:  to  subvert  the 
enemies  Plantations  by  sudden  assaults,  or  force  them  to 
costly  Garisons :  to  evert  their  Merchandising  by  trade 
suspended,  surprized,  or  defended  with  chargeable  wast- 
age :  to  intervert  their  intelligence  and  profits :  to  invert 
the  hearts  of  Malecontents,  and  those  hands  which  feare 
now  curbeth  and  bridleth :  to  convert  to  our  parts  those 
which  maintaine  a  fugitive  and  wilde  enmity  with  them : 
to  avert  the  profits  of  their  Mines  by  other  imployments : 
and  in  a  word,  to  make  that  use  of  others  against  them, 
which  their  examples  have  taught  us  in  acquiring  the  great 
Empires  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  with  other  parts  of  America, 
which  without  the  helpe  of  Indians  against  Indians, 
banding  themselves  with  a  contrary  faction,  such  handfuls 
had  never  beene  able  to  have  effected :  What  shall  I  say 
more?  If  others  impotence  and  importunities  force  a 
War,  Virginia  and  Summer  Hands  seeme  to  this  English 
body  as  two  American  hands,  eares,  feete;  two  eyes  for 
defence :  two  Keyes  (as  before  is  said)  for  offence :  two 
Armes  to  get,  encompasse,  embrace :  two  Fists  to  strike : 
the  Sword  and  Dagger ;  Ship  and  Pinnace ;  Castle  and 
Rampire,  Canon  &  Musket,  Arsenale  and  Peere,  and 
whatsoever  God  shall  please  to  give  to  humaine  industry, 
who  gives  all  things  of  free  grace,  but  to  such  to  whom 
he  hath  given  grace  freely  to  seeke  them ;  and  is  alway 
a  facile  and  easie  giver,  but  to  them  onely  which  love  not 
their  ease  and  idle  pleasure.  And  although  I  am  no 
Secretary  of  Gods  Counsell  for  the  Indies,  yet  event  hath 
revealed  thus  much  of  his  will,  that  no  other  Christian 
Nation  hath  yet  gotten  and  maintained  possession  in  those 
parts,  but  the  English :  to  whom  therefore  wee  may 
gather  their  decreed  serviceablenesse  in  Peace,  advantagi- 

260 


A  DISCOURSE    ON  VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

ousnesse  in  Warre,  and  opportunity  for  both,  to  be  both 

Magazine   and   Bulwarke,   and   ready  even   by   naturall 

scituation   to   sit  on   the   skirts  of  whatsoever  enemies, 

which  passe  from  America  to  Europe. 

Three  Spanish  witnesses,  Acosta,  Oviedo,  and  Herrera,  Acosta.  I.  3. 
have    related    this,    in    describing    the    course    of    that  c^'  j'      ?• 
Navigation ;    yea,  all  experience,  the  Heavens  also  and  Summary  y 
Elements  subscribe  to  it.     For  such  is  the  statute  of  the  Gen.  hist.  I.  2. 
windes,  which  all  Shipping  in  that  Sea  must  obey :   they  Hereras. 
must  goe  one  way  and  returne  another.     To  the  Indies  Desert,  of Ind. 
the  course  from  Europe  is  by  the  Canaries,  and  thence 
entring  the  Tropike,  they  meete  with  the  Brises,  which 
are   perpetuall  Easterne   windes,    or   I   know   not   what 
impetuosity  by  the  motion  of  the  heavens  breathed  into 
the   lower   aire   betwixt   the   Tropikes,   and   pressing   all 
vapours  and  exhalations  unto  that  service  in  one  or  other 
point  Easterly :   which  force  the  Ships  to  returne  neerer  The  brises  and 
the  American  coast  there  to  seeke  as  it  were  some  alloy  course  °f 
of  that  impetuous  motion  (even  as  you  see  Water-men     am^a  m 
in  the  Thames  rowing  against  the  tide,  to  covet  neere  the 
shoare  where  the  tide  is  weakest)  and  thence  passing  the 
Tropike  to  seeke  Westerly  windes,  which  from  twenty 
seven  to  thirty  seven  doe  there  usually  remaine,  as  wee 
see  in  Eddies  caused  by   stronger  motions.     Thus   the  Eddy  windes. 
Spanish   Ships   on   the   South   Sea   make   one  way   from 
Acapulco  to  the  Philippinas,  which  is  the  Tropicke ;   and 
another  without  in  the  height  of  Japan,  to  returne.     And 
thus  in  the  Atlanticke  the  Ships  from  their  severall  ports 
come  to  the  Havana  in  Cuba,  and  thence  must  take  their 
course  neere  to   Virginia  and   Summer   Hands,   to   finde 
the  Azores  :    in  which  way,  from  thence  it  is  easie  for 
English  Ships  (not  far  from  their  owne  home  or  Ports) 
to  disperse  themselves  in  expectation  of  a  surprisall. 

The  want  of  such  helpes  in  Queene  Elizabeths  glorious 

times,  enforced  our  men  of  Warre  still  to  awaite  both  for  [IV.  ix. 

the  Indian  Carrickes,  and  all  American  Ships,  hovering   „.    .  l8z5-J 

r  °    Disadvantage 

to  our  Ships  of  warre  by  want  of  some  such  Plantation  as  this  is  and  may  be:  whence  many 

Voyages  were  frustrated  in  part  or  wholly. 

261 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

about  the  Azores  Hands  subject  to  the  Spanish  Crowne, 
where  they  neither  had  harbour  in  stormes,  nor  could  in 
any  wants  refresh  themselves  with  water,  victuals,  or 
other  provisions  but  by  force ;  where  a  greater  and 
stronger  Armada  of  the  enemy  waited  to  wafte  home  their 
Ships  returning;  where  it  often  hapned  that  the  Ships 
could  not  so  soone  be  descried,  but  they  gat  either  into 
some  Port,  and  under  some  Fort  which  secured  them ;  or 
else  there  ran  themselves  aground,  and  saving  what  they 
could  with  their  persons,  fired  the  rest,  so  to  sacrifice  it 
to  Neptune  or  Vulcan,  rather  then  permit  it  to  English 
hands.  Neither  had  the  English  any  neere  Port  where 
to  supply  themselves  in  any  distresse,  or  exhaustion  of 
provisions,  but  must  necessarily  returne  home  for  England, 
if  not  (as  sometimes)  perishing  in  the  way,  with  little 
or  perhaps  no  prize  attained.  Likewise  in  long  Voyages, 
as  to  the  East  Indies,  and  to  the  South  Sea,  having  no 
harbour  to  friend,  every  disease  proved  mortall  to  their 
Voyage,  and  forced  at  lest  a  returne,  that  is,  a  miscarrying 
of  the  designe,  if  not  of  themselves :  whereas,  such  a 
refuge  as  Virginia  and  Summer  Hands  might  either  have 
recovered  the  Voyage  intended,  or  refreshed  and  inabled 
them  to  make  as  good  a  purchase  upon  the  enemy,  making 
him  to  pay  their  charges,  perhaps  with  more  gaine  then 
the  first  intents  could  have  produced.  Examples  will 
make  this  more  evident. 

And  first  to  begin  with  the  first  of  our  great  Dis- 

S.  Seb.  Cabot,  coverers ;  Sir  Sebastian  Cabot,  and  Sir  Thomas  Pert,  were 

set  forth  by  King  Henry  the  eight  (as  before  is  mentioned) 

in  a  Voyage  of  American  Discovery,  a  Ship  of  which 

Fleete  comming  from  the  coast  of  Brasil  to  Domingo 

(Oviedo  mentions  it  in  the  Spanish  stile,  branding  them 

with    Piracy,    yet    laieth    nothing    to    their   charge    but 

discovery  and  offer  of  trade,  paying  with  Pewter  dishes 

Anno  1 5 17.     for  what  they  tooke)  was  thence  repelled  Anno  15 17.  and 

Oviedo.  Gen.  obtained  some  provisions  at  Saint  John,  from  whence  in 

I9'       their  returne  to  England,  Oviedo  thinkes  they  perished : 

at  least  the  Voyage  miscarried,  as  appeareth  by  Master 

262 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

Thornes  and  Master  Edens  testimony  thereof,  for  want  of 
provisions.     The  like  happened  to  Master  Hores  Voyage,  Master  Hore. 
.described  in  Master  Hakluit  Anno  1536.  when  want  of  '536- 
victuals  made  them  eate  one  another,  and  at  last  to  steale 
.a  French  Ship,  in  which  they  returned. 

Anno  1564.  Sir  John  Hawkins  having  made  a  profit-  Sir  Jo.  Haw- 
able  Voyage  by  sale  of  Negros  on  the  coast  Townes  of  kins.  1564. 
America,  was  driven  to  seeke  reliefe  of  the  French  (then 
.planted  in  Florida,  rooted  thence  not  long  after  by  Spanish 
butchery)   And   in   another   Voyage    1567.    incurred   by  1567. 
perfidious  treachery  of  the  Spaniards,  a  most  lamentable 
.disaster.     He  then  sailed  in  the  Jesus  of  Lubecke,  having 
to  his  consorts,  the  Minion,  the  William  and  John,  the 
Judith,   the  Angell  and   the   Swallow.     Having   gotten 
.Negros  in  Guinnee  and  made  his  market  in  the  Spanish 
Indies,   he  put  in   for  reliefe   at   Saint  John   de   Ulhua, 
Whiles  his  Fleete  was  there,   the  Spanish  Fleete  came 
thither  with  their  new  Viceroy,   which  he  could  easily 
have  kept  out  of  the  harbour,  but  there  being  then  no 
Warres   betwixt  England  and   Spaine,   certaine  Articles 
were  concluded  betwixt  them ;    from  which  the  Viceroy 
perfidiously  resulting,   with   close   trechery   (contrary   to  Spanish 
-his  faith  plighted)  assaulted  the  English  with  a  strong  t^fi^: 
power  on  the  sudden :   the  issue  whereof  was  the  firing, 
drowning,  taking  many  of  the  English,  whom  they  put 
also  to  execrable  tortures.     Onely  the  Minion  and  Judith 
of  that  whole  Fleete  escaped,  if  it  be  an  escaping  to  avoide 
Scylla  and  rush  on  Charibdis.     For  they  were  so  shaken 
in  fight  first,  after  with  stormes,  lastly  and  worst  of  all, 
with  famine,  that  they  were  forced  to  expose  a  hundred 
and   foureteene  men   to   the   mercy   of   cruell   elements, 
.crueller  Savages,  cruellest  Spaniards,  who  exercised  in  the  Spanish 
Inquisition   with   bondage,   rackes,   whips,   fires,    famish-  crueltte- 
ments,    &  plurima   mortis   imago,   what   the   other   had 
spared ;    so  that  of  a  hundred  and  foureteene  not  above 
the    odde    foure,    and    those    foure    after    Odysses    of 
wandrings,  and  Iliades  of  miseries  returned  home  from 
ihe  foure  corners  of  the  World.     Had  Sir  John  Hawkins 

263 


A.D. 
1625. 


Cap.  Lancas- 
ter.  1 591. 


Cap.  Ben. 
Wood.   1596. 
Santos 
^Ethiopia 
Orientalis. 
[IV.  ix. 

1826.] 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

had  a  Virginian  opportunity  of  refreshing,  the  first  danger- 
should  not  have  needed,  and  the  last  had  not  proved 
worse  then  the  first :  that  exposing  being  not  farre  From 
the  Virginian  shoare,  and  the  current  fitting  to  carry  him 
thither.  Sir  Francis  Drake  was  then  Captaine  of  the 
Judith,  and  repaied  that  courtesie  to  the  Spaniards  after, 
who  to  shew  the  fesjbility  of  such  refreshing  Anno  1585. 
having  sacked  Saint  Iago,  Domingo,  Carthagena,  and 
Saint  Augustine,  returned  by  Virginia  to  relieve  the 
Colony  there  planted  by  Sir  W.  Raleigh. 

Anno  1 59 1.  Captaine  George  Raymund  in  the  Pene- 
lope, Captaine  Foxcroft  in  the  Merchant  Royall,  and 
Captaine  Lancaster  in  the  Edward  Bonadventure,  set  forth 
a  Voyage  intended  for  the  East  Indies.  Their  Company 
were  so  weakened  with  sicknesse,  that  the  Viceadmirall 
was  sent  backe  from  Soldanha  with  sicke  men.  The 
Admirall  was  lost,  the  Rereadmirall  returned,  and  for 
want  of  provisions  put  over  from  Saint  Helena  to 
Trinidad,  in  hope  of  reliefe.  Yet  being  there  dis- 
appointed, they  intended  to  get  to  Newfoundland,  but- 
being  crossed  with  stormes  in  the  way,  and  forced  backe 
to  Port  Ricco,  the  Ship  was  driven  away  and  lost  not  far 
from  Mona,  whiles  the  famished  Company  were  seeking 
refreshing  (which  how  easily  had  a  Bermuda  or  Virginia 
supplied,  had  an  English  plantation  flourished  there?)' 
Sir  James  Lancaster  and  the  rest  being  forced  to  return 
after  much  misery,  in  French  Ships  for  France,  and  thence: 
home. 

Anno  1596.  the  Beare,  the  Beares  Whelpe,  and  the 
Benjamin,  were  set  forth  for  China  under  the  command 
of  Captaine  Benjamin  Wood.  Frier  Joaon  dos  Santos 
mentions  both  the  two  former  of  Raymund  and  Lancaster, 
and  two  also  of  these  seene  on  the  coast  of  Mozambique. 
Bartolome  Leonardo  de  Argensola  in  his  Booke,  printed 
at  Madrid  1609.  ^at^  published  the  Letter  of  the  Chinese 
Visitor  of  Chincheo,  in  which  he  writeth  to  Don  Pedro 
de  Acunna,  Governour  of  the  Philippinas,  that  the  King 
of  China  had  done  two  Sangleys  to  death,  for  shewing 

264 


A   DISCOURSE    ON   VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

the   haven    to    these    two   English    Ships :    and   Acunna 

describes   that   the  English  were  Pyrates,   &c.   after   the 

Spanish  wont.     These  Ships  were  unheard  of  in  England, 

untill  a  Letter  of  Alcasar  de  Villa  sennor,  Auditor  of 

Domingo,   writ   to   the   King  his   Master,   being   by   an 

English   Ship   intercepted,    gave   intelligence   of   one   of 

those  two  Ships  which  distressed  for  want  of  necessaries, 

by  mortality,  had  foure  men  only  left  alive  in  her,  which 

seeking    reliefe,    put    themselves    into    their    Boate,    and 

comming  on  shoare  in  the  Hand  Utias,  not  farre  from 

Domingo,   with  Jewels  and  great  riches,   confessed   that 

they  had  taken   three  Portugall  prizes.     The  Spaniards 

at   first   received    them    on    good    conditions,    but    some 

villaines  seeing  their  wealth,  murthered  them,  for  which 

this  Auditor  had  sentenced  Roderigo   de  Fuentes,  with 

others,  as  his  Letter  to  the  King  of  Spaine  importeth. 

Now   had   there   then   beene   a   Virginian   or   Bermudan 

Plantation,  how  easily  might  they  have  attained  thither 

(the  Boat  at  least)  and  escaped  that  butchery?      I  could 

hither  adde  instructions  from  the  English  Indian  Ships 

1604.  and   1608.  from  Captaine  Fenton   1582.  from  the 

Earle   of   Cumberlands   Voyages   before   related,    in    the 

yeares  86.  89.  91.  93.  96.  97.  and  from  Master  Candish, 

Master  Davis,  and  others. 

But  we  have  made  too  long  a  Virginian  Voyage,  having 
no  better  freight  then  Arguments,  which  the  Times  doe 
now  promise,  if  not  worthy  wise  mens  approbation,  yet 
good  mens  indulgence ;  where  in  a  weake  body,  and  East  Indie 
manifold  weighty  imployments,  the  willingnesse  of  a  heart  ^octette. 
truely  English,  sincerely  Christian,  may  seeme  tolerable, 
if  not  commendable  ;    pardonable  if  not  plausible. 

Another  labour  remaines  to  set  downe  rules  and  projects 
of  best  fecibility  and  accomplishing  this  noble  worke, 
but  I  am  onely  a  Freeman,  no  Councellour  of  that 
Plantation,  and  have  neither  Lands  there,  nor  other 
adventure  therein,  but  this  of  my  love  and  credit,  which 
with  the  allegiance  to  my  Soveraigne,  and  desire  of  the 
publike  good  of  this  Kingdome,  is  more  to  me  then  all 

265 


sion. 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

the  treasures  of  America.  I  seeke  the  good  and  not  the 
goods  of  England  and  Virginia.  I  follow  the  hand  of 
God,  which  have  given  England  so  many  rights  in 
Virginia,  right  naturall,  right  nationall,  right  by  first 
discovery,  by  accepted  trade,  by  possession  surrendred 
voluntarily,  continued  constantly,  right  by  gift,  by  birth, 
by  bargaine  and  sale,  by  cession,  by  forfeiture  in  that  late 
damnable  trechery  and  massacre,  and  the  fatal  possession 
The  Conch-  taken  by  so  many  murthered  English.  Gods  bounty 
before,  his  justice  now  hath  given  us  Virginia,  that  we 
should  so  in  judgement  remember  mercy,  as  to  give 
Virginia  againe  to  God,  in  Christian  acknowledgement 
of  his  goodnesse  and  mercy,  of  his  word  and  workes,  and 
in  our  owne  more  serious  conversion  to  prepare  that  of 
Virginia.  God  goeth  before  us  in  making  this  designe 
honorable  to  Religion,  to  Humanity,  to  our  Ancestors, 
to  our  King,  to  our  Kingdome.  God  goeth  before  us, 
and  hath  given  Virginia  so  rich  a  portion,  to  allure  and 
assure  our  loves ;  in  multiplying  our  people,  and  thereby 
our  necessities  enforcing  a  vent :  in  endowing  Virginia 
with  so  large  a  jointure,  so  temperate,  so  commodious 
for  the  climate  compared  with  other  Countries,  beyond 
other  Countries  in  her  own  diversified  Lands,  Seas, 
Briefe  recapi-  Rivers ;  in  so  fertile  a  soyle,  in  so  strong,  sweete,  stately, 
tulation  of  the  delicate  Woods  and  Timbers,  in  her  naturall  hopes  of 
mlSi.l^i  I  Wines,  of  Silkes,  of  the  bodies  of  Natives  servile  and 
serviceable :  in  Drugges,  Irons,  and  probability  also  of 
other  Mines ;  in  all  materials  for  Shipping,  and  other 
buildings :  God  goeth  before  us  in  offering  that  meane 
to  save  that  which  wee  seeke  and  spend  in  other  (perhaps 
enemies)  Countries ;  to  breede  up  Marriners,  to  train  up 
Souldiers,  to  exercise  labourers,  by  transportation  of 
English  and  Europaean  creatures  to  plant  another  England 
in  America,  enriched  with  the  best  things  of  Europe; 
to  give  us  Fish,  Tobacco,  and  other  present  improvements 
as  earnest  of  future  better  hopes  ;  and  that  in  these  times, 
which  have  so  manifold  necessities  thereof,  in  regard  of 
monies,  men,  and  trades  decayed,  in  regard  of  neighbour 

266 


A   DISCOURSE    ON  VIRGINIA  a.d. 

1625. 

plantations,   in   the   probabilities   of   a   South-Sea   glory, 
and  in   the  case   of  obtruded   warre,    obtruding   on   us 
absolute  necessity,  and  including  and  concluding  every 
way  so  manifold  use.     God  the  Father,  Sonne  and  holy 
Ghost,  which  goe  before  us  in  these  things,  if  not  in 
miraculous  fire  and  cloudy  pillars,  (as  when  Israel  went  Ex.  13. 
to  Canaan)  yet  in  the  light  of  reason,  and  right  conse- 
quence of  arguments ;    come  into  us  and  fill  us  with  the 
spirit    of    wisedome    and    understanding,    the    spirit    of 
counsell  and  of  fortitude,  the  spirit  of  knowledge,  and  the 
feare  of  the  Lord  (I  may  adde  the  spirit  of  unity  and 
counsell)  that  he  may  vouchsafe  to  goe  with  us,  and  we  Es.  11. 
with  him,  and  after  him  to  Virginia,  Amen, 
O  Amen.     Be  thou  the  Alpha  and 
Omega  of  Englands  Plantation 
in  Virginia  O  GOD. 

The  end  of  the  ninth  Booke. 


267 


A.D. 

l607-22. 


English  Discoveries 

and  Plantations  in  New  England  and  New-Found- 
land  ;  with  the  Patent  and  Voyages  to  New- 
Scotland  :   Relations  also  of  the  Fleets 
set  forth  by  Queene  Elizabeth 
against  the  Spaniards. 

THE    TENTH    BOOKE. 


[IV.  x. 


1827.] 


Chap.   I. 

A  briefe  Relation  of  the  Discoverie  and  Plantation 
of  New-England  :  and  of  sundry  Accidents 
therein  occurring,  from  the  yeere  of  our  Lord 
1607.  to  this  present  1622.  Published  by  the 
President  and  Councell,  and  dedicated  to  the 
Princes  Highnesse  here  abbreviated. 

Hen  this  Designe  was  first  attempted, 
some  of  the  present  Company  were 
therein  chiefly  interessed ;  who  being 
carefull  to  have  the  same  accomplished, 
did  send  to  the  discovery  of  those 
Northern  parts  a  brave  Gentleman,  Cap. 
Henry  Challons,  with  two  of  the  Natives  1.  Ca. 
of  that  Territorie,  the  one  called  Maneday,  the  other  Challons. 
Assecomet.  But  his  misfortunes  did  expose  him  to  the 
power  of  certaine  strangers,  enemies  to  his  proceedings, 

269 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1607-22. 

so  that  by  them,  his  Company  were  seized,  the  ships  and 
goods  confiscated,  and  that  Voyage  wholly  overthrowne. 
This  losse,  and  unfortunate  beginning,  did  much  abate 
the  rising  courage  of  the  first  Adventurers ;  but  immedi- 
ately upon  his  departure,  it  pleased  the  Noble  Lord  Chiefe 

2.  Cap.  Justice,  Sir  John  Popham  Knight,  to  send  out  another 
Hanamsentby  g^ipp^  wherein  Captayne  Thomas  Hanam  went  Com- 
Justke  mander,  and  Martine  Prinne  of  Bristow  Master,  with  all 
Popham.          necessary  supplyes,  for  the  seconding  of  Captayne  Challons 

and  his  people ;  who  arriving  at  the  place  appointed,  and 
not  finding  that  Captayne  there,  after  they  had  made  some 
Discoverie,  and  found  the  Coasts,  Havens,  and  Harbours 
answerable  to  our  desires,  they  returned.  Upon  whose 
Relation  the  Lord  Chiefe  Justice,  and  we  all  waxed  so 
confident  of  the  businesse,  that  the  yeere  following  every 
man  of  any  worth,  formerly  interessed  in  it,  was  willing 
to  joyne  in  the  charge  for  the  sending  over  a  competent 
number  of  people  to  lay  the  ground  of  a  hopefull 
Plantation. 

3.  Cap.  Pop-       Hereupon  Captaine  Popham,  Captaine  Rawley  Gilbert, 

r  ™m  ^  Ca^'    anc^  otners  were  sent  away  with  two  ships,  and  an  hundred 

Landmen,  Ordnance,  and  other  provisions  necessary  for 

their  sustentation  and  defence;  untill  other  supply  might 

[IV.  x.  be  sent.     In  the  meane-while,  before  they  could  returne, 

2  "J  it  pleased  God  to  take  us  from  this  worthy  member,  the 

Sir  John  Pop-  Lord  Chiefe  Justice,  whose  sudden  death  did  so  astonish 

hams  death.      ^  hearts  of  the  most  part  of  the  Adventurers,  as  some 

grew  cold,  and  some  did  wholly  abandon  the  businesse. 

Yet  Sir  Francis  Popham  his  Sonne,  certaine  of  his  private 

friends,   and   other  of  us,   omitted   not   the  next   yeere 

(holding  on  our  first  resolution)  to  joyne  in  sending  forth 

a  new  supply,  which  was  accordingly  performed. 

But    the    ships    arriving    there,    did    not    only    bring 

uncomfortable  newes  of  the  death  of  the  Lord  Chiefe 

Justice,  together  with  the  death  of  Sir  John  Gilbert,  the 

elder  Brother  unto  Captaine  Rawley  Gilbert,  who  at  that 

Captaine  Pop-  ^mt  was  President  of  that  Councell :     But  found  that 

hams  death.      the  old  Captaine  Popham  was  also  dead ;    who  was  the 

270 


A  RELATION   OF   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1607-22. 

onely  man  (indeed)  that  died  there  that  Winter,  wherein 
they  indured  the  greater  extremities ;  for  that,  in  the 
depth  thereof,  their  Lodgings  and  stores  were  burnt,  and 
they  thereby  wondrously  distressed. 

This  calamitie  and  evill  newes,  together  with  the 
resolution  that  Captaine  Gilbert  was  forced  to  take  for 
his  owne  returne  (in  that  he  was  to  succeed  his  Brother, 
in  the  Inheritance  of  his  Lands  in  England)  made  the 
whole  Company  to  resolve  upon  nothing  but  their  returne  Death  of  the 
with  the  ships  ;  and  for  that  present  to  leave  that  Countrey  plantation- 
againe,  having  in  the  time  of  their  abode  there  (notwith- 
standing the  coldnesse  of  the  season,  and  the  small  helpe 
they  had)  built  a  prettie  Barke  of  their  owne,  which  served 
them  to  good  purpose,  as  easing  them  in  their  returning. 

The  arrivall  of  these  people  here  in  England,  was  a 
wonderfull  discouragement  to  all  the  first  undertakers, 
in  so  much  as  there  was  no  more  speech  of  setling  any 
other  Plantation  in  those  parts  for  a  long  time  after : 
only  Sir  Francis  Popham  having  the  ships  and  provision,  Sir  Fr. 
which  remayned  of  the  Company,  and  supplying  what  PoPnam- 
was  necessary  for  his  purpose,  sent  divers  times  to  the 
Coasts  for  Trade  and  fishing ;  of  whose  losse  or  gaines 
himselfe  is  best  able  to  give  account. 

Our  people  abandoning  the  Plantation  in  this  sort  as 
you  have  heard ;    the  Frenchmen  immediately  tooke  the  Frenchmen 
opportunitie  to  settle  themselves  within  our  limits  ;  which  ?  e' 

beeing  heard  of  by  those  of  Virginia,  that  discreetly  tooke 
to  their  consideration  the  inconveniences  that  might 
arise,  by  suffering  them  to  harbour  there,  they  dispatched 
Sir  Samuel  Argall,  with  Commission  to  displace  them,  SirSa.Argall. 
which  he  performed  with  much  discretion,  judgement, 
valour,  and  dexteritie.  For  having  seized  their  Forts, 
which  they  had  built  at  Mount  Mansell,  Saint  Croix,  and 
Port  Reall,  he  carried  away  their  Ordnance ;  he  also 
surprised  their  Ship,  Cattle,  and  other  Provisions,  which 
he  transported  to  the  Colonie  in  Virginia,  to  their  great 
benefit.  And  hereby  hee  hath  made  a  way  for  the  present 
hopefull  Plantation   to  be  made   in  Nova   Scotia,   which  Nova  Scotia. 

271 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1607-22. 

we  heare  his  Majestie  hath  lately  granted  to  Sir  William 
Alexander  Knight,  one  of  his  Majesties  most  Honorable 
Councell  of  the  Kingdome  of  Scotland,  to  be  held  of 
the  said  Crowne,  and  that  not  without  some  of  our 
privities,  as  by  approbation  under  writing  may  and  doth 
appeare.  Whereby  it  is  manifest  that  wee  are  so  farre 
from  making  a  Monopoly  of  all  those  Lands  belonging 
to  that  Coast  (as  hath  beene  scandalously  by  some 
objected)  that  wee  wish  that  many  would  undertake  the 
like. 

In   this   Interim   there  were  of  us  who  apprehended 

better  hopes  of  good  that  might  ensue  by  this  attempt, 

being  thereunto  perswaded,  both  by  the  Relations  of  our 

people  that  had  indured  the  many  difficulties  whereunto 

such  actions  are  subjected,  chiefly  in  the  Winter  Season ; 

and  likewise  by  the  informations  given  them  by  certaine 

of  the  Natives,  that  had  beene  kept  a  long  time  in  their 

hands ;     wherefore   we  resolved   once   more   to    trie   the 

veritie  thereof,   and  to  see  if  possibly  we  might  finde 

some    thing    that    might    induce    a    fresh    resolution    to 

prosecute  a  Worke  so  pious  and   so   honourable.     And 

Cap.  Hobson     thereupon  they  dispatched  Captayne  Hobson,  of  the  He 

impkyed  with  0f  Wight,  together  with  Captayne  Herley,  Master  John 

&c  \6\i^    Matthew,   Master  Sturton,   with   two   Savages,   the  one 

called  Epenow,  the  other  Manawet,  with  Commission  and 

directions  fit  for  them  to  observe  and  follow,  the  better 

to   bring  to   passe   what   was   expected.      But   as   in   all 

humane  affaires,  there  is  nothing  more  certaine,  then  the 

uncertaintie  thereof ;    so  fell  it  out  in  this ;    for  a  little 

before  such  time  as  they  arrived  upon  the  Coast  with  the 

foresaid  Savages,  who  were  Naturals  of  those  parts,   it 

Hunts  Savage  happened  there  had  beene  one  Hunt  (a  worthlesse  fellow 

hunting  of       Qf  our  Nation,   set  out  by  certaine  Merchants  for  love 

wages.  Q£  gajne?  wno,  not  content  with  the  commoditie  he  had 

by  the  fish,  and  peaceable  Trade  he  found  among  the 

Savages,  after  he  had  made  his  dispatch,  and  was  ready 

to  set  sayle  more  Savage-like  then  they)  seized  upon  the 

poore  innocent  creatures,  that  in  confidence  of  his  honestie 

272 


A   RELATION   OF   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1607-22. 

had  put  themselves  into  his  hands.  And  stowing  them 
under  Hatches,  to  the  number  of  twentie  foure,  carried 
them  into  the  Straits,  where  he  sought  to  sell  them  for 
slaves,  and  sold  as  many  as  he  could  get  mony  for.  But 
when  it  was  understood  from  whence  they  were  brought, 
the  Friers  of  those  parts  took  the  rest  from  them,  and  ^ner\ 
kept  them  to  be  instructed  in  the  Christian  Faith ;  and  chantie- 
so  disappointed  this  unworthy  fellow  of  the  hopes  of 
gaine  he  conceived  to  make  by  this  new  and  Devillish 
project. 

This    being   knowne   by   our   two   Savages,    formerly  Wicked  effects 
spoken    of,    they   presently    contracted    such    an    hatred  °fwickednes- 
against  our  whole  Nation,  as  they  immediately  studied 
how  to  be  revenged ;    and  contrived  with  their  friends 
the  best  meanes  to  bring  it  to  passe ;  but  Manawet  dying 
in  a  short  time  after  the  shippes  arrivall  there,  and  the 
other  observing  the  good  order,  and  strong  guard  our 
people  kept,  studied  only  how  to  free  himselfe  out  of  our  [IV.  x. 
hands,   and   thereupon   laid   the   plot  very   orderly,   and  1829.] 

indeed  effected  his  purpose,  although  with  so  great  hazard 
to  himselfe  and  friends,  that  laboured  his  rescue,  that 
Captayne  Hobson  and  his  whole  Company  imagined  hee 
had  beene  slaine.  And  though  in  the  recovery  of  his 
bodie  they  wounded  the  Master  of  our  ship,  and  divers 
other  of  our  Company,  yet  was  not  their  Designe  without 
the  slaughter  of  some  of  their  people,  and  the  hurts  of 
other,  compassed,  as  appeared  afterward. 

Hereupon  Captaine  Hobson  and  his  Company,  con- 
ceiving the  end  of  their  attempt  to  bee  frustrate,  resolved 
without  more  adoe  to  returne,  and  so  those  hopes,  that 
charge  and  Voyage  was  lost  also,  for  they  brought  home 
nothing  but  the  newes  of  their  evill  successe  of  the 
unfortunate  cause  thereof,  and  of  a  Warre  now  new 
begun  betweene  the  Inhabitants  of  those  parts,  and  us. 
A  miserable  comfort  for  so  weake  meanes  as  were  now 
left,  to  pursue  the  conclusion  of  so  tedious  an  Enterprise. 

While  this  was  a  working,  we  found  the  meanes  to 
send  out  Captaine  John   Smith  from  Plimmouth,   in  a  Cap.  J. Smith. 
xix  273  s 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1607-22. 

ship,  together  with  Master  Dermer,  and  divers  others 
with  him,  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  new  Plantation,  and 
to  try  the  fishing  of  that  Coast,  and  to  seeke  to  settle  a 
Trade  with  the  Natives :  But  such  was  his  misfortune, 
as  being  scarce  free  of  our  owne  Coast,  he  had  his  Masts 
shaken  over-boord  by  stormes  and  tempests,  his  ship 
wonderfully  distressed,  and  in  that  extremitie  forced  to 
come  backe  againe ;  so  as  the  season  of  the  yeere  being 
almost  spent,  wee  were  of  necessitie  enforced  to  furnish 
him  with  another  ship,  and  taking  out  the  provision  of 
the  first,  dispatched  him  away  againe,  who  comming  to 
the  height  of  the  Westerne  Hands,  was  chased  by  a  French 
Pirate,  and  by  him  made  Prisoner,  although  his  ship  in 
the  night  escaped  away,  and  returned  with  the  losse  of 
much  of  her  provision,  and  the  overthrow  of  that  Voyage, 
to  the  ruine  of  that  poore  Gentleman  Captayne  Smith, 
who  was  detayned  Prisoner  by  them,  and  forced  to  suffer 
many  extremities,  before  he  got  free  of  his  troubles. 

Notwithstanding  these  Disasters,  it  pleased  God  so  to 

worke  for  our  incouragement  againe,  as  he  sent  into  our 

hands  Tasquantum,  one  of  those  Savages  that  formerly 

had  beene  betrayed  by  this  unworthy  Hunt  before  named, 

by  whose  means  there  was  hope  conceived  to  worke  a 

peace   betweene    us,    and   his   friends,    they   beeing    the 

principall  Inhabitants  of  that  Coast,  where  the  fire  was 

kindled.     But   this   Savage  Tasquantum,   being  at   that 

Cap.  Mason    time  in  the  New-found-land  with  Captaine  Mason,  Gover- 

Govemor  in     noUr  there  for  the  undertakers  of  that  Plantation  :    Master 

land  Plln'ta-  farmer    (who    was    there    also,    and    sometimes    before 

t\on.  imployed  as  wee  have  said  by  us,  together  with  Captayne 

John  Smith)  found  the  meanes  to  give  us  intelligence  of 

him,  and  his  opinion  of  the  good  use  that  might  bee 

made  of  his  Employment,  with  the  readinesse  of  Captayne 

Mason,  to  further  any  of  our  Attempts  that  way,  eyther 

with  Boates  or  other  provision  necessarie,  and  resolving 

himselfe  to  goe  from  thence,  advised  us  to  send  some  to 

meete  with  him  at  our  usuall  place  of  fishing ;    to  ayde 

him  in  his  indevour,  that  they  joyning  together,  might 

274 


A  RELATION   OF  NEW   ENGLAND  ad. 

1607-22. 

bee  able  to  doe  what  he  hoped  would  be  very  acceptable 
unto  all  wel-wishers  of  that  businesse.  Upon  this  newes, 
we  dispatched  the  next  season  Cap.  Rocraft,  with  a  Cap.  Rocraft. 
company  for  that  purpose,  in  hope  to  have  met  with 
Captaine  Darmer;  but  the  care  and  discretion  of  Cap. 
Mason  was  such,  finding  Captayne  Darmers  resolution 
to  goe  beyond  his  meanes,  that  he  perswaded  him  first 
to  go  for  England,  that  providing  himselfe  there,  as  was 
requisite,  hee  might  proceed  in  time  expedient,  which 
counsell  he  observed  (as  fit  it  was)  although  our  expecta- 
tion of  his  joyning  with  Captaine  Rocraft  was  thereby 
disappointed.  Yet  so  it  happened,  that  Captaine  Rocraft 
at  his  arrivall  in  those  parts,  met  with  a  French  Barke 
that  lay  in  a  Creeke  a  fishing,  and  trading,  which  hee 
seized  on,  and  sent  home  the  Master  and  Company  in  French  seized. 
the  same  ship  which  hee  went  out  in. 

With  this  Barke  and  his  owne  Company,  he  meant  to 
keepe  the  Coast  that  Winter  quarter,  being  very  well 
fitted  both  with  Salt,  and  other  necessaries  for  his  turne : 
but  as  this  was  an  Act  of  extremitie  (the  poore  man  being 
of  our  owne  Religion)  so  succeeded  it  accordingly.  For 
in  a  short  time  after,  certaine  of  this  Captaynes  Company, 
conspired  together  to  cut  his  throate,  and  to  make  them- 
selves Masters  of  the  whole  spoyle,  and  so  to  seeke  a 
new  Fortune  where  they  could  best  make  it.  This 
Conspiracie  being  discovered  to  the  Captayne,  he  let  it  Conspiracie. 
go  on,  till  the  time  that  it  should  have  beene  put  in 
execution,  when  hee  caught  them  in  their  owne  traine, 
and  so  apprehended  them  in  the  very  instant  that  they 
were  purposed  to  begin  their  Massacre. 

But  after  hee  had  prevented  the  mischiefe,  and  seized 
upon  the  Malefactors,  hee  tooke  to  his  consideration 
what  was  best  to  bee  done  with  them.  And  being  loth 
by  himselfe  to  dispatch  them  as  they  deserved,  hee 
resolved  to  put  them  a  shoare,  thinking  by  their  hazard, 
that  it  was  possible  they  might  discover  something,  that 
might  advance  the  publike ;  and  so  giving  them  some 
Armes   for   their   defence,    and    some   victuall   for   their 

275 


a.d  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1607-22. 

sustentation,  untill  they  knew  better  how  to  provide  for 

Conspirators     themselves,   hee   left   them  a  place  called   Sawaguatock, 

*st  ,     where  they  remayned  not  long,  but  got  from  thence  to 

Menehiehon.     Menehighon,  an  Hand  lying  some  three  leagues  in  the 

Sea,   and   fifteene  leagues   from   that   place,   where  they 

remayned  all  that  Winter,  with  bad  lodging,  and  worse 

fare,  yet  came  all  safe  home  save  one  sickely  man,  which 

dyed  there,  the  rest  returned  with  the  Shippe  wee  sent 

for  Rocrafts  supply  and  provision,   to  make  a  Fishing 

Voyage. 

[IV.  x.  After  these  fellowes  were  landed,  the  Captaine  finding 

1830.]  himselfe  but  weakely  man'd,  and  his  Ship  to  draw  too 

much  water  to  Coast  those  places,  that  by  his  instructions 

hee  was  assigned  to  discover,  hee  resolved  to  goe  for 

Virginia,  where  he  had  lived  a  long  time  before,  and  had 

(as  hee  conceived)  many  friends,  that  would  helpe  him 

with  some  things  that  hee  had  occasion  to  use.     Arriving 

there,  he  was  not  deceived  of  his  expectation ;    for  Sir 

Samuel    Argall    being   their    Governour,    and   one    that 

respected  him  much  for  his  owne  sake  was  the  readier 

to  helpe  him,  in  regard  of  the  good  hee  wished  to  the 

businesse  wherein  he  was  imployed. 

But  all  this  could  not  prevaile,  for  after  that  Sir  Samuel 
Argall  came  from  thence  (his  departure,  being  more 
sudden  then  was  expected)  it  fell  out  that  the  new 
Governour  entred  the  Harbour :  and  finding  Rocraft 
ready  to  bee  gone,  sent  to  him  to  command  him  to  come 
aboord  to  speake  with  him,  which  hee  readily  obeyed,  as 
soone  as  hee  could  fit  his  boat  and  men  for  that  purpose. 
And  so  leaving  his  Barke  with  her  great  Anker  at  head, 
and  taking  with  him  the  halfe  of  his  company,  he  was 
forced  to  stay  aboard  the  new  Governors  Ship  that  night. 
In  the  meane  while  a  storme  arising,  our  Barke  wanting 
hands  to  doe  their  labour,  drove  a  shoare,  and  there 
Barke  sunke.  sunke.  But  yet  the  Governour  and  Captaine  so  laboured 
the  next  day,  when  they  knew  thereof,  as  that  they  freed 
her  againe,  but  that  occasion  forced  our  Captain  to  stay 
so  long  in  the  Countrey  to  fit  himselfe  a  new,  as  in  the 

276 


A   RELATION    OF   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1607-22. 

interim  a  quarrell  fell  out  betweene  him  and  another  of 

that  place;   so  as  Rocraft  was  slaine,  and  the  Barke  sunke  Rocraft shine. 

the  second  time,  and  finally  disabled  from  yeelding  us 

any  benefit  to  this  present. 

But  we  not  knowing  this  disaster,  and  Captain  Darmer  CaP-  Darners 
arriving  with  his  Savage  out  of  New-found  land,  dis-  voia&e- 
patched  him  away  the  next  season,  in  a  Ship  wee  sent 
againe  for  the  fishing  businesse,  and  assigned  him  a 
company  to  joyne  with  Rocraft  and  his  people.  Captain 
Darmer  arriving  there,  and  not  finding  Rocraft,  was  a 
little  perplexed,  and  in  doubt  what  to  doe :  yet  hearing 
by  those  Mutiners  which  hee  found  there,  that  hee  was 
gone  for  Virginia ;  he  was  hopefull  of  his  returne ;  and 
lived  in  that  expectation,  till  such  time  as  he  heard  (by 
a  Ship  that  came  from  thence  to  fish  for  the  Colony)  the 
confusion  of  his  fortune,  and  the  end  of  his  misery  in 
this  world.  Then  hee  determined  to  take  the  Pinnace, 
that  the  yeere  before  was  assigned  to  Rocraft,  for  him  to 
make  the  Trade  with,  and  with  her  to  proceed  on  his 
designe,  and  so  embarked  himselfe  and  his  provision  and 
company  in  her.  And  leaving  the  Fisher-men  to  their 
labour,  he  coasted  the  shoare  from  thence,  searching  every 
Harbour,  and  compassing  every  Cape-land,  till  hee  arrived 
in  Virginia ;  where  hee  was  in  hope  to  meet  with  some 
of  the  provision,  or  company  of  Rocraft,  to  help  to  supply 
him  of  what  hee  wanted ;  as  also  to  lay  a  Decke  upon  Necessitie  of  a 
his  Pinnace,  that  before  had  not  any,  and  now  was  taught  D?ck  in 
by  experience  the  necessitie  of  having  that  defect  supplied.  Jnmus°J 

But  those  hopes  failed  him  (all  being  before  that  time 
ruined  and  dispersed)  so  farre,  as  he  saw  it  in  vaine  to 
hope  for  helpe  by  that  meanes,  and  therefore  attempted 
to  make  the  best  of  what  hee  had  of  his  owne.  And 
going  to  set  his  men  a  worke,  they  all  in  few  dayes  after 
their  arrivall,  fell  sicke  of  a  disease  which  hapned  at  that 
time  in  the  Countrey,  so  as  now  he  was  not  onely  forced 
to  be  without  hope  of  their  helping  of  him,  but  must 
labour  himselfe  all  hee  could  to  attend  and  sustaine  them ; 
but  so  God  favoured  him,  that  they  recovered,  and  in 

277 


A.D. 

1607-22. 


PtJRCHAS   HIS   PlLGRtMES 


Hudson! 
River. 


Darmers  dis- 
coveries. 


time  convenient  he  dispatched  his  businesse  there,  and 
put  himselfe  to  Sea  againe,  resolving  to  accomplish  in 
his  journey  backe  to  New-England,  what  in  his  last 
Discovery  he  had  omitted.  In  his  passage  he  met  with 
Hollanders  in  certaine  Hollanders,  who  had  a  trade  in  Hudsons  River 
some  yeeres  before  that  time,  with  whom  he  had 
conference  about  the  state  of  that  coast,  and  their  pro- 
ceedings with  those  people :  whose  answere  gave  him 
good  content.  Hee  betooke  himselfe  to  the  following  of 
his  businesse,  discovering  many  goodly  Rivers,  and 
exceeding  pleasant  and  fruitfull  Coasts  and  Hands,  for 
the  space  of  eightie  leagues  from  East  to  West,  for  so 
that  Coast  doth  range  along,  from  Hudsons  River  to 
Cape  James. 

Now  after  wee  had  found  by  Captaine  Rocrafts  relation 
made  the  yeere  before,  the  hopes  hee  conceived  of  the 
benefits  that  Coast  would  afford,  towards  the  upholding 
of  the  charge  for  setling  our  Plantation,  by  reason  of 
the  commodities  arising  by  Fishing  and  Furres,  if  a  course 
might  bee  taken  for  the  managing  of  that  businesse,  as 
was  fit  for  such  a  designe ;  as  well  as  for  the  advancement 
of  the  publike  good  of  our  whole  Nation,  and  satisfaction 
of  every  well  disposed  person  that  had  a  will  to  be 
interressed  therein.  It  was  held  to  be  most  convenient 
to  strengthen  our  selves  by  a  new  Grant  to  bee  obtained 
from  his  Royal  Majesty :  the  rather,  finding  that  those  of 
Virginia  had  by  two  severall  Patents  setled  their  bounds, 
and  excluded  all  from  intermedling  with  them  that  were 
not  free  of  their  Company ;  and  had  wholly  altered  the 
forme  of  their  Government,  from  the  first  ground  layed 
for  the  managing  the  affaires  of  both  Colonies,  leaving 
us  as  desperate,  and  our  businesse  as  abandoned.  These 
considerations  (as  is  said)  together  with  the  necessitie  of 
setling  our  affaires,  bounds  and  limits,  distinct  from  theirs, 
made  us  resolve  to  petition  his  Majestie  for  the  renewing 
of  our  Grant.  By  which  time  the  rumour  of  our  hopes 
was  so  publikely  spread  abroad,  and  the  commodities  of 
the  Fish  and  Trade  so  looked  into,  as  it  was  desired  that 

278 


New  Patent 
thought  on. 


A   RELATION   OF   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1607-22. 

all  that  Coast  might  bee  made  free,  as  well  to  those  of 

Virginia,  as  to  us  to  make  their  commoditie :    How  just 

or  unjust  that  motion  was,  wee  will  not  argue,  seeing  the 

businesse  is  ended.     By  this  meanes  our  proceedings  were 

interrupted,  and  wee  questioned  about  it ;    first,  by  the 

Counsell  of  Virginia,  whom  wee  thought  to  have  beene 

fully  satisfied  therein,  before  wee  could  have  way  given 

us  for  a  new  Patent,  both  parties  having  beene  heard 

by   certaine   of   the   Lords   of   the   Councell ;    and   the  [IV-  x. 

businesse  by  them  so  ordered,  as  wee  were  directed  to  l83!-J 

proceed  and  to  have  our  Grant  agreeable  to  the  libertie 

of  the  Virginia  Company,  the  frame  of  our  government 

excepted ;  but  this  order  not  being  liked  of,  it  was  againe 

heard  and  concluded.     Lastly,  the  Patent  being  past  the 

Seale,  it  was  stopt  upon  new  suggestions  to  the  King, 

and  by  his  Majesty  referred  to  the  Councel  to  be  setled, 

by  whom  the  former  Orders  were  confirmed,  the  difference 

cleered,  and  we  ordered  to  have  our  Patent  delivered  us. 

These  disputes  held  us  almost  two  yeeres,  so  as  all  men 

were  afraid  to  joyne  with  us,  and  we  thereby  left  hopelesse 

of  any  thing  more,  than  that  which  our  owne  fortunes 

would  yeeld  to  advance  our  proceedings,  in  which  time 

so  many  accidents  hapned  unto  us  at  home  and  abroad, 

that  wee  were  faine  to  give  order  by  the  Ships  wee  sent 

a  fishing,   for  the  retiring  of  Master  Darmer  and   his 

people,   untill   all   things  were   cleered,   and   wee  better 

provided  of  meanes  to  goe  through  with  our  designe : 

But  this  worthy  Gentleman  confident  of  the  good  likely 

to  ensue,   and  resolutely  resolving   to   pursue   the  ends 

he  aymed  at,  could  not  be  perswaded  to  looke  backe,  as 

yet ;    and  so  refusing  to  accept  our  offer,  began  againe 

to  prosecute  his  Discovery,  wherein  he  was  betrayed  by  Dermer 

certaine  new  Savages,  who  sodainly  set  upon  him,  giving  betraud  by 

him  fourteene  or  fifteene  wounds  ;   but  by  his  valour  and    az'agf-'     ec 
1  ••        r       •  •     1         c       1  1  •         «  J     e    1     •     1        1       SUP-  "ts  °"J)"C 

dextentie  or  spirit  nee  freed  himselre  out  or  their  hands,  /etter  t0  mc, 

yet   was   constrained   to   retire   into  Virginia   againe   the 

second  time,  for  the  cure  of  his  wounds,  where  he  fell 

sicke  of  the  infirmities  of  that  place,  and  thereof  dyed :    His  death. 

279 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1607-22. 

so  ended  this  worthy  Gentleman  his  dayes,  after  he  had 

remained  in  the  discovery  of  that  Coast  two  yeeres,  giving 

us  good  content  in  all  hee  undertooke ;    and  after  hee 

had  made  the  peace  betweene  us  and  the  Savages,  that 

so  much  abhorred  our  Nation  for  the  wrongs  done  them 

by  others,  as  you  have  heard :    but  the  fruit  of  his  labour 

in  that  behalfe  wee  as  yet  receive  to  our  great  commoditie, 

Peaceable        who  have  a  peaceable  Plantation  at  this  present  among 

Plantation  by   them,  where  our  people  both  prosper  and  live  in  good 

is  meanes.       liking,  and  assurednesse  of  their  neighbours,   that  had 

beene  formerly  so  much  exasperated  against  us,  as  will 

more  at  large  appeare  hereafter.  / 

But  having  passed  all  these  storms  abroad,  and  under- 
gone   so   many   home-bred    oppositions,    and   freed    our 
Patent,  which  wee  were  by  order  of  State  assigned  to 
Patent  renew,    for    the    amendment    of    some    defects    therein 

renewed.  contained,  wee  were  assured  of  this  ground  more  boldly 

to  proceed  on  than  before ;  and  therefore  wee  tooke 
first  to  consideration,  how  to  raise  the  meanes  to  advance 
the  Plantation.  In  the  examination  thereof,  two  wayes 
did  first  offer  themselves :  The  one  was  the  voluntary 
contribution  of  the  Patentees ;  The  other,  by  an  easie 
ransoming  of  the  freedomes  of  those  that  had  a  will  to 
partake  only  of  the  present  profits  arising  by  the  Trade 
and  Fishing  upon  the  Coast.  The  first  was  to  proceed 
from  those  Noble-men,  and  others  that  were  Patentees, 
and  they  agreed  by  order  among  themselves  to  disburse 
a  hundred  pounds  a  piece,  for  the  advancement  of  such 
necessary  businesse  as  they  had  in  hand.  The  second 
was  to  bee  accomplished  by  setling  such  liberties  and 
orders  in  the  Westerne  Cities  and  Townes,  as  might 
induce  every  reasonable  man,  in,  and  about  them, 
affecting  the  publike  good,  or  a  regular  proceeding  in 
the  businesse  of  Trade,  to  embrace  an  uniformitie,  and 
to  joyne  a  communitie  or  joynt  stock  together,  &c. 


280 


B 


A  RELATION   OF   NEW   ENGLAND  ad. 

1607-22. 

Ut  this  Countrey,  what  by  the  generall  and  particular 
situation  is  so  temperate,  as  it  seemeth  to  hold  the  Temperate 
golden  meane,  and  indeed  is  most  agreeable  to  the  nature  Llmate- 
of  our  owne,  which  is  made  manifest  by  experience,  the 
most  infallible  proofe  of  all  assertions ;    insomuch  as  our 
people  that  are  setled,  enjoy  their  life  and  health  much 
more  happily  then  in  other  places ;  which  can  be  imputed 
to  no  other  cause,  then  to  the  temperature  of  the  Climate : 
Now  as  the  Clime  is  found  to  be  so  temperate,  so  delicate 
and  healthfull,  both  by  reason  and  experience ;    such  is 
the  soile  also,   some  parts   thereof  yeelding  wonderfull  Fertile  Soile. 
increase,  both  of  Corne,  the  Natives  have  most  use  of ; 
as  also  of  our  owne,  of  all  sorts :    with  infinite  varietie 
of    nourishing   Rootes,    and    other   Hearbs    and    Fruits 
common  among  them,  but  rare  with  us.     Besides,   the 
Coast  doth  abound  with  most  convenient  Havens  and  Commodious 
Harbors,    full    of    singular    Hands    fit    for    Plantation ;   Coastm 
replenished  with  Plants  and  Wood  of  all  sorts ;   as  Oake, 
Cedars,    Spruce,    Fir,    Pyne,    Walnut,    Chestnut,    Elme, 
Sassafras,  Plum-trees,  and  Calamus  Aromaticus,  &c. 

The  people  are  tractable  (if  they  be  not  abused)  to 
commerce  and  Trade  withall,  and  as  yet  have  good  respect 
of  us.  The  Seas  are  stored  with  all  kindes  of  excellent 
Fish,  and  in  many  places  upon  the  Coast,  fit  to  make 
Salt  in.  The  Countrey  aboundeth  with  diversitie  of 
wilde  Fowle,  as  Turkies,  Partridges,  Swans,  Cranes,  wild  Fowk. 
Geese  of  al  sorts,  wild  Ducks  of  three  sorts,  many  Doves, 
especially  when  Strawberries  are  ripe. 

There  are  severall  sorts  of  Deere  in  those  parts,  and  Deere. 
some  that  bring  forth  two,   three,  and  foure  young  at 
once,  which  is  a  manifest  proofe  of  the  fertilitie  of  the 
Soile,  or  temper  of  the  Clime,  or  both  together.     There 
is  also  a  certaine  Beast,  that  the  Natives  call  a  Mosse,   The  Mosse  a 
hee  is  as  big  bodied  as  an  Oxe,  headed  like  a  fallow  stran^ bcast 
Deere,  with  a  broad  Palme,  which  hee  mues  every  yeere, 
as  doth  the  Deere,  and  neck  like  a  Red  Deere,  with  a 
short  Mane  running  downe  along  the  Ranes  of  his  back, 
his  haire  long  like  an  Elke,  but  esteemed  to  be  better 

281 


A.b. 

1607-22. 
[IV.  x. 

1832.] 


Mount 
Mansell, 

How  they  take 
the  Mosse  or 
Musse. 


Commodities. 


Sever  all Plan- 
tations along 
the  Coast. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGitlMES 

then  that  for  Sadlers  use,  he  hath  likewise  a  great  bunch 
hanging  downe  under  his  throat,  and  is  of  the  colour 
of  our  blacker  sort  of  fallow  Deere,  his  legs  are  long,  and 
his  feet  as  big  as  the  feet  of  our  Oxen,  his  taile  is  longer 
then  the  Single  of  a  Deere,  and  reacheth  almost  downe 
to  his  Huxens,  his  skinne  maketh  very  good  Buffe,  and 
his  flesh  is  excellent  good  food,  which  the  Natives  use 
to  Jerkin  and  keepe  all  the  yeere  to  serve  their  turne, 
and  so  proves  very  serviceable  for  their  use.  There  have 
beene  many  of  them  seene  in  a  great  Hand  upon  the 
Coast,  called  by  our  people  Mount  Mansell,  whither  the 
Savages  goe  at  certaine  seasons  to  hunt  them ;  the  manner 
whereof  is  by  making  of  severall  fires,  and  setting  the 
Countrey  with  people,  to  force  them  into  the  Sea,  to 
which  they  are  naturally  addicted,  and  then  there  are 
others  that  attend  them  in  their  Boates  with  Bowes  and 
weapons  of  severall  kindes,  wherewith  they  slay  and  take 
at  their  pleasure.  And  there  is  hope  that  this  kind  of 
Beasts  may  be  made  serviceable  for  ordinary  labour,  with 
Art  and  Industry. 

The  knowne  Commodities  of  that  Countrey  are  Fish 
of  severall  sorts,  rich  Furres,  as  Beavers,  Otters,  Martins, 
blacke  Fox,  Sables,  &c.  There  are  likewise  plentie  of 
Vines,  of  three  kinds,  and  those  pleasant  to  the  taste, 
yet  some  better  then  other.  There  is  Hempe,  Flax, 
Silkgrasse,  severall  veines  of  Ironstone,  commodities  to 
make  Pitch,  Rosen,  Tarre ;  Deale-boords  of  all  sorts, 
Spars,  Masts,  for  Ships  of  all  burdens ;  in  a  word,  there 
comes  no  commoditie  out  of  France,  Germany,  or  the 
Sound,  but  may  be  had  there  with  reasonable  labour  and 
industry. 

Further,  wee  have  setled  at  this  present  severall 
Plantations  along  the  Coast,  and  have  granted  Patents 
to  many  more  that  are  in  preparation  to  bee  gone  with 
all  conveniencie.  Those  of  our  people  that  are  there 
have  both  health  and  plenty,  so  as  they  acknowledge  there 
is  no  want  of  any  thing,  but  of  industrious  people,  to 
reape  the  commodities  that  are  there  to  be  had,  and  they 

282 


A  RELATION   OF   NEW   ENGLAND  ad. 

1607-22. 

are  indeed  so  much  affected  to  the  place,  as  they  are  loth 
to  bee  drawne  from  thence,  although  they  were  directed 
to  returne  to  give  satisfaction  to  those  that  sent  them, 
but  chose  rather  to  performe  that  office  by  Letters, 
together  with  there  excuse  for  breach  of  their  duty  in 
that  behalfe.  And  thus  you  see  there  is  no  labour  well 
imployed,  but  hath  his  reward  at  one  time  or  other. 
These  incouragements  have  imboldned  us  to  proceed  to 
the  ingaging  of  our  selves  for  the  building  of  some  Ships 
of  good  burden,  and  extraordinary  mould,  to  lie  upon 
the  Coast  for  the  defence  of  Merchants  and  Fishermen 
that  are  imployed  there,  as  also  to  Waft  the  Fleets,  as 
they  goe  to  and  from  their  Markets :  and  wee  purpose 
from  henceforth  to  build  our  shipping  there,  where  wed 
find  all  commodities  fit  for  that  service,  together  with 
the  most  opportune  places  that  can  bee  desired. 

Lastly,  finding  that  we  have  so  far  forth  prevailed,  as 
to  wind  our  selves  into  familiaritie  with  the  Natives 
(which  are  in  no  great  number)  along  the  Coast,  for  two 
hundred  Leagues  together,  wee  have  now  dispatched  some 
of  our  people  of  purpose,  to  dyve  into  the  bowels  of  the 
Continent,  there  to  search  and  finde  out  what  Port,  or 
Place,  is  most  convenient  to  settle  our  mayne  Plantation 
in,  where  wee  meane  to  make  the  Residencie  of  our  State 
and  Government,  as  also  to  bee  assured  what  other  com- 
modities may  bee  raysed  for  the  publike,  and  private 
benefit  of  those  that  are  dealers  in  that  businesse,  and 
willing  to  bee  interessed  in  any  the  Lands  there  :  Whither 
is  gone  this  yeere  already,  for  Trade  and  Fishing  onely, 
thirtie  Saile  of  the  better  sort  of  Ships  belonging  to  the  ThirHe  saile. 
Westerne  parts,  besides  those  who  are  gone  for  transpor-  l6zz- 
tation  of  the  Planters,  or  supply  of  such  as  are  already 
planted,  whose  returne  (as  is  supposed)  will  amount  (at 
the  least)  to  thirty  thousand  pound,  the  greater  part 
whereof  comes  home  in  Bullion.  And  therefore  as 
touching  the  third  happinesse  of  these  parts,  which  is 
the  Sea,  there  needeth  no  other  greater  commendation, 
then  this  benefit  of  Fishing  assured  unto  us  by  common 

283 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1607-22. 

Experience ;  although  it  affords  many  other  hopes,  both 
in  regard  of  the  facilitie  of  the  Navigation,  the  boldnesse 
of  the  Coast,  the  conveniencie  of  Roades,  Havens  and 
Harbors,  for  performance  of  all  manner  of  imployments ; 
yet  is  there  also  found  Showes  of  Pearle,  Ambergreece, 
great  numbers  of  Whales,  and  other  merchantable  meanes 
to  raise  profit  to  the  industrious  Inhabitants  or  diligent 
Traders. 

Chap.  II. 

The  Voyage  of  M.  Henry  Challons  intended  for 
the  North  Plantation  of  Virginia,  1606.  taken 
by  the  way,  and  ill  used  by  Spaniards :  written 
by  John  Stoneman  Pilot. 

N  Tuesday  the  twelfth  of  August,  1606. 
M.  Henry  Challons  Gentleman  set  forth 
from  Plimouth,  in  our  small  Ship  of  the 
burthen  of  fiftie  five  Tunnes  or  there- 
about, called  the  Richard  of  Plimouth. 
Wherein  went  twentie  nine  Englishmen, 
and  two  of  the  five  Savages  (whose  names 
were  Mannido  and  Assacomoit)  which  were  brought  into 
England   the  yeere   before   out   of   the  North   parts   of 
Virginia,  from  our  goodly  River  by  him  thrice  discovered, 
[IV.  x.  called  in  the  Latitude  of  43.  degrees,  20.  minutes 

1 8 3 3-J  were  imployed  for  a  farther  discovery  of  these  Coasts: 
And  if  any  good  occasion  were  offered,  to  leave  as  many 
men  as  wee  could  spare  in  the  Country.  Being  victualled 
for  eleven  or  twelve  moneths,  at  the  charges  of  the 
Honourable  Sir  John  Popham  Knight,  Lord  chiefe  Justice 
of  England,  Sir  Fardinando  Gorges  Knight,  Captaine  of 
the  Fort  of  Plimouth,  together  with  divers  other  worship- 
full  Knights,  Gentlemen  and  Merchants  of  the  West 
Countrye :  John  Stoneman  of  Plimouth  being  Pilot,  who 
had  beene  in  the  foresaid  parts  of  Virginia  the  yeere 
before,  with  George  Waymouth  :  The  Masters  name  was 
Nicholas  Hine  of  Cockington,  neere  Dartmouth ; 

284 


HENRY  CHALLONS  ad. 

1606. 

The  last  day  of  August  wee  fell  with  the  lie  of  Madera,  Madera. 
where  we  watered  and  refreshed  our  selves,  and  stayed 
three  dayes,  being  very  kindly  used  by  the  Inhabitants. 
The  third  day  of  September  wee  departed  from  thence, 
passing  betweene  Gomora  and  Palma,  two  of  the  Canary 
lies,  and  from  thence  were  driven  by  contrary  winds,  to 
take  a  more  Southerly  course  then  we  intended,  and  so 
spent  more  then  sixe  weekes  before  wee  could  recover 
any  of  the  Ant-Iles.     The  first  that  wee  could  recover, 
was  the  He  of  Saint  Lucia,  in  the  Latitude  of  14.  degrees,  Saint  Lucia. 
20.  minutes,  where  we  refreshed  our  selves  with  Wood 
and  Water.     And   saw  certaine   of   the   Savages   there, 
about  fortie  or  fiftie,  came  unto  us  at  our  Ship  in  one 
of  their  Cannoas,   bringing   unto   us   Tobacco,   Potatos, 
Plantins,  and  Cassavi  Bread,  the  which  Savages  had  slaine 
more  then  fortie  of  our  Nation,  the  yeere  before,  1605.  Fort'te  EnS^sfl 
as  after  wee  understood  by  Philip  Glasco,  and  Miles  Pett,  s/awe  h 
being  two  of  Captaine   Nicholas   Saint   Johns  company,     *fo?5\eethe 
which  was  there  treacherously  slaine  among  the  rest.         st0rie,  sup. 

Having  stayed  heare  three  dayes,  about  the  two  and  pag.  1255. 
twentieth  of  October  we  departed  thence  to  the  North- 
ward.     And  in   passing  by   the   He  of  Dominica,   wee  Dominica. 
chanced  to  see  a  white  Flag  put  forth  on  the  shoare, 
whereat  marvelling,  wee  supposed  that  some  Christians 
had  sustained  shipwrack  their.     And  forthwith  a  Cannoa 
came  off  from  the  shoare  towards  us,  which  when  they 
came  neere,  being  very  little  wind,  we  layed  our  Ship 
by  the  lee  and  stayed  for  them  a  little,  and  when  they 
were  come  within  a  little  distance  of  the  Ship,  wee  per- 
ceived in  the  Cannoa  a  Friar,  who  cried  aloud  in  the  Friar  Blascus 
Latine  tongue,  saying,  I  beseech,  as  you  are  Christians,        ieiuest- 
for  Christ  his  sake  to  shew  some  mercy  and  compassion 
on  mee,  I  am  a  Preacher  of  the  Word  of  God,  a  Friar 
of   the  Order   of   Franciscus   in   Sivill,   by   name   Friar 
Blasius.     And  that  hee  had  beene  there  sixteene  moneths 
a  Slave  unto  those  Savages ;    and  that  other  two  Friars 
which  were   of  his  company   they   had   murthered   and 
throwne  into  the  Sea.     We  demanded  of  him  then,  how 

285 


A.D. 
1606. 


Three  gallions 
lost  at 
Guadalupa. 


Causes  of 
yeer/y  sending 
of  Friars  out 
ofSpaine. 


Gold  in 
Dominica. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

he  got  so  much  favour  to  preserve  his  life,  his  Brethren 
being  murthered :  Hee  answered,  because  hee  did  shew 
the  Savages  how  to  fit  them  Sayles  for  their  Cannoas,  and 
so  to  ease  them  of  much  labour  often  in  rowing,  which 
greatly  pleased  the  Savages  as  appeared,  for  wee  saw  them 
to  use  sayles  in  their  Cannoas,  which  hath  not  beene 
seene  before. 

Then  we  demanded  of  him  where  they  had  this  Linnen 
Cloth  to  make  those  Sayles :  hee  answered,  That  about 
two  yeeres  before  that,  three  Gallions  comming  to  the 
West  Indies  were  cast  away  on  the  He  of  Gwadalopa, 
where  abundance  of  Linnen  Cloth  and  other  Merchandise 
was  cast  on  shoare.  We  demanded  farther,  what  was 
the  cause  of  his  being  in  this  place,  and  how  he  came 
thither :  he  answered,  That  the  King  of  Spaine  did  every 
yeere,  send  out  of  every  great  Monastery  certaine  Friars 
into  the  remote  parts  of  the  Indies,  both  to  seeke  to 
convert  the  Savages,  as  also  to  seeke  out  what  benefits 
or  commodities  might  be  had  in  those  parts,  and  also  of 
what  force  the  Savages  were  of,  and  what  number  of 
them  were  in  the  seven  Ant-Iles,  viz.  Saint  Vincent 
Granado,  Saint  Lucia,  Mattalina,  Dominica,  Gwadalopa, 
Aisey.  The  which  the  said  Friar  Blaseus  said  he  had 
diligently  noted  and  observed,  and  did  hope  to  make 
perfect  relation  of  such  great  benefits  and  riches  as  was 
to  be  drawne  from  thence,  as  he  doubted  not  but  would 
bee  greatly  accepted  of  his  King,  if  hee  might  live  to 
returne  to  declare  it :  For,  said  hee,  I  have  seene  in  one 
River  discending  from  the  Mountaines  in  the  He  of 
Dominica,  the  Sand  to  glitter  like  Gold  or  find  Copper, 
whereupon  I  tooke  some  of  it,  and  chewed  it  betweene 
my  teeth,  and  found  it  perfect  Mettall,  the  Savages  noting 
me,  began  to  have  some  jealousie  of  me,  so  as  I  durst 
not  take  any  farther  notice  of  it,  neither  would  they  suffer 
him  forward  to  come  neere  to  that  place.  And  farther 
hee  said,  That  if  the  great  plentie  of  divers  Fruits  and 
Roots  fit  for  mans  sustenance  were  perfectly  knowne, 
together  with  the  Sugar-canes  that  they  have  in  those 

286 


HENRY   CHALLONS  ad. 

1606. 

lies,  and  the  fertilitie  of  the  soyle  he  thought  it  would 
be  very  shortly  inhabited;  and  as  for  the  number  of 
Savages  there,  as  neere  as  we  could  understand,  was  scarce 
one  thousand  of  all  sorts  of  men,  women,  and  children 
in  all  the  said  seven  lies. 

Now,  being  moved  with  pittie  at  the  lamentable  com- 
plaint, and  humble  suit  of  this  distressed  Friar,  wee  tooke 
him  into  our  Ship,  and  sent  away  the  Savages  much 
discontented.  And  from  thence  wee  sayled  to  the  lie  of 
Saint  John  De-port-rico,  where  on  the  nine  and  twentieth 
of  October,  wee  arrived  on  the  Southside,  and  forthwith 
sent  the  Friar  on  shoare,  and  delivered  him  to  two  Heards-  They  land  the 
men,  which  most  thankfully  received  him,  and  of  their  ^jar  on  Port 
courtesie  brought  us  a  fat  Cow,  and  proferred  us  more 
with  Hogs,  Calves,  or  any  thing  else  that  they  could 
procure  us  in  recompence  of  the  good  deed  done  to  the 
Friar. 

Wee  departed  from  thence,  and  sayled  out  betweene 
the    lies    of    Saint    John    De-portrico,    and    Hispaniola  [IV.  x. 
standing  away  to  the  Northward.     And  leaving  the  great  r$34-J 

shoalds  called  Abrioio,  on  our  Larboord  side,  being  in 
the  Latitude  of  21.  and  22.  degrees,  from  thence  West- 
ward, our  course  North  North-west,  and  North-west  and 
by  North,  untill  wee  were  in  the  Latitude  of  27.  degrees 
or  better,  and  about  one  hundred  and  eightie  leagues  from 
Saint  John  de  Port  Rico. 

In  this  place  having  had  a  very  great  storme  of  Wind 
and  Raine  continuing  fiftie  sixe  houres  and  more  before 
on  the  tenth  day  of  November,  about  ten  of  the  clocke 
in  the  morning,   suddenly  we  found  our  selves  in  the 
middest  of  a  Fleet  of  eight  Sayle  of  ships  in  a  very  thicke  They  by 
fogge  of  mist  and  raine,  so  as  we  could  not  see  them  tt^aW  haP 
before  they  were  very  neere,  and  within  shot  of  tEem,  spanhhfhips 
wherein  three  of  them  were  on  the  wind-ward  of  us,  on 
a  third  and  fourth  more  to  lee-ward :    those  at  the  wind- 
ward came  rome  unto  us,  and  shot  at  us,  requiring  us 
to  speake  with  their  Admirall.     When  we  saw  that  by 
no  meanes  we  could  avoid  them,  but  that  they  would 

287 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1606. 

speake  with  us,  we  put  abroad  our  Colours,  and  went 
toward  the  Admirall,  before  wee  came  unto  him,  he 
likewise  strooke  downe  our  Sayle,  and  came  under  his 
lee,  demanding  his  pleasure :  the  other  ship  which  first 
shot  us,  all  our  Sayles  being  downe,  and  shot  our  mayne 
Sayle  in  pieces  lying  on  the  Decke. 
They  are  And  forthwith  the  Admirall  came  on  boord  of  us,  with 

h0rfdh  ^J"  two  anc*  twentie  men  m  t^ieir  ships  Boate  with  Rapiers, 
Swords,  and  halfe-pikes.  We  being  all  in  peace  stood 
readie  to  entertayne  them  in  peace.  But  assoone  as  they 
were  entred  on  boord  of  us,  they  did  most  cruelly  beate 
us  all,  and  wounded  two  of  our  Company  in  the  heads 
with  their  Swords,  not  sparing  our  Captayne  nor  any. 
Also  they  wounded  Assacomoit,  one  of  the  Savages  afore- 
said, most  cruelly  in  severall  places  in  the  bodie,  and 
thrust  quite  through  the  arme,  the  poore  creature  creeping 
under  a  Cabbin  for  feare  of  their  rigour :     and  as  they 

King  James  his  thrust  at  him,  wounding  him,  he  cried  still.     King  James, 

name  little       King  James,  King  James  his  ship,  King  James  his  ship. 

Spaniards  Thus  having  beaten  us  all  downe  under  the  Deckes, 
presently  they  beat  us  up  againe,  and  thrust  us  over-boord 
into  their  Boate,  and  so  sent  us  on  boord  of  the  Admirall 
ship.  Neither  would  they  suffer  any  of  us  to  speake  a 
word,  to  shew  the  cause  of  our  passing  the  Seas  in  these 
parts.  Neyther  regarded  they  any  thing,  our  Commission 
which  the  Captayne  held  forth  unto  them  in  his  hand : 
untill  that  the  Admirall  with  the  Company  of  foure  other 
of  the  ships,  had  rifled,  spoyled,  and  delivered  all  the 
Merchandize  and  goods  of  the  ship  among  them :  which 
beeing  done,  they  also  divided  us  beeing  thirtie  persons 
in  all  into  the  said  five  ships,  by  seven,  six,  five,  and 
foure  to  a  ship. 

Three  of  the  former  eight  Sayle  made  Sayle  away,  and 
never  came  neere  us,  neither  were  partakers  of  our  spoyle. 
Then  they  also  repayred  our  Maine  Sayle  which  was 
torne  with  the  shot  aforesaid,  and  put  their  men  into  her. 
And  after  because  they  could  not  make  her  to  sayle  well, 
they  tooke  two  of  our  men,  and  put  into  her  to  helpe 

?88 


HENRY   CHALLONS  a.d. 

1606. 

them,  the  other  five  ships  and  our  ship  kept  company 
two  or  three  dayes  together.  After  this  they  separated 
themselves  either  from  other,  not  through  any  tempest 
or  storme,  but  through  wilfull  negligence  or  simple 
Ignorance,  by  shaping  contrary  courses  the  one  from  the 
other.  So  as  not  two  of  them  kept  company  together. 
My  selfe  and  sixe  more  of  our  company  in  the  Vice- 
Admirall  (of  the  burthen  of  one  hundred  and  eightie 
tunnes ;  called  the  Peter  of  Sivill,  the  Captaynes  name 
was  Andreas  Barbear)  beeing  alone,  and  having  lost  the 
company  of  the  Fleet,  continued  our  course  untill  the 
middle  of  December :  at  which  time  being  about  twentie 
leagues  off  from  the  He  of  Santa  Maria,  one  of  the  lies 
of  the  Azores,  the  Vice-Admiral  and  the  whole  company 
disliking  the  great  Ignorance  of  the  Pilot,  because  he  had 
told  them  ten  dayes  before  that  he  was  very  neere  the 
Hands,  and  had  waited  all  this  time,  and  could  find  any 
•of  them,  entreated  me  very  earnestly  to  shew  my  skill. 
And  the  Pilot  himselfe  brought  mee  his  Instruments,  and 
besought  mee  most  earnestly  to  assist  him,  and  to  appease 
the  company.  Whereunto  by  there  much  importunitie 
I  yeelded.  And  by  Gods  assistance  on  Christmasse  Eeve, 
after  our  English  account,  I  brought  them  safe  to  the 
Barre  of  Saint  Lucas,  being  the  first  ship  of  the  whole 
Fleet  that  arrived  there. 

One  of  the  ships  of  this  Fleet,  by  the  great  Ignorance 
of  the  Spanish  Masters,  Pilots,  and  Mariners  was  driven 
bjeyond  all  the  Coast  of  Spaine,  into  Burdeaux  in 
Gascoyne,  In  which  shippe  the  Officers  of  the  Admiraltie  French  ^ 
•of  France,  finding  foure  of  our  Englishmen  prisoners  courUste- 
under  the  Deckes  in  hold  ;  to  wit,  Master  Daniell  Tucker, 
who  was  our  Cape  Merchant,  Pierce  Gliddon  and  two 
others,  did  very  friendly  set  them  at  libertie ;  and  the 
said  Daniel  Tucker  presently  arrested  the  Spanish  ship 
and  goods  beeing  of  great  value,  which  of  long  time 
remayneth  under  arrest. 

The  good  Duke  of  Medina  hearing  of  the  arrivall  of 
certaine  English  prisoners  taken  here,  the  Coast  of  the 
xix  289  T 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

j  606. 

West  Indies,  sent  command  to  the  Captaynes  of  the 
Spanish  ships,  to  bring  foure  of  the  chiefest  to  be  brought 
before  him.  Whereupon  my  selfe,  Master  Thomas  Saint 
John,  John  Walrond  our  Steward,  and  William  Stone 
our  Carpenter  were  brought  before  him.  The  ship 
wherein  Master  Challons  was,  was  not  yet  come. 

Master  David  Nevill  an  Englishman  dwelling  in  Saint 
Lucas,  was  appointed  our  Interpretor.  And  then  the 
Duke  required  me  upon  my  oath  to  yeeld  a  true  and 
faithfull  answere,  according  to  the  whole  state  and  manner 
of  our  Voyage  and  proceedings,  which  I  did,  according 
to  the  former  Relation  afore  written,  whereupon  his 
[IV.  x.  Excellencie  replyed  unto   the  Spanish   Captaynes  which 

l835-l  had  brought  us,  saying,  if  this  bee  true  which  this 
Englishman  affirmeth,  you  have  greatly  wronged  these 
men.  And  so  commanded  them  to  provide  meate,  drinke,. 
and  fit  lodging  for  us,  and  to  bring  us  againe  the  next 
day  before  him.  They  sent  us  neverthelesse  to  Sivill, 
where  wee  were  brought  to  a  Dutchmans  house,  called 
Signior  Petro,  where  we  were  reasonably  lodged,  and 
entertayned  that  night. 

The  next  morning  being  New  yeeres  day  we  were 
brought  before  the  President  of  Sivill,  at  the  Contracta- 
tion,  who  hearing  of  our  comming,  and  not  vouchsafing 
to  speake  with  us,  sent  foure  Officers  to  us,  and  cast  us 
Their  into  Prison.     Where  for  the  space  of  five  dayes  wee  had 

-imprisonment.  pUDlike  allowance,  but  such  as  poore  men  which  were 
there  Prisoners,  also  did  of  their  mercie  bestow  on  us. 
At  length  after  many  humble  Sutes,  and  earnest  Petitions 
exhibited  to  the  President,  we  had  a  Riall  of  Plate  allowed 
to  each  man  a  day,  which  is  sixe  pence  English,  which 
by  reason  of  the  dearth  of  all  sorts  of  victuall  in  those 
parts,  will  not  goe  so  far  as  three  pence  in  England. 

And  so  at  severall  times,  within  one  moneth  after  eleven 
more  of  our  Company  were  committed  to  Prison,  as  they 
came  home,  whereof  our  Captaine  was  one.  Notwith- 
standing that  the  good  Duke  of  Medina  had  discharged 
both  him  and  all  those  of  his  Company,  which  came  into 

290 


HENRY   CHALLONS  a.d. 

1606. 

Spaine  with  him,  and  willed  him  to  got  home  to  the 
Court  of  England,  or  to  the  Court  of  Spaine  where  he 
thought  to  have  best  reliefe  for  his  poore  imprisoned 
Company.  Whereupon  Nicholas  Hine  our  Master,  and 
two  more  of  our  men  wisely  foreseeing  what  was  like  to 
bee  the  Issue,  made  haste  away  out  of  the  Citie,  and  so 
got  passage  and  escaped  into  England. 

Before  the  comming  of  our  Captaine  to  Sivill,  my 
selfe  and  eleven  more  of  my  Company  were  examined 
before  the  President  of  the  Contractation  :  who  finding  no 
just  cause  of  offence  in  us,  did  often  earnestly  examine 
me  of  the  manner  and  situation  of  the  Countrie  of 
Virginia,  together  with  the  Commodities  and  benefit 
thereof.  And  after  the  comming  of  our  Captaine,  they 
likewise  examined  him  to  the  same  purpose.  We 
answered  both  to  one  purpose,  according  to  our  Com- 
mission in  writing,  which  the  Spaniards  at  our  taking 
at  Sea,  had  preserved  and  delivered  up  unto  the  hands 
of  the  President.  Within  few  dayes  after,  they  gave  our 
Captaine  and  Master  Thomas  Saint  John,  libertie  of 
mayne  Prison,  upon  the  securitie  of  two  English 
Merchants,  which  were  Master  William  Rapier,  and 
Master  John  Peckeford,  whereof  the  later  is  dwelling 
and  maried  in  Sivill.  The  rest  of  the  Company  being 
one  and  twentie  in  Prison,  continued  still  in  miserable 
estate.  And  about  two  moneths  after,  Robert  Cooke  of  Hard  hearted 
London  one  of  our  Company  fell  sick  of  a  Fluxe,  whereof  Spaniard. 
he  languished  three  moneths  and  more,  and  by  no  meanes 
that  wee  could  make,  could  get  him  forth  to  bee  cured, 
although  wee  spent  more  then  sixtie  Rials  in  Supplicaves 
and  Sutes  to  get  him  out.  At  length  being  dead,  they 
caused  his  bodie  to  bee  drawne  up  and  downe  the  Prison  Cruell 
by  the  heeles,  naked,  in  most  contemptible  manner,  crying,  mman^- 
Behold  the  Lutheran,  as  five  others  of  our  Company 
beeing  then  in  Prison  beheld :  and  so  laid  him  under 
the  Conduit,  and  powred  water  into  his  dead  bodie.  This 
done,  they  cut  off  his  Eares,  Nose  and  Members,  as  the 
Spaniards  themselves  confessed  unto  us,  and  so  conveyed 

291 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1606. 

his  bodie  wee  could  never  learne  whether,  although  we 
proffered  them  money  to  have  his  dead  corps  to  burie  it. 
Shortly  after  Nathaniel  Humfrie  our  Boatswaine  was 
stabbed  into  the  belly  with  a  Knife  by  a  Spaniard,  which 
was  a  slave  in  the  Prison,  and  fourteene  dayes  after  dyed, 
who  beeing  dead  I  went  unto  the  Keeper  of  the  Prison, 
desiring  to  buy  his  dead  bodie  to  burie  it,  and  so  for 
twenty  Rials  I  bought  his  bodie,  and  buried  it  in  the  field. 
Then  we  besought  the  President  for  Justice  on  this  slave 
which  had  slaine  our  Boatswaine :  he  demanded  what  we 
would  have  of  the  slave.     And  we  requested,  that  as  he 
had  slaine  an  honest  and  worthy  man  of  ours  causelesse, 
that  hee  might  die  for  it  according  to  the  Law.     The 
President  answered  no,  but  if  we  would  have  him  con- 
demned for  two  or  three  yeares  more  to  the  Gallies  he 
Spanish  Presi-  should.     For  said  hee,  The  King  of  Spaine  will  not  give 
dents  respect  to   tfe  \[fe  0f  tfe  worst   Slave   that  he  hath,   for  the  best 
the  English.      Subject  the  King  of  England  hath,  and  so  sent  us  away 
with  this  answere.     Whereupon  being  out  of  all  hope  of 
Honest  Justice  with  the  President,  we  repaired  unto  the  Regent 

bpamar  s.  being  an  Ecclesiasticall  man,  one  of  the  chiefest  Judges 
of  the  Citie,  desiring  likewise  Justice  on  the  Murtherer 
aforesaid :  who  in  kind  tearmes  promised  us  Justice,  and 
so  willed  us  to  retaine  counsell  and  Atturnies  to  prosecute 
our  Sute ;  which  wee  did  accordingly,  and  so  after  two 
moneths  Sute,  and  the  cost  of  more  then  two  hundred 
Rials  on  Lawyers,  Scribes  and  other  Officers  at  length 
we  had  him  hanged  by  the  favour  of  the  Regent,  which 
otherwise  we  had  never  obtained. 

And  now  I  may  not  omit  to  shew  how  I  got  the  libertie 
to  have  the  scope  of  the  Citie  for  my  Race  to  come, 
and  go.  Having  beene  three  moneths  in  close  Prison 
with  our  poore  company  as  aforesaid.  At  length  I  got 
the  favour  of  two  Englishmen  inhabiting  in  Sivill  named 
Constantine  Collins,  and  Henry  Roberts  who  did  ingage 
themselves  for  me.  The  Spaniards  were  very  desirous 
to  have  me  to  serve  their  State,  and  proffered  me  great 
wages,    which    I    refused    to    doe,    affirming,    that    this 

292 


HENRY   CHALLONS  a.d. 

1606. 

imployment   which   I   had   in   hand,   was   not   yet   ended 

untill  which  time  I  would  not  determine  any. 

Then  the  Alcadie  major  of  the  Contractation  House 
and  divers  others  Merchants  perswaded  me  to  make  them 
some  descriptions  and  Maps  of  the  Coast  and  parts  of 
Virginia,  which  I  also  refused  to  doe.  They  being 
discontent  with  me,  sent  mee  againe  to  Prison,  where  I 
continued  two  and  twentie  dayes,  and  then  I  making  [IV.  x. 
meanes  unto  my  good  friends  borrowed  money,  and  so  1836.] 

gave  divers  bribes  unto  the  keepers  of  the  Prison,  where- 
upon they  gave  mee  libertie  to  goe  abroad  againe  into  the 
Citie  at  my  pleasure.  And  wayting  every  day  for  some 
order  from  the  Court  of  Spaine  of  our  discharge,  there 
came  none  but  delayes  and  prolonging  of  our  troubles 
and  miseries.  So  as  we  began  almost  to  despaire  of 
libertie. 

At  length  an  honest  Dutch  Merchant  dwelling  in  Sivill, 
named  Hanse  Eloyse,  sent  unto  mee  to  speake  with  me, 
which  when  I  came  unto  him,  signified  unto  me  what  he 
had  learned  of  one  of  the  Judges  of  the  Contractation : 
who  told  him  as  he  reported  unto  me,  that  the  Spaniards 
had  a  great  hate  unto  me  above  all  others,  because  they 
understood  that  I  had  beene  a  former  Discoverer  in 
Virginia,  at  the  bringing  into  England  of  those  Savages ; 
and  that  they  thought  it  was  by  my  instigation  to  perswade 
our  State  to  inhabit  those  parts.  And  because  they  had 
received  so  small  knowledge  of  those  parts  by  my  con- 
fession :  and  that  they  could  not  perswade  mee  to  serve 
that  State,  neither  would  make  them  any  note  draught, 
or  descriptions  of  the  Countrie.  They  resolved  to  bring 
to  the  Racke  and  torment  me,  whereby  to  draw  some 
further  knowledge  by  confession  from  me,  before  any 
discharge  might  come  for  us.  The  which  this  honest 
Merchant  considering,  and  the  Innocencie  of  our  case, 
gave  me  to  understand.  And  wished  mee  rather  to  flie 
and  preserve  my  selfe,  then  to  stand  to  their  mercie  on 
the  Racke,  I  hearing  this  the  next  morning,  being  the 
three  and  twentieth  of  October,  suddenly  fled  from  Sivill, 

293 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1606. 

and  with  me  Master  Thomas  Saint  John  aforesaid,  and 
one  other  of  our  Company  named  James  Stoneman  my 
Brother,  whom  through  great  cost  and  charges  bestowed 
on  the  Keepers  of  the  Prison  a  little  before  I  had  got 
forth  to  bee  cured  of  a  Callenture.  Thus  wee  fled  from 
Sivill,  leaving  Master  Henry  Challons  our  Captaine  at 
libertie  upon  sureties,  and  sixteene  more  of  our  Company 
in  close  Prison. 

From  thence  on  the  five  and  twentieth  of  October, 
wee  came  to  a  Mount  in  the  Cundado,  where  finding  no 
passage  by  any  shipping  into  England,  France  or  Flanders. 
Wee  travelled  through  Algarvie,  to  the  Port  of  Setunall, 
and  finding  no  passage  there,  wee  travelled  to  Lisbone  in 
Portugall.  Where  wee  arrived  the  one  and  thirtieth  of 
October,  and  there  found  ships  readie  bound  to  goe  to 
England,  but  the  wind  was  contrary  for  fourteene  dayes. 
At  the  time  of  our  abode  at  Lisbone,  wee  understood 
that  three  Carrickes  were  come  from  the  East  Indies : 
whereof  one  was  arrived  safely  at  Lisbone  tenne  dayes 
before  our  comming  thither.  Another  was  driven  to  lee- 
ward, and  put  in  Veego,  as  wee  heard.  The  third 
Carracke  beeing  at  the  He  of  Tercera,  was  so  leake  that 
they  could  not  bring  her  home  into  Portugall,  but 
unloaded  her  into  three  of  the  King  of  Spaines  great 
Armadoes,  to  bring  the  goods  more  safely  to  Lisbone. 
Which  Ships  at  their  comming  before  the  mouth  of  the 
River  of  Lisbone  in  the  night  within  three  dayes  after 
Three  ships  my  comming  thither,  were  all  cast  away  on  certaine 
castaway,  shoaldes  there  called  Oscachopos,  or  as  wee  commonly 
call  them  the  Catchops,  where  of  nine  hundred  men,  as 
the  Portugalls  reported,  but  only  thirtie  seven  were  saved, 
and  of  the  goods  very  little  at  all :  because  the  said  ships 
being  cast  away  on  the  ebbe,  the  goods  were  driven  off 
into  the  Sea,  the  dead  bodies  of  many  that  were  drowned, 
I  my  selfe  saw  cast  on  the  shore  with  the  sundry  wrackes 
of  the  parts  of  the  Ships  Masts  and  Yards,  with  other 
wracke  of  Caske,  Chists,  and  such  like  in  great 
abundance. 

294 


HENRY   CHALLONS  a.d. 

1606. 

The  fourteenth  day  of  November  the  winde  being  faire, 
wee  tooke  passage  from  Lisbone  in  a  small  Barke 
belonging  to  Bidiford,  called  the  Marget,  and  on  the 
foure  and  twentieth  of  the  same  we  were  landed  at  Saint 
Ives  in  Cornwall,  and  from  thence  I  hasted  to  Plimmouth, 
where  I  shewed  unto  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  divers 
others  the  Adventurers,  the  whole  Discourse  of  our 
unhappie  Voyage  together  with  the  miseries  that  wee  had, 
and  did  indure  under  the  Spaniards  hands.  And  then 
hasted  with  all  the  speed  I  could  toward  the  Court  of 
England,  where  I  was  assured  to  my  great  comfort ;  that 
they  either  were  alreadie,  or  very  shortly  should  bee 
delivered. 

Before    my    departure    from    Sivill,    I    should    have 

remembred,    that    about    Whitsontide    last    there    were 

brought  into  the  Prison  of  the  Contractation  there,  two 

young  men  brought  out  of  the  West  Indies,  in  one  of 

the  Kings  Gallions,  which  were  of  Captaine  John  Legats  Cap.  John 

company  of  Plimmouth,  which  departed  out  of  England,  LeSat  °f 

about  the  latter  end  of  July  1606.  bound  for  the  River  plimmutL 

of  Amazons,  as  hee  told  me  before  his  going  forth,  where 

hee  had  beene  two  yeeres  before.     And  comming  on  the 

Coast  of  Brasill  as  those  young  men  (the  name  of  one 

of   them   is   William   Adams   borne   in   Plumpton   neere  Mutine. 

Plimmouth)   reported   unto   mee   whether   falling   to   the  Cap.  Legat 

leeward  of  the  River  of  Amazons,  or  deceived  by  his  slaine  h  Ais 

Master  they  knew  not.     And  not  being  able  to  recover  muttfl0usarzu> 

the  said  River,  were  constrayned  to  refresh  in  the  West  not  when  tfiey 

Indies,  in  which  time  there  fell  a  great  disorder  betweene  had  done  to 

the  said  Captaine  Legat  and  his  company,  so  as  one  of  bring  home 

his  company,  in  a  broyle  within  themselves  aboard  there  heirship, and 
1  •         1         \  •  1   r*      j.  •        t  1     ,.1.  1  •  so  stumbled  on 

ship,  slue  the  said  Captaine  JLegat,  whether  in  his  owne  Spa„;sA 

private  quarrell  or  with  the  consent  of  the  rest  of  the  justicers.   I 

Company,  they  could  not  tell  mee.     But  this  is  the  more  have  heard 

to  bee  suspected  for  that  he  alwayes  in  former  Voyages  hm  much 

dealt  very  straitly  with  his  company.     After  his  death  ™™*dfif 

1  •  •  •  1      ti        r  is-  1       <-.        1       a  proper  and 

his  company  comming  to  the  He  or  Finos,  on  the  South-  expert  Sea- 
side,  of   Cuba,    to   refresh   themselves,    being   eighteene  man. 

295 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1606. 

persons    were    circumvented    by    the    trecherie    of    the 
Spaniards,  and  were  there  betrayed,  and  taken  Prisoners : 
[IV.  x.  anc[    within    foure    dayes    after,    of    eighteene    persons, 

1  3?-J  fourteene  were  hanged  the  other  foure  being  youths  were 
saved  to  serve  the  Spaniards,  whereof,  two  of  them, 
refusing  to  serve  longer  in  there  ships,  were  put  into 
the  Prison  at  Sivill,  the  other  two  remayne  still  as  slaves 
to  the  Spaniards. 

This  I  had  the  rather  noted  to  the  end  that  it  may  be 
the  better  considered  what  numbers  of  ships  and  men 
have  gone  out  of  England,  since  the  conclusion  of  peace 
betweene  England  and  Spaine,  in  the  way  of  honest 
Trade  and  Tramque,  and  how  many  of  them  have 
miserably  miscarried.  Having  beene  slaine,  drowned, 
hanged  or  pittifully  captived,  and  thrust  out  of  their 
ships  and  all  their  goods. 

REader,  I  had  by  me  the  Voyage  of  Captaine  Thomas 
Hanham,  (written  by  himselfe)  unto  Sagadahoc  :  also 
the  written  Journals  of  Master  Raleigh  Gilbert  which 
stayed  and  fortified  there  in  that  unseasonable  Winter 
(fit  to  freeze  the  heart  of  a  Plantation)  of  James  Davies, 
John  Eliot,  &c.  but  our  voluminousnesse  makes  me  afraid 
of  offending  nicer  and  queasier  stomackes :  for  which 
cause  I  have  omitted  them,  even  after  I  had  with  great 
labour  fitted  them  to  the  Presse :  as  I  have  also  done  a 
written  large  Tractate  of  Mawaushen,  and  the  Voyage 
of  Master  Edward  Harlie  (one  of  the  first  Planters  with 
Cap.  Popham)  and  Nicholas  Hobson  to  those  parts  1 6 1 1 . 
with  divers  Letters  from  Cap.  Popham  and  others.  You 
must  observe,  that  it  was  in  those  times  called  by  the 
name  of  Virginia,  and  the  Northerne  Plantation  or 
Colonic  But  Captaine  Smith  (a  man  which  hath  so 
many  Irons  in  our  fire)  presented  a  Booke  of  the  Countrie 
to  Prince  Charles  his  Highnesse,  with  a  Map  of  the 
Countrey,  who  stiled  it  (as  our  hopes  are,  he  will  one 
day  make  it)  New  England,  and  altered  the  Savage  names, 
of  places  to  English.     Hee  made  one  Voyage  thither,. 

296 


CAPTAIN   JOHN    SMITH 

Anno  1 6 14.  and  the  next  yeere  beganne  another,  which 
taken  by  Frenchmen,  he  was  not  able  to  make  up  :  but 
in  testimonie  of  his  love  to  his  Countrey  here,  and  of  his 
hopes  there  hath  written  divers  Bookes,  One  called  A 
Description  of  New  England  (in  which  his  said  Voyages 
are  described,  with  the  description  of  the  Countrey  and 
many  Arguments  to  incite  men  to  that  undertaking ; 
which  I  had  also  prepared  for  the  Presse,  but  for  the 
former  feares  have  omitted)  the  other  called  New 
Englands  Trials  twice  or  thrice  printed,  out  of  which  I 
have  added  thus  much,  that  the  World  may  see  the 
benefit  to  bee  made  by  fishing,  and  may  also  be  better 
acquainted  with  the  successe  and  succession  of  New 
Englands  Affaires. 

Chap.   III. 

Extracts  of  a  Booke  of  Captaine  John  Smith, 
printed  1622.  called  New  Englands  tryalls,  and 
continuing  the  Storie  thereof,  with  Motives  to 
the  businesse  of  fishing  there. 

The  benefit  of  fishing,  as  Master  Dee  reporteth  in 
his  Brittish  Monarchic 

E  saith  that  it  is  more  then  foure  and 
fortie  yeeres  agoe,  and  it  is  more  then 
fortie  yeeres  since  he  writ  it,  that  the 
Herring  Busses  out  of  the  Low-countries, 
under  the  King  of  Spaine,  were  five 
hundred,  besides  one  hundred  French- 
men, and  three  or  foure  hundred  Sayle 
of  Flemmings. 

The  Coasts  of  Wales  and  Lancashire  was  used  by  three 
hundred  Sayle  of  strangers. 

Ireland  and  Baltemore  fraugted  yeerly  three  hundred 
Sayle  of  Spaniards,  where  King  Edward  the  Sixt  intended 
to  have  made  a  strong  Castle,  because  of  the  Strait,  to 
have  Tribute  for  fishing. 

297 


A.D. 
l622. 


a.d  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

Bkcke  Rocke  was  yeerely  fished  by  three  or  foure 
hundred  Sayle  of  Spaniards,  Portugals,  and  Biskiners. 

Master  Gentleman,  and  many  Fisher-men  and  Fish- 
mongers, with  whom  I  have  conferred,  report,  The 
Hollanders  raise  yeerely  by  Herring,  Cod,  and  Ling, 
3000000.  pounds. 

English  and  French  by  Salt-fish,  Poore  John,  Salmons, 
and  Pilchards,  300000.  pounds. 

Hamborough  and  the  Sound,  for  Sturgion,  Lobsters 
and  Eeles,  1 00000.  pounds. 

Cape  Blanke  for  Tunny  and  Mullit,  by  the  Biskiners 
and  Spaniards,  30000.  pounds. 

But  divers  other  learned  experienced  Observers  say, 
though  it  may  seeme  incredible,  That  the  Duke  of  Medina 
receiveth  yeerely  tribute  of  the  Fishers  for  Tunny,  Mullit 
and  Purgos,  more  then  10000.  pounds. 

Lubeck  hath  seven  hundred  Ships :  Hamborough  six 
hundred :  Embden  lately  a  Fisher  Towne,  one  thousand 
foure  hundred,  whose  Customes  by  the  profit  of  fishing 
hath  made  them  so  powerfull  as  they  bee. 

Holland  and  Zealand,  not  much  greater  then  Yorke- 
[IV.  x.  shire,  hath  thirtie  walled  Townes,  foure  hundred  Villages, 

1838.]  20000.  saile  of  Ships  and  Hoyes ;  thirtie  sixe  thousand 
are  Fisher-men,  whereof  one  hundred  are  Doggers,  seven 
hundred  Pinkes  and  Wel-boates,  seven  hundred  Frand 
Boates,  Britters  and  Tode-boats,  with  one  thousand  three 
hundred  Busses,  besides  three  hundred  that  yeerely  fish 
about  Yarmouth,  where  they  sell  their  Fish  for  Gold ; 
and  fifteene  yeeres  ago  they  had  more  then  11 6000.  Sea- 
faring men. 

The  fishing  shippes  doe  take  yeerely  two  hundred 
thousand  Last  of  fish,  twelve  barrels  to  a  Last,  which 
amounted  to  3000000.  pounds  by  the  Fishermens  price, 
that  fourteene  yeeres  agoe  did  pay  for  their  Tenths 
300000.  pound ;  which  venting  in  Pumerland,  Sprussia, 
Denmarke,  Lefland,  Russia,  Swethland,  Germany,  Nether- 
lands, England,  or  else-where  &c.  make  their  returnes  in 
a  yeere  about  7000000.  pounds ;  and  yet  in  Holland  they 

298 


CAPTAIN   JOHN   SMITH  ad. 

1622. 

have  neither  matter  to  build  ships,  nor  Merchandize  to 
set  them  forth ;  yet  by  their  industrie  they  as  much 
increase,  as  other  Nations  decay.  But  leaving  these 
uncertainties  as  they  are,  of  this  I  am  certaine : 

That  the  Coast  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  the 
North  Sea,  with  Ireland  and  the  Sound,  New-found-land, 
and  Cape  Blanke,  doe  serve  all  Europe,  as  well  the  Land 
Townes  as  Ports,  and  all  the  Christian  shipping,  with 
these  sorts  of  Staple  fish  which  is  transported,  from  whence 
it  is  taken,  many  a  thousand  mile,  viz.  Herring,  Salt-fish, 
Poore  John,  Sturgion,  Mullit,  Tunny,  Porgos,  Caviare, 
Buttargo. 

Now  seeing  all  these  sorts  of  fish,  or  the  most  part  of 
them,  may  be  had  in  a  Land  more  fertile,  temperate,  and 
plentifull  of  all  necessaries  for  the  building  of  ships, 
Boates,  and  houses,  and  the  nourishment  of  man ;  the 
Seasons  are  so  proper,  and  the  fishings  so  neere  the 
habitations,  we  may  there  make,  that  New  England  hath 
much  advantage  of  the  most  of  those  parts,  to  serve  all 
Europe  far  cheaper  then  they  can,  who  at  home  have 
neither  Wood,  Salt,  nor  Food,  but  at  great  rates ;  at  Sea 
nothing  but  what  they  carrie  in  their  ships,  an  hundred 
or  two  hundred  leagues  from  their  habitation. 

But  New  Englands  fishings  is  neere  land,  where  is  , 
helpe  of  Wood,  Water,  Fruites,  Fowles,  Corne,  or 
other  refreshings  needfull ;  and  the  Terceras,  Mederas, 
Canaries,  Spaine,  Portugall,  Provance,  Savoy,  Sicilia,  and 
all  Italy,  as  convenient  Markets  for  our  dry  fish,  greene 
fish,  Sturgion,  Mullit,  Caviare,  and  Buttargo,  as  Norway, 
Swethland,  Littuania,  or  Germany,  for  their  Herring, 
which  is  here  also  in  abundance  for  taking,  they  returning 
but  Wood,  Pitch,  Tarre,  Sope-ashes,  Cordage,  Flaxe, 
Waxe,  and  such  like  Commodities  :  we,  Wines,  Oyles, 
Sugars,  Silkes,  and  such  Merchandize  as  the  Straits 
affoord,  whereby  our  profit  may  equalize  theirs ;  besides 
the  increase  of  shipping  and  Mariners.     And  for  proofe 

hereof:  .  Proofe  u 

With  two   ships   sent   out  at  the  charge  of  Captaine   1614. 

299 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

Marmaduke  Roydon,  Captaine  George  Langam,  Master 
John  Buley  and  W.  Skelton,  I  went  from  the  Downes  the 
third  of  March,  and  arrived  in  New  England  the  last  of 
April,  where  I  was  to  have  stayed  but  with  ten  men  to 
keepe  possession  of  those  large  Territories.  Had  the 
Whales  proved,  as  curious  information  had  assured  mee 
and  my  Adventures,  (but  those  things  failed.)  So  having 
but  fortie  five  men  and  boyes,we  built  seven  Boates,  thirtie 
seven  did  fish :  my  selfe  with  eight  others  ranging  the 
Coast,  I  tooke  a  plot  of  what  I  could  see,  got  acquaintance 
of  the  Inhabitants;  1100.  Bever  skinnes,  a  hundred 
Martines,  and  as  many  Otters.  Fortie  thousand  of  dry 
fish  wee  sent  for  Spaine,  with  the  Salt-fish,  traine  Oyle 
and  Furres,  I  returned  for  England  the  eighteenth  of 
July,  and  arrived  safe  with  my  Company  the  latter  end 
of  August.  Thus  in  sixe  moneths  I  made  my  Voyage 
out  and  home ;  and  by  the  labour  of  five  and  fortie,  got 
neere  the  value  of  fifteene  hundred  pounds  in  those 
grosse  Commodities.  This  yeere  also  one  went  From 
Plimmouth,  set  out  by  divers  of  the  He  of  Wight,  and 
the  West  Countrie,  by  the  directions  and  instructions 
of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge,  spent  their  victuals,  and 
returned  with  nothing. 

Proofe  2.       The  Virginia  Company  upon  this  sent  foure  good  ships  ; 

x6i5-  and  because  I  would  not  undertake  it  for  them,  having 
ingaged  my  selfe  to  them  of  the  West,  the  Londoners 
entertained  the  men  that  came  home  with  me.  They 
set  sayle  in  January,  and  arrived  there  in  March ;  they 
found  fish  enough  untill  halfe  June,  fraughted  a  ship  of 
three  hundred  tunnes,  went  for  Spaine,  which  was  taken 
by  the  Turkes ;  one  went  to  Virginia  to  relieve  that 
Colonie,  and  two  came  for  England  with  the  greene  fish, 
traine  Oyle  and  Furres  within  six  moneths. 

Proofe  3.        In    January    with    two    hundred    pounds   in    cash    for 

l&l5-  adventure,  and  six  Gentlemen  well  furnished,  I  went  from 
London  to  the  foure  Ships  was  promised,  prepared  for 
mee  in  the  West  Countrey,  but  I  found  no  such  matter ; 
notwithstanding  at  the  last,  with  a  labyrinth  of  trouble  I 

300 


CAPTAIN   JOHN   SMITH  a.d. 

1622. 

went  from  Plimoth,  with  a  Ship  of  two  hundred  Tunnes, 

and  one  of  fiftie :  when  the  fishing  was  done  onely  with 

fifteene  I  was  to  stay  in  the  Countrey ;    but  ill  weather 

breaking  all  my  Masts,  I  was  forced  to  returne  to  Plimoth, 

where  rather  then  lose   all,   reimbarking   my   selfe   in   a 

Barke  of  sixtie  Tuns,  how  I  escaped  the  English  Pyrats 

and  the  French,  and  was  betrayed  by  foure  Frenchmen  of 

War,  I  refer  you  to  the  description  of  New  England : 

but  my  Vice-Admirall,  notwithstanding  the  latenesse  of 

the  yeere,  setting  forth  with  me  in  March,  the  Londoners 

in   January,   shee  arrived   in   May,   they   in   March,   yet 

came  home  well  fraught  in  August,  and  all  her  men  well, 

within  five  moneths,  odde  dayes.  Proofe  4 

The  Londoners   ere   I  returned   from   France,   for  all   161 6. 
their  losse  by  the  Turkes,  which  was  valued  about  foure  [IV.  x. 
thousand  pounds  sent  two  more  in  July  ;   but  such  courses  l839-J 

they  tooke  by  the  Canaries  to  the  West  Indies,  it  was 
ten  moneths  ere  they  arrived  in  New  England,  wasting 
in  that  time  their  seasons,  victuall,  and  health,  yet  there 
they  found  meanes  to  refresh  themselves,  and  the  one 
returned,  neere  fraught  with  Fish  and  Traine,  within  two 
moneths  after. 

From  Plimoth  went   foure   Ships,   onely   to   Fish  and  Proofe  5. 
Trade,  some  in  February,  some  in  March,  one  of  two   1616. 
hundred  Tuns  got  thither  in  a  moneth,  and  went  full 
fraught   for   Spaine,   the   rest   returned   to   Plimoth   well 
fraught,  and  their  men  well,  within  five  moneths,  odde 
dayes. 

From  London  went  two  more,  one  of  two  hundred  Proofe  6. 
Tuns,  got  thither  in  sixe  weekes,  and  within  sixe  weekes  l6l6- 
after,  with  fortie  foure  men  and  boyes  was  full  fraught, 
and  returned  againe  into  England  within  five  moneths 
and  a  few  dayes ;  the  other  went  to  the  Canaries  with 
dry  fish,  which  they  sold  at  a  great  rate,  for  Rials  of 
eight,  and  as  I  heard  turned  Pyrats. 

I  being  at  Plimoth  provided  with  three  good  Ships,  Proofe  7. 
yet  but  fifteene  men  to  stay  with  me  in  the  Countrey,   i6*7> 
was  Wind-bound  three  moneths,  as  was  many  a  hundred 

301 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1622. 

saile  more,  so  that  the  season  being  past,  the  Ships  went 
for  New-found-land,  whereby  my  designe  was  frustrate,, 
which  was  to  me  and  my  friends  no  small  losse,  in  regard 
whereof  here  the  Westerne  Commissioners,  in  the  behalfe 
of  themselves  and  the  rest  of  the  Company,  contracted 
with  me  by  Articles  indented  under  our  hands,  to  be 
Admirall  of  that  Country  during  my  life,  and  in  the 
renewing  of  their  Letters  Patents  so  to  be  nominated, 
halfe  the  fruites  of  our  endevours  theirs,  the  rest  our 
owne ;  being  thus  ingaged ;  now  the  businesse  doth 
prosper,  some  of  them  would  willingly  forget  mee ;  but 
I  am  not  the  first  they  have  deceived. 
Proofe  8.       There  was  foure  good  Ships  prepared  at  Plimoth,  but 

161 8.  by  reason  of  their  disagreement,  the  season  so  wasted,  as 
onely  two  went  forward,  the  one  being  of  two  hundred 
Tunnes,  returned  well  fraught  for  Plimoth,  and  her  men 
in  health,  within  five  moneths ;  the  other  of  eightie  Tuns, 
went  for  Bilbow  with  dry  fish,  and  made  a  good  returne. 
In  this  voyage  Edward  Rowcroft,  alias  Stallings,  a  valiant 
Souldier,  that  had  beene  with  mee  in  Virginia,  and  seven 
yeeres  after  went  with  mee  from  Plimoth  towardes  New 
England,  with  Thomas  Darmer,  an  understanding  and 
an  industrious  Gentleman  to  inhabite  it ;  all  whose 
names,  with  our  proceedings,  you  may  read  at  large  in 
my  description  of  New  England,  upon  triall  before  the 
Judge  of  the  Admiraltie,  how  when  wee  had  past  the 
worst,  for  pure  cowardise  the  Master  and  Sailer  ran  away 
with  the  Ship  and  all  I  had,  and  left  mee  alone  among 
eight  or  nine  Frenchmen  of  War,  in  the  yeere  161 5. 
This  Stallings  went  now  againe  in  those  Ships,  and  having 
some  wrong  offered  him  in  New  England  by  a  French- 
man, he  tooke  him;,  and  as  he  writ  to  mee,  he  went  with 
her  to  Virginia  with  fish,  to  trade  with  them  for  such 
commodities  as  they  might  spare ;  hee  knew  both  these 
Countries  well,  yet  hee  promised  mee  the  next  Spring 
to  meete  mee  in  New  England ;    but  the  Ship  and  he 

Proofe  9.   perished  in  Virginia. 

1 61 9.  This  yeere  againe,  divers  Ships  intending  to  goe  from 

302 


CAPTAIN   JOHN   SMITH  a.d. 

1622. 

Plimoth,  so  disagreed,  as  there  went  but  one  of  two 
hundred  Tunnes,  who  stayed  in  the  Countrey  about  six 
weekes,  with  thirtie  eight  men  and  boyes,  had  her  fraught, 
which  shee  sold  at  the  first  peny,  for  two  thousand  one 
hundred  pounds,  besides  the  Furs :  so  that  every  poore 
Sayler,  that  had  but  a  single  share,  had  his  charges,  and 
sixteene  pound  ten  shillings,  for  his  seven  moneths  worke. 
M.  Thomas  Darmer,  having  lived  about  a  yeere  in  New- 
found-land, returning  to  Plimoth,  went  for  New  England 
in  this  Ship,  and  not  onely  confirmes  what  I  have  writ, 
but  so  much  more  approved  of  it,  that  he  stayed  there 
with  five  or  six  men  in  a  little  Boat ;  finding  two  or 
three  Frenchmen  among  the  Savages,  who  had  lost  their 
Ship,  augmented  his  company,  with  whom  hee  ranged 
the  Coast  to  Virginia,  where  he  was  kindly  welcommed 
and  well  refreshed ;  thence  returned  to  New  England 
againe,  where  having  beene  a  yeere,  in  his  backe  returne 
to  Virginia,  he  was  so  wounded  by  the  Savages,  hee  dyed 
upon  it,  them  escaped  were  relieved  at  Virginia.  Let 
not  men  attribute  their  great  adventures  and  untimely 
deaths  to  unfortunatenesse,  but  rather  wonder  how  God 
did  so  long  preserve  them,  with  so  small  meanes  to  doe 
so  much,  leaving  the  fruites  of  their  labours,  to  bee  an 
encouragement  to  those  our  poore  undertakings ;  and 
this  for  advantage  as  they  writ  unto  mee,  that  God  had 
laid  this  Countrey  open  for  us,  and  slaine  the  most  part 
of  the  Inhabitants  by  cruell  Wars  and  a  mortall  disease ; 
for  where  I  had  seene  one  hundred  or  two  hundred  people, 
there  is  scarce  ten  to  bee  found.  From  Pembrocks  Bay, 
to  Harrintons  Bay,  there  is  not  twentie ;  from  thence  to 
Cape  Anne,  some  thirtie ;  from  Taulbuts  Bay  to  the 
River  Charles,  about  fortie,  and  not  any  of  them  touched 
with  any  sicknesse,  but  one  poore  Frenchman  that  dyed. 

For   to  make  triall  this  yeere,   there  is  gone  sixe  or  Proofe  10. 
seven  sayle  from  the  West  Countrey,  onely  to  fish,  three  l6zo- 
of  whom  are  returned,  and  as  I  was  certainly  informed, 
made  so  good  a  voyage,  that  every  Sayler  for  a  single  share 
had  twentie  pounds  for  his  seven  moneths  worke,  which 

3°3 


A.D. 
l622. 


[IV.  x. 

1840.] 
A  Plantation 
in  New 
England. 
Proofe  1 1 . 
1620. 


Proofe  12. 
1620. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

is  more  then  in  twentie  months  hee  should  have  gotten, 
had  he  gone  for  wages  any  where.  Now,  though  all  the 
former  Ships  have  not  made  such  good  voyages,  as  they 
expected,  by  sending  opinionated  unskilfull  men,  that 
had  not  experienced  diligence  to  save  that  they  tooke, 
nor  take  that  there  was ;  which  now  patience  and  practise 
hath  brought  to  a  reasonable  kinde  of  perfection :  in 
despite  of  all  detractors  and  calumniations,  the  Country 
yet  hath  satisfied  all,  the  defect  hath  bin  in  their  using 
or  abusing  it,  not  in  it  selfe  nor  mee. 

UPon  these  inducements,  some  few  well  disposed 
Gentlemen  and  Merchants  of  London  and  other 
places  provided  two  Ships,  the  one  of  one  hundred  and 
sixtie  Tuns,  the  other  of  seventie ;  they  left  the  Coast 
of  England  the  three  and  twentieth  of  August,  with 
about  one  hundred  and  twentie  persons,  but  the  next  day 
the  lesser  Ship  sprung  a  leake,  that  forced  their  returne 
to  Plimouth,  where  discharging  her  and  twentie  Passengers, 
with  the  great  Ship,  and  a  hundred  persons  besides 
Sailers,  they  set  saile  againe  the  sixth  of  September,  and 
the  ninth  of  November  fell  with  Cape  James ;  but  being 
pestred  nine  weekes  in  this  leaking  unwholsome  Ship, 
lying  wet  in  their  Cabbins,  most  of  them  grew  very 
weake  and  weary  of  the  Sea,  then  for  want  of  experience 
ranging  to  and  againe  sixe  weekes  before  they  found  a 
place  they  liked  to  dwell  on,  forced  to  lie  on  the  bare 
ground  without  coverture  in  the  extremitie  of  Winter, 
fortie  of  them  dyed,  and  sixtie  were  left  in  very  weake 
estate  at  the  Ships  comming  away,  about  the  fifth  of  April 
following,  and  arrived  in  England  the  sixth  of  May. 

Immediately  after  her  arrivall  from  London,  they  sent 
another  of  fiftie  five  Tuns  to  supply  them,  with  thirtie 
seven  persons,  they  set  saile  in  the  beginning  of  July,  but 
being  crossed  by  Westerly  winds,  it  was  the  end  of 
August  ere  they  could  passe  Plimouth,  and  arrived  at 
New  Plimouth  in  New  England  the  eleventh  of 
November,  where   they   found   all   the   people   they  left 

304 


CAPTAIN  JOHN   SMITH  ad. 

1622. 

in  April,  as  is  said,  lusty  and  in  good  health,  except  six 
that  dyed.  Within  a  moneth  they  returned  here  for 
England,  laded  with  Clapboord,  Wainscot,  and  Walnut, 
with  about  three  Hogsheads  of  Beaver  skins,  and  some 
Saxefras,  the  thirteenth  of  December,  and  drawing  neere 
our  Coast,  was  taken  by  a  Frenchman,  set  out  by  the 
Marquis  of  Cera  Governour  of  He  Deu,  on  the  Coast  of 
Poytou,  where  they  kept  the  Ship,  imprisoned  the  Master 
and  Companie,  tooke  from  them  to  the  value  of  about 
five  hundred  pounds  ;  and  after  fourteene  dayes  sent  them 
home  with  a  poore  supply  of  Victuall,  their  owne  being 
devoured  by  the  Marquis  and  his  hungry  servants ;  they 
arrived  at  London  the  fourteenth  of  Februarie,  leaving 
all  them  they  found  and  carried  to  New  England,  well 
and  in  health,  with  victuall  and  Corne  sufficient  till  the 
next  Harvest. 

The  Copie  of  a  Letter  sent  by  this  Ship. 

LOving  Cousin,  at  our  arrivall  at  New  Plimoth  in  a  Later  from 
New  England,  wee  found  all  our  Friends  and  Planters  New  Plimoth. 
in  good  health,  though  they  were  left  sicke  and  weake 
with  very  small  meanes,  the  Indians  round  about  us 
peaceable  and  friendly,  the  Countrey  very  pleasant  and 
temperate,  yeelding  naturally  of  it  selfe  great  store  of 
fruits,  as  Vines  of  divers  sorts  in  great  abundance ;  there 
is  likewise  Walnuts,  Chesnuts,  Small-nuts  and  Plums, 
with  much  varietie  of  Flowers,  Roots,  and  Hearbs,  no 
lesse  pleasant  then  wholsome  and  profitable :  no  place 
hath  more  Goose-berries,  and  Straw-berries,  nor  better ; 
Timber  of  all  sorts  you  have  in  England,  doth  cover  the 
Land,  that  affords  Beasts  of  divers  sorts,  and  great 
flockes  of  Turkies,  Quailes,  Pigeons  and  Partridges : 
Many  great  Lakes  abounding  with  Fish,  Fowle,  Beavers, 
and  Otters.  The  Sea  affoords  us  as  great  plentie  of  all 
excellent  sorts  of  Sea-fish,  as  the  Rivers  and  lies  doth 
varietie  of  wild  Fowle  of  most  usefull  sorts.  Mynes  we 
find  to  our  thinking,  but  neither  the  goodnesse  nor 
qualitie  wee  know.  Better  Graine  cannot  be  then  the 
xix  305  u 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

Indian  Corne,  if  we  will  plant  it  upon  as  good  ground 
as  a  man  need  desire.  Wee  are  all  Free-holders,  the  rent 
day  doth  not  trouble  us,  and  all  those  good  blessings  we 
have,  of  which  and  what  wee  list  in  their  seasons  for 
taking.  Our  company  are  for  most  part  very  religious 
honest  people ;  the  Word  of  God  sincerely  taught  us 
every  Sabbath :  so  that  I  know  not  any  thing  a  contented 
mind  can  here  want.  I  desire  your  friendly  care  to  send 
my  Wife  and  Children  to  mee,  where  I  wish  all  the 
Friends  I  have  in  England,  and  so  I  rest 

Your  loving  Kinsman  William  Hilton. 
Proof e  13.  From  the  West  Countrey  went  ten  or  twelve  Ships  to 

1622.  Fish,  which  were  all  well  fraughted  ;   those  that  came  first 

at  Bilbow,  made  seventeene  pounds  a  single  share,  besides 
Beaver,  Otters,  and  Martins  skins ;  but  some  of  the  rest 
that  came  to  the  same  Ports,  that  were  already  furnished, 
so  glutted  the  Market,  their  price  was  abated,  yet  all 
returned  so  well  contented,  they  are  a  preparing  to  goe 
againe. 
For  this  yeere  There  is  gone  from  the  West  of  England  onely  to  fish, 
1622.  thirtie  five  Ships,  and  about  the  last  of  April  two  more 

from  London,  the  one  of  one  hundred  Tuns,  the  other  of 
thirtie,  with  some  sixtie  Passengers  to  supply  the  Planta- 
tion with  all  necessary  provisions.  Now  though  the 
Turke  and  French  hath  beene  somewhat  too  busie,  would 
all  the  Christian  Princes  but  bee  truly  at  unitie,  as  his 
Royall  Majesty  our  Soveraigne  Lord  and  King  desireth, 
seventie  saile  of  good  Ships  were  sufficient  to  fire  the 
most  of  his  Coasts  in  the  Levant,  and  make  such  a  guard 
in  the  straits  of  Hellespont,  as  would  make  the  Great 
Turke  himselfe  more  afraid  in  Constantinople,  then  the 
smallest  Red  Crosse  crosses  the  Seas  would  be,  either 
of  any  French,  Piccaroun,  or  the  Pyrates  of  Argere. 

An  Abstract  of  Letters  sent  from  the  Colony  in 
New  England,  July  sixteene,  1622. 

[IV.  x.  Since  the  newes  of  the  Massacre  in  Virginia,  though  the 

1 841.]  Indians   continue   their  wonted   friendship,   yet   are  wee 

306 


CAPTAIN   JOHN    SMITH  ad. 

1622. 

more  wary  of  them  then  before ;  for  their  hands  have 
beene  embrued  in  much  English  bloud,  onely  by  too  much 
confidence,  but  not  by  force. 

Here  I  must  intreat  a  little  your  favours  to  digresse. 
They  did  not  kill  the  English,  because  they  were 
Christians,  but  for  their  weapons  and  commodities,  that 
were  rare  novelties ;  but  now  they  feare  we  may  beat 
them  out  of  their  Dens,  which  Lions  and  Tygers  would 
not  admit  but  by  force.  But  must  this  be  an  argument 
for  an  Englishman,  or  discourage  any  either  in  Virginia 
or  New  England?  No:  for  I  have  tried  them  both. 
For  Virginia,  I  kept  that  Countrey,  with  thirtie  eight, 
and  had  not  to  eate  but  what  we  had  from  the  Savages. 
When  I  had  ten  men  able  to  go  abroad,  our  Common- 
wealth was  very  strong :  with  such  a  number  I  ranged 
that  unknowne  Countrey  fourteene  weekes ;  I  had  but 
eighteen  to  subdue  them  all,  with  which  great  Army  I 
stayed  sixe  weeks  before  their  greatest  Kings  habitations, 
till  they  had  gathered  together  all  the  power  they  could ; 
and  yet  the  Dutchmen  sent  at  a  needlesse  excessive  charge 
did  helpe  Powhatan  how  to  betray  mee. 

Of  their  numbers  wee  were  uncertaine ;  but  those  two 
honourable   Gentlemen,    Captaine    George    Percie,    and 
Captaine  Francis  West,  two  of  the  Phittiplaces,  and  some 
other  such  noble  Gentlemen  and  resolute  spirits  bore  their 
shares  with  me,  and  now  living  in  England,  did  see  me 
take  this  murdering  Opechankanough,  now  their  Great  Opechanca- 
King  by  the  long  lock  on  his  head,  with  my  Pistoll  at  his  mu&h ?aiett  "' 
breast,  I  led  him  among  his  greatest  forces,  and  before   J  armie  as 
wee  parted,  made  him  fill  our  Barke  of  twentie  Tuns  jtabali/awas 
with  Corne.     When  their  owne  wants  was  such,  I  have  by  Pifatra. 
given  them  part  again  in  pitty,  &  others  have  bought  it 
again  to  plant  their  fields.     For  wronging  a  Souldier  but 
the  value  of  a  peny,  I  have  caused  Powhatan  send  his 
own  men  to  James  Town  to  receive  their  punishment,  at 
my  discretion.     It  is  true  in  our  greatest  extremity  they 
shot  me,  slue  three  of  my  men,  and  by  the  folly  of  them 
that  fled  tooke  me  prisoner;    yet  God  made  Pocahontas 

3°7 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1622. 

the  Kings  Daughter  the  meanes  to  deliver  me:  and 
thereby  taught  mee  to  know  their  treacheries  to  preserve 
the  rest.  It  was  also  my  chance  in  single  combate  to 
take  the  King  of  Paspahegh  prisoner,  and  by  keeping 
him,  forced  his  subjects  to  worke  in  Chaines,  till  I  made 
all  the  Countrey  pay  contribution,  having  little  else 
whereon  to  live. 

Twice  in  this  time  I  was  their  President,  &  none  can 
say  in  all  that  time  I  had  a  man  slain :  but  for  keeping 
them  in  that  feare  I  was  much  blamed  both  there  and 
heere :  yet  I  left  five  hundred  behind  mee  that  through 
their  confidence  in  sixe  monethes  came  most  to  confusion, 
as  you  may  reade  at  large  in  the  description  of  Virginia. 
When  I  went  first  to  those  desperate  designes,  it  cost  me 
many  a  forgotten  pound  to  hire  men  to  goe ;  and 
procrastination  caused  more  runne  away  then  went.  But 
after  the  Ice  was  broken,  came  many  brave  Voluntaries : 
notwithstanding  since  I  came  from  thence,  the  Honorable 
Company  have  beene  humble  Suters  to  his  Majestie  to 
get  Vagabonds  and  condemned  men  to  goe  thither ;  nay, 
so  much  scorned  was  the  name  of  Virginia,  some  did 
chuse  to  be  hanged  ere  they  would  goe  thither,  and  were : 
yet  for  all  the  worst  of  spite,  detraction  and  discourage- 
ment, and  this  lamentable  Massacre,  there  are  more  honest 
men  now  suters  to  goe,  then  ever  have  been  constrained 
knaves ;  and  it  is  not  unknowne  to  most  men  of  under- 
standing, how  happy  many  of  those  Callumners  doe 
thinke  themselves,  that  they  might  bee  admitted,  and 
yet  pay  for  their  passage  to  goe  now  to  Virginia :  and 
had  I  but  meanes  to  transport  as  many  as  would  goe,  I 
might  have  choice  of  ten  thousand  that  would  gladly  bee 
in  any  of  those  new  places,  which  were  so  basely  con- 
temned by  ungratefull  base  minds. 

To  range  this  Countrie  of  New  England,  in  like 
manner  I  had  but  eight,  as  is  said,  and  amongst  their 
bruite  conditions  I  met  many  of  their  silly  incounters,  and 
without  any  hurt,  God  be  thanked :  when  your  West 
Countrie  men  were  many  of  them  wounded,  and  much 

303 


CAPTAIN  JOHN    SMITH  a.d. 

1622. 

tormented  with  the  Savages  that  assaulted  their  Ship,  as 

they  did  say  themselves,  in  the  first  yeare  I  was  there 

1 6 14.  and  though  Master  Hunt  then  Master  with  me, 

did  most  basely  in  stealing  some  Savages  from  that  coast 

to  sell,  when  he  was  directed  to  have  gone  for  Spaine, 

yet   that   place   was   so   remote   from   Capawuck,   where 

Epenew  should  have  fraughted   them  with  Gold   Ore, 

that  his  fault  could  be  no  cause  of  their  bad  successe, 

however  it  is  alledged  for  an  excuse.     I  speake  not  this 

out  of  vain  glory,  as  it  may  be  some  gleaners,  or  some  was 

never  there,  may  censure  mee:    but  to  let  all  men  be 

assured  by  those  examples,  what  those  Savages  are  that 

thus  strangely  doe  murder  and  betray  our  Countrie  men. 

But  to  the  purpose. 

What  is  already  writ  of  the  healthfulnesse  of  the  ayre, 
the  richnesse  of  the  soyle,  the  goodnesse  of  the  Woods, 
the  abundance  of  Fruits,  Fish,  and  Fowle  in  their  season, 
they  still  arftrme  that  have  beene  there  now  neer  two 
yeeres,  and  at  one  draught  they  have  taken  one  thousand 
Basses,  and  in  one  night  twelve  hogsheads  of  Herring. 
They  are  building  a  strong  Fort,  they  hope  shortly  to 
finish,  in  the  interim  they  are  well  provided  :  their  number 
is  about  a  hundred  persons,  all  in  health,  and  well  neere 
sixtie  Acres  of  ground  well  planted  with  Corne,  besides 
their  Gardens  well  replenished  with  usefull  fruits ;  and 
if  their  Adventurers  would  but  furnish  them  with  neces- 
saries for  fishing,  their  wants  would  quickly  bee  supplied. 
To  supply  them  this  sixteenth  of  October,  is  going  the 
Paragon,  with  sixtie  seven  persons,  and  all  this  is  done 
by  private  mens  purses.  And  to  conclude  in  their  owne 
words,  should  they  write  of  all  plenties  they  have  found, 
they  thinke  they  should  not  be  beleeved. 

For  the  twentie  sixe  sayle  of  Ships,  the  most  I  can 
yet  understand  is.      M.   Ambrose  Jennens  of  London, 
and  Master  Abraham  Jennens  of  Plimmoth  sent  (their  [IV.  x. 
Abraham)  a  Ship  of  two  hundred  and  twentie  Tuns,  and  1842.] 

the  Nightingale  of  Porchmouth  of  a  hundred :     whose 
Fish  at  the  first  penie  came  to  3 1 50  pounds :    in  all  they 

3°9 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

were  five  and  thirty  saile :  and  wherein  New  found  Land 
they  shared  sixe  or  seven  pounds  for  a  common  man,  in 
New  England  they  shared  fourteene  pounds ;  besides  six 
Dutch  and  French  Ships  made  wonderfull  returnes  in 
1622.   Furres. 

Thus  you  may  see  plainely  the  yearely  successe  from 
New  England  (by  Virginia)  which  hath  bin  so  costly  to 
this  Kingdome,  and  so  deare  to  me,  which  either  to  see 
perish  or  but  bleede,  pardon  me  though  it  passionate  me 
beyond  the  bounds  of  modesty,  to  have  bin  sufficiently 
able  to  foresee  it,  and  had  neither  power  nor  meanes  how 
to  prevent  it.  By  that  acquaintance  I  have  with  them, 
I  may  call  them  my  children,  for  they  have  bin  my  Wife, 
my  Hawkes,  my  Hounds,  my  Cards,  my  Dice,  and  in 
totall  my  best  content,  as  indifferent  to  my  heart  as  my 
left  hand  to  my  right :  and  notwithstanding  all  those 
miracles  of  disasters  have  crossed  both  them  and  me,  yet 
were  there  not  one  Englishman  remaining  (as  God  be 
thanked  there  is  some  thousands)  I  would  yet  begin  againe 
with  as  small  meanes  as  I  did  at  the  first ;  not  for  that 
I  have  any  secret  encouragement  from  any  I  protest,  more 
then  lamentable  experiences :  for  all  their  Discoveries  I 
can  yet  heare  of,  are  but  Pigs  of  my  owne  Sowe ;  nor 
more  strange  to  me  then  to  heare  one  tell  mee  he  hath 
gone  from  Billings  gate  and  discovered  Greenwich, 
Gravesend,  Tilberry,  Quinborow,  Lee  and  Margit,  which 
to  those  did  never  heare  of  them,  though  they  dwell  in 
England,  might  be  made  seeme  some  rare  secrets  and 
great  Countries  unknowne,  except  the  Relation  of  Master 
Dirmer.  But  to  returne :  It  is  certaine,  from  Cannada 
and  New  England  within  these  sixe  yeares,  hath  come 
neere  20000.  Bever  Skins.  Now  had  each  of  those  Ships 
transported  but  some  small  quantitie  of  the  most 
increasing  Beasts,  Fowles,  Fruites,  Plants  and  Seedes, 
as  I  projected,  by  this  time  their  increase  might  have 
bin  sufficient  for  a  thousand  men.  But  the  desire  of 
present  gaine  (in  many)  is  so  violent,  and  the  endevours 
of  many  undertakers  so  negligent,  every  one  so  regarding 

310 


CAPTAIN   JOHN   SMITH  a.d. 

1622. 

their  private  gaine,  that  it  is  hard  to  effect  any  publicke 

good,  and  impossible  to  bring  them  into  a  body,  rule, 

or    order,    unlesse    both    authority    and    money    assist 

experiences.     It  is  not  a  worke  for  every  one  to  plant  a 

Colony ;   but  when  a  House  is  built,  it  is  no  hard  matter 

to  dwell  in  it.     This  requireth  all  the  best  parts  of  art, 

judgement,   courage,    honesty,    constancy,   diligence   and 

experience    to    doe    but    neere    well :     your    home-bred 

ingrossing  projectors  shall  finde  there  a  great  difference 

betwixt  saying  and  doing.     But  to  conclude,  the  Fishing 

will  goe  forward  if  you  plant  it  or  no  ;  whereby  a  Colonie 

may  be  transported  with  no  great  charge,  that  in  a  short 

time  might  provide  such  fraughts  to  buy  of  us  there 

dwelling,  as  I  would  hope  no  Ship  should  goe  or  come 

empty  from  New  England. 

The  charge  of  this  is  onely  Salt,  Nets,  Hookes,  Lines, 

Knives,  Irish  Rugs,  course  Cloath,  Beades,  Glasse,  and 

such   like   trash,   onely   for   fishing   and   trade  with   the 

Savages,   beside  our   owne   necessary   provisions,   whose 

endevours  will  quickly  defray  all  this  charge :    and  the 

Savages  have  intreated  me  to  inhabite  where  I  will.     Now 

all  these  Ships,  till  this  last  yeare,  have  bin  fished  within 

a  square  of  two  or  three  leagues,  and  not  one  of  them 

all  would  adventure  any  further,  where  questionlesse  five 

hundred  saile  may  have  their  fraught  better  then  in  Island, 

New  found  Land,  or  elsewhere,  and  be  in  their  markets 

before  the  other  can  have  their  fish  in  their  Ships,  because 

New  Englands  fishing  begins  with  February,   the  other 

not  till  mid  May :     the  progression  hereof  tends  much 

to  the  advancement  of  Virginia  and  the  Bermudas,  whose 

emptie  Ships  may  take  in  their  fraught  there,  and  would 

be  a  good  friend  in  time  of  neede  to  the  Inhabitants  of 

New  found  Land,  &c. 


3" 


A.D. 
l622. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Chap.  IIII. 

A  Relation  or  Journall  of  a  Plantation  setled  at 
Plimoth  in  New  England,  and  proceedings 
thereof;  Printed  1622.  and  here  abbreviated. 


Sept.  6. 1620. 


Ednesday    the    sixt    of    September,    the 
Winde  comming  East  North-east,  a  fine 
small    gale,    we    loosed    from    Plimoth, 
having     bin     kindely     entertained     and 
curteously  used  by  divers  friends  there 
dwelling,   and  after  many  difficulties  in 
boisterous   stormes,   at   length   by  Gods 
providence  upon  the  ninth  of  November  following,  by 
breake  of  the  day  we  espied  Land,  which  we  deemed  to 
No.  9.  Cape    be  Cape  Cod,  and  so  afterward  it  proved.     Upon  the 
C0*'  eleventh  of  November,  we  came  to  an  anchor  in  the  Bay, 

which  is  a  good  harbour  and  pleasant  Bay,  circled  round, 
except  in  the  entrance,  which  is  about  foure  miles  over 
from  land  to  land,  compassed  about  to  the  verie  Sea  with 
Oakes,  Pines,  Juniper,  Sassafras,  and  other  sweete  Wood : 
it  is  a  harbour  wherein  1000.  saile  of  Ships  may  safely 
ride,  there  wee  relieved  our  selves  with  Wood  and  Water, 
and  refreshed  our  people,  while  our  Shallop  was  fitted  to 
coast  the  Bay,  to  search  for  an  habitation :  there  was  the 
greatest  store  of  Fowle  that  ever  we  saw. 

And  everie  day  we  saw  Whales  playing  hard  by  us,  of 
l843-]  which  in  that  place,  if  wee  had  instruments  and  meanes 
to  take  them,  we  might  have  made  a  verie  rich  returne, 
which  to  our  great  griefe  we  wanted.  Our  Master  and 
his  Mate,  and  others  experienced  in  fishing,  professed, 
wee  might  have  made  three  or  foure  thousand  pounds 
worth  of  Oyle ;  they  preferred  it  before  Greenland 
Whale-fishing,  and  purpose  the  next  winter  to  fish  for 
Whale  here :  for  Cod  we  assaied,  but  found  none,  there 
is  good  store  no  doubt  in  their  season.  Neither  got  we 
anie  fish  all  the  time  we  lay  there,  but  some  few  little 
ones  on  the  shoare.     We  found  great  Mussles,  and  verie 

312 


nv.  x. 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  ad. 

1622. 

fat  and  full  of  Sea  Pearle,  but  we  could  not  eate  them, 

for  they  made  us  all  sicke  that  did  eate,  as  well  sailers 

as  passengers ;    they  caused  to  cast  and  scoure,  but  they 

were   soone   well   againe.      The   Baie   is   so   round  and 

circling,  that  before  we  could  come  to  anchor,  we  went 

round  all  the  points  of  the  Compasse.     We  could  not 

come  neere  the  shoare  by  three  quarters  of  an  English 

mile,  because  of  shallow  water,  which  was  a  great  prejudice  ///  Landing. 

to  us,  for  our  people  going  on  shoare  were  forced  to  wade 

a  Bow  shoote  or  two  in  going  aland,  which  caused  manie 

to  get  colds  and  coughs,  for  it  was  manie  times  freezing 

cold  weather. 

This  day  before  we  came  to  harbour,  observing  some 
not  well  affected  to  unitie  and  concord,  but  gave  some 
appearance  of  faction,  it  was  thought  good  there  should 
be  an  association  and  agreement,  that  we  should  combine 
together  in  one  bodie,  and  to  submit  to  such  government 
and  Governours,  as  we  should  by  common  consent  agree 
to  make  and  choose,  and  set  our  hands  to  this  that  followes 
word  for  word. 

IN  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  We  whose  names 
are  underwritten,  the  loyall  Subjects  of  our  dread 
Soveraigne  Lord  King  James,  by  the  grace  of  God  of 
Great  Britaine,  France,  and  Ireland  King,  Defender  of 
the  Faith,  &c.  Having  undertaken  for  the  glorie  of  God, 
and  advancement  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honor  of 
our  King  and  Countrie,  a  Voiage  to  plant  the  first  Colonie 
in  the  Northerne  parts  of  Virginia,  doe  by  these  presents 
solemnely  and  mutually  in  the  presence  of  God  and 
one  of  another,  covenant  and  combine  our  selves  together 
in  a  civill  bodie  politike,  for  our  better  ordering  and 
preservation,  and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid ;  and 
by  vertue  hereof  to  enact,  constitute,  and  frame  such 
just  and  equall  Lawes,  Ordinances,  acts,  constitutions, 
offices  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meete 
and  convenient  for  the  generall  good  of  the  Colonie : 
unto  which  wee  promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience. 

313 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

In  witnesse  whereof  we  have  here  under  suscribed  our 
names.  Cape  Cod  eleventh  of  November,  in  the  yeare 
of  the  raigne  of  our  Soveraigne  Lord  King  James,  of 
England,  France  and  Ireland,  18.  and  of  Scotland  54. 
Anno  Domino  1620. 

The  same  day  so  soone  as  we  could  we  set  ashoare 
fifteene  or  sixteene  men,  well  armed,  with  some  to  fetch 
Wood,  for  we  had  none  left ;  as  also  to  see  what  the 
Land  was,  and  what  Inhabitants  they  could  meete  with, 
they  found  it  to  be  a  small  necke  of  Land :  on  this  side 
where  we  lay  is  the  Bay,  and  the  furthest  side  the  Sea : 
the  ground  or  earth,  sand  hils,  much  like  the  Downes 
in  Holland,  but  much  better :  the  crust  of  the  earth  a 
Spits  depth,  excellent  blacke  earth :  all  woodded  with 
Oakes,  Pines,  Sassafras,  Juniper,  Birch,  Holly,  Vines, 
some  Ash,  Walnut ;  the  Wood  for  the  most  part  open 
and  without  under-wood,  fit  either  to  goe  or  ride  in :  at 
night  our  people  returned,  but  found  not  anie  person, 
nor  habitation,  and  laded  their  Boate  with  Juniper,  which 
smelled  verie  sweete  and  strong,  and  of  which  wee  burnt 
the  most  part  of  the  time  we  lay  there. 

Munday  the  thirteenth  of  November,  we  unshipped 
our  Shallop,  and  drew  her  on  land,  to  mend  and  repaire 
her,  having  bin  forced  to  cut  her  downe  in  bestowing 
her  betwixt  the  decks,  and  she  was  much  opened  with 
the  peoples  lying  in  her,  which  kept  us  long  there,  for 
it  was  sixteene  or  seventeene  daies  before  the  Carpenter 
had  finished  her :  our  people  went  on  shoare  to  refresh 
themselves,  and  our  women  to  wash,  as  they  had  great 
neede :  but  whilest  wee  lay  thus  still,  hoping  our  Shallop 
would  be  readie  in  five  or  six  daies  at  the  furthest,  but 
our  Carpenter  made  slow  worke  of  it,  so  that  some  of 
our  people  impatient  of  delay,  desired  for  our  better 
furtherance  to  travaile  by  Land  into  the  Countrie,  which 
was  not  without  appearance  of  danger,  not  having  the 
Shallop  with  them,  nor  meanes  to  carrie  provision,  but 
on  their  backes,  to  see  whether  it  might  be  fit  for  us  to 
seate  in  or  no,  and  the  rather  because  as  we  sailed  into 

3?4 


A   RELATION    OF   PLYMOUTH  ad. 

1622. 

the  Harbour,  there  seemed  to  be  a  River  opening  it  selfe 
into  the  maine  Land ;  the  willingnesse  of  the  persons 
was  liked,  but  the  thing  it  selfe,  in  regard  of  the  danger 
was  rather  permitted  then  approved,  and  so  with  cautions, 
directions,  and  instructions,  sixteene  men  were  set  out 
with  every  man  his  Musket,  Sword,  and  Corslet,  under 
the  conduct  of  Captaine  Miles  Standish,  unto  whom  was 
adjoyned  for  counsell  and  advise,  William  Bradford, 
Stephen  Hopkins,  and  Edward  Tilley. 

Wednesday  the  fifteenth  of  November,  they  were  set 
a  shoare,  and  when  they  had  ordered  themselves  in  order 
of  a  single  File,  and  marched  about  the  space  of  a  mile, 
by  the  Sea  they  espied  five  or  six  people,  with  a  Dogge,  Sight  of 
comming  towards  them,  who  were  Savages,  who  when  Savages. 
they  saw  them,  ran  into   the  Woods  and  whistled  the 
Dogge  after  them,  &c.     First,  they  supposed  them  to  be 
Master  Jones,  the  Master  and  some  of  his  men,  for  they 
were  a  shoare,  and  knew  of  their  comming :    but  after 
they  knew  them  to  be  Indians  they  marched  after  them 
into  the  Woods,  least  other  of  the  Indians  should  lye  [IV.  x. 
in  Ambush :    but  when  the  Indians  saw  our  men  following  l844-l 

them,  they  ran  away  with  might  and  maine ;  and  our 
men  turned  out  of  the  Wood  after  them,  for  it  was  the 
way  they  intended  to  goe,  but  they  could  not  come  neere 
them.  They  followed  them  that  night  about  ten  miles 
by  the  trace  of  their  footings,  &  saw  how  they  had  come 
the  same  way  they  went,  and  at  a  turning  perceived  how 
they  ranne  up  an  hill,  to  see  whether  they  followed  them. 
At  length  night  came  upon  them,  and  they  were  con- 
strained to  take  up  their  lodging^  so  they  set  forth  three 
Sentinels,  and  the  rest,  some  kindled  a  fire,  and  others 
fetched  Woods  &  there  held  our  Randevous  that  night. 
In  the  morning  so  soone  as  we  could  see  the  trace,  we 
proceeded  on  our  journie,  and  had  the  tracke  untill  wee 
had  compassed  the  head  of  a  long  creake,  and  there  they 
tooke  into  another  Wood,  and  we  after  them,  supposing 
to  finde  some  of  their  dwellings,  but  we  marched  thorow 
Boughes  and  Bushes,  and  under  Hils  and  Vallies,  which 

31S 


aj>.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

tore  our  verie  Armour  in  peeces,  and  yet  could  meete 
with  none  of  them,  nor  their  houses,  nor  finde  any  fresh 
water,  which  we  greatly  desired,  and  stood  in  neede  off, 
for  we  brought  neither  Beere  nor  Water  with  us,  and 
our  victuals  was  onely  Bisket  and  Holland-Cheese,  and 
a  little  Bottell  of  Aquavite,  so  as  we  were  sore  a  thirst. 
About  ten  a  clocke  we  came  into  a  deepe  Valley,  full  of 
brush,  wood-gaile,  and  long  grasse,  through  which  wee 
A  Deere  end  found  little  paths  or  tracts,  and  there  we  saw  a  Deere, 
water.  an(j  found  Springs  of  fresh  Water,  of  which  we  were 

hartily  glad,  and  sat  us  downe  and  drunke  our  first  New 
England  Water,  with  as  much  delight  as  ever  we  drunke 
drinke  in  all  our  lives. 

When  we  had  refreshed  our  selves,  we  directed  our 
course  full  South,  that  wee  might  come  to  the  shoare, 
which  within  a  short  while  after  we  did,  and  there  made 
a  fire,  that  they  in  the  Ship  might  see  where  we  were 
(as  wee  had  direction)  and  so  marched  on  towards  this 
supposed  River :  and  as  we  went  in  another  Valley,  we 
found  a  fine  cleere  Pond  of  fresh  water,  being  about  a 
Musket  shot  broad,  and  twise  as  long :  there  grew  also 
many  small  Vines,  and  Fowle  and  Deere  haunted  there ; 
there  grew  much  Sasafras :  from  thence  we  went  on  and 
found  much  plain  ground  about  fiftie  Acres,  fit  for  the 
Plow,  and  some  signes  where  the  Indians  had  formerly 
planted,  their  Corner  after  this,  some  thought  it  best 
for  nearenesse  of  the  River  to  goe  downe  and  travaile 
on  the  Sea  sands,  by  which  meanes  some  of  our  men 
were  tired,  and  lagged  behinde,  so  we  stayed  and  gathered 
them  up,  and  strucke  into  the  Land  againe ;  where  we 
found  a  little  path  to  certaine  heapes  of  Sand,  one  whereof 
was  covered  with  old  Mats,  and  had  a  woodden  thing 
like  a  Morter  whelmed  on  the  top  of  it,  and  an  earthen 
pot  laid  in  a  little  hole  at  the  end  thereof;  we  musing 
what  it  might  be,  digged  and  found  a  Bowe,  and  as  we 
thought,  Arrowes,  but  they  were  rotten ;  We  supposed 
there  were  many  other  things,  but  because  we  deemed 
Sepukhers.        them  graves,  we  put  in  the  Bow  againe  and  made  it  up 

316 


A  RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

as  it  was,  and  left  the  rest  untouched,  because  we  thought 

it  would  be  odious  unto  them  to  ransacke  their  Sepulchers. 

We  went  on  further  and  found  new  stubble  of  which 

they  had  gotten  Corne  this  yeare,  and  many  Walnut  trees 

full  of  Nuts,  and  great  store  of  Strawberries,  and  some 

Vines ;   passing  thus  a  field  or  two,  which  were  not  great, 

we  came  to  another,  which  had  also  bin  new  gotten,  and 

there  wee  found  where  an  house  had  beene,  and  foure 

or  five  old  Plankes  laied  together ;  also  we  found  a  great 

Kettle,  which  had  beene  some  Ships  kettle  and  brought  Kettle  and 

out  of  Europe ;    there  was  also  an  heape  of  sand,  made  Come  found. 

like  the  former,  but  it  was  newly  done,  wee  might  see 

how  they  had  padled  it  with  their  hands,  which  we  digged 

up,  and  in  it  we  found  a  little  old  Basket  full  of  faire 

Indian  Corne,  and  digged  further,  and  found  a  fine  great 

new  Basket  full  of  very  faire  Corne  of  this  yeare,  with 

some  sixe  and  thirty  goodly  eares  of  Corne,  some  yellow, 

and  some  red,  and  others  mixt  with  blew,  which  was  a 

very  goodly  sight :    the  Basket  was  round,  and  narrow 

at  the  top,  it  held  about  three  or  foure  bushels,  which 

was  as  much  as  two  of  us  could  lift  up  from  the  ground, 

and  was   very   handsomely   and   cunningly   made :     But 

whilst  we  were  busie  about  these  things,  we  set  our  men 

Sentinell  in  a  round  ring,  all  but  two  or  three  which  digged 

up  the  Corne.     Wee  were  in  suspence,  what  to  doe  with 

it,  and  the  Kettle,  and  at  length  after  much  consultation, 

we  concluded  to  take  the  Kettle,  and  as  much  of  the 

Corne  as  wee  could  carry  away  with  us :    and  when  our 

Shallop  came  if  we  could  finde  any  of  the  people,  and 

came  to  parley  with  them,  wee  would  give  them  the  Kettle 

againe,  and  satisfie  them  for  their  Corne. 

So  we  tooke  all  the  Eares,  and  put  a  good  deale  of 

the  loose  Corne  in  the  Kettle,  for  two  men  to  bring  away 

one  Staffe ;   besides,  they  that  could  put  away  into  their 

Pockets  filled  the  same ;    the  rest  wee  buried  againe,  for 

we  were  so  laden  with  Armour  that  we  could  carry  no 

more.     Not  farre  from  this  place  we  found  the  remainder 

of  an  old  Fort,  or  Palizado,  which  as  we  conceived  had.  Palizado. 

317 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

beene  made  by  some  Christians,  this  was  also  hard  by 
that  place  which  we  thought  had  been  a  River,  unto  which 
we  went  and  found  it  so  to  be,  dividing  it  selfe  into  two 
armes  by  an  high  banke,  standing  right  by  the  Cut  or 
Mouth  which  came  from  the  Sea,  that  which  was  next 
unto  us  was  the  lesse,  the  other  arme  was  more  then 
twice  as  big,  and  not  unlike  to  bee  an  Harbour  for 
Ships ;  but  whether  it  be  a  fresh  River,  or  onely  an 
indraught  of  the  Sea,  wee  had  no  time  to  discover,  for 
we  had  commandement  to  be  out  but  two  dayes.  Here 
also  we  saw  two  Canoas,  the  one  on  the  one  side,  the 
other  on  the  other  side,  we  could  not  beleeve  it  was  a 

They  retume.  Canoa,  till  we  came  neere  it,  so  we  returned,  leaving  the 
further  discovery  hereof  to  our  Shallop,  and  came  that 

[IV.  x.  night  backe  againe  to  the  fresh  water  pond,  and  there 

1  4"5-J  we  made  our  randevous  that  night,  making  a  great  fire, 
and  a  Baricado  to  windward  of  us,  and  kept  good  watch 
with  three  Sentinels  all  night,  every  one  standing  when 
his  turne  came,  while  five  or  sixe  inches  of  Match  was 
burning.  It  proved  a  very  rainie  night.  In  the  morning 
we  tooke  our  Kettle  and  sunke  it  in  the  Pond,  and 
trimmed  our  Muskets,  for  few  of  them  would  goe  off 
because  of  the  wet,  and  so  coasted  the  Wood  againe  to 
come  home,  in  which  we  were  shrewdly  pusled,  and  lost 
our  way ;  as  we  wandred  we  came  to  a  tree,  where  a 
yong  Spirit  was  bowed  downe  over  a  Bowe,  and  some 
Acornes  strewed  underneath ;    Stephen  Hopkins  said,  it 

Devise  to         nac}  beene  to  catch  some  Deere,  so,  as  we  were  looking 

catch  Deere.  a(.  ^  William  Bradford  being  in  the  Reare,  when  he  came 
looking  also  upon  it,  and  as  he  went  about,  it  gave  a 
sodaine  jerke  up,  and  he  was  immediately  caught  by  the 
legge :  It  was  a  very  pretty  devise,  made  with  a  Roape 
of  their  owne  making,  and  having  a  noose  as  artificially 
made,  as  any  Roper  in  England  can  make,  and  as  like 
ours  as  can  be,  which  wee  brought  away  with  us.  In 
the  end  wee  got  out  of  the  Wood,  and  were  fallen  about 
a  mile  too  high  above  the  creake,  where  we  saw  three 
Buckes,  but  we  had  rather  have  had  one  of  them.     We 

318 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  ad. 

1622. 

also  did  spring  three  couple  of  Partridges ;  and  as  we 
came  along  by  the  creake,  we  saw  great  flockes  of  wilde 
Geese  and  Duckes,  but  they  were  very  fearefull  of  us. 
So  we  marched  some  while  in  the  Woods,  some  while 
on  the  Sands,  and  other  while  in  the  Water  up  to  the 
knees,  till  at  length  we  came  neere  the  Ship,  and  then 
we  shot  off  our  Peeces,  and  the  long  Boate  came  to  fetch 
us  :  Master  Jones  and  Master  Carver  being  on  the  shoare, 
with  many  of  our  people,  came  to  meete  us.  And  thus 
wee  came  both  weary  and  welcome  home,  and  delivered 
in  our  Corne  into  the  store,  to  be  kept  for  seede,  for 
we  knew  not  how  to  come  by  any,  and  therefore  was 
very  glad,  purposing  so  soone  as  we  could  meete  with 
any  of  the  Inhabitants  of  that  place,  to  make  them  large 
satisfaction. 

When  our  Shallop  was  fit  indeede,  before  she  was  fully 
fitted,  for  there  was  two  daies  worke  after  bestowed  on 
her,  there  was  appointed  some  foure  and  twenty  men  of 
our  owne,  and  armed,  then  to  goe  and  make  a  more  full 
discovery  of  the  Rivers  before  mentioned.  Master  Jones 
was  desirous  to  goe  with  us,  and  tooke  such  of  his  Saylers 
as  he  thought  usefull  for  us,  so  as  we  were  in  all  about 
foure  and  thirty  men :  we  made  Master  Jones  our 
Leader,  for  we  thought  it  best  herein  to  gratifie  his 
kindnesse  and  forwardnesse.  When  we  were  set  forth, 
it  proved  rough  weather  and  crosse  windes,  so  as  we 
were  constrained,  some  in  the  Shallop,  and  others  in  the 
long  Boate,  to  row  to  the  neerest  shoare  the  winde  would 
suffer  them  to  goe  unto,  and  then  to  wade  out  above 
the  knees ;  the  winde  was  so  strong  as  the  Shallop  could 
not  keepe  the  water,  but  was  forced  to  harbour  there  that 
night,  but  we  marched  six  or  seven  miles  further,  and 
appointed  the  Shallop  to  come  to  us  as  soone  as  they 
could.  It  blowed  and  did  snow  all  that  day  and  night, 
and  frose  withall ;  some  of  our  people  that  are  dead  tooke 
the  originall  of  their  death  here.  The  next  day  about 
eleven  a  clocke  our  Shallop  came  to  us,  and  we  shipped 
.our  selves,  and  the  winde  being  good,  we  sailed  to  the 

319 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

ColdHarbour.  River  we  formerly  discovered,  which  we  named  Cold 
Harbour,  to  which  when  we  came  we  found  it  not 
Navigable  for  Ships,  yet  we  thought  it  might  be  a  good 
harbour  for  Boates,  for  it  flowes  there  twelve  foot  at 
high  water.  We  landed  our  men  betweene  the  two 
creekes,  and  marched  some  foure  or  five  miles  by  the 
greater  of  them,  and  the  Shallop  followed  us :  at  length 
night  grew  on,  and  our  men  were  tired  with  marching 
up  and  downe  the  steepe  Hils,  and  deepe  Vallies,  which 
lay  halfe  a  foote  thicke  with  Snow  :  Master  Jones  wearied 
with  marching,  was  desirous  we  should  take  up  our 
lodging,  though  some  of  us  would  have  marched  further, 
so  we  made  there  our  Randevous  for  that  night,  under 
a  few  Pine  trees,  and  as  it  fell  out  we  got  three  Geese, 
and  six  Duckes  to  our  Supper,  which  we  eate  with 
Soldiers  stomacks,  for  we  had  eaten  little  all  that  day. 
We  marched  to  the  place  where  we  had  the  Corne 
formerly,  which  place  we  called  Corne-hill ;  &  digged 
&  found  the  rest,  of  which  we  were  very  glad :  we  also 
digged  in  a  place  a  little  farther  off,  &  found  a  bottle 
of  Oyle,  we  went  to  another  place  which  we  had  seen 
before  &  digged  and  found  more  Corn,  viz.  two  or  three 

Note.  Baskets  full  of  Indian  wheat,  and  a  bag  of  Beans,  with 

a  good  many  of  faire  wheat-eares ;  whilst  some  of  us 
were  digging  up  this,  some  others  found  another  heape 
of  Corn,  which  they  digged  up  also,  so  as  we  had  in  all 
about  ten  Bushels,  which  will  serve  us  sufficiently  for 
Seede.  And  sure  it  was  Gods  good  providence  that  we 
found  this  corn,  for  else  we  knew  not  how  we  should 
have  done,  for  we  knew  not  how  we  should  finde,  or 
meete  with  any  of  the  Indians,  except  it  be  to  doe  us  a 
mischiefe.  Also  we  had  never  in  all  likelihood  seene  a 
graine  of  it,  if  we  had  not  made  our  first  Journey;    for 

Frost  and        the  ground  was  now  covered  with  Snow,  and  so  hard 

Snozv.  frosen,  that  we  were  faine  with  our  Curtlaxes  and  short 

Swords,  to  hew  and  carve  the  ground  a  foote  deepe,  and 
then  wrest  it  up  with  leavers,  for  we  had  forgot  to  bring 
Other  Tooles :    whilst  we  were  in  this  implpimentj  foule 

3,30 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  ad. 

1622. 

"weather  being  towards,  M.  Jones  was  earnest  to  goe 
aboord,  but  sundry  of  us  desired  to  make  further  dis- 
covery, and  to  finde  out  the  Indians  habitations,  so  we 
sent  home  with  him  our  weakest  people,  and  some  that 
were  sicke,  and  all  the  Corne,  and  eighteene  of  us  staied 
still,  and  lodged  there  that  night,  &  desired  that  the 
Shallop  might  returne  to  us  next  day,  and  bring  us  some 
Mattockes  and  Spades  with  them. 

When  wee  had  marched  five  or  six  miles  into  the 
Woods,  and  could  find  no  signes  of  any  people,  wee 
returned  againe  another  way,  and  as  we  came  into  the 
plaine  ground,  wee  found  a  place  like  a  grave,  but  it 
was  much  bigger  and  longer  then  any  wee  had  yet  seene. 
It  was  also  covered  with  boords,  so  as  wee  mused  what 
it  should  be,  and  resolved  to  dig  it  up ;  where  we  found, 
first  a  Mat,  and  under  that  a  faire  Bow,  and  there  another  [1V~-  x- 
Mat,  and  under  that  a  Boord  about  three  quarters  long,  1846.]. 

finely  carved  and  painted,  with  three  Tynes,  or  broches 
on  the  top,  like  a  Crown ;  also  betweene  the  Mats  we 
found  Bowles,  Trayes,  Dishes,  and  such  like  Trinkets ; 
at  length  wee  came  to  a  faire  new  Mat,  and  under  that 
two  Bundles,  the  one  bigger,  the  other  lesse,  we  opened 
the  greater  and  found  in  it  a  great  quantitie  of  fine  and 
perfect  Red  Powder,  and  in  it  the  bones  and  skull  of  a 
man.  The  skull  had  fine  yellow  haire  still  on  it,  and 
some  of  the  flesh  unconsumed ;  there  was  bound  up  with 
a  Knife,  a  Packneedle,  and  two  or  three  old  Iron  things. 
It  was  bound  up  in  a  Saylers  Canvas  Casacke,  and  a 
payre  of  Cloth  Breeches ;  the  Red  Powder  was  a  kind 
•of  Embaulment,  and  yeelded  a  strong,  but  no  offensive 
smell ;  It  was  as  fine  as  any  Flower.  We  opened  the 
lesse  bundle  like  wise,  and  found  of  the  same  Powder 
in  it,  and  the  bones  and  head  of  a  little  childe,  about  the 
legges,  and  other  parts  of  it  was  Bound  strings,  and 
Bracelets  of  fine  white  Beads ;  there  was  also  by  it  a 
little  Bow,  about  three  quarters  long,  and  some  other 
odde  knackes :  we  brought  sundry  of  the  pretiest  things 
away  with  us,  and  covered  the  Corps  up  againe.  After 
xix  321  x 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS    PILGRIMES 

1622. 

this,  we  digged  in  sundry  like  places,  but  found  no  more 
Corne,  nor  any  things  else  but  graves :  Whilest  we  were 
thus  ranging  and  searching,  two  of  the  Saylers,  which 
Two  houses,  were  newly  come  on  the  shoare,  by  chance  espied  two 
houses,  which  had  beene  lately  dwelt  in,  but  the  people 
were  gone.  They  having  their  Peeces,  and  hearing  no 
body,  entred  the  houses,  and  tooke  out  some  thing,  and 
durst  not  stay  but  came  again  &  told  us ;  so  some  seven 
or  eight  of  us  went  with  them,  and  found  how  wee  had 
gone  within  a  flight  shot  of  them  before.  The  houses 
were  made  with  long  young  Sapling  Trees  bended,  and 
both  ends  stucke  into  the  ground ;  they  were  made  round, 
like  unto  an  Arbour,  and  covered  downe  to  the  ground 
with  thicke  and  well  wrought  Mats,  and  the  doore  was 
not  over  a  yard  high,  made  of  a  Mat  to  open :  the 
Chimney  was  a  wide  open  hole  in  the  top,  for  which 
they  had  a  Mat  to  cover  it  close  when  they  pleased,  one 
might  stand  and  goe  upright  in  them ;  in  the  midst  of 
them  were  foure  little  Trunches  knockt  into  the  ground, 
and  small  stickes  laid  over,  on  which  they  hung  their 
Pots,  and  what  they  had  to  seeth :  round  about  the  fire 
they  lay  on  Mats,  which  are  their  Beds.  The  Houses 
were  double  matted,  for  as  they  were  matted  without,  so 
were  they  within,  with  newer  and  fairer  Mats.  In  the 
Houshold  Houses  wee  found  Woodden  Bowles,  Trayes  and  Dishes, 
stuffe.  Earthen  Pots,  Hand-baskets  made  of  Crab-shells,  wrought 

together :  also  an  English  Payle  or  Bucket,  it  wanted  a 
Baile,  but  it  had  two  Iron  Eares :  there  was  also  Baskets 
of  sundry  sorts,  bigger,  and  some  lesser,  finer,  and  some 
courser :  some  were  curiously  wrought  with  Blacke  and 
White  in  prettie  workes,  and  sundry  other  of  their 
houshold  stuffe :  wee  found  also  two  or  three  Deeres 
Heads,  one  whereof  had  been  newly  killed,  for  it  was 
still  fresh  :  there  was  also  a  company  of  Deeres  Feete, 
stucke  up  in  the  Houses,  Harts  Homes,  and  Eagles 
Clawes,  and  sundry  such  like  things  there  was :  also  two 
or  three  Baskets  full  of  parched  Acornes,  pieces  of  Fish, 
and  a  piece  of  a  broyled  Herring.     We  found  also  a 

322 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH 


A.D. 
l622. 


little  Silke  Grasse,  and  a  little  Tobacco  Seed,  with  some 
other  Seeds  which  wee  knew  not :  without  was  sundry 
bundles  of  Flags,  and  Sedge,  Bull-rushes,  and  other  stuffe 
to  make  Mats ;  there  was  thrust  into  an  hollow  Tree, 
two  or  three  pieces  of  Venison,  but  wee  thought  it  fitter 
for  the  Dogges  then  for  us:  some  of  the  best  things 
wee  tooke  away  with  us,  and  left  the  houses  standing 
still  as  they  were :  Much  disputation  fell  out  about  the 
place  where  wee  should  abide;  and  a  Company  was 
chosen  to  goe  out  upon  a  third  Discovery  (whilest  some 
were  imployed  in  this  Discovery,  it  pleased  God  that 
Mistris  White  was  brought  a  bed  of  a  Sonne,  which  was 
called  Peregrine.) 

Wednesday  the  sixt  of  December  we  set  out,  being  Third 
very  cold  and  hard  weather,  we  were  a  long  while  after  discoverie. 
wee  lanched  from  the  Ship,  before  wee  could  get  cleere 
of  a  Sandy  Point,  which  lay  within  lesse  then  a  furlong 
of  the  same.  In  which  time,  two  were  very  sicke,  and 
Edward  Tilley  had  like  to  have  founded  with  cold ;  the  Extreme  cold. 
Gunner  was  also  sicke  unto  Death  (but  hope  of  trucking 
made  him  to  goe)  and  so  remained  all  that  day,  and  the 
next  night :  at  length  wee  got  cleare  of  the  Sandy  Point, 
and  got  up  our  Sayles,  and  within  an  houre  or  two  wee 
got  under  the  weather  shoare,  .and  then  had  smoother 
water  and  better  sayling,  but  it  was  very  cold,  for  the 
water  froze  on  our  clothes,  and  made  them  manv  times 
like  coats  of  Iron :  wee  sayled  sixe  or  seven  leagues  by 
the  shoare,  but  saw  neither  River  nor  Creeke,  at  length 
wee  met  with  a  tongue  of  Land,  being  flat  off  from  the 
shoare,  with  a  Sandy  point,  wee  bore  up  to  gaine  the 
Point,  and  found  there  a  faire  Income  or  Rode,  of  a  Bay, 
being  a  league  over  at  the  narrowest,  and  some  two  or 
three  in  length,  but  wee  made  right  over  to  the  Land 
before  us,  and  left  the  discoverie  of  this  Income  till  the 
next  day :  as  wee  drew  neere  to  the  shoare,  wee  espied 
some  ten  or  twelve  Indians,  very  busie  about  a  blacke 
thing,  what  it  was  wee  could  not  tell,  till  afterwards  they 
saw  us,  and  ran  to  and  fro,  as  if  they  had  beene  carrying 

323 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

something  away,  wee  landed  a  league  or  two  from  them, 

and  had  much  adoe  to  put  a  shoare  any  where,  it  lay  so 

full  of  flat  Sands :    when  wee  came  to  shoare,  we  made 

us   a   Baricado,    and   got   fire   Wood,    and   set   out   our 

Sentinells,  and  betooke  us  to  our  lodging,  such  as  it  was ; 

wee  saw  the  smoake  of  the  fire  which  the  Savages  made 

that  night,  about  foure  or  five  miles  from  us :     in  the 

GrampusBay.   morning  wee  divided  our  Company,  some  eight  in  the 

They  found      Shallop,  and  the  rest  on  the  shoare  went  to  discover  this 

Grampuses       place,  but  we  found  it  onely  to  be  a  Bay,  without  either 

dead,  two        River  or  Creeke  comming  into  it.     This  place  the  most 

inches  thicke  of  •     1     1  1        1111^1^  t»         1 

fat  and  five  or  were  minded  wee  should  call,  the  Grampus  Bay,  because 
six  paces  long,  wee  found  many  of  them  there:  we  followed  the  tract 
[IV.  x.  of  the  Indians  bare  feet  a  good  way  on  the  Sands,  at 

l847-J  length  we  saw  here  they  strucke  into  the  Woods  by  the 
side  of  a  Pond,  as  we  went  to  view  the  place,  one  said, 
he  thought  he  saw  an  Indian-house  among  the  Trees,  so 
went  up  to  see :  and  here  we  and  the  Shallop  lost  sight 
one  of  another  till  night,  it  being  now  about  nine  or  ten 
a  clocke ;  so  we  lite  on  a  path,  but  saw  no  house,  and 
followed  a  great  way  into  the  Woods,  at  length  we  found 
where  Corne  had  been  set,  but  not  that  yeere ;  anon  we 
found  a  great  burying  place,  one  part  whereof  was 
incompassed  with  a  large  Palizado,  like  a  Church-yard, 
with  young  spires  foure  or  five  yards  long,  set  as  close 
one  by  another  as  they  could  two  or  three  foot  in  the 
ground ;  within  it  was  full  of  Graves,  some  bigger  and 
some  lesse,  some  were  also  paled  about,  and  others  had 
like  an  Indian-house  made  over  them,  but  not  matted : 
those  Graves  were  more  sumptuous  then  those  at  Corne- 
hill,  yet  we  digged  none  of  them  up,  only  viewed  them 
and  went  our  way :  without  the  Palizado  were  Graves 
also,  but  not  so  costly.  We  went  ranging  up  and  downe 
till  the  Sunne  began  to  draw  low,  and  then  we  hasted 
out  of  the  Woods,  that  we  might  come  to  our  Shallop. 
By  that  time  we  had  done,  and  our  Shallop  come  to  us 
it  was  within  night,  and  we  fed  upon  such  victualls  as 
we  had,  and  betooke  us  to  our  rest  after  we  had  set  out 

324 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

our  watch.     About  midnight  we  heard  a  great  and  hideous 

cry,    and    our    Sentinell    called,    Arme,    Arme.      So    we 

bestirred  our  selves  and  shot  off  a  couple  of  Muskets 

and  noise  ceased :    we  concluded,  that  it  was  a  company 

of  Wolves  &  Foxes,  for  one  told  us  he  had  heard  such 

a  noise  in  New-found-land.     About  five  a  clocke  in  the 

morning  we  began   to  be  stirring,  upon  a  sudden  wee 

heard  a  great  &  strange  cry  which  we  knew  to  be  the 

same  voices,  though  they  varied  their  notes ;   one  of  the 

company  being  abroad  came  running  in,  and  cried,  They 

are  men,   Indians,   Indians ;    and  withall,   their  Arrowes 

came  flying  amongst  us,  our  men  ran  out  with  all  speed 

to  recover  their  Armes.     The  cry  of  our  enemies  was 

dreadfull,  especially,  when  our  men  ran  out  to  recover 

their  Armes,   their  note  was  after  this  manner,   Woath 

woach  ha  ha  hach  woach  :    our  men  were  no  sooner  come 

to  their  Armes,  but  the  enemy  was  readie  to  assault  them. 

There  was  a  lustie  man,   and   no  whit  lesse  valiant, 

who  was  thought  to  be  their  Captain,  stood  behind  a 

Tree  within  halfe  a  Musket  shot  of  us,  and  there  let  his 

Arrowes  flie  at  us ;   hee  stood  three  shots  off  a  Musket, 

at  length  one  tooke  as  he  said  full  ayme  at  him,  after 

which  he  gave  an  extraordinarie  cry  and  away  they  went 

all,  wee  followed  them  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  but 

wee  left  sixe  to  keepe  our  Shallop,  for  wee  were  carefull 

of   our   businesse.      Wee    tooke  up   eighteene   of   their 

Arrowes,   which   wee   had   sent   to   England   by   Master 

Jones,   some  whereof  were   headed  with   brasse,   others 

with  Harts  home,  and  others  with  Eagles  clawes ;   many 

more  no  doubt  were  shot,  for  these  wee  found  were  almost 

covered  with  leaves :     yet  by  the  speciall  providence  of 

God,  none  of  them  either  hit  or  hurt  us.     On  Munday 

we  found  a   very  good  Harbour  for  our  shipping,   we  A  good  Har- 

marched  also  into  the  Land,  and  found  divers  corne  Fields  bour- 

and    little    running    Brookes,    a    place    verie    good    for 

scituation,  so  we  returned  to  our  Ship  againe  with  good 

newes  to  the  rest  of  our  people,  which  did  much  comfort 

their  hearts. 

325 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

This  Harbour  is  a  Bay  greater  then  Cape  Cod, 
compassed  with  a  goodly  Land,  and  in  the  Bay  two  fine 
Hands  uninhabited,  wherein  are  nothing  but  Woods,  Okes, 
Pines,  Wal-nut,  Beech,  Sasifras,  Vines,  and  other  Trees 
which  we  know  not.  This  Bay  is  a  most  hopefull  place, 
innumerable  store  of  Fowle,  and  excellent  good,  and 
cannot  but  be  of  Fish  in  their  seasons :  Skote,  Cod, 
Turbot  and  Herring  we  have  tasted  of,  abundance  of 
Musles  the  greatest  and  best  that  ever  we  saw ;  Crabs 
and  Lobsters,  in  their  time  infinite :  It  is  in  fashion  like 
a  Cikle  or  Fish-hooke. 

The  eighteenth  we  went  along  the  Coast  in  the  Woods, 
some  seven  or  eight  mile,  but  saw  not  an  Indian,  nor  an 
Indian  house,  onely  we  found  where  formerly  had  beene 
some  Inhabitants,  and  where  they  had  planted  their 
Corne :  wee  found  not  any  Navigable  River,  but  foure 
or  five  small  running  Brookes  of  very  fresh  water,  that 
all  run  into  the  Sea.  The  Land  for  the  crust  of  the  earth 
is  a  spits  depth,  excellent  blacke  mould  and  fat  in  some 
places ;  two  or  three  great  Okes,  but  not  very  thicke, 
Pines,  Walnuts,  Beech,  Ash,  Birch,  Hasell,  Holley,  Asp, 
Sasifras,  in  abundance,  and  Vines  every  where,  Cherry- 
trees,  Plum-trees,  and  many  other  which  we  know  not ; 
many  kinds  of  Hearbs  we  found  here  in  Winter,  as 
Strawberry  leaves  innumerable,  Sorrell,  Yarow,  Carvell, 
Brook-lime,  Liver-wort,  Water-cresses,  great  store  of 
Leeks  and  Onyons,  and  an  excellent  strong  kind  of  Flax 
and  Hempe.  Here  is  Sand,  Gravell,  and  excellent  Clay, 
no  better  in  the  World,  excellent  for  Pots,  and  will  wash 
like  Sope,  and  great  store  of  Stone,  though  somewhat 
soft,  and  the  best  water  that  ever  we  drunke,  and  the 
Brookes  now  begin  to  be  full  of  Fish ;  that  night  many 
being  weary  with  marching,  we  went  aboord  againe. 

The  nineteenth  of  December,  after  our  landing  and 
viewing  of  the  places,  so  well  as  we  could  we  came  to 
a  conclusion,  by  most  voyces,  to  set  on  the  Maine  Land, 
on  the  first  place,  on  an  high  ground,  where  there  is  a 
great  deale  of  Land  cleered,  and  hath  beene  planted  with 

326 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

Corne  three  or  foure  yeeres  agoe,  and  there  is  a  very 

sweet  Brook  runs  under  the  Hill  side,  and  many  delicate 

Springs  of  as  good  water  as  can  be  drunke,  and  where 

wee  may  harbour  our  Shallops  and  Boates  exceeding  well, 

and  in  this  Brooke  is  much  good  Fish  in  their  seasons. 

On  the  further  side  of  the  River  also  much  Corne  ground 

cleered,  in  one  Field  is  a  great  Hill,  on  which  wee  point 

to  make  a  plat-forme,   and  plant  our  Ordnance,  which 

will  command  all  round  about,  from  thence  we  may  see 

into  the  Bay,  and  far  into  the  Sea,  and  we  may  see  thence 

Cape  Cod. 

Saturday  the  three  and  twentieth,   so  many  of  us  as  [IV.  x. 
could  went  on  shore,  felled  and  carried  timber,  to  provide  1848.} 

themselves  stuffe  for  building.  Munday  the  five  and 
twentieth,  wee  went  on  shoare,  some  to  fell  timber,  some 
to  sawe,  some  to  rive,  and  some  to  carry,  so  no  man  rested 
all  that  day. 

Munday  the  five  and  twentieth,  being  Christmasse  day, 
we  began  to  drinke  water  aboord,  but  at  night  the  Master 
caused  us  to  have  some  Beer,  and  so  on  boord  we  had 
divers  times  now  &  then  some  Beere,  but  on  shoare  none 
at  all.  Wee  tooke  notice  how  many  Families  they  were, 
willing  all  single  men  that  had  no  wives  to  joyne  with 
some  Family  as  they  thought  fit,  that  so  wee  might  build 
fewer  houses,  which  was  done,  and  we  reduced  them  to 
nineteene  Families ;  to  greater  Families  we  allotted  larger 
plots,  to  every  person  halfe  a  Pole  in  breadth,  and  three 
in  length,  and  so  Lots  were  cast  where  every  man  should 
lie,  which  was  done,  and  staked  out ;  we  thought  this 
proportion  was  large  enough  at  the  first,  for  Houses  and 
Gardens  to  impale  them  round,  considering  the  weakenesse 
of  our  people,  many  of  them  growing  ill  with  colds,  for 
our  former  Discoveries  in  frost  and  stormes,  and  the 
wading  at  Cape  Cod  had  brought  much  weaknesse 
amongst  us,  which  increased  every  day  more  and  more, 
and  after  was  the  cause  of  many  of  our  deaths. 

Friday  and  Saturday  wee  fitted  our  selves  for  our 
labour,  but  our  people  on  shoare  were  much   troubled 

327 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1022. 

and  discouraged  with  rayne  and  wet  that  day,  being  very 
stormy  and  cold ;  wee  saw  great  smoakes  of  fire  made 
by  the  Indians,  about  six  or  seven  miles  from  us  as  wee 
conjectured. 

Thursday  the  fourth  of  Januarie,  Captaine  Miles 
Standish,  with  foure  or  five  more,  went  to  see  if  they 
could  meete  with  any  of  the  Savages  in  that  place  where 
the  fires  was  made,  they  went  to  some  of  their  houses- 
but  not  lately  inhabited,  yet  could  they  not  meet  with 
any ;  as  they  came  home,  they  shot  at  an  Eagle  and 
killed  her,  which  was  excellent  meat ;  It  was  hardly  to 
be  discerned  from  Mutton. 

Tuesday  the  ninth  of  Janury,  was  a  reasonable  faire 
day,  and  wee  went  to  labour  that  day  in  the  building  of 
our  Towne,  in  two  rowes  of  houses  for  more  safetie : 
wee  divided  by  lot  the  plot  of  ground  whereon  to  build 
our  Towne :  After  the  proportion  formerly  allotted,  we 
agreed  that  every  man  should  build  his  owne  house, 
thinking  by  that  course  men  would  make  more  hast  then 
working  in  common :  the  common  house,  in  which  for 
the  first  we  made  our  Rendevous,  being  neere  finished,, 
wanting  only  covering,  it  being  about  twentie  foot  square,, 
some  should  make  morter,  and  some  gather  thatch,  so 
that  in  foure  daies  halfe  of  it  was  thatched,  frost  and 
foule  weather  hindered  us  much ;  this  time  of  the  yeare 
seldome  could  we  worke  halfe  the  weeke. 

On  the  twelfth  day,  John  Goodman  and  Peter  Browne 
at  dinner  time  tooke  their  meat  in  their  hands,  and  would 
go  walke  and  refresh  themselves,  so  going  a  little  off 
they  find  a  Lake  of  water,  and  having  a  great  Mastiffe 
bitch  with  them,  and  a  Spannell ;  by  the  water  side  they 
found  a  great  Deere,  the  Dogs  chased  him,  and  they 
followed  so  far  as  they  lost  themselves,  and  could  not 
find  the  way  backe,  they  wandred  all  that  afternoone  being 
wet,  and  at  night  did  freeze  and  snow,  they  were  slenderly 
apparelled,  and  had  no  weapons  but  each  one  his  Cicle, 
nor  any  victualls,  they  ranged  up  and  downe  and  could 
finde  none  of  the  Savages  habitations.     When  it  drew 

328 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

to  night  they  were  much  perplexed,  for  they  could  find 
neither  harbour  nor  meat,  but  in  frost  and  snow,  were 
forced  to  make  the  Earth  their  bed,  and  the  Element 
their  covering,  and  another  thing  did  very  much  terrifie 
them ;  they  heard  as  they  thought  two  Lions  roaring 
exceedingly  for  a  long  time  together,  and  a  third,  that 
they  thought  was  very  neere  them :  so  not  knowing 
what  to  doe,  they  resolved  to  climb e  up  into  a  Tree  as 
the  safest  refuge,  though  that  would  prove  an  intolerable 
cold  lodging.  They  stood  at  the  Trees  root,  that  when 
the  Lions  came  they  might  take  their  opportunitie  of 
climbing  up,  the  Bitch  they  were  faine  to  hold  by  the 
necke,  for  shee  would  have  beene  gone  to  the  Lion ;  but 
it  pleased  God  so  to  dispose,  that  the  wild  Beasts  came 
not :  so  they  walked  up  and  downe  under  the  Tree  all 
night,  it  was  an  extreame  cold  night ;  so  soone  as  it  was 
light  they  travelled  againe,  passing  by  many  Lakes,  and 
Brookes,  and  Woods,  and  in  one  place  where  the  Savages 
had  burnt  the  space  of  five  miles  in  length,  which  is  a 
fine  Champion  Countrey,  and  even.  In  the  afternoon  it 
pleased  God  from  an  high  Hill,  they  discovered  the  two 
lies  in  the  Bay,  and  so  that  night  got  to  the  Plantation, 
being  ready  to  faint  with  travell  and  want  of  victualls, 
and  almost  famished  with  cold,  John  Goodman  was  faine 
to  have  his  shooes  cut  off  his  feet  they  were  so  swelled 
with  cold,  and  it  was  a  long  while  after  ere  hee  was  able 
to  goe.  The  house  was  fired  occasionally  by  a  sparke 
that  flew  into  the  thatch,  which  instantly  burnt  it  all  up, 
but  the  roofe  stood  and  little  hurt ;  the  most  losse  was 
Master  Carvers  and  William  Bradfords,  who  then  lay 
sicke  in  bed,  and  if  they  had  not  risen  with  good  speed, 
had  beene  blowne  up  with  powder :  but  through  Gods 
mercy  they  had  no  harme ;  the  house  was  as  full  of  beds 
as  they  could  lie  one  by  another,  and  their  Muskets 
charged,  but  blessed  be  God  there  was  no  harme  done. 

Munday  the  fifteenth  day,  it  rained  much  all  day,  that 
they  on  ship-boord  could  not  goe  on  shoare,  nor  they 
on  shoare  doe  any  labour  but  were  all  wet.     Tuesday, 

329 


A.D. 
l622. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


Two  great 
Wolves. 


Wednesday,  Thursday,  were  very  faire  Sun-shiny  daies, 
as  if  it  had  beene  in  April,  and  our  people  so  many  as 
were  in  health  wrought  chearefully.  The  ninteenth 
day  wee  resolved  to  make  a  Shed,  to  put  our  common 
provision  in,  of  which  some  were  already  set  on  shoare, 

[IV.  x.  Dut  at  noone  it  rained  that  wee  could  not  worke.     This 

l849-J  day  in  the  evening,  John  Goodman  went  abroad  to  use 
his  lame  feet,  that  were  pittyfully  ill  with  the  cold  hee 
had  got,  having  a  little  Spannell  with  him,  a  little  way 
from  the  Plantation,  two  great  Wolves  ran  after  the  Dog, 
the  Dog  ran  to  him,  and  betwixt  his  legs  for  succour, 
he  had  nothing  in  his  hand,  but  tooke  up  a  sticke  and 
threw  at  one  of  them  and  hit  him,  and  they  presently 
ran  both  away,  but  came  againe ;  he  got  a  Paile  boord 
in  his  hand,  and  they  sate  both  on  their  tailes,  grinning 
at  him  a  good  while  and  went  their  way  and  left  him. 

Saturday  the  seventeenth  day  in  the  morning,  we  called 
a  meeting  for  the  establishing  of  Military  Orders  amongst 
our  selves,  and  we  chose  Miles  Standish  our  Captaine, 
and  gave  him  authoritie  of  command  in  affayres. 

Saturday  the  third  of  March,  the  wind  was  South,  the 
morning  mystie,  but  towards  noone  warme  and  faire 
weather :    the  Birds  sang  in  the  Woods  most  pleasantly ; 

Thunder.  at  one  of  the  clocke  it  thundred,  which  was  the  first  we 
heard  in  that  Countrey,  it  was  strong  and  great  claps, 
but  short,  but  after  an  houre  it  rayned  very  sadly  till 
midnight.  Wednesday  the  seventh  of  March,  the  wind 
was  full  East,  cold,  but  faire. 

Conference  Friday  the  sixteenth,  there  presented  himselfe  a  Savage, 

with  Savages.  which  caused  an  Alarum,  he  very  boldly  came  all  alone 
and  along  the  houses  straight  to  the  Randevous,  where 
we  intercepted  him,  not  suffering  him  to  goe  in,  as 
undoubtedly  he  would  out  of  his  boldnesse  hee  saluted 
us  in  English,  and  bad  us  welcome,  for  he  had  learned 
some  broken  English  amongst  the  Englishmen  that  came 
to  fish  at  Monhiggan,  and  knew  by  name  the. most  of 
the  Captaines,  Commanders,  and  Masters,  that  usually 
come ;    he  was  a  man  free  in  speech,  so  farre  as  he  could 

330 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

«xpresse  his  minde,  and  of  a  seemly  carriage,  we  ques- 
tioned him  of  many  things,  he  was  the  first  Savage  we 
could  meet  withall ;  hee  said  he  was  not  of  those  parts, 
but  of  Morattiggon,  and  one  of  the  Sagamores  or  Lords 
thereof,  had  beene  eight  moneths  in  these  parts,  it  lying 
hence  a  daies  saile  with  a  great  wind,  and  five  dayes  by 
Land  :  he  discoursed  of  the  whole  Countrey,  and  of  every 
Province,  and  of  their  Sagamores,  and  their  number  of 
men,  and  strength.  The  wind  beginning  to  rise  a  little, 
wee  cast  a  Horsemans  Coat  about  him,  for  he  was  starke 
naked,  only  a  leather  about  his  wast,  with  a  fringe  about 
a  span  long,  or  little  more ;  he  had  a  Bow  and  two 
Arrowes,  the  one  headed,  and  the  other  unheaded,  he 
was  a  tall  straight  man,  the  haire  of  his  head  blacke,  long 
behind,  only  short  before,  none  on  his  face  at  all ;  he 
asked  some  Beere,  but  we  gave  him  Strong-water  and 
Bisket,  and  Butter,  and  Cheese,  and  Pudding,  and  a  piece 
of  a  Mallerd ;  all  which  he  liked  wel,  and  had  bin 
acquainted  with  such  amongst  the  English ;  he  told  us 
the  place  where  we  now  live,  is  called,  Patuxet,  and  that  Patuxet. 
about  foure  yeeres  agoe  all  the  Inhabitants  died  of  an  People  all  dead 
extraordinary  plague,  and  there  is  neither  man,  woman,  of  a  plague. 
nor  child  remaining,  as  indeed  we  have  found  none,  so 
as  there  is  none  to  hinder  our  possession,  or  to  lay  claime 
unto  it.  All  the  afternoone  we  spent  in  communication 
with  him,  we  would  gladly  have  been  rid  of  him  at  night, 
but  he  was  not  willing  to  goe  this  night,  then  we  thought 
to  carry  him  on  ship-boord,  wherwith  hee  was  wel  content 
and  went  into  the  Shallop,  but  the  wind  was  high  and 
water  scant,  that  it  could  not  returne  backe.  We  lodged 
that  night  at  Steven  Hopkins  house,  and  watched  him : 
the  next  day  he  went  away  back  to  the  Masasoyts,  from  Masasoyts. 
whence  he  said  he  came,  who  are  our  next  bordering 
neighbours,  they  are  sixtie  strong,  as  he  saith.  The 
Nausites  are  as  neere  South-east  of  them,  and  are  a  Nausites. 
hundred  strong,  and  those  were  they  of  whom  our  people 
were  encountered,  as  we  before  related.  They  are  much 
Incensed  and  provoked  against  the  English,  and  about 

33* 


A.D. 
l622. 


Hunts  wicked- 
nesse. 


Savages 
described. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

eight  moneths  agoe  slew  three  Englishmen,  and  two  more 
hardly  escaped  by  flight  to  Monhiggon ;  they  were  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorge  his  men,  as  this  Savage  told  us,  as  he 
did  likewise  of  the  Huggery,  that  is,  Fight,  that  our 
discoverers  had  with  the  Nausites,  and  of  our  Tooles  they 
were  taken  out  of  the  Woods,  which  we  willed  him 
should  be  brought  againe,  otherwise  we  would  right  our 
selves.  These  people  are  ill  affected  towards  the  English, 
by  reason  of  one  Hunt,  a  Master  of  a  Ship,  who  deceived 
the  people,  and  got  them  under  colour  of  trucking  with 
them,  twentie  out  of  this  very  place  where  we  inhabite, 
and  seven  men  from  the  Nausites,  and  carried  them  away 
and  sold  them  for  Slaves,  like  a  wretched  man  (for  twentie 
pound  a  man)  that  care  not  what  mischiefe  he  doth  for 
his  profit. 

Saturday  in  the  morning  we  dismissed  the  Savage,  and 
gave  him  a  Knife,  a  Bracelet,  and  a  Ring ;  he  promised 
within  a  night  or  two  to  come  again,  &  to  bring  with  him 
some  of  the  Massasoyts  our  neighbours,  with  such 
Beavers  skins  as  they  had  to  trucke  with  us.  Saturday 
and  Sunday  reasonable  faire  dayes.  On  this  day  came 
againe  the  Savage,  and  brought  with  him  five  other  tall 
proper  men,  they  had  every  man  a  Deeres  skin  on  him, 
and  the  principall  of  them  had  a  wild  Cats  skin,  or  such 
like  on  the  one  arme :  they  had  most  of  them  long  hosen 
up  to  their  groynes,  close  made ;  and  above  their  groynes 
to  their  wast  another  leather,  they  were  altogether  like  the 
Irish-trouses ;  they  are  of  complexion  like  our  English 
Gipseys,  no  haire  or  very  little  on  their  faces,  on  their 
heads  long  haire  to  the  shoulders,  onely  cut  before ;  some 
trussed  up  before  with  a  feather,  broad  wise,  like  a  fan, 
another  a  Fox  taile  hanging  out :  these  left  (according  to 
cur  charge  given  him  before)  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  from  our  Towne,  we  gave  them  enter- 
tainment as  we  thought  was  fitting  them.  They  did  eate 
liberally  of  our  English  victuals,  they  made  semblance 
unto  us  of  friendship  and  amitie ;  they  sang  and  danced 
after  this  manner  like  Anticks;    they  brought  with  him 

332 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

in  a  thing  like  a  Bow-case  (which  the  principall  of  them 

had  about  his  wast)  a  little  of  their  Corne  pounded  to  [IV-  x. 

powder,  which  put  to  a  little  water  they  eate :   he  had  a  1850.] 

little  Tobacco  in  a  bag,  but  none  of  them  drunke  but 

when  he  listed,   some  of  them   had  their  faces   painted 

Tblacke,  from  the  forehead  to  the  chin,  foure  or  five  fingers 

broad ;    others  after  other  fashions,  as  they  liked :    they 

brought  three  or  foure  Skins,  but  wee  would  not  trucke 

with  them  all  that  day,  but  wished  them  to  bring  more, 

and  we  would  trucke  for  all,  which  they  promised  within 

a  night  or  two,  and  would  leave  these  behind  them,  though 

wee  were  not  willing  they  should,  and  they  brought  all 

our  Tooles  againe  which  were  taken  in  the  Woods,  in 

our  mens  absence,  so  because  of  the  day  we  dismissed 

them    so    soone    as    we    could.     But    Samoset    our    first 

acquaintance,  either  was  sicke,  or  fained  himselfe  so,  and 

would    not    goe    with    them,    and    staied    with    us    till 

Wednesday  morning :    Then  we   sent  him  to   them,   to 

know  the  reason  they  came  not  according  to  their  words, 

and  we  gave  him  an  Hat,  a  paire  of  Stockings  and  Shooes, 

a  Shirt,  and  a  piece  of  Cloth  to  tye  about  his  wast. 

Thursday  the  22.  of  March,  was  a  very  faire  warme 

day.     About   noone   we   met   againe   about   our  publike 

businesse,  but  we  had  scarce  beene  an  houre  together,  but 

Samoset  came  againe,  and  Squanto,  the  onely  Native  of 

Patuxat,  where  wee  now  inhabite,  who  was  one  of  the 

twentie  Captives  that  by  Hunt  were  carried  away,  and 

had  beene  in  England,  and  dwelt  in  Cornhill  with  Master 

John  Slanie  a  Merchant,  and  could  speake  a  little  English, 

with  three  others,  and  they  brought  them  some  few  Skins 

to  trucke,  and  some  Red  Herrings  newly  taken  and  dried, 

but  not  salted,  and  signified  unto  us,   that  there  Great 

Sagamore  Massasoyt  was  hard  by,  with  Quadequina  his 

brother,  and  all  their  men.     They  could  not  well  expresse 

in  English  what  they  would,  but  after  an  houre  the  King 

came  to  the  top  of  an  Hill  over  against  us,  and  had  in 

his  trayne  sixtie  men,  that  we  could  well  behold  them, 

and  they  us  :  wee  were  not  willing  to  send  our  Governour 

333 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1022. 

to  them,  and  they  unwilling  to  come  to  us,  so  Squanto 
went  againe  unto  him,  who  brought  word  that  wee  should 
send  one  to  parley  with  him,  which  we  did,  which  was 
Edward  Winsloe,  to  know  his  mind,  and  to  signifie  the 
mind  and  will  of  our  Governor,  which  was  to  have  trading 
and  peace  with  him.  Wee  sent  to  the  King  a  paire  of 
Knives,  and  a  Copper  Chaine,  with  a  Jewell  at  it.  To 
Quadequina  we  sent  likewise  a  Knife  and  a  Jewell  to  hang 
in  his  eare,  and  withall  a  Pot  of  strong  water,  a  good 
quantitie  of  Bisket,  and  some  Butter,  which  were  all 
willingly  accepted :  our  Messenger  made  a  speech  unto 
him,  that  King  James  saluted  him  with  words  of  Love 
and  Peace,  and  did  accept  of  him  as  his  Friend  and  Alley, 
and  that  our  Governour  desired  to  see  him  and  to  trucke 
with  him,  and  to  confirme  a  Peace  with  him,  as  his  next 
neighbour :  hee  liked  well  of  the  speech,  and  heard  it 
attentively,  though  the  Interpreters  did  not  well  expresse 
it ;  after  hee  had  eaten  and  drunk  himselfe,  &  given  the 
rest  to  his  company,  he  looked  upon  our  Messengers 
Sword  and  Armor  which  he  had  on,  with  intimation  of 
his  desire  to  buy  it,  but  on  the  other  side,  our  Messenger 
shewed  his  unwillingnesse  to  part  with  it :  In  the  end 
he  left  him  in  the  custodie  of  Quadequina  his  brother, 
and  came  over  the  Brook,  and  some  twenty  men  following 
him,  leaving  all  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes  behind  them. 
We  kept  six  or  seven  as  Hostages  for  our  Messenger ;, 
Cap.  Standish  and  M.  Williamson  met  the  King  at  the 
Brook,  with  halfe  a  dozen  Musketiers,  they  saluted  him 
and  he  them,  so  one  going  over,  the  one  on  the  one  side, 
and  the  other  on  the  other,  conducted  him  to  an  house 
then  in  building,  where  wee  placed  a  greene  Rug,  and 
three  or  foure  Cushions.  Then  instantly  came  our 
Governour,  with  a  Drum  and  Trumpet  after  him,  and 
some  few  Musketiers.  After  salutations,  our  Governour 
kissing  his  hand,  the  King  kissed  him,  and  so  they  sate 
downe.  The  Governour  called  for  some  strong  water, 
and  drunke  to  him,  and  he  drunke  a  great  draught  that 
made  him  sweate  all  the  while  after  ;   hee  called  for  a  little 

334 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

fresh  meate,  which  the  King  did  eate  willingly,  and  did 
give  his  followers.  Then  they  treated  of  Peace,  which 
was ; 

First,  That  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  should  injure  or  The  agree- 
do  hurt  to  any  of  our  people.  Secondly,  &  if  any  of  f  f  *  °fPeace 
his  did  hurt  to  any  of  ours,  he  should  send  the  offender,  us  and 
that  we  might  punish  him.  Thirdly,  that  if  any  of  our  Massasoyt. 
tooles  were  taken  away  when  our  people  were  at  work, 
he  should  cause  them  to  bee  restored,  and  if  ours  did  any 
harme  to  any  of  his,  we  would  doe  the  like  to  them. 
Fourthly,  If  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him  we  would 
aide  him ;  If  any  did  war  against  us,  he  should  aide  us. 
Fifthly,  He  should  send  to  his  neighbor  Confederates,  to 
certifie  them  of  this,  that  they  might  not  wrong  us,  but 
might  be  likewise  comprised  in  the  conditions  of  Peace. 
Sixthly,  That  when  their  men  came  to  us,  they  should 
leave  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes  behind  them,  as  wee 
should  doe  our  Peeces  when  we  came  to  them.  Lastly, 
that  doing  thus,  King  James  would  esteeme  of  him  as 
his  Friend  and  Ally :  all  which  the  King  seemed  to  like 
well,  and  it  was  applauded  of  his  followers,  all  the  while 
he  sate  by  the  Governour  hee  trembled  for  feare.  In  his 
person  hee  is  a  very  lusty  man,  in  his  best  yeeres,  an  able 
body,  grave  of  countenance,  and  spare  of  speech  :  In  his 
attyre  little  or  nothing  differing  from  the  rest  of  his 
followers,  onely  in  a  great  Chaine  of  white  bone  Beades 
about  his  neck,  &  at  it  behind  his  neck  hangs  a  little 
bag  of  Tobacco,  which  he  drank  and  gave  us  to  drinke ; 
his  face  was  painted  with  a  sad  Red  like  Murry,  and  oyled 
both  head  and  face,  that  hee  looked  greasily :  All  his 
followers  likewise,  were  in  their  faces  in  part  or  in  whole 
painted,  some  Blacke,  some  Red,  some  Yellow,  and  some 
White,  some  with  Crosses,  and  other  Antick  workes,  some 
had  Skins  on  them,  and  some  naked,  all  strong,  tall  men 
in  appearance.  The  King  had  his  bosome  hanging  in  a 
string,  a  great  long  Knife ;  he  marvelled  much  at  our 
Trumpet,  and  some  of  his  men  would  sound  it  as  well  as  [IV.  x. 
they  could;    Samoset  and  Squanto,  stayed  all  night  with  l85!-] 

335 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

us,  and  the  King  and  all  his  men  lay  all  night  in  the 
Wood,  not  above  halfe  an  English  mile  from  us,  and  all 
their  wives  and  women  with  them,  they  said,  that  within 
eight  or  nine  daies,  they  would  come  and  set  Corne  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Brooke,  and  dwell  there  all  Summer, 
which  is  hard  by  us.  That  night  wee  kept  good  watch, 
but  there  was  no  appearance  of  danger  ;  the  next  morning 
divers  of  our  people  came  over  to  us,  hoping  to  get  some 
victualls  as  wee  imagined,  some  of  them  told  us  the 
King  would  have  some  of  us  come  see  him ;  Captaine 
Standish,  and  Isaac  Alderton  went  venterously,  who  were 
welcommed  of  him  after  their  manner :  he  gave  them 
three  or  foure  ground  Nuts,  and  some  Tobacco.  Wee 
cannot  yet  conceive,  but  that  hee  is  willing  to  have  peace 
with  us,  for  they  have  seene  our  people  sometimes  alone 
two  or  three  in  the  Woods  at  worke  and  Fowling,  when 
as  they  offered  them  no  harme,  as  they  might  easily  have 
done,  and  especially  because  hee  hath  a  potent  Adversarie, 
the  Narowhiganseis,  that  are  at  warre  with  him,  against 
whom  hee  thinkes  wee  may  bee  some  strength  to  him, 
for  our  Peeces  are  terrible  unto  them.  This  morning 
they  staied  till  ten  or  eleven  of  the  clocke,  and  our 
Governour  bid  them  send  the  Kings  Kettle,  and  filled  it 
full  of  Pease,  which  pleased  them  well,  and  so  they  went 
their  way. 

Friday  was  a  very  faire  day,  Samoset  and  Squanto  stil 
remained  with  us,  Squanto  went  at  noon  to  fish  for  Eeles, 
at  night  he  came  home  with  as  many  as  hee  could  well 
lift  in  one  hand,  which  our  people  were  glad  of,  they 
were  fat  and  sweete,  hee  trod  them  out  with  his  feete, 
and  so  caught  them  with  his  hands  without  any  other 
Instrument.  This  day  we  proceeded  on  with  our  common 
businesse,  from  which  we  had  bin  so  often  hindred  by 
the  Savages  comming,  and  concluded  both  of  Militarie 
Orders,  and  of  some  Lawes  and  Orders  as  we  thought 
behoovefull  for  our  present  estate,  and  condition,  and 
likewise  chuse  our  Governour  for  this  yeere,  which  was 
Master  John  Carver,  a  man  well  approved  amongst  us. 

336 


I 


to 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

T  seemed  good  to  the  Company  for  many  considera-  A  journey 

tions,  to  send  some  amongst  them  to  Massasoyt,  the  Pf^f10^ 
,     ^  j  ^^10  1        1     •         the  Habitation 

greatest    Commander    amongst    the    Savages,    bordering  0rtJlg  Qreat 

about  us ;  partly  to  know  where  to  find  them,  if  occasion  King 
served,  as  also  to  see  their  strength,  discover  the  Countrey,  Massosoyt. 
prevent  abuses  in  their  disorderly  comming  unto  us,  make 
satisfaction  for  some  conceived  injuries  to  be  done  on 
our  parts,  and  to  continue  the  league  of  Peace  and  Friend- 
ship betweene  them  and  us.  For  these,  and  the  like 
ends,  it  pleased  the  Governour  to  make  choice  of  Steven 
Hopkins,  and  Edward  Winsloe  to  goe  unto  him,  and 
having  a  fit  opportunitie,  by  reason  of  a  Savage,  called 
Tisquantum  (that  could  speake  English)  comming  unto 
us :  with  all  expedition  provided  a  Horsemans  Coat,  of 
Red  Cotton,  and  laced  with  a  slight  Lace  for  a  Present, 
that  both  they  and  their  message  might  bee  the  more 
acceptable  amongs  them. 

Wee  set  forward  the  tenth  of  June,  about  nine  a  clock  1621. 
in  the  morning,  our  guide  resolving  that  night  to  rest 
at  Namaschet,  a  Towne  under  Massasoyt,  and  conceived 
by  us  to  be  very  neere,  because  the  Inhabitants  flocked 
so  thicke  upon  every  slight  occasion  amongst  us :  but 
wee  found  it  to  bee  some  fifteene  English  miles.  On  the 
way  wee  found  some  ten  or  twelve  men,  women,  and 
children,  which  had  pestered  us,  till  wee  were  wearie  of 
them,  perceiving  that  (as  the  manner  of  them  all  is)  where 
victuall  is  easiliest  to  be  got,  there  they  live,  especially  in 
the  Summer :  by  reason  whereof,  our  Bay  affording  many 
Lobsters,  they  resort  every  Spring  Tide  thither :  and  now 
returned  with  us  to  Namaschet.  Thither  we  came  about 
three  a  clocke  after  noone,  the  Inhabitants  entertaining 
us  with  joy,  in  the  best  manner  they  could,  giving  us  a 
kind  of  bread,  called  by  them  Maizium,  and  the  spawne 
of  Shads,  which  then  they  got  in  abundance,  in  so  much 
as  they  gave  us  spoones  to  eate  them,  with  these  they 
boyled  mustie  Acornes,  but  of  the  Shads  wee  eate  heartily. 
After  this  they  desired  one  of  our  men  to  shoot  at  a  Crow, 
complaining  what  damage  they  sustained  in  their  Corne 
xix  337  Y 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1622. 

by  them,  who  shooting  some  fourescore  off  and  killing,, 
they  much  admired  it,  as  other  shots  on  other  occasions. 
After  this  Tisquantum  told  us  wee  should  hardly  in  one 
day  reach  Pakanokick,  moving  us  to  go  some  eight  miles 
further,  where  we  should  find  more  store  and  better 
victuals  then  there :  Being  willing  to  hasten  our  journey 
we  went,  and  came  thither  at  Sunne  setting,  where  we 
found  many  of  the  Namascheucks  (they  so  calling  the 
men  of  Namaschet)  fishing  upon  a  Ware  which  they  had 
made  on  a  River  which  belonged  to  them,  where  they 
caught  abundance  of  Basse.  These  welcommed  us  also, 
gave  us  of  their  fish,  and  we  them  of  our  victualls,  not 
doubting  but  we  should  have  enough  where  ere  we  came. 
There  we  lodged  in  the  open  fields :  for  houses  they  had 
none,  though  they  spent  the  most  of  the  Summer  there. 
The  head  of  this  River  is  reported  to  bee  not  farre  from 
the  place  of  our  abode,  upon  it  are,  and  have  beene  many 
Townes,  it  being  a  good  length.  The  ground  is  very 
good  on  both  sides,  it  being  for  the  most  part  cleered : 

-Great  plague.  Thousands  of  men  have  lived  there,  which  died  in  a  great 
plague  not  long  since :  and  pittie  it  was  and  is  to  see,, 
so  many  goodly  fields,  and  so  well  seated,  without  men 
to  dresse  and  manure  the  same.  Upon  this  River 
dwelleth  Massasoyt. 

The  next  morning  wee  brake  our  fast,  tooke  our  leave 
and  departed,  being  then  accompanied  with  some  sixe 
Savages,  having  gone  about  sixe  miles  by  the  River  side, 
at  a  knowne  shoale  place,  it  being  low  water,  they  spake 
to  us  to  put  off  our  breeches,  for  wee  must  wade  thorow. 

[IV.  x.  Here  let  me  not  forget  the  valour  and  courage  of  some  of 

1 852.]  j^e  Savages,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  River,  for  there 
were  remaining  alive  onely  two  men,  both  aged,  especially 
the  one  being  above  threescore :  These  two  espying  a 
company  of  men  entring  the  River,  ran  very  swiftly  and 
low  in  the  grasse  to  meet  us  at  the  Banke,  where  with 
shrill  voyces  and  great  courage,  standing  charged  upon 
us  with  their  Bowes,  they  demanded  what  wee  were, 
supposing  us  to  be  enemies,  and  thinking  to  take  advan- 

338 


A   RELATION   OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

tage  on  us  in  the  water  :  but  seeing  wee  were  friends,  they 

welcommed  us  with  such  food  as  they  had,  and  we  bestowed 

a  small  bracelet  of  Beads  on  them.     Thus  farre  we  are 

sure  the  Tide  ebbes  and  flowes. 

Having  here  againe  refreshed  our  selves  we  proceeded 
in  our  Journey,  the  weather  being  verie  hot  for  travell, 
yet  the  Countrey  so  well  watered,  that  a  man  could  scarce 
be  drie,  but  hee  should  have  a  Spring  at  hand  to  coole  his 
thirst,  beside  small  Rivers  in  abundance :  But  the  Savages 
will  not  willingly  drinke,  but  at  a  Spring  head.  When 
we  came  to  any  small  Brooke,  where  no  Bridge  was,  two 
of  them  desired  to  carry  us  through  of  their  owne  accords, 
also  fearing  wee  were  or  would  bee  wearie,  offered  to 
carrie  our  Peeces,  also  if  wee  would  lay  off  any  of  our 
clothes,  wee  should  have  them  carried :  and  as  the  one 
of  them  had  found  more  speciall  kindnesse  from  one  of 
the  Messengers,  and  the  other  Savage  from  the  other ; 
so  they  shewed  their  thankfulnesse  accordingly  in  affording 
us  all  helpe,  and  furtherance  in  the  Journey. 

As  we  passed  along,  we  observed  that  there  were  few 
places  by  the  River,  but  had  beene  inhabited,  by  reason 
whereof  much  ground  was  cleere,  save  of  weeds  which 
grew  higher  then  our  heads.  There  is  much  good 
Timber,  both  Oake,  Walnut-tree,  Firre,  Beech,  and 
exceeding  great  Chesnut-trees. 

After  we  came  to  a  Towne  of  Massasoyts,  where  we 
eat  Oysters  and  other  Fish.  From  thence  we  went  to 
Packanokick,  but  Massasoyt  was  not  at  home,  there  we 
staied,  he  being  sent  for :  when  newes  was  brought  of 
his  comming,  our  guide  Tisquantum  requested  that  at 
our  meeting,  wee  would  discharge  our  Peeces,  but  one 
of  us  going  about  to  charge  his  Peece,  the  women  and 
children  through  feare  to  see  them  take  up  his  Peece,  ran 
away,  and  could  not  be  pacified,  till  he  laid  it  downe 
againe,  who  afterward  were  better  informed  by  our  Inter- 
preter. Massasoyt  being  come,  wee  discharged  our 
Peeces,  and  saluted  him,  who  after  their  manner  kindly 
welcommed  us,  and  tooke  us  into  his  house,  and  set  us 

339 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

downe  by  him,  where  having  delivered  our  Message  and 
Presents,  and  having  put  the  Coat  on  his  backe,  and  the 
Chaine  about  his  necke,  hee  was  not  a  little  proud  to 
behold  himselfe,  and  his  men  also  to  see  their  King  so 
bravely  attired.  For  answere  to  our  Message,  he  told 
us  we  were  welcome,  and  he  would  gladly  continue  that 
Peace  and  Friendship  which  was  betweene  him  and  us : 
and  for  his  men  they  should  no  more  pester  us  as  they 
had  done :  Also,  that  hee  would  send  to  Paomet,  and 
would  helpe  us  with  Corne  for  Seed,  according  to  our 
request. 

This  being  done,  his  men  gathered  neere  unto  him, 
to  whom  hee  turned  himselfe,  and  made  a  great  Speech ; 
they  sometime  interposing,  and  as  it  were,  confirming 
and  applauding  him  in  that  he  said.  The  meaning 
whereof  was  (as  farre  as  wee  could  learne)  thus ;  Was 
not  hee  Massasoyt  Commander  of  the  Countrey  about 
them  ?  Was  not  such  a  Towne  his  and  the  people  of  it  ? 
and  should  they  not  bring  their  skins  unto  us.  After 
this  manner,  he  named  at  least  thirtie  places,  and  their 
answere  was  as  aforesaid  to  every  one :  so  that  as  it  was 
delightfull,  it  was  tedious  unto  us.  This  being  ended, 
he  lighted  Tobacco  for  us,  and  fell  to  discoursing  of 
England,  and  of  the  Kings  Majestie,  marvelling  that  hee 
would  live  without  a  Wife.  Also  hee  talked  of  the 
Frenchmen,  bidding  us  not  to  suffer  them  to  come  to 
Narohiganset,  for  it  was  King  James  his  Countrey,  and 
he  also  was  King  James  his  man.  Late  it  grew,  but 
Royall  enter-  victualls  he  offered  none ;  for  indeed  he  had  not  any, 
tainment.  being  he  came  so  newly  home.  So  we  desired  to  goe  to 
rest :  hee  laid  us  on  the  bed  with  himselfe  and  his  wife, 
they  at  the  one  end  and  wee  at  the  other,  it  being  onely 
plankes  laid  a  foot  from  the  ground,  and  a  thinne  Mat 
upon  them.  Two  more  of  his  chiefe  men  for  want  of 
roome  pressed  by  and  upon  us ;  so  that  wee  were  worse 
wearie  of  our  lodging  then  of  our  journey. 

The  next  day  being  Thursday,  many  of  their  Sachmis, 
or  pettie  Governours  came  to  see  us,  and  many  of  their 

340 


A   RELATION    OF   PLYMOUTH  ad. 

1622. 

men  also.     There  they  went  to  their  manner  of  Games  Games. 

for  Skins   and   Knives.     There  we   challenged   them   to 

shoot  with  them  for  Skins :    but  they  durst  not :    onely 

they  desired  to   see  one  of  us   shoot  at  a  marke,  who 

shooting  with  Haile-shot,  they  wondred  to  see  the  marke 

so  full  of  holes.     About  one  a  clocke,  Massasoyt  brought 

two  Fishes  that  he  had  shot,  they  were  like  Breame,  but 

three   times   so   bigge,    and   better   meat.     These   being  Hungrie  fare. 

boyled,  there  were  at  least  fortie  looked  for  share  in  them, 

the  most  eate  of  them :  This  meale  onely  we  had  in  two 

nights   and   a   day,    and   had   not   one   of   us   bought   a 

Partridge,    we    had    taken    our    Journey    fasting :    Very 

importunate  hee  was  to  have  us  stay  with  them  longer : 

But  wee  desired  to  keepe  the  Sabbath  at  home,  and  feared 

wee  should  either  bee  light-headed  for  want  of  sleepe,  for 

what  with  bad  lodging,   the   Savages  barbarous   singing 

(for  they  use  to  sing  themselves  asleepe)  Lice  and  Fleas 

within  doores,  and  Muskeetoes  without,  wee  could  hardly 

sleepe  all  the  time  of  our  being  there ;    we  much  fearing 

that  if  we  should  stay  any  longer,  we  should  not  bee  able 

to  recover  home  for  want  of  strength.     So  that  on  the 

Friday  morning  before  Sun-rising,  wee  tooke  our  leave 

and  departed,  Massasoyt  being  both  grieved  and  ashamed,  [IV-  x- 

that  he   could   not   better  entertaine  us;    and   retaining  l  53-J 

Tisquantum  to  send  from  place  to  place  to  procure  trucke 

for  us :   and  appointing  another,  called  Tokamahamon  in 

his  place,  whom  we  had  found  faithfull  before  and  after 

upon  all  occasions. 

A  Voyage 

THe  eleventh  of  June  we  set  forth  toward  Nauset,  the  made  by  ten  of 

weather  being  very  faire :   but  ere  we  had  bin  long  ™r  men  t0  the 

at  Sea,   there  arose  a  storme  of  winde  and  raine,  with  ^"useTtofeek 

much  lightning  and  thunder,  insomuch  that  a  spout  arose  a  Boy  that  had 

not  farre  from  us  :  but  God  be  praised,  it  dured  not  long,  lost  himselfe  in 

and  we  put  in  that  night  for  Harbour  at  a  place  called  tJie  Woods; 

Cummaquid,  where  we  had  some  hope  to  finde  the  Boy.  ^nt^'as  bef'll 

Two   Savages  were   in   the   Boat  with   us,   the  one  was  us  -tn  t^at 

Tisquantum  our  Interpreter,  the  other  Tokamahamon,  a  Voyage. 

34i 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

speciall  friend.  It  being  night  before  we  came  in,  wee 
Anchored  in  the  middest  of  the  Bay,  where  we  were  dry 
at  a  low  water.  In  the  morning  we  espied  Savages  seeking 
Lobsters,  and  sent  our  two  Interpreters  to  speake  with 
them,  the  channell  being  betweene  them ;  where  they 
told  them  what  we  were,  and  for  what  we  were  come, 
willing  them  not  at  all  to  feare  us,  for  we  would  not  hurt 
them.  Their  answere  was,  that  the  Boy  was  well,  but  he 
was  at  Nauset ;  yet  since  wee  were  there  they  desired  us 
to  come  ashoare  and  eate  with  them :  which  as  soone  as 
our  Boate  floated  we  did :  and  went  sixe  ashoare,  having 
foure  pledges  for  them  in  the  Boate.  They  brought  us 
to  their  Sachim  or  Governour,  whom  they  call  Iyanough, 
a  man  not  exceeding  twenty  six  yeares  of  age,  but  very 
personable,  gentle  courteous,  and  faire  conditioned, 
indeede  not  like  a  Savage,  save  for  his  attyre :  his  enter- 
tainment was  answerable  to  his  parts,  and  his  cheare 
plentifull  and  various. 

One  thing  was  very  grievous  unto  us  at  this  place : 
There  was  an  old  Woman,  whom  wee  judged  to  be  no 
lesse  then  an  hundred  yeares  old,  which  came  to  see  us 
because  shee  never  saw  English,  yet  could  not  behold 
us  without  breaking  forth  into  great  passion,  weeping  and 
crying  excessively.  We  demanding  the  reason  of  it,  they 
told  us,  she  had  three  Sonnes,  who  when  Master  Hunt 
was  in  these  parts,  went  aboord  his  Ship  to  trade  with 
him,  and  he  carried  them  Captives  into  Spaine  (for 
Tisquantum  at  that  time  was  carried  away  also)  by  which 
meanes  shee  was  deprived  of  the  comfort  of  her  children 
in  her  old  age.  We  told  them  wee  were  sorry  that  any 
Englishman  should  give  them  that  offence,  that  Hunt 
was  a  bad  man,  and  that  all  the  English  that  heard  of  it 
condemned  him  for  the  same :  but  for  us,  we  would  not 
offer  them  any  such  injury,  though  it  would  gaine  us 
all  the  Skins  in  the  Countrie.  So  we  gave  her  some  small 
trifles,  which  somewhat  appeased  her. 

After  dinner  we  tooke  Boate  for  Nauset,  Iyanough  and 
two   of   his   men   accompanying   us.     Ere   we   came   to 

342 


A   RELATION    OF   PLYMOUTH  a.d. 

1622. 

Nauset,  the  day  and  tide  were  almost  spent,  in  so  much 
as  we  could  not  goe  in  with  our  Shallop  :  but  the  Sachim 
or  Governour  of  Cummaquid  went  ashoare  and  his  men 
with  him,  we  also  sent  Tisquantum  to  tell  Aspinet  the 
Sachim  of  Nauset,  wherefore  we  came.  After  Sunset 
Aspinet  came  with  a  great  traine,  and  brought  the  Boy 
with  him,  one  bearing  him  through  the  water :  he  had 
not  lesse  then  an  hundred  with  him,  the  halfe  whereof 
came  to  the  Shallop  side  unarmed  with  him,  the  other 
stood  aloofe  with  their  Bowe  and  Arrowes.  There  he 
delivered  us  the  Boy,  behung  with  Beades,  and  made  The  Boy  is 
peace  with  us,  wee  bestowing  a  Knife  on  him,  and  like-  restored- 
wise  on  another  that  first  entertained  the  Boy  and  brought 
him  thither.     So  they  departed  from  us. 

Here  we  understood  that  the  Narrohigansets  had 
spoyled  some  of  Massasoyts  men,  and  taken  him.  This 
strucke  some  feare  in  us,  because  the  Colony  was  so 
weakely  guarded,  the  strength  thereof  being  abroad  :  But 
we  set  forth  with  resolution  to  make  the  best  haste  home 
we  could ;  yet  the  winde  being  contrary,  having  scarce 
any  fresh  water  left,  and  at  least  sixteene  leagues  home, 
we  put  in  againe  for  the  shoare.  There  we  met  againe 
with  Iyanough  the  Sachim  of  Cummaquid,  and  the  most 
of  his  Towne,  both  men,  women  and  children  with  him. 
Hee  being  still  willing  to  gratifie  us,  tooke  a  runlet  and 
led  our  men  in  the  darke  a  great  way  for  water,  but  could 
finde  none  good ;  yet  brought  such  as  there  was  on  his 
necke  with  them.  In  the  meane  time  the  women  joyned 
hand  in  hand,  singing  and  dancing  before  the  Shallop,  the 
men  also  shewing  all  the  kindenesse  they  could,  Iyanough 
himselfe  taking  a  Bracelet  from  about  his  necke,  and 
hanging  it  upon  one  of  us.  By  Gods  providence  we 
came  safely  home  that  night. 


343 


A.D. 
l622. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGEIMES 


Chap.  V. 

Good  newes  from  New  England :  Or,  A  Relation 
of  things  remarkeable  in  that  Plantation ; 
written  by  E.  Winslow  and  here  abbreviated. 

He  good  Ship  called  the  Fortune,  which 

in    the    Moneth    of    November     1621. 

(blessed  be  God)  brought  us  a  new  supply 

of  five  and  thirty  persons,  was  not  long 

departed  our  Coast,  ere  the  Great  people 

of  Narohigganset,  which  are  reported  to 

be    many    thousands    strong,    began    to 

breath   forth   many   threats   against   us,    notwithstanding 

their  desired  and  obtained  peace  with  us  in  the  fore-going 

Summer.     Insomuch  as  the  common  talke  of  our  neighbour 

[IV.  x.  Indians  on  all  sides  was  of  the  preparation  they  made  to 

18 54-1   come  against  us,   In  reason,  a  man  would   thinke   they 

should  have  now  more  cause  to  feare  us  than  before  our 

supply  came :    but  though  none  of  them  were  present,, 

yet  understanding  by  others  that  they  neither  brought 

Armes  nor  other  provisions  with  them,  but  wholly  relied 

on  us,  it  occasioned  them  to  sleight  and  brave  us  with 

Snakes  skin      so  many  threats  as  they  did.     At  length  came  one  of 

defiance,  them   to  us,   who   was   sent  by   Conavacus   their  chiefe 

Sachim  or  King,  accompanied  with  one  Tokamahamon  a 

friendly  Indian.     This  Messenger  inquired  for  Tisquan- 

tum  our  Interpreter,  who  not  being  at  home  seemed  rather 

to  be  glad  then  sorry,  and  leaving  for  him  a  bundle  of 

new  Arrowes  lapped  in  a  rattle  Snakes  skinne,  desired  to 

depart  with  all  expedition. 

When  Tisquantum  returned,  and  the  Arrowes  were 
delivered,  and  the  manner  of  the  Messengers  cariage 
related,  he  signified  to  the  Governour,  that  to  send  the 
rattle  Snakes  skinne  in  that  manner,  imported  enmitie, 
and  that  it  was  no  better  then  a  challenge.  Hereupon, 
after  some  deliberation,  the  Governour  stuffed  the  skin 
with  Powder  and  Shot,  and  sent  it  backe,  returning  no 

344 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW  ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

lesse    defiance    to    Conavacus,    assuring    him    if   he    had 

Shipping    now    present    thereby    to    send    his    men    to 

Narohigganset  (the  place  of  his  abode)  they  should  not 

neede  to  come  so  farre  by  Land  to  us  :  yet  withall,  shewing 

that  they  should  never  come  unwelcome  or  unlooked  for. 

This  message  was  sent  by  an  Indian,  and  delivered  in 

such  sort,  as  it  was  no  small  terrour  to  this  Savage  King, 

insomuch  as  he  would  not  once  touch  the  Powder  and 

Shot,    or   suffer   it  to   stay   in   his   House   or   Countrie. 

Whereupon  the  Messenger  refusing  it,  another  tooke  it 

up,  and  having  beene  posted  from  place  to  place  a  long 

time,  at  length  came  whole  backe  againe. 

In   the   meane   time,   knowing   our   owne   weakenesse, 

notwithstanding  our  high  words  and  loftie  lookes  towards 

them,  and  still  lying  open  to  all  casualty,  having  as  yet 

(under  God)  no  other  defence  then  our  Armes,  we  thought 

it  most  needfull  to  impale  our  Towne,  which  with  all  Towne 

expedition  we  accomplished  in  the  moneth  of  February,  mPaled- 

and  some  few  dayes,  taking  in  the  top  of  the  Hill  under 

which  our  Towne  is  seated,  making  foure  Bulwarkes  or 

jetties   without   the   ordinary   circuit   of   the  Pale,   from 

whence   we   could   defend   the   whole   Towne :    In   three 

whereof  are  Gates,  and  the  fourth  in  time  to  be.     This 

being  done,  Captaine  Standish  divided  our  strength  into 

foure    squadrons    or    companies,    appointing    whom    he 

thought  most  fit  to  have  command  of  each :    And  at  a 

generall  Muster  or  Training,  appointed  each  his  place, 

gave  each  his  Company,  giving  them  charge  upon  every 

alarum  to  resort  to  their  Leaders  to  their  appointed  place, 

and  in  his  absence,  to  be  commanded  and  directed  by 

them.     That  done  according  to  his  order,  each  drew  his 

Company  to  his  appointed  place  for  defence,  and  there 

together  discharged   their   Muskets.     After  which   they 

brought  their  new  Commanders  to   their  houses,  where 

againe  they  graced  them  with  their  shot,  and  so  departed. 

Fearing  also  least   the  enemy  at  any   time  should   take 

any  advantage  by  firing  our  houses,   Captaine  Standish 

appointed  a  certaine  Company,  that  whensoever  they  saw 

345 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

or  heard  fire  to  be  cryed  in  the  Towne,  should  onely  betake 
themselves  to  their  Armes,  and  should  inclose  the  house 
or  place  so  indangered,  and  stand  aloofe  on  their  guard, 
with  their  backes  towards  the  fire,  to  prevent  trechery, 
if  any  were  in  that  kinde  intended.  If  the  fire  were  in 
any  of  the  houses  of  this  guard,  they  were  then  freed 
from  it,  but  not  otherwise,  without  speciall  command. 

Long  before  this  time  we  promised  the  people  of 
Massachuset  in  the  beginning  of  March  to  come  unto 
them,  and  trade  for  their  Furres,  which  being  then  come, 
we  began  to  make  preparation  for  that  Voyage.  In  the 
meane  time,  an  Indian,  called  Hobbamocke,  who  still 
lived  in  the  Towne,  told  us,  that  he  feared  the 
Massachusets  or  Massachuseuks  (for  they  so  called  the 
people  of  that  place)  were  joyned  in  confederacie  with 
the  Narohigganneucks,  or  people  of  Narohigganset,  and 
that  they  therefore  would  take  this  opportunity  to  cut  off 
Captaine  Standish  and  his  Company  abroad :  but  howso- 
ever in  the  meane  time,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  the 
Narohigganeuks  would  assault  the  Towne  at  home,  giving 
many  reasons  for  his  jealousie,  as  also  that  Tisquantum 
was  in  the  confederacy,  who  we  should  finde  would  use 
many  perswasions  to  draw  us  from  our  Shallops  to  the 
Indians  houses  for  their  better  advantage. 

Notwithstanding  the  forenamed  Captaine  with  ten  men, 
accompanied  with  Tisquantum  and  Hobbamocke,  set 
forwards  for  the  Massachusets :  but  we  had  no  sooner 
turned  the  point  of  the  Harbour,  called  the  Gurnets  nose 
(where  being  becalmed  we  let  fall  our  grapnell,  to  set 
things  to  rights,  and  prepare  to  row)  but  there  came  an 
Indian  of  Tisquantums  family,  running  to  certaine  of  our 
people  that  were  from  home  with  all  eagernesse,  having 
his  face  wounded,  and  the  bloud  still  fresh  on  the  same, 
calling  to  them  to  repaire  home,  oft  looking  behinde 
him,  as  if  some  others  had  him  in  chase,  saying  that  at 
Namaschet  (a  Towne  some  fifteene  miles  from  us)  there 
were  many  of  the  Narohiggansets,  Massassowat  our 
supposed  friend;   and  Conbatant  our  feared  enemy,  with 

346 


GOOD  NEWS  FROM  NEW  ENGLAND     a.d. 

1622. 

many  others,  with  a  resolution  to  take  advantage  on  the 
present  opportunity,  to  assault  the  Towne  in  the  Captaines 
absence,  affirming  that  hee  received  the  wound  in  his 
face  for  speaking  in  our  behalfe,  and  by  sleight  escaped, 
looking  oft  backward,  as  if  he  suspected  them  to  be  at 
hand.  This  he  affirmed  againe  to  the  Governour,  where- 
upon he  gave  command  that  three  peece  of  Ordnance 
should  be  made  ready  and  discharged,  to  the  end  that  if 
wee  were  not  out  of  hearing,  we  might  returne 
thereat.  Which  we  no  sooner  heard,  but  we  repaired 
homeward  with  all  convenient  speede,  arming  our  [IV.  x. 
selves,   and   making   all   in   readinesse  to  fight.     When  l855-] 

wee  entred  the  Harbour,  we  saw  the  Towne  likewise  on 
their  guard,  whither  we  hasted  with  all  convenient  speede. 
The  newes  being  made  knowne  unto  us,  Hobbamock  said 
flatly  that  it  was  false,  assuring  us  of  Massassowats  faith- 
fulnesse ;  howsoever  he  presumed  he  would  never  have 
undertaken  any  such  act  without  his  privitie,  himselfe 
being  a  Pinse,  that  is,  one  of  his  chiefe  Champions  or  men 
of  valour,  it  being  the  manner  amongst  them  not  to 
undertake  such  enterprises  without  the  advice  and  further- 
ance of  men  of  that  ranke. 

The  Governour  caused  Hobbamock  to  send  his  wife 
with  all  privacie  to  Puckanokick,  the  chiefe  place  of 
Massassowats  residence  (pretending  other  occasions)  there 
to  informe  her  selfe,  and  so  us,  of  the  right  state  of 
things.  When  she  came  thither,  and  saw  all  things  quiet, 
and  that  no  such  matter  was  or  had  beene  intended,  she 
told  Massassowat  what  had  hapned  at  Plimoth  (by  them 
called  Patuxet)  which  when  he  understood,  he  was  much 
offended  at  the  carriage  of  Tisquantum,  returning  many 
thankes  to  the  Governour  for  his  good  thoughts  of  him ; 
and  assuring  him,  that  according  to  their  first  Articles  of 
peace,  hee  would  send  word  and  give  warning  when  any 
such  businesse  was  towards. 

Thus  by  degrees  we  began  to  discover  Tisquantum,  Tisquantums 
whose  ends  were  onely  to  make  himselfe  great  in  the  eyes  trechery. 
of  his  Country-men,  by  meanes  of  his  neerenesse  and 

347 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS    PILGRIMES 

1622. 

favour  with  us,  not  caring  who  fell,  so  he  stood.  In 
generall,  his  course  was  to  perswade  them  hee  could  lead 
us  to  peace  or  warre  at  his  pleasure,  and  would  oft  threaten 
the  Indians,  sending  them  word  in  a  private  manner,  we 
were  intended  shortly  to  kill  them,  that  thereby  he  might 
get  gifts  to  himselfe  to  worke  their  peace,  insomuch  as 
they  had  him  in  greater  esteeme  then  many  of  their 
Sachims ;  yea,  they  themselves  sought  to  him,  who 
promised  them  peace  in  respect  of  us  ;  yea,  and  protection 
also,  so  as  they  would  resort  to  him.  So  that  whereas 
divers  were  wont  to  relye  on  Massassowat  for  protection, 
and  resort  to  his  abode,  now  they  began  to  leave  him,  and 
seeke  after  Tisquantum.  But  when  we  understood  his 
dealings,  we  certified  all  the  Indians  of  our  ignorance  and 
innocency  therein,  assuring  them  till  they  begun  with  us, 
they  should  have  no  cause  to  feare.  And  if  any  hereafter 
should  raise  any  such  reports,  they  should  punish  them 
as  Hers  and  seekers  of  their  and  our  disturbance,  which 
gave  the  Indians  good  satisfaction  on  all  sides. 

After  this  we  proceeded  in  our  Voyage  to  the 
Massachusets,  where  we  had  good  store  of  Trade  and 
(blessed  be  God)  returned  in  safety,  though  driven  from 
before  our  Towne  in  great  danger  and  extremity  of 
weather.  At  our  returne,  we  found  Massassowat  at  the 
Plantation,  who  made  his  seeming  just  Apologie  for  all 
former  matters  of  accusation,  being  much  offended  and 
inraged  against  Tisquantum,  whom  the  Governour  pacified 
as  much  as  he  could  for  the  present.  But  not  long  after 
his  departure,  he  sent  a  Messenger  to  the  Governour, 
intreating  him  to  give  way  to  the  death  of  Tisquantum, 
who  had  so  much  abused  him.  But  the  Governour 
answered ;  Although  he  had  deserved  to  dye  both  in 
respect  of  him  and  us ;  yet  for  our  sakes  he  desired  he 
would  spare  him,  and  the  rather  because  without  him  he 
knew  not  well  how  to  understand  himselfe,  or  any  other 
the  Indians.  With  this  answer  the  Messenger  returned, 
but  came  againe  not  long  after,  accompanied  with  divers, 
others,  demanding  him  from  Massassowat  their  Master. 

348 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM    NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

as  being  one  of  his  subjects,  whom  by  our  first  Articles 

of  peace  we  could  not  retaine :  yet  because  hee  would  not 

willingly    doe    it    without    the    Governors    approbation, 

offered  him  many  Bevers  skins  for  his  consent  thereto, 

saying,  that  according  to  their  manner,  their  Sachim  had 

sent  his  owne  Knife,  and  therewith,  to  cut  off  his  head 

and    hands,    and    bring    them    to    him.     To    which    the 

Governour   answered ;     It   was   not   the   manner   of   the 

English  to  sell  mens  lives  at  a  price,  but  when  they  had 

deserved  justly  to  die,  to  give  them  their  reward,  and 

therefore  refused  their  Beavers  as  a  gift :    but  sent  for 

Tisquantum,  who  though  he  knew  their  intent,  yet  offered 

not  to  flye,  but  came  and  accused  Hobbamocke  as  the 

author  and  worker  of  his  overthrow ;    yeelding  himselfe 

to  the  Governour  to  be  sent  or  not  according  as  he  thought 

meete.     But   at   the   instant,   when   our   Governour   was 

ready  to  deliver  him  into  the  hands  of  his  Executioners, 

a  Boate  was  seene  at  Sea  to  crosse  before  our  Towne,  and 

fall  behinde  a  head-land  not  farre  off :  whereupon,  having 

heard  many  rumours  of  the  French,   and  not  knowing 

whether  there  were  any  combination  betweene  the  Savages 

and  them,  the  Governour  told  the  Indians,  he  would  first 

know  what  Boate  that  was  ere  he  would  deliver  him  into 

their  custody.     But  being  mad  with  rage,  and  impatient 

at  delay,  they  departed  in  great  heate. 

Here  let   me  not  omit   one  notable   (though   wicked) 

practise  of  this  Tisquantum,  who  to  the  end  he  might 

possesse  his  Countrimen  with  the  greater  feare  of  us,  and 

so  consequently  of  himselfe,  told  them  we  had  the  plague 

buried  in  our  store-house,  which  at  our  pleasure  we  could 

send  forth  to  what  place  or  people  we  would,  and  destroy 

them  therewith,  though  wee  stirred  not  from  home.    Being 

upon  the  forenamed  brabbles  sent  for  by  the  Governour 

to  this  place,  where  Hobbamock  was  &  some  other  of  us, 

the   ground   being   broke   in   the   middest   of   the   house 

(whereunder   certaine    barrels    of   Powder    were    buried, 

though  unknowne  to  him)  Hobbamock  asked  him  what 

it  meant  ?     To  whom  he  readily  answered  ;   That  was  the 

349 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PXLGRIMES 

1622. 

Plagy  conceit,  place  wherein  the  plague  was  buried,  whereof  he  formerly 
told  him  and  others.  After  this  Hobbamock  asked  one 
of  our  people  whether  such  a  thing  were,  and  whether  we 

[IV.  x.  hacl  such  command  of  it  ?     Who  answered  no  ;    But  the 

5-1  God  of  the  English  had  it  in  store,  and  could  send  it 
at  his  pleasure  to  the  destruction  of  his  and  our  enemies. 
This  was,  as  I  take  it,  about  the  end  of  May,  1622. 
At  which  time  our  store  of  victuals  was  wholly  spent, 
having  lived  long  before  with  a  bare  and  short  allowance : 
The  reason  was,  that  supply  of  men  before  mentioned, 
which  came  so  unprovided,  not  landing  so  much  as  a 
barrell  of  Bread  or  Meale  for  their  whole  Company,  but 
contrariwise  received  from  us  for  their  Ships  store  home- 
ward. Neither  were  the  setters  forth  thereof  altogether 
to  be  blamed  therein,  but  rather  certaine  amongst  our 
selves,  who  were  too  prodigall  in  their  writing  and  report- 
ing that  plenty  we  enjoyed.     But  that  I  may  returne. 

This  Boate  proved  to  be  a  Shallop  that  belonged  to  a 
fishing  Ship,  called  the  Sparrow,  set  forth  by  Master 
Thomas  Weston,  late  Merchant  and  Citizen  of  London, 
which  brought  six  or  seven  passengers  at  his  charge,  that 
should  before  have  beene  landed  at  our  Plantation,  who 
also  brought  no  more  provision  for  the  present  then  served 
the  Boats  gang  for  their  returne  to  the  Ship,  which  made 
her  Voyage  at  a  place  called  Damarins  Cove,  neere  Mun- 
higgen,  some  forty  leagues  from  us  North-east-ward ; 
about  which  place  there  fished  above  thirty  saile  of  Ships, 
and  whither  my  selfe  was  imployed  by  our  Governour, 
with  orders  to  take  up  such  victuals  as  the  Shippes  could 
spare ;  where  I  found  kinde  entertainment  and  good 
respect,  with  a  willingnesse  to  supply  our  wants :  But 
being  not  able  to  spare  that  quantity  I  required,  by  reason 
of  the  necessitie  of  some  amongst  themselves,  whom  they 
supplied  before  my  comming,  would  not  take  any  Bils 
for  the  same,  but  did  what  they  could  freely,  wishing  their 
store  had  beene  such  as  they  might  in  greater  measure 
have  expressed  their  owne  love,  and  supplied  our  necessi- 
ties, for  which  they  sorrowed,  provoking  one  another  to 

35° 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW  ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

the  utmost  of  their  abilitie :   which  although  it  were  not 

much  amongst  so  many  people  as  were  at  the  Plantation, 

yet    through    the   provident    and    discreete    care    of    the 

Governours,   recovered   and   preserved   strength   till   our 

owne  crop  on  the  ground  was  ready. 

Having  dispatched  there,  I  returned  home  with  all 
speede  convenient,  where  I  found  the  state  of  the  Colony 
much  weaker  then  when  I  left  it :  for  til  now  we  were 
never  without  some  Bread,  the  want  whereof  much  abated 
the  strength  and  flesh  of  some,  and  swelled  others.  But 
here  it  may  be  said,  if  the  Countrey  abound  with  Fish 
and  Fowle  in  such  measure  as  is  reported,  how  could 
men  undergoe  such  measure  of  hardnesse,  except  through 
their  owne  negligence  ?  I  answere :  Every  thing  must 
be  expected  in  its  proper  season.  No  man,  as  one  said, 
will  goe  into  an  Orchard  in  the  Winter  to  gather  Cherries  : 
so  he  that  lookes  for  Fowle  there  in  the  Summer,  will  be 
deceived  in  his  expectation.  The  time  they  continue  in 
plenty  with  us,  is  from  the  beginning  of  October  to  the 
end  of  March :  but  these  extremities  befell  us  in  May 
and  June.  I  confesse,  that  as  the  Fowle  decrease,  so  Fish 
increase.  And  indeede  their  exceeding  abundance  was  a 
great  cause  of  increasing  our  wants.  For  though  our 
Bay  and  Creekes  were  full  of  Basse,  and  other  fish,  yet 
for  want  of  fit  and  strong  Saynes,  and  other  netting,  they 
for  the  most  part  brake  thorow  and  carried  all  away  before 
them.  And  though  the  Sea  were  full  of  Cod,  yet  we  had 
neither  tackling  nor  harseis  for  our  Shallops.  And 
indeede  had  we  not  beene  in  a  place  where  divers  sorts  of 
Shel-fish  are  that  may  be  taken  with  the  hand,  we  must 
have  perished,  unlesse  God  had  raised  some  unknowne 
or  extraordinary  meanes  for  our  preservation. 

In  the  time  of  these  streits  (indeede  before  my  going 
to  Munhiggen)  the  Indians  began  againe  to  cast  forth 
many  insulting  speeches,  glorying  in  our  weakenesse,  and 
giving  out  how  easie  it  would  be  ere  long  to  cut  us  off. 
Now  also  Massassowat  seemed  to  frowne  on  us,  and 
neither  came  or  sent  to  us  as  formerly.     These   things 

35i 


A.D. 
l622. 


Master 
Westons 
planters : 
which  plaid 
the  wasps  with 
English  and 
Savages. 


[IV. 


1857.] 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

occasioned  further  thoughts  of  Fortification.  And 
whereas  we  have  a  Hill  called  the  Mount,  inclosed  within 
our  Pale,  under  which  our  Towne  is  seated,  we  resolved 
to  erect  a  Fort  thereon,  from  whence  a  few  might 
easily  secure  the  Town  from  any  assault  the  Indians 
can  make,  whilest  the  rest  might  be  imployed  as 
occasion  served.  This  worke  was  begun  with  great 
eagernesse,  and  with  the  approbation  of  all  men, 
hoping  that  this  being  once  finished,  and  a  continuall 
guard  there  kept,  it  would  utterly  discourage  the  Savages 
from  having  any  hopes  or  thoughts  of  rising  against  us. 
And  though  it  tooke  the  greatest  part  of  our  strength  from 
dressing  our  Corne,  yet  (life  being  continued)  wee  hoped 
God  would  raise  some  meanes  in  stead  thereof  for  our 
further  preservation. 

In  the  end  of  June,  or  beginning  of  July,  came  into  our 
harbour  two  Ships  of  Master  Westons  aforesaid,  the  one 
called  the  Charitie,  the  other  the  Swan,  having  in  them 
some  fiftie  or  sixtie  men  sent  over  at  his  owne  charge  to 
plant  for  him.  These  we  received  into  our  Towne, 
affording  them  whatsoever  curtesie  our  meane  condition 
could  afford.  There  the  Charitie,  being  the  bigger  Ship, 
left  them,  having  many  passengers  which  she  was  to  land 
in  Virginia.  In  the  meane  time,  the  body  of  them 
refreshed  themselves  at  Plimoth,  whilest  some  most  fit 
sought  out  a  place  for  them.  That  little  store  of  Corne 
we  had,  was  exceedingly  wasted  by  the  unjust  and  dis- 
honest walking  of  these  strangers,  who  though  they  would 
sometimes  seeme  to  helpe  us  in  our  labour  about  our 
Corne,  yet  spared  not  day  and  night  to  steale  the  same, 
it  being  then  eatable,  and  pleasant  to  taste,  though  green 
and  unprofitable.  And  though  they  received  much  kind- 
nesse,  set  light  both  by  it  and  us.  At  length  their  Coasters 
returned,  having  found  in  their  judgement  a  place  fit  for 
plantation,  within  the  Bay  of  the  Massachusets,  at  a  place 
called  by  the  Indians  Wichaguscusset.  To  which  place 
the  body  of  them  went  with  all  convenient  speede,  leaving 
still    with    us    such    as    were    sicke    and    lame,    by    the 

352 


GOOD    NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

Governours  permission,  though  on  their  parts  undeserved. 

whom  our  Surgeon  by  the  helpe  of  God  recovered  gratis 

for  them,  and   they  fetched  home,   as   occasion   served. 

They  had  not  beene  long  from  us,  ere  the  Indians  filled 

our  eares  with  clamours  against  them,  for  stealing  their 

Corne,  and  other  abuses  conceived  by  them.     At  which 

we  grieved  the  more,  because  the  same  men,  in  mine  owne 

hearing,    had    beene    earnest    in    perswading    Captaine 

Standish,  before  their  comming  to  solicite  our  Governour 

to  send  some  of  his  men  to  plant  by  them,  alledging  many 

reasons  how  it  might  be  commodious  for  us.     But  wee 

knew  no  meanes  to  redresse  those  abuses,  save  reproofe, 

and  advising  them  to  better  walking,  as  occasion  served. 

In  the  end  of  August  came  other  two  Ships  into  our  Two  Skips. 
harbour,  the  one  (as  I  take  it)  was  called  the  Discoverie, 
Captaine  Jones  having  the  command  thereof,  the  other 
was  that  Ship  of  Master  Westons,  called  the  Sparrow, 
which  had  now  made  her  Voyage  of  Fish,  and  was  con- 
sorted with  the  other,  being  both  bound  for  Virginia.  Of 
Captaine  Jones  we  furnished  our  selves  of  such  provisions  Helpe  front 
as  we  most  needed,  and  he  could  best  spare,  who  as  he  Master  Jones. 
used  us  kindely,  so  made  us  pay  largely  for  the  things  we 
had.  And  had  not  the  Almighty,  in  his  All-ordering 
Providence,  directed  him  to  us,  it  would  have  gone  worse 
with  us,  then  ever  it  had  beene,  or  after  was :  for,  as  we 
had  now.  but  small  store  of  Corne  for  the  yeere  following  : 
so  for  want  of  supply,  we  were  worne  out  of  all  manner 
of  trucking-stuffe,  not  having  any  meanes  left  to  helpe 
our  selves  by  trade;  but  through  Gods  good  mercy 
towards  us,  hee  had  wherewith,  and  did  supply  our  wants 
on  that  kinde  competently. 

In  the  end  of  September,  or  beginning  of  October, 
Master  Westons  biggest  Ship  called  the  Charitie,  returned 
for  England,  and  left  their  Colony  sufficiently  victualled, 
as  some  of  most  rcredit  amongst  them  reported.  The 
lesser,  called  the  Swan,  remained  with  his  Colony  for  their 
further  helpe.  At  which  time  they  desired  to  joyne  in 
partnership  with  us  to  trade  for  Corne ;  to  which  our 
xix  353  z 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

Governour  and  his  Assistant  agreed  upon  such  equall 
conditions,  as  were  drawne  and  confirmed  betweene  them 
and  us.  The  chiefe  places  aimed  at  were  to  the  Southward 
of  Cape  Cod,  and  the  more  because  Tisquantum,  whose 
peace  before  this  time  was  wrought  with  Masassowat, 
undertooke  to  discover  unto  us  that  supposed,  and  still 
hoped  passage  within  the  Sholes. 

Both  Colonies  being  thus  agreed,  our  Governour  in 
his  owne  person  supplied  the  Captaines  place,  and  in  the 
month  of  November  set  forth,  having  Tisquantum  for  his 
Interpreter  and  Pilot,  who  affirmed  he  had  twice  passed 
within  the  Sholes  of  Cape  Cod,  both  with  English  and 
French.  Neverthelesse,  they  went  so  farre  with  him,  as 
the  Master  of  the  Ship  saw  no  hope  of  passage  :  but  being 
(as  he  thought)  in  danger,  bare  up,  and  according  to 
Tisquantums  directions,  made  for  an  harbour  not  farre 
from  them,  at  a  place  called  Manamoycke,  which  they 
found,  and  sounding  it  with  their  Shallop  found  the 
channell,  though  but  narrow  and  crooked,  where  at  length 
they  harboured  the  Ship.  Here  they  perceived  that  the 
Tide  set  in  and  out  with  more  violence  at  some  other 
place  more  Southerly,  which  they  had  not  seene  nor  could 
discover,  by  reason  of  the  violence  of  the  season  all  the 
time  of  their  abode  there.  Some  judged  the  entrance 
thereof  might  be  beyond  the  Sholes,  but  there  is  no 
certainty  thereof  as  yet  knowne.  That  night  the 
Governour  accompanied  with  others,  having  Tisquantum 
for  his  Interpreter  went  ashoare :  At  first  the  Inhabitants 
plaied  least  in  sight,  because  none  of  our  people  had  ever 
beene  there  before ;  but  understanding  the  ends  of  their 
comming,  at  length  came  to  them,  welcomming  our 
Governour  according  to  their  Savage  manner,  refreshing 
them  very  well  with  store  of  Venison  and  other  victuals 
which  they  brought  them  in  great  abundance,  promising 
to  trade  with  them,  with  a  seeming  gladnesse  of  the 
occasion :  yet  their  joy  was  mixed  with  much  jealousie, 
as  appeared  by  their  after  practices :  for  at  first  they  were 
loath  their  dwellings  should  be  knowne,  but  when  they 

354 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM    NEW   ENGLAND  A.n. 

1622. 

saw  our  Governours  resolution  to  stay  on  the  shoare  all 
night,  they  brought  him  to  their  houses,  having  first 
convaied  all  their  stuffe  to  a  remote  place,  not  farre  from 
the  same,  which  one  of  our  men  walking  forth  occasionally, 
espied;  whereupon,  on  the  sudden,  neither  it  nor  they 
could  be  found,  and  so  many  times  after  upon  conceived 
occasions,  they  would  be  all  gone,  bag  and  baggage.  But 
being  afterwards  (by  Tisquantums  meanes)  better  per- 
swaded,  they  left  their  jealousie  and  traded  with  them ; 
where  they  got  eight  hogsheads  of  Corne  and  Beanes, 
though  the  people  were  but  few.  This  gave  our 
Governour  and  the  Company  good  encouragement. 
Tisquantum  being  still  confident  in  the  passage,  and  the 
Inhabitants  affirming,  they  had  seene  Ships  of  good 
burthen  passe  within  the  Sholes  aforesaid.  But  here, 
though  they  had  determined  to  make  a  second  assay, 
yet  God  had  otherwaies  disposed,  who  strucke  Tisquantum 
with  sicknesse,  in  so  much  as  he  there  died,  which  crossed 
their  Southward  trading,  and  the  more,  because  the 
Masters  sufficiency  was  much  doubted,  and  the  season 
very  tempestuous,  and  not  fit  to  goe  upon  discovery, 
having  no  guide  to  direct  them. 

From  thence  they  departed,  and  the  winde  being  faire 
for  the  Massachusets,  went  thither,  and  the  rather  because 
the  Savages  upon  our  motion  had  planted  much  Corne 
for  us,  which  they  promised  not  long  before  that  time.  [IV.  x. 
When  they  came  thither,  they  found  a  great  sicknesse  to  1858.] 

be  amongst  the  Indians,  not  unlike  the  Plague,  if  not  A  Plague. 
the  same.  They  renued  their  complaints  to  our  Gover- 
nour, against  that  other  Plantation  seated  by  them,  for 
their  injurious  walking.  But  indeede  the  trade  both  for  Note. 
Furres  and  Corne  was  overthrowne  in  that  place,  they 
giving  as  much  for  a  quart  of  Corne,  as  we  used  to  doe 
for  a  Beavers  skin ;  so  that  little  good  could  be  there 
done.  From  thence  they  returned  into  the  bottome  of 
the  Bay  of  Cape  Cod,  to  a  place  called  Nauset,  where 
the  Sachim  used  the  Governour  very  kindely,  and  where 
they  bought  eight  or  ten  hogsheads  of  Corne  and  Beanes. 

355 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

Also  at  a  place  called  Mattachiest,  where  they  had  like 
kinde  entertainment  and  Corne  also.  During  the  time 
of  their  trade  in  these  places,  there  were  so  great  and 
violent  stormes,  as  the  Ship  was  much  endangered,  and 
our  Shallop  cast  away,  so  that  they  had  now  no  meanes 
to  carry  the  Corne  aboard  that  they  had  bought,  the  Ship 
riding  by  their  report  well  neere  two  leagues  from  the 
same,  her  owne  Boate  being  small,  and  so  leake  (having 
no  Carpenter  with  them)  as  they  durst  scarce  fetch  wood 
or  water  in  her.  Hereupon  the  Governour  caused  the 
Corne  to  be  made  in  a  round  stacke,  and  bought  Mats, 
and  cut  Sedge  to  cover  it,  and  gave  charge  to  the  Indians 
not  to  meddle  with  it,  promising  him  that  dwelt  next  to 
it  a  reward,  if  he  would  keepe  vermine  also  from  it,  which 
he  undertooke,  and  the  Sachim  promised  to  make  good. 
Honest  In  the  meane  time,  according  to  the  Governors  request, 
Savages,  the  Sachim  sent  men  to  seek  the  Shallop,  which  they  found 
buried  almost  in  sand  at  a  high-water  marke,  having  many 
things  remaining  in  her,  but  unserviceable  for  the  present ; 
whereof  the  Governour  gave  the  Sachim  special!  charge 
that  it  should  not  be  further  broken.  And  having  pro- 
cured a  Guide,  it  being  no  lesse  then  fiftie  miles  to  our 
Plantation,  set  forward,  receiving  all  respect  that  could  be 
from  the  Indians  in  his  journey,  and  came  safely  home, 
though  weary  and  surbated,  whether  some  three  dayes 
after  the  Ship  also  came.  The  Corne  being  divided  which 
they  had  got,  Master  Westons  Company  went  to  their 
owne  Plantation,  it  being  further  agreed,  that  they  should 
returne  with  all  convenient  speede,  and  bring  their 
Carpenter,  that  they  might  fetch  the  rest  of  the  Corne, 
and  save  their  Shallop. 

At  their  returne  Captaine  Standish  being  recovered  and 
in  health,  tooke  another  Shallop,  and  went  with  them  to 
the  Corne,  which  they  found  in  safety  as  they  left  it : 
also  they  mended  the  other  Shallop,  and  got  all  their 
Corne  aboard  the  Ship.  This  was  in  January,  as  I  take 
it,  it  being  very  cold  and  stormy,  insomuch  as  (the  harbour 
being  none  of  the  best)  they  were  constrained  to  cut  both 

356 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

the  Shallops  from  the  Ships  sterne,  and  so  lost  them  both 
a  second  time.  But  the  storme  being  over,  and  seeking 
out,  they  found  them  both,  not  having  received  any  great 
hurt.  Whilest  they  were  at  Nauset,  having  occasion  to 
lye  on  the  shoare,  laying  their  Shallop  in  a  Creeke  not 
farre  from  them,  an  Indian  came  into  the  same,  and  stole 
certaine  Beads,  Cissers,  and  others  trifles  out  of  the  same, 
which  when  the  Captaine  missed,  he  tooke  certaine  of 
his  company  with  him,  and  went  to  the  Sachim,  telling 
him  what  had  hapned,  and  requiring  the  same  againe,  or 
the  party  that  stole  them  (who  was  knowne  to  certaine 
of  the  Indians)  or  else  he  would  revenge  it  on  them  before 
his  departure,  and  so  tooke  leave  for  that  night  being  late, 
refusing  whatsoever  kindnesse  they  offered.  On  the 
morrow,  the  Sachim  came  to  their  randevow,  accompanied 
with  many  men,  in  a  stately  manner,  who  saluting  the 
Captaine  in  this  wise ;  He  thrust  out  his  tongue,  that 
one  might  see  the  roote  thereof,  and  there  with  licked 
his  hand  from  the  wrist  to  the  fingers  end,  withall  bowing 
the  knee,  striving  to  imitate  the  English  gesture,  being 
instructed  therein  formerly  by  Tisquantum :  his  men  did 
the  like,  but  in  so  rude  and  Savage  a  manner,  as  our  men 
could  scarce  forbeare  to  breake  out  in  open  laughter. 
After  salutation,  he  delivered  the  Beads,  and  other  things 
to  the  Captaine,  saying,  he  had  much  beaten  the  party 
for  doing  it,  causing  the  women  to  make  Bread,  and 
bring  them,  according  to  their  desire,  seeming  to  be  very 
sorry  for  the  fact,  but  glad  to  be  reconciled.  So  they 
departed,  and  came  home  in  safety ;  where  the  Corne  was 
equally  divided,  as  before. 

After  this,  the  Governour  went  to  two  other  inland 
Townes,  with  another  Company,  and  bought  Corne  like- 
wise of  them,  the  one  is  called  Namasket,  the  other  Namasket. 
Manomet.  That  from  Namasket  was  brought  home  Manomet. 
partly  by  Indian  women  ;  but  a  great  sicknesse  arising 
amongst  them,  our  owne  men  were  inforced  to  fetch  home 
the  rest.  That  at  Manomet  the  Governour  left  in  the 
Sachims  custody :    this  Towne  lieth  from  us  South  well 

357 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

neere  twenty  miles,  and  stands  upon  a  fresh  River,  which 
runneth  into  the  Bay  of  Narohigganset,  and  cannot  be 
lesse  then  sixty  miles  from  thence.  It  will  beare  a  Boat 
of  eight  or  ten  tun  to  this  place.  Hither  the  Dutch,  or 
French,  or  both  use  to  come.  It  is  from  hence  to  the  Bay 
of  Cape  Cod  about  eight  miles ;  out  of  which  Bay  it 
floweth  into  a  Creeke  some  six  miles  almost  direct  towards 
the  Towne.  The  heads  of  the  River,  and  this  Creeke, 
are  not  farre  distant.  This  River  yeeldeth  thus  high, 
Oysters,  Muscles,  Clams,  and  other  Shel-fish,  one  in  shape 
like  a  Beane,  another  like  a  Clam,  both  good  meate,  and 
great  abundance  at  all  times ;  besides  it  aboundeth  with 
divers  sorts  of  fresh  fish  in  their  seasons.  The  Governour 
or  Sachim  of  this  place,  was  called  Canacum,  who  had 
formerly,  as  well  as  many  others  (yea  all  with  whom  as 
yet  we  had  to  doe)  acknowledged  themselves  the  Subjects 
of  our  Soveraigne  Lord  the  King.  This  Sachim  used 
the  Governour  very  kindely,  and  it  seemed  was  of  good 
respect  and  authority  amongst  the  Indians.  For  whilest 
[IV.  x.  the  Governour  was  there  within  night  in  bitter  weather, 

1859.]  came  two  men  from  Manamoick,  before  spoken  of,  and 
having  set  aside  their  Bowes  and  Quivers,  according  to 
their  manner,  sat  down  by  the  fire,  and  tooke  a  pipe  of 
Tobacco,  not  using  any  words  in  that  time,  nor  any  other 
to  them,  but  all  remained  silent,  expecting  when  they 
would  speake :  At  length  they  looked  toward  Canacum, 
and  one  of  them  made  a  short  speech,  and  delivered  a 
present  to  him  from  his  Sachim,  which  was  a  basket  of 
Tobacco,  and  many  Beades,  which  the  other  received 
thankfully.  After  which,  he  made  a  long  speech  to  him, 
the  contents  hereof  was  related  to  us  by  Hobbamock  (who 
then  accompanied  the  Governour  for  his  Guide)  to  be  as 
followeth ;  It  hapned  that  two  of  their  men  fell  out  as 
Savages  great  they  were  in  game  (for  they  use  gaming  as  much  as  any 
gamsters.  where,  and  will  play  away  all,  even  their  skin  from  their 
backs,  yea  and  for  their  wives  skins  also,  though  it  may 
be  they  are  many  miles  distant  from  them,  as  my  selfe 
have  seene)  and  growing  to  great  heat,  the  one  killed  the 

358 


GOOD    NEWS    FROM    NEW   ENGLAND  ad. 

1622. 

other.  The  actor  of  this  fact  was  a  Powah,  one  of  speciail 
note  amongst  them,  and  such  an  one  as  they  could  not  well 
misse,  yet  another  people  greater  then  themselves  threatned 
them  with  warre,  if  they  would  not  put  him  to  death. 
The  partie  offending  was  in  hold,  neither  would  their 
Sachim  doe  one  way  or  other  till  their  returne,  resting 
upon  him  for  advice  and  furtherance  in  so  weightie  a 
matter.  After  this  there  was  silence  a  short  time;  at 
length  men  gave  their  judgement  what  they  thought  best. 
Amongst  others,  he  asked  Hobbamock  what  he  thought? 
Who  answered,  he  was  but  a  stranger  to  them,  but  thought 
it  was  better  that  one  should  die  then  many,  since  he  had 
deserved  it,  and  the  rest  were  innocent ;  whereupon  he 
passed  the  sentence  of  death  upon  him. 

Not  long  after  (having  no  great  quantitie  of  Corne  left) 
Captaine  Standish  went  againe  with  a  Shallop  to  Matta- 
chiest,  meeting  also  with  the  like  extremitie  of  weather, 
both  of  winde,  Snow,  and  Frost,  insomuch  as  they  were 
frozen  in  the  harbour  the  first  night  they  entred  the  same. 
Here  they  pretended  their  wonted  love,  and  spared  them 
a  good  quantitie  of  Corne  to  confirme  the  same  :  Strangers 
also  came  to  this  place,  pretending  onely  to  see  him  and 
his  Companie,  whom  they  never  saw  before  that  time, 
but  intending  to  joyne  with  the  rest  to  kill  them,  as  after 
appeared.  But  being  forced  through  extremitie  to  lodge 
in  their  houses,  which  they  much  pressed,  God  possessed 
the  heart  of  the  Captaine  with  just  jealousie,  giving  strait  Just  jcalousie. 
command,  that  as  one  part  of  his  Companie  slept,  the  rest 
should  wake,  declaring  some  things  to  them  which  he 
understood,  whereof  he  could  make  no  good  construction. 
Some  of  the  Indians  spying  a  fit  opportunitie,  stole  some 
Beades  also  from  him,  which  he  no  sooner  perceived, 
having  not  above  six  men  with  him,  drew  them  all  from 
the  Boat,  and  set  them  on  their  guard  about  the  Sachims 
house,  where  the  most  of  the  people  were,  threatning  to 
fall  upon  them  without  further  delay,  if  they  would  not 
forthwith  restore  them,  signifying  to  the  Sachim  especially, 
and  so  to  them  all,  that  as  he  would  not  offer  the  least 

359 


A.fi.  PURCHAS  HIS  PlLGItlMES 

1622. 

injurie,  so  he  would  not  receive  any  at  their  hands,  which 
should  escape  without  punishment  or  due  satisfaction. 
Hereupon  the  Sachim  bestirred  him  to  finde  out  the 
partie,  which  when  he  had  done,  caused  him  to  returne 
them  againe  to  the  Shallop,  and  came  to  the  Captaine, 
desiring  him  to  search  whether  they  were  not  about  the 
Boat,  who  suspecting  their  knaverie,  sent  one,  who  found 
them  lying  openly  upon  the  Boats  cuddy ;  yet  to  appease 
his  anger,  they  brought  Corne  afresh  to  trade,  insomuch 
as  he  laded  his  Shallop,  and  so  departed.  This  accident 
so  daunted  their  courage,  as  they  durst  not  attempt  any 
thing  against  him.  So  that  through  the  good  mercy  and 
providence  of  God  they  returned  in  safetie.  At  this 
Basse  Summer  place  the  Indians  get  abundance  of  Basse  both  Summer 
and  Winter.  ancj  Winter,  for  it  being  now  February  they  abounded 
with  them. 

In  the  beginning  of  March,  having  refreshed  himselfe, 
he  tooke  a  Shallop,  and  went  to  Manomet,  to  fetch  home 
that  which  the  Governour  had  formerly  bought,  hoping 
also  to  get  more  from  them,  but  was  deceived  in  his 
expectation,  not  finding  that  entertainment  he  found  else- 
where, and  the  Governour  had  there  received.  The 
reason  whereof,  and  of  the  trecherie  intended  in  the  place 
before  spoken  of,  was  not  then  knowne  unto  us,  but 
afterwards :  wherein  may  be  observed  the  abundant 
mercies  of  God  working  with  his  providence  for  our  good. 
Captaine  Standish  being  now  farre  from  the  Boat,  and  not 
above  two  or  three  of  our  men  with  him,  and  as  many 
with  the  Shallop,  was  not  long  at  Canacum  the  Sachims 
house,  but  in  came  two  of  the  Massachuset  men,  the  chiefe 
of  them  was  called  Wituwamat,  a  notable  insulting 
villaine,  one  who  had  formerly  imbrued  his  hands  in  the 
bloud  of  English  and  French,  and  had  oft  boasted  of  his 
owne  valour,  and  derided  their  weaknesse,  especially 
because  (as  he  said)  they  died  crying,  making  sowre  faces, 
more  like  children  then  men.  This  villaine  tooke  a  dagger 
from  about  his  necke  (which  hee  had  gotten  of  Master 
Westons  people)  and  presented  it  to  the  Sachim,  and  after 

360 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW    ENGLAND  a.i>. 

1622. 

made  a  long  speech  in  an  audacious  manner,  framing  it 

in   such  sort,  as  the  Captaine  (though  he  be  the  best 

Linguist  amongst  us)  could  not  gather  any  thing  from  it. 

The  end  of  it  was  afterward  discovered  to  be  as  followeth  : 

The    Massacheuseuckes    formerly   concluded    to    ruinate 

Master  Westons  Colonie,  and  thought  themselves,  being 

about  thirty  or  forty  men  strong,  enough  to  execute  the 

same :  yet  they  durst  not  attempt  it,  till  such  time  as  they 

had  gathered  more  strength  to  themselves  to  make  their 

partie  good  against  us  at  Plimoth,  concluding,  that  if  wee 

remained  (though  they  had  no  other  Arguments  to  use 

against  us)  yet  wee  would  never  leave  the  death  of  our  [IV.  x. 

Countrimen  unrevenged,  and  therefore  their  safetie  could  i860.] 

not  be  without  the  overthrow  of  both  Plantations.     To 

this  end  they  had  formerly  solicited  this  Sachim,  as  also 

the  other  called  Ianough  at  Mattachiest,  and  many  others 

to  assist  them,  and  now  againe  came  to  prosecute  the 

same  ;  and  since  there  was  so  faire  an  opportunitie  offered 

by  the  Captaines  presence,  they  thought  best  to  make  sure 

him  and  his  Company.     After  this  message  was  delivered, 

his  entertainment  much  exceeded  the  Captaines,  insomuch 

as  hee  scorned  at  their  behaviour,  and  told  them  of  it : 

after  which,  they  would  have  perswaded  him,  because  the 

weather  was  cold,  to  have  sent  to  the  Boate  for  the  rest  of 

his  Company,  but  he  would  not,  desiring  according  to 

promise,  that  the  Corne  might  be  carried  downe,  and  he 

would  content  the  women  for  their  labour,  which  they 

did.    At  the  same  time  there  was  a  lusty  Indian  of  Paomet 

or  Cape  Cod  then  present,  who  had  ever  demeaned  him- 

selfe  well  towards  us,  being  in  his  generall  carriage  very 

affable,    courteous,    and    loving,    especially    towards    the 

Captaine.     This  Savage  was  now  entred  into  confederacie 

with  the  rest,  yet  to  avoide  suspition,  made  many  signes 

of  his  continued  affections,  and  would  needes  bestow  a 

Kettle  of  some  six  or  seven  gallons  on  him,  and  would  not 

accept  of  any  thing  in  lieu  thereof,  saying,  he  was  rich, 

and  could  afford  to  bestow  such  favours  on  his  friends 

whom  he  loved :  also  hee  would  freely  helpe  to  carry  some 

361 


A.i>. 
1622. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


of  the  Corne,  affirming  he  had  never  done  the  like  in  his 
life  before,  and  the  winde  being  bad  would  needes  lodge 
with  him  at  their  Randevow,  having  indeede  undertaken 
to  kill  him  before  they  parted,  which  done  they  intended 
to  fall  upon  the  rest.  The  night  proved  exceeding  cold, 
insomuch  as  the  Captaine  could  not  take  any  rest,  but 
either  walked  or  turned  himselfe  to  and  fro  at  the  fire : 
This  the  other  observed,  and  asked  wherefore  he  did  not 
sleepe  as  at  other  times,  who  answered  he  knew  not  well, 
but  had  no  desire  at  all  to  rest.  So  that  he  then  mist 
his  opportunity.  The  winde  serving  on  the  next  day, 
they  returned  home,  accompanied  with  the  other  Indian, 
who  used  many  arguments  to  perswade  them  to  go  to 
Paomet,  where  himself  had  much  Corne,  and  many  other, 
the  most  whereof  he  would  procure  for  us,  seeming  to 
sorrow  for  our  wants.  Once  the  Captaine  put  forth  with 
him,  and  was  forced  backe  by  contrary  winde  ;  which  winde 
served  for  the  Massachuset,  was  fitted  to  goe  thither. 
But  on  a  sudden  it  altered  againe. 

During  the  time  that  the  Captaine  was  at  Manomet, 
newes  came   to  Plimoth   that  Massassowat  was  like  to 

Dutch  Ship,  die,  and  that  at  the  same  time  there  was  a  Dutch  Ship 
driven  so  high  on  the  shoare  by  stresse  of  weather,  right 
before  his  dwelling,  that  till  the  tides  encreased,  she  could 
not  be  got  off.  Now  it  being  a  commendable  manner 
of  the  Indians,  when  any  (especially  of  note)  are 
dangerously    sicke,    for   all    that   professe    friendship    to 

Visitations  of  them,  to  visit  them  in  their  extremity,  either  in  their 
persons,  or  else  to  send  some  acceptable  persons  to  them, 
therefore  it  was  thought  meete  (being  a  good  and  warrant- 
able action)  that  as  we  had  ever  professed  friendship,  so 
we  should  now  maintaine  the  same,  by  observing  this 
their  laudable  custome  :  and  the  rather,  because  we  desired 
to  have  some  conference  with  the  Dutch,  not  knowing 
when  we  should  have  so  fit  an  opportunity.  To  that 
end  my  selfe  having  formerly  beene  there,  and  under- 
standing in  some  measure  the  Dutch  tongue,  the 
Governour  againe  laid  this  service  upon  my  selfe,  and 

362 


the  sicke. 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM    NEW   ENGLAND  ad. 

1622. 

fitted  me  with  some  cordials  to  administer  to  him,  having 
one  Master  John  Hamden  a  Gentleman  of  London  (who 
then  wintered  with  us,  and  desired  much  to  see  the 
Country)  for  my  Consort,  and  Hobbamocke  for  our 
guide.  So  we  set  forward,  and  lodged  the  first  night 
at  Namasket,  where  we  had  friendly  entertainment. 

The  next  day  about  one  of  the  clock,  we  came  to  a 
ferrie  in  Conbatants  Country,  where  upon  discharge  of 
my  Peece,  divers  Indians  came  to  us  from  a  house  not 
far  off.  There  they  told  us,  that  Massassowat  was  dead,  Reports  of 
and  that  day  buried,  and  that  the  Dutch  would  be  gone  Massassowau 
before  we  could  get  thither,  having  hove  off  their  Ship 
already.  This  newes  strucke  us  blanke ;  but  especially 
Hobbamocke,  who  desired  we  might  returne  with  all 
speede.  I  told  him  I  would  first  thinke  of  it,  considering 
now  that  he  being  dead,  Combatant  was  the  most  like 
to  succeede  him,  and  that  we  were  not  above  three  miles 
from  Mattapuyst  his  dwelling  place,  although  he  were 
but  a  hollow-hearted  friend  towards  us,  I  thought  no 
time  so  fit  as  this,  to  enter  into  more  friendly  tearmes 
with  him,  and  the  rest  of  the  Sachims  thereabout,  hoping 
(through  the  blessing  of  God)  it  would  be  a  meanes  in 
that  unsetled  state,  to  settle  their  affections  towards  us, 
and  though  it  were  somewhat  dangerous,  in  respect  of 
our  personall  safety,  because  my  selfe  and  Hobbamocke 
had  beene  imployed  upon  a  service  against  him,  which 
he  might  now  fitly  revenge ;  yet  esteeming  it  the  best 
means,  leaving  the  event  to  God  in  his  mercy,  I  resolved 
to  put  it  in  practise,  if  Master  Hamden  and  Hobbamock 
durst  attempt  it  with  me,  whom  I  found  willing  to  that 
or  any  other  course  might  tend  to  the  generall  good. 
So  we  went  towards  Mattapuyst.  In  the  way,  Hobba-  His  commen- 
mocke  manifesting  a  troubled  spirit,  brake  forth  into  damn. 
these  speeches,  Neen  womasu  Sagimus,  neen  womasu 
Sagimus,  &c.  My  loving  Sachim,  my  loving  Sachim. 
Many  have  I  knowne,  but  never  any  like  thee :  And 
turning  him  to  me  said ;  Whilest  I  lived,  I  should  never 
see  his  like  amongst  the  Indians,  saying,  he  was  no  Iyer, 

363 


AA.  PtTRCHAS  HIS  PILGRIMES 

1622. 

he  was  not  bloudy  and  cruell  like  other  Indians ;  In 
anger  and  passion  he  was  soone  reclaimed,  easie  to  be 
reconciled  towards  such  as  had  offended  him,  ruled  by 
reason  in  such  measure,  as  he  would  not  scorne  the  advice 
of  meane  men,  and  that  he  governed  his  men  better  with 
few  stroakes  then  others  did  with  many ;  truely  loving 
[IV.  x.  where  he  loved ;    yea,  he  feared  we  had  not  a  faithfull 

1 861.]  friend  left  among  the  Indians,  shewing  how  he  oft-times 
restrained  their  malice,  &c.  continuing  a  long  speech  with 
such  signes  of  lamentation  and  unfeined  sorrow,  as  it 
would  have  made  the  hardest  heart  relent. 

At  length  we  came  to  Mattapuyst,  and  went  to  the 
Sachimo  Comaco  (for  so  they  called  the  Sachims  place, 
though  they  call  an  ordinary  house  Witeo)  but  Combatant 
the  Sachim  was  not  at  home,  but  at  Puckanokick,  which 
was  some  five  or  six  miles  off;  the  Squa-sachim  (for  so 
they  call  Sachims  wife)  gave  us  friendly  entertainment. 
Here  we  enquired  againe  concerning  Massassowat,  they 
thought  him  dead,  but  knew  no  certainty ;  wherupon 
I  hired  one  to  goe  with  all  expedition  to  Puckanokick, 
that  we  might  know  the  certainty  thereof,  and  withall 
to  acquaint  Combatant  with  our  there  being.  About 
halfe  an  houre  before  Sun-setting,  the  messenger  returned, 
and  told  us  that  he  was  not  yet  dead,  though  there  was 
no  hope  we  should  finde  him  living.  Upon  this  we  were 
much  revived,  and  set  forward  with  all  speede,  though 
it  was  late  within  night  ere  we  got  thither.  About  two 
of  the  clock  that  afternoone  the  Dutchmen  departed,  so 
that  in  that  respect  our  journie  was  frustrate.  When  we 
Miserable  came  thither,  we  found  the  house  so  full  of  men,  as  we 
comforters.  could  scarce  get  in,  though  they  used  their  best  diligence 
to  make  way  for  us.  There  were  they  in  the  middest 
of  their  charmes  for  him,  making  such  a  hellish  noise, 
as  it  distempered  us  that  were  well,  and  therefore  unlike 
to  ease  him  that  was  sicke.  About  him  were  six  or  eight 
women,  who  chafed  his  armes,  legs,  and  thighes,  to  keep 
heat  in  him :  when  they  had  made  an  end  of  their 
charming,  one  told  him  that  his  friends  the  English  were 

364 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

come  to  see  him  (having  understanding  left,  but  his  sight 

was  wholly  gone)  he  asked  who  was  come,  they  told  him 

Winsnow  (for  they  cannot  pronounce  the  letter  1,  but 

ordinarily  n  in  the  place  thereof)  he  desired  to  speake 

with  me :    when  I  came  to  him,  &  they  told  him  of  it, 

he  put  forth  his  hand  to  me,  which  I  took ;   then  he  said 

twice,  though  very  inwardly,  keen  Winsnow,  which  is 

to  say,  art  thou  Winslow?     I  answered,  ahhe,  that  is, 

yes ;   then  he  doubled  these  words,  Matta  neen  wonckanet 

namen  Winsnow ;   that  is  to  say,  O  Winslow  I  shall  never 

see  thee  again.     Then  I  called  Hobbamock,  and  desired 

him  to  tell  Massassowat,  that  the  Governor  hearing  of 

his  sicknes,  was  sorry  for  the  same,  &  though  by  reason 

of  many  businesses  he  could  not  come  himselfe,  yet  he 

sent  me  with  such  things  for  him  as  he  thought  most 

likely,  to  doe  him  good  in  this  extremity,  and  whereof 

if  he  pleased  to  take,  I  would  presently  give  him ;   which 

he  desired,  and  having  a  confection  of  many  comfortable 

Conserves,  on  the  point  of  my  Knife  I  gave  him  some, 

which  I  could  scarce  get  thorow  his  teeth;    when  it  was 

dissolved  in  his  mouth,  he  swallowed  the  juice  of  it, 

whereat  those  that  were  about  him  much  rejoyced,  saying, 

he  had  not  swallowed  any  thing  in   two   daies  before. 

Then  I  desired  to  see  his  mouth,  which  was  exceedingly 

furred,  and  his  tongue  swelled  in  such  manner,  as  it  was 

not  possible  for  him  to  eat  such  meat  as  they  had,  his 

passage  being  stopt  up.     Then  I  washed  his  mouth,  and 

scraped  his  tongue,  &  got  abundance  of  corruption  out 

of  the   same.      After  which,   I  gave  him  more  of  the 

confection,  which  he  swallowed  with  more  readines  ;   then 

he  desired  to  drinke,  I  dissolved  some  of  it  in  water, 

and  gave  him  thereof :    within  halfe  an  houre  this  wrought 

a  great  alteration  in  him  in  the  eies  of  all  that  beheld 

him  ;  presently  after  his  sight  began  to  come  to  him.     In 

the  meane  time  I  inquired  how  he  slept,  and  when  he 

went  to  stoole?     They  said  he  slept  not  in  two  daies 

before,  &  had  not  had  a  stoole  in  five ;   then  I  gave  him 

more,  and  told  him  of  a  mishap  we  had  by  the  way  in 

365 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

breaking  a  bottle  of  drink,  which  the  Governour  also 
sent  him,  saying,  if  he  would  send  any  of  his  men  to 
Patuxet,  I  would  send  for  more  of  the  same,  also  for 
Chickens  to  make  him  broth,  &  for  other  things  which 
I  knew  were  good  for  him,  and  would  stay  the  returne 
of  the  Messenger,  if  he  desired.  This  he  tooke 
marvellous  kindly,  and  appointed  some,  who  were  ready 
to  go  by  two  of  the  clock  in  the  morning,  against  which 
time  I  made  ready  a  Letter,  declaring  therein  our  good 
successe,  the  state  of  his  body  &c.  desiring  to  send  such 
things  as  I  sent  for,  and  such  physicke  as  the  Surgion 
durst  administer  to  him.  He  requested  me  that  the  day 
following,  I  would  take  my  Peece,  and  kill  him  some 
Fowle,  and  make  him  some  English  pottage,  such  as  he 
had  eaten  at  Plimoth,  which  I  promised :  after  his 
stomacke  comming  to  him,  I  must  needes  make  him 
some  without  Fowle,  before  I  went  abroad,  which  some- 
what troubled  me;  but  being  I  must  doe  somewhat,  I 
caused  a  woman  to  bruise  some  Corne,  and  take  the  flower 
from  it,  and  set  over  the  grut  or  broken  Corne  in  a  Pipkin 
(for  they  have  earthen  Pots  of  all  sizes.)  When  the  day 
broke,  we  went  out  (it  being  now  March)  to  seeke  hearbes, 
but  could  not  finde  any  but  Strawberrie  leaves,  of  which 
I  gathered  a  handful  &  put  into  the  same,  and  because 
I  had  nothing  to  relish  it,  I  went  forth  againe,  and  pulled 
up  a  Saxafras  root,  and  sliced  a  peece  thereof,  and  boiled 
it  till  it  had  a  good  relish,  and  then  tooke  it  out  againe. 
The  broth  being  boiled,  I  strained  it  thorow  my 
handkerchiffe,  and  gave  him  at  least  a  pinte,  which  he 
dranke,  and  liked  it  very  well.  After  this,  his  sight 
mended  more  and  more,  also  he  had  three  moderate 
stooles,  and  tooke  some  rest :  Insomuch,  as  we  with 
admiration  blessed  God  for  giving  his  blessing  to  such 
raw  and  ignorant  meanes,  making  no  doubt  of  his 
recovery,  himselfe  and  all  of  them  acknowledging  us  the 
instruments  of  his  preservation.  That  morning  he  caused 
me  to  spend  in  going  from  one  to  another  amongst  those 
that  were  sicke  in  the  Town,  requesting  me  to  wash  their 

366 


GOOD    NEWS   FROM    NEW   ENGLAND 


A.D. 
l622. 


mouthes  also,  and  give  to  each  of  them  some  of  the  same 
I  gave  him,  saying,  they  were  good  folke.  This  paines 
I  tooke  with  willingnesse,  though  it  were  much  offensive 
to  me,  not  being  accustomed  with  such  poisonous  savours. 

The  Messengers  were  now  returned,  but  finding  his  [Iv-  x 
stomacke  come  to  him,  he  would  not  have  the  Chickens 
killed,  but  kept  them  for  breede.  Neither  durst  we  give 
him  any  physicke  which  was  then  sent,  because  his  body 
was  so  much  altered  since  our  instructions,  neither  saw 
we  any  neede,  not  doubting  now  of  his  recovery,  if  he 
were  carefull.  Many  whilest  we  were  there  came  to  see 
him,  some  by  their  report  from  a  place  not  lesse  then  an 
hundred  miles.  Upon  this  his  recovery,  he  brake  forth 
into  these  speeches ;  Now  I  see  the  English  are  my  friends 
and  love  me,  and  whilest  I  live  I  will  never  forget  this 
kindenesse  they  have  shewed  me.  Whilest  wee  were 
there,  our  entertainment  exceeded  all  other  strangers.  At 
our  comming  away,  he  called  Hobbamocke  to  him,  and 
privately  (none  hearing  save  two  or  three  other  of  his 
Pueeses,  who  are  of  his  Counsell)  revealed  the  plot  of 
the  Massacheuseucks  before  spoken  of,  against  Master 
Westons  Colony,  and  so  against  us,  saying  that  the  people 
of  Nauset,  Paomet,  Succovet  Mattachiest,  Manomet 
Agowaywam,  and  the  He  of  Capawack,  were  joyned  with 
them ;  himselfe  also  in  his  sickenesse  was  earnestly 
sollicited,  but  he  would  neither  joyne  therein,  nor  give 
way  to  any  of  his.  Therefore  as  we  respected  the  lives 
of  our  Countrimen,  and  our  owne  after-safety,  he  advised 
us  to  kill  the  men  of  Massachuset,  who  were  the  authors 
of  this  intended  mischiefe.  And  whereas  we  were  wont 
to  say,  we  would  not  strike  a  stroke  till  they  first  began ; 
if  said  he  upon  this  intelligence,  they  make  that  answer, 
tell  them,  when  their  Countrimen  at  Wichaguscusset  are 
killed,  they  being  not  able  to  defend  themselves,  that  then 
it  will  be  too  late  to  recover  their  lives,  nay  through  the 
multitude  of  adversaries  they  shall  with  great  difficultie 
preserve  their  own,  &  therefore  he  counselled  without 
delay  to  take  away  the  principals,  and  then  the  plot  would  chusets. 

367 


1862.] 


He  revealeth 
the  trechery  of 
the  Massa- 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


1622. 


cease.  With  this  hee  charged  him  thorowly  to  acquaint 
me  by  the  way,  that  I  might  informe  the  Governour 
thereof  at  my  first  comming  home.  Being  fitted  for  our 
returne,  we  tooke  our  leave  of  him,  who  returned  many 
thankes  to  our  Governour,  and  also  to  our  selves  for  our 
labour  and  love:  the  like  did  all  that  were  about  him. 
So  we  departed. 

That  night,  thorow  the  earnest  request  of  Combatant, 
who  till  now  remained  at  Sawaams  or  Puckanukick,  we 
lodged  with  him  at  Mattapuyst.  By  the  way  I  had  much 
conference  with  him,  so  likewise  at  his  house,  he  being 
a  notable  politician,  yet  full  of  merry  jests  and  squibs, 
and  never  better  pleased  then  when  the  like  are  returned 
againe  upon  him.  Amongst  other  things  he  asked  me, 
If  in  case  he  were  thus  dangerously  sicke,  as  Massassowat 
had  beene,  and  should  send  word  thereof  to  Patuxet  for 
Maskiet,  that  is,  Physicke,  whether  then  Master  Gover- 
nour would  send  it?  and  if  he  would,  whether  I  would 
come  therewith  to  him  ?  To  both  which  I  answered  yea  ; 
whereat  he  gave  me  many  joyful!  thankes.  After  that, 
being  at  his  house,  he  demanded  further,  how  we  durst 
being  but  two  come  so  farre  into  the  Country?  I 
answered,  where  was  true  love  there  was  no  feare,  and 
my  heart  was  so  upright  towards  them,  that  for  mine  owne 
part  I  was  fearelesse  to  come  amongst  them.  But,  said 
he,  if  your  love  be  such,  and  it  bring  forth  such  fruits, 
how  commeth  it  to  passe,  that  when  we  come  to  Patuxet, 
you  stand  upon  your  guard,  with  the  mouthes  of  your 
Peeces  presented  towards  us?  Whereupon  I  answered, 
it  was  the  most  honorable  and  respective  entertainment 
we  could  give  them ;  it  being  an  order  amongst  us  so 
to  receive  our  best  respected  friends :  and  as  it  was  used 
on  the  Land,  so  the  Ships  observed  it  also  at  Sea,  which 
Hobbamock  knew,  and  had  seene  observed.  But  shaking 
the  head,  he  answered,  that  he  liked  not  such  salutations. 

Further,  observing  us  to  crave  a  blessing  on  our  meate 
before  we  did  eate,  and  after  to  give  thankes  for  the  same, 
he   asked  us  what  was   the   meaning  of   that   ordinary 

368 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

custome?     Hereupon  I  tooke  occasion  to  tell  them  of 

Gods  workes  of  Creation,  and  Preservation,  of  the  Lawes 

and  Ordinances,  especially  of  the  ten  Commandements, 

all  which  they  hearkned  unto  with  great  attention,  and 

liked  well  of;    onely  the  seventh  Commandement  they 

excepted  against,  thinking  there  were  many  inconveniences 

in  it,  that  a  man  should  be  tied  to  one  woman :    about 

which  we  reasoned  a  good  time.     Also  I  told  them,  that 

whatsoever  good  things  we  had,  we  received  from  God, 

as  the  Author  and  giver  thereof,  and  therefore  craved 

his  blessing  upon  that  we  had,  and  were  about  to  eate, 

that   it   might   nourish  and   strengthen   our  bodies,   and 

having    eaten    sufficient,    being    satisfied    therewith,    we 

againe  returned  thankes  to  the  same  our  God  for  that 

our  refreshing,  &c.     This  all  of  them  concluded  to  be 

very  well,  and  said,  they  beleeved  almost  all  the  same 

things,  and  that  the  same  power  that  we  called  God,  they  Their  name  oj 

called  Kietitan.      Much   profitable  conference  was  occa-  God. 

sioned  hereby,  which  would  be  too  tedious  to  relate,  yet 

was  no  lesse  delightfull  to  them,  then  comfortable  to  us. 

Here  we  remained  onely  that  night,  but  never  had  better 

entertainment  amongst  any  of  them. 

The  day  following,  in  our  journey,  Hobbamocke  told 
me  of  the  private  conference  he  had  with  Massassowat, 
and  how  he  charged  him  perfectly  to  acquaint  me  there- 
with (as  I  shewed  before)  which  having  done,  he  used 
many  arguments  himselfe  to  move  us  thereunto :  That 
night  we  lodged  at  Namasket,  and  the  day  following  about 
the  mid-way  betweene  it  and  home,  we  met  two  Indians, 
who  told  us  that  Captaine  Standish  was  that  day  gone 
to  the  Massachusets :  but  contrary  windes  againe  drave 
him  backe,  so  that  we  found  him  at  home ;  where  the 
Indian  of  Paomet  still  was,  being  very  importunate  that 
the  Captaine  should  take  the  first  opportunitie  of  a  faire 
winde  to  goe  with  him,  but  their  secret  and  villanous 
purposes  being  through  Gods  mercy  now  made  knowne,  [IV.  x. 
the   Governour  caused    Captaine   Standish    to   send   him  1863.] 

away  without  any  distaste  or  manifestation  of  anger,  that 
xix  369  2  A 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

we  might  the  better  effect  and  bring  to  passe  that  which 
should  be  thought  most  necessary. 

Before  this  journey  we  heard  many  complaints  both 
by  the  Indians  and  some  others  of  best  desert  amongst 
Master  Westons  Colony,  how  exceedingly  their  Company 
abased  themselves  by  undirect  meanes,  to  get  victuals 
from  the  Indians,  who  dwelt  not  farre  from  them,  fetching 
them  wood  &  water,  &c.  and  all  for  a  meales  meate, 
whereas  in  the  meane  time,  they  might  with  diligence 
have  gotten  enough  to  have  served  them  three  or  foure 
times.  Other  by  night  brake  the  earth,  and  robbed  the 
Indians  store,  for  which  they  had  beene  publiquely  stocked 
and  whipt,  and  yet  was  there  small  amendment.  This 
was  about  the  end  of  February,  at  which  time  they  had 
spent  all  their  Bread  and  Corne,  not  leaving  any  for  Seede, 
neither  would  the  Indians  lend  or  sell  them  any  more 
upon  any  tearmes.  Hereupon  they  had  thought  to  take 
it  by  violence,  and  to  that  spiked  up  every  entrance  into 
their  Towne  (being  well  impaled)  save  one,  with  a  full 
resolution  to  proceede.  But  some  more  honestly  minded, 
advised  John  Sanders  their  Over-seer  first  to  write  to 
Plimoth,  and  if  the  Governor  advised  him  thereunto, 
he  might  the  better  doe  it.  They  sent,  and  our  Governour 
writ  divers  reasons  of  dislike.  With  these  Letters  wee 
dispatched  the  Messenger ;  Upon  the  receipt  whereof 
they  altered  their  determination,  resolving  to  shift  as  they 
could,  till  the  returne  of  John  Sanders  from  Munhiggen, 
who  first  comming  to  Plimoth,  notwithstanding  our  owne 
necessities,  the  Governour  spared  him  some  Corne  to 
carrie  them  to  Munhiggen.  But  not  having  sufficient 
for  the  Ships  store,  he  tooke  a  Shallop,  and  leaving  others 
with  instructions  to  over-see  things  till  his  returne,  set 
forward  about  the  end  of  February,  so  that  he  knew  not 
of  this  conspiracie  of  the  Indians  before  his  going,  neither 
was  it  knowne  to  any  of  us  till  our  returne  from  Sawaams 
or  Puckanakick  :  at  which  time  also  another  Sachim  called 
Wassapinewat,  brother  to  Obtakiest  the  Sachim  of  the 
Massachusets,  who  had  formerly  smarted  for  partaking 

,37° 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

with  Conbatant,  and  fearing  the  like  againe,  to  purge 
himselfe,  revealed  the  same  thing. 

The  three  and  twentieth  of  March  being  now  come, 
which  is  a  yearely  Court  day,  the  Governour  having  a 
double  testimony,  and  many  circumstances  agreeing  with 
the  truth  thereof,  not  being  to  undertake  warre  without 
the  consent  of  the  body  of  the  Company ;  made  knowne 
the  same  in  publique  Court.  We  came  to  this  conclusion, 
That  Captaine  Standish  should  take  so  many  men  as  he 
thought  sufficient  to  make  his  party  good  against  all  the 
Indians  in  the  Massachuset  Bay ;  &  because  (as  all  men 
know  that  have  had  to  doe  in  that  kinde)  it  is  impossible 
to  deale  with  them  upon  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them 
in  such  traps  as  they  lay  for  others;  therefore  he  should 
pretend  trade  as  at  other  times :  but  first  goe  to  the 
English,  &  acquaint  them  with  the  plot,  &  the  end  of 
his  owne  comming,  that  comparing  it  with  their  carriages 
towards  them,  he  might  better  judge  of  the  certainty 
of  it,  and  more  fitly  take  opportunity  to  revenge  the  same  : 
but  should  forbeare  if  it  were  possible  till  such  time  as 
he  could  make  sure  Wituwamat,  that  bloudy  &  bold 
villain  before  spoken  of,  whose  head  he  had  order  to  bring 
with  him,  that  hee  might  be  a  warning  and  terrour  to  all 
that  disposition.  Upon  this,  Captaine  Standish  made 
choice  of  eight  men,  and  would  not  take  more  because 
he  would  prevent  jealousie,  knowing  their  guilty 
consciences  would  soone  be  provoked  thereunto :  but 
on  the  next  day  before  he  could  goe,  came  one  of 
Master  Westons  Company  by  land  unto  us,  with  his 
packe  at  his  backe,  who  made  a  pittifull  narration  of 
their  lamentable  and  weake  estate,  and  of  the  Indians 
carriages,  whose  boldnesse  increased  abundantly,  insomuch  Indians 
as  the  victuals  they  got,  they  would  take  it  out  of  their  insolence. 
Pots  and  eate  before  their  faces,  yea  if  in  any  thing  they 
gaine-said  them,  they  were  ready  to  hold  a  Knife  at  their 
breasts ;  that  to  give  them  content,  since  John  Sanders 
went  to  Munhiggen,  they  had  hanged  one  of  them  that 
stole  their  Corne,   and  yet   they  regarded   it   not :     that 

37* 


A  D  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

another  of  their  Company  was  turned  Savage,  that  their 
people  had  most  forsaken  the  Towne,  and  made  their 
randevous  where  they  got  their  victuals,  because  they 
would  not  take  paines  to  bring  it  home :  that  they  had 
sold  their  cloathes  for  Corne,  and  were  ready  to  starve 
both  with  cold  and  hunger  also,  because  they  could  not 
indure  to  get  victuals  by  reason  of  their  nakednesse : 
and  that  they  were  dispersed  into  three  Companies,  scarce 
having  any  Powder  and  Shot  left.  As  this  Relation  was 
grievous  to  us,  so  it  gave  us  good  encouragement  to 
proceede  in  our  intendments,  for  which  Captaine  Standish 
was  now  fitted,  and  the  winde  comming  faire,  the  next 
day  set  forth  for  the  Massachusets. 

The  Indians  at  the  Massachusets  missed  this  man,  and 
suspecting  his  comming  to  us,  as  wee  conceive,  sent  one 
after  him,  and  gave  out  there  that  he  would  never  come 
to  Patuxet,  but  that  some  Wolves  or  Beares  would  eate 
him :  but  we  know  not  by  our  owne  experience,  and  the 
report  of  others,  that  though  they  finde  a  man  sleeping, 
yet  so  soone  as  there  is  life  discerned,  they  feare  and  shun 
him.  This  Indian  missed  him  but  very  little,  and  missing 
him  passed  by  the  towne  and  went  to  Manomet,  whom 
we  hoped  to  take  at  his  returne,  as  afterward  we  did. 
Now  was  our  Fort  made  fit  for  service  and  some  Ordnance 
mounted ;  and  though  it  may  seeme  long  worke  it  being 
ten  moneths  since  it  begun,  yet  we  must  note,  that  where 
so  great  a  worke  is  begun  with  such  small  meanes,  a 
little  time  cannot  bring  to  perfection  :  beside  those  workes 
[IV.  x.  which  tend  to  the  preservation  of  man,  the  enemy  of 

1864.]  mankinde  will  hinder  what  in  him  lieth,  sometimes 
blinding  the  judgement,  and  causing  reasonable  men  to 
reason  against  their  own  safety.  The  Indian  last 
mentioned  in  his  returne  from  Monomet,  came  through 
the  Towne,  pretending  still  friendship  and  in  love  to  see 
us,  but  as  formerly  others,  so  his  end  was  to  see  whether 
wee  continued  still  in  health  and  strength,  or  fell  into 
weakenesse  like  their  neighbours,  which  they  hoped  and 
looked  for  (though  God  in   mercy  provided  better  for 

372 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

us)  and  hee  knew  would  be  glad  tydings  to  his  Countrie 
men.  But  here  the  Governour  staid  him,  and  sending 
for  him  to  the  Fort,  there  gave  the  Guard  charge  of 
him  as  their  prisoner,  where  he  told  him  hee  must  be 
contented  to  remaine  till  the  returne  of  Captain  Standish 
from  the  Massachusets,  so  he  was  locked  in  a  chaine  to 
a  staple  in  the  Court  of  guard,  and  there  kept.  Thus 
was  our  Fort  hanselled,  this  being  the  first  day  as  I  take 
it,  that  ever  any  watch  was  there  kept. 

The  Captaine  being  now  come  to  the  Massachusets, 
went  first  to  the  Ship,  but  found  neither  man,  or  so 
much  as  a  Dogge  therein :  upon  the  discharge  of  a 
Musket  the  Master  and  some  others  of  the  Plantation 
shewed  themselves,  who  were  on  the  shore  gathering 
ground-nuts,  and  getting  other  foode.  After  salutation, 
Captaine  Standish  asked  them  how  they  durst  so  leave 
the  Ship,  and  live  in  such  security,  who  answered  like 
men  senslesse  of  their  owne  misery,  they  feared  not  the 
Indians  but  lived  and  suffered  them  to  lodge  with  them, 
not  having  Sword  or  Gunne,  or  needing  the  same.  To 
which  the  Captaine  answered,  if  there  were  no  cause  he 
was  the  gladder,  but  upon  further  inquiry,  understanding 
that  those  in  whom  John  Sanders  had  reposed  most 
speciall  confidence  and  left  in  his  stead  to  governe  the 
rest,  were  at  the  Plantation :  thither  he  went,  and  to  be 
briefe,  made  knowne  the  Indians  purpose,  and  the  end 
of  his  owne  comming,  as  also  (which  formerly  I  omitted) 
that  if  afterward  they  durst  not  there  stay,  it  was  the 
intendment  of  the  Governours  and  people  of  Plimouth 
there  to  receive  them  till  they  could  be  better  provided : 
but  if  they  conceived  of  any  other  course  that  might  be 
more  likely  for  their  good,  that  himselfe  should  further 
them  therein  to  the  uttermost  of  his  power.  These  men 
comparing  other  circumstances  with  that  they  now  heard, 
answered,  they  could  expect  no  better,  and  it  was  Gods 
mercy  that  they  were  not  killed  before  his  comming, 
desiring  therefore  that  he  would  neglect  no  opportunity 
to  proceede :    Hereupon  he  advised  them  to  secrecy,  yet 

373 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS    PILGRIMES 

1622. 

withall  to  send  speciall  command  to  one  third  of  their 
Company  that  were  farthest  off  to  come  home,  and  there 
enjoyne  them  on  paine  of  death  to  keepe  the  Towne, 
himselfe  allowing  them  a  pint  of  Indian  Corne  to  a  man 
for  a  day  (though  that  store  he  had  was  spared  out  of 
our  Seede.)  The  weather  proving  very  wet  and  stormy, 
it  was  the  longer  before  he  could  doe  any  thing. 

In  the  meane  time  an  Indian  came  to  him  and  brought 
some  Furres,  but  rather  to  gather  what  he  could  from 
the  Captaines,  then  comming  then  for  trade ;  and  though 
the  Captaine  carried  things  as  smoothly  as  possibly  he 
could,  yet  at  his  returne  he  reported  he  saw  by  his  eyes 
that  he  was  angry  in  his  heart,  and  therefore  began  to 
suspect  themselves  discovered.  This  caused  one  Pecksuot 
who  was  a  Pinese,  being  a  man  of  a  notable  spirit  to 
come  to  Hobbamocke  who  was  then  with  them,  and  told 
him  hee  understood  that  the  Captaine  was  come  to  kill 
himselfe  and  the  rest  of  the  Savages  there;  tell  him, 
said  he,  we  know  it,  but  feare  him  not,  neither  will  we 
shun  him ;  but  let  him  begin  when  he  dare,  he  shall  not 
take  us  at  unawares :  many  times  after,  divers  of  them 
severally,  or  few  together,  came  to  the  Plantation  to  him, 
where  they  would  whet  and  sharpen  the  point  of  their 
Knives  before  his  face,  and  use  many  other  insulting 
gestures  and  speeches.  Amongst  the  rest,  Wituwamat 
bragged  of  the  excellency  of  his  Knife,  on  the  end  of  the 
handle  there  was  pictured  a  womans  face,  but  said  hee, 
I  have  another  at  home  wherewith  I  have  killed  both 
French  and  English,  and  that  hath  a  mans  face  on  it,  and 
by  and  by  these  two  must  marry :  Further  he  said  of 
that  Knife  he  there  had ;  Hinnaim  namen,  hinnaim 
michen,  matta  cuts:  that  is  to  say,  By  and  by  it  should 
see,  and  by  and  by  it  should  eate,  but  not  speake.  Also 
Pecksuot  being  a  man  of  greater  stature  then  the  Captaine, 
told  him,  though  he  were  a  great  Captaine,  yet  he  was 
but  a  little  man :  and  said  he,  though  I  be  no  Sachim, 
yet  I  am  a  man  of  great  strength  and  courage.  These 
things  the  Captaine  observed,  yet  bare  with  patience  for 

374 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 
the  present.  On  the  next  day,  seeing  he  could  not  get 
many  of  them  together  at  once,  and  this  Pecksuot  and 
Wituwamat  both  together,  with  another  man,  and  a  youth 
of  some  eighteene  yeares  of  age,  which  was  brother  to 
Wituwamat,  and  villaine-like  trode  in  his  steps,  daily 
putting  many  trickes  upon  the  weaker  sort  of  men,  and 
having  about  as  many  of  his  owne  Company  in  a  roome 
with  them,  gave  the  word  to  his  men,  and  the  doore  being 
fast  shut,  began  himselfe  with  Pecksuot,  and  snatching 
his  owne  Knife  from  his  necke,  though  with  much 
strugling,  killed  him  therewith,  the  point  whereof  he  Savages  slam. 
had  made  as  sharpe  as  a  needle,  and  ground  the  backe 
also  to  an  edge :  Wituwamat  and  the  other  man,  the 
rest  killed,  and  tooke  the  youth,  whom  the  Captaine 
caused  to  be  hanged ;  but  it  is  incredible  how  many 
wounds  these  two  Pueeses  received  before  they  died,  not 
making  any  fearefull  noyse,  but  catching  at  their  weapons 
and  striving  to  the  last.  Hobbamocke  stood  by  all  this 
time  as  a  spectator  and  medled  not,  observing  how  our 
men  demeaned  themselves  in  this  action :  all  being  here 
ended,  smiling,  he  brake  forth  into  these  speeches  to  the 
Captaine ;  Yesterday  Pecksuot  bragging  of  his  owne 
strength  and  stature,  said,  though  you  were  a  great 
Captaine,  yet  you  were  but  a  little  man ;  but  to  day  I 
see  you  are  big  enough  to  lay  him  on  the  ground.  But  [IV.  x. 
to  proceede,  there  being  some  women  at  the  same  time,  1865.] 

Captaine  Standish  left  them  in  the  custody  of  Master 
Westons  people  at  the  Towne,  and  sent  word  to  another 
Company  that  had  intelligence  of  things  to  kill  those 
Indian  men  that  were  amongst  them,  these  killed  two 
more :  himselfe  also  with  some  of  his  owne  men  went 
to  another  place,  where  they  killed  another,  and  through 
the  negligence  of  one  man  an  Indian  escaped,  who 
discovered  and  crossed  their  proceedings. 

Not    long    before    this    Execution,    three    of    Master  Savage 
Westons  men,   which   more  regarded   their  bellies  then  Englishmen. 
any  command  or  Commander,  having  formerly  fared  well 
with  the  Indians  for  making  them  Clanoes,  went  againe 

375 


AA  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

to  the  Sachim  to  offer  their  service,  and  had  entertainment. 
The  first  night  they  came  thither  within  night  late  came 
a  Messenger  with  all  speede,  and  delivered  a  sad  and  short 
message :  Whereupon  all  the  men  gathered  together, 
put  on  their  Bootes  and  Breeches,  trussed  up  themselves, 
and  tooke  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes  and  went  forth,  telling 
them  they  went  a  hunting,  and  that  at  their  returne  they 
should  have  Venison  enough.  Being  now  gone,  one 
being  more  ancient  and  wise  then  the  rest,  calling  former 
things  to  minde,  especially  the  Captaines  presence,  and 
the  strait  charge,  that  on  paine  of  death  none  should  goe 
a  Musket-shot  from  the  Plantation ;  and  comparing  this 
sudden  departure  of  theirs  therewith,  began  to  dislike 
and  wish  himselfe  at  home  againe,  which  was  further  of 
then  divers  other  dwelt :  Hereupon  he  moved  his  fellowes 
to  returne,  but  could  not  perswade  them :  so  there  being 
none  but  women  left,  and  the  other  that  was  turned 
Savage,  about  midnight  came  away,  forsaking  the  paths 
lest  he  should  be  pursued,  and  by  this  meanes  saved  his 
life. 

Captaine  Standish  tooke  the  one  halfe  of  his  men,  and 
one  or  two  of  Master  Westons,  and  Hobbamock,  still 
seeking  to  make  spoyle  of  them  and  theirs.  At  length 
they  espied  a  file  of  Indians  which  made  towards  them 
amayne,  and  there  being  a  small  advantage  in  the  ground 
by  reason  of  a  Hill  neere  them,  both  Companies  strove 
for  it.  Captain  Standish  got  it,  whereupon  they  retreated 
and  tooke  each  man  his  Tree,  letting  flie  their  Arrowes 
amayne,  especially  at  himselfe  and  Hobbamocke,  where- 
upon Hobbamocke  cast  off  his  coate,  and  being  a  knowne 
Pinese,  (theirs  being  now  killed)  chased  them  so  fast,  as 
our  people  were  not  able  to  hold  way  with  him,  insomuch 
as  our  men  could  have  but  one  certaine  marke,  and  then 
but  the  arme  and  halfe  face  of  a  notable  villaine  as  hee 
drew  at  Captaine  Standish,  who  together  with  another 
both  discharged  at  him,  and  brake  his  arme ;  whereupon 
they  fled  into  a  swampe,  when  they  were  in  the  thicket 
they  parlied,  but  to  small  purpose,  getting  nothing  but 

376 


GOOD  NEWS  FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

foule  language.     So   our  Captain  dared  the  Sachim   to 

come  out  and  fight  like  a  man,  shewing  how  base  and 

womanlike  hee  was  in  tounging  it  as  he  did :    but  he 

refused   and    fled.      So    the    Captaine    returned    to    the 

Plantation,  where  hee  released  the  women  and  would  not 

take  their  Beaver  coates  from  them,  nor  suffer  the  least 

discourtesie   to   bee   offered   them.      Now  were  Master 

Westons  people  resolved  to  leave  their  Plantation  and 

goe  for  Munhiggen,  hoping  to  get  passage  and  returne 

with  the  Fishing  Ships.     The  Captaine  told  them,  that 

for  his  owne  part  hee  durst  there  live  with  fewer  men 

then  they  were,  yet  since  they  were  otherwayes  minded, 

according  to  his  order  from  the  Governours  and  people 

of  Plimouth,  hee  would  helpe  them  with  Corne  competent 

for  their  provision  by  the  way,  which  hee  did,   scarce 

leaving  himselfe  more  then  brought  them  home.     Some 

of   them   disliked   the   choice   of   the   bodie   to   goe   to 

Munhiggen,  and  therefore  desiring  to  goe  with  him  to 

Plimouth,  hee  tooke  them  into  the  Shallop :    and  seeing 

them  set  sayle  and  cleere  of  the  Massachuset  Bay,  he 

tooke  leave  and  returned  to  Plimouth,  whither  hee  came 

in   safetie   (blessed   be   God)   and  brought   the   head   of 

Wituwamat  with  him. 

Amongst  the  rest,  there  was  an  Indian  youth  that  was 
ever  of  a  courteous  and  loving  disposition  towards  us, 
hee  notwithstanding  the  death  of  his  Countrimen,  came 
to  the  Captaine  without  feare,  saying,  His  good  conscience 
and  love  towards  us  imboldned  him  so  to  doe.  This 
youth  confessed  that  the  Indians  intended  to  kil  Master 
Westons  people,  and  not  to  delay  any  longer  then  till 
they  had  two  more  Canoes  or  Boats,  which  Master 
Westons  men  would  have  finished  by  this  time  (having 
made  them  three  already)  had  not  the  Captaine  prevented 
them,  and  the  end  of  stay  for  those  Boats,  was  to  take 
their  Ship  therewith. 

Now  was  the  Captaine  returned  and  received  with  joy, 
the  head  being  brought  to  the  Fort  and  there  set  up 
the  Governours  and  Captaines  with  divers  others  went 

377 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

up  the  same  further,  to  examine  the  prisoner,  who  looked 
pittiously  on  the  head,  being  asked  whether  he  knew  it, 
he  answered,  yea:  Then  he  confessed  the  plot,  and  that 
all  the  people  provoked  Obtakiest  their  Sachim  thereunto, 
being  drawne  to  it  by  their  importunitie :  Five  there 
were  (he  said)  that  prosecuted  it  with  more  eagernesse 
then  the  rest,  the  two  principall  were  killed,  being 
Pecksuot  and  Wituwamat,  whose  head  was  there,  the 
other  three  were  Powahs,  being  yet  living,  and  knowne 
unto  us,  though  one  of  them  was  wounded,  as  aforesaid. 
For  himselfe  hee  would  not  acknowledge  that  hee  had 
any  hand  therein,  begging  earnestly  for  his  life,  saying, 
Hee  was  not  a  Massachuset  man,  but  as  a  stranger  lived 
with  them.  Hobbamock  also  gave  a  good  report  of  him, 
and  besought  for  him,  but  was  bribed  so  to  doe  it. 
Neverthelesse,  that  wee  might  shew  mercy  as  well  as 
extreamitie,  the  Governour  released  him,  and  the  rather 
because  we  desired  he  might  carry  a  message  to  Obtakiest 
his  Master.  No  sooner  were  the  Irons  from  his  legs, 
[IV.  x.  but  he  would  have  beene  gone,  but  the  Governour  bid 

j  866.]  him  stay  and  feare  not,  for  hee  should  receive  no  hurt, 
and  by  Hobbamock  commanded  him  to  deliver  his 
message  to  his  Master ;  That  for  our  parts,  it  never 
entred  into  our  hearts  to  take  such  a  course  with  them, 
till  their  owne  treachery  enforced  us  thereunto,  and 
therefore  they  might  thanke  themselves  for  their  owne 
overthrow,  yet  since  hee  had  begun,  if  againe  by  any 
the  like  courses  hee  did  provoke  him,  his  Countrey  should 
not  hold  him,  for  hee  would  never  suffer  him  or  his  to 
rest  in  peace,  till  hee  had  utterly  consumed  them,  and 
therefore  should  take  this  as  a  warning.  Further,  that 
he  should  send  to  Patuxet  the  three  Englishmen  hee  had 
and  not  kill  them ;  also  that  hee  should  not  spoyle  the 
Pale  and  Houses  at  Wichaguscusset,  and  that  this 
Messenger  should  either  bring  the  English,  or  an  answer, 
or  both,  promising  his  safe  returne. 

This  message  was  delivered,  and  the  partie  would  have 
returned  with  answer,  but  was  at  first  disswaded  by  them, 

378 


GOOD    NEWS   FROM   NEW    ENGLAND  a.d. 

1623. 

whom  afterward  they  would,  but  could  not  perswade  to 
come  to  us.  At  length  (though  long)  a  woman  came 
and  told  us  that  Obtakiest  was  sorry  that  the  English 
were  killed  before  he  heard  from  the  Governour,  otherwise 
hee  would  have  sent  them.  Also  shee  said,  hee  would 
faine  make  his  peace  againe  with  us,  but  none  of  his  men 
durst  come  to  treate  about  it,  having  forsaken  his  dwelling, 
and  daily  removed  from  place  to  place,  expecting  when 
wee  would  take  further  vengeance  on  him. 

Concerning  those  other  people  that  intended  to  joyne 
with  the  Massachuseucks  against  us,  though  we  never 
went  against  any  of  them,  yet  this  sudden  and  unexpected 
execution,  together  with  the  just  judgement  of  God  upon 
their  guiltie  consciences,  hath  so  terrified  and  amazed 
them,  as  in  like  manner  they  forsooke  their  houses, 
running  to  and  fro  like  men  distracted,  living  in  swamps 
and  other  desert  places,  and  so  brought  manifold  diseases 
amongst  themselves,  whereof  very  many  are  dead,  as 
Canacum  the  Sachim  of  Manomet,  Aspinet  the  Sachim 
of  Nauset,  and  Janowgh  Sachim  of  Mattachuest.  This 
Sachim  in  his  life,  in  the  middest  of  these  distractions, 
said,  The  God  of  the  English  was  offended  with  them, 
and  would  destroy  them  in  his  anger ;  and  certainly  it 
is  strange  to  heare  how  many  of  late  have,  and  still  daily 
dye  amongst  them,  neither  is  there  any  likelihood  it  will 
easily  cease,  because  through  feare  they  set  little  or  no 
Corne,  which  is  the  starTe  of  life,  and  without  which  they 
cannot  long  preserve  health  and  strength.  From  one  of 
these  places  a  Boat  was  sent  with  Presents  to  the 
Governour,  hoping  thereby  to  worke  their  peace,  but 
the  Boat  was  cast  away,  and  three  of  the  persons  drowned, 
not  farre  from  our  Plantation,  onely  one  escaped,  who 
durst  not  come  to  us,  but  returned,  so  as  none  of  them 
dare  come  amongst  us. 

The  moneth  of  April  being  now  come,  on  all  hands  An.  1623. 
we  began  to  prepare  for  Corne.     And  because  there  was 
no  Corne  left  before  this  time,  save  that  was  preserved 
for  Seed,  being  also  hopelesse  of  reliefe  by  supply,  we 

379 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS  PILGRIMES 

1623. 

thought  best  to  leave  off  all  other  workes,  and  prosecute 
that  as  most  necessarie.  And  because  there  was  no  small 
hope  of  doing  good,  in  that  common  course  of  labour 
that  formerly  wee  were  in,  for  that  the  Governours  that 
followed  men  to  their  labours,  had  nothing  to  give  men 
for  their  necessities,  and  therefore  could  not  so  well 
exercise  that  command  over  them  therein  as  formerly  they 
had  done,  especially  considering  that  selfe-love  wherewith 
every  man  (in  a  measure  more  or  lesse)  loveth  and  pre- 
ferreth  his  owne  good  before  his  neighbours,  and  also 
the  base  disposition  of  some  drones,  that  as  at  other  times 
so  now  especially  would  bee  most  burdenous  to  the  rest : 
It  was  therefore  thought  best  that  every  man  should  use 
the  best  diligence  he  could  for  his  owne  preservation, 
both  in  respect  of  the  time  present,  and  to  prepare  his 
owne  Corne  for  the  yeere  following :  and  bring  in  a 
competent  portion  for  the  maintenance  of  publike  Officers, 
Fishermen,  &c.  which  could  not  bee  freed  from  their 
calling  without  greater  inconveniences.  This  course  was 
to  continue  till  harvest,  and  then  the  Governours  to  gather 
in  the  appointed  portion,  for  the  maintenance  of  them- 
selves and  such  others  as  necessitie  constrained  to  exempt 
from  this  condition. 

In  the  middest  of  Aprill  we  began  to  set,  the  weather 
being  then  seasonable,  which  much  incouraged  us,  giving 
us  good  hopes  of  after  plentie :  the  setting  season  is 
good  till  the  latter  end  of  May.  But  it  pleased  God 
for  our  further  chastisement,  to  send  a  great  drought, 
insomuch,  as  in  six  weekes  after  the  later  setting  there 
Great  drought,  scarce  fell  any  raine,  so  that  the  stalke  of  that  was  first 
set,  began  to  send  forth  the  eare  before  it  came  to  halfe 
growth,  and  that  which  was  later,  not  like  to  yeeld  any 
at  all,  both  blade  and  stalke  hanging  the  head,  and 
changing  the  colour  in  such  manner  as  we  judged  it 
utterly  dead :  our  Beanes  also  ran  not  up  according  to 
their  wonted  manner,  but  stood  at  a  stay,  many  being 
parched  away,  as  though  they  had  beene  scorched  before 
the  fire.      Now  were   our   hopes   overthrowne,   and   we 

380 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1623. 

discouraged,  our  joy  being  turned  into  mourning.  To 
adde  also  to  this  sorrowfull  estate  in  which  we  were,  we 
heard  of  a  supply  that  was  sent  unto  us  many  moneths 
since,  which  having  two  repulses  before,  was  a  third  time 
in  company  of  another  Ship  three  hundred  Leagues  at 
Sea,  and  now  in  three  moneths  time  heard  no  further  of 
her,  onely  the  signes  of  a  wrack  were  seene  on  the  Coast, 
which  could  not  be  judged  to  be  any  other  then  the  same. 
These  &  the  like  considerations,  moved  not  only  every 
good  man  privately  to  enter  into  examination  with  his 
own  estate  between  God  and  his  conscience,  &  so  to 
humiliation  before  him :  but  also  more  solemnly  to 
humble  our  selves  together  before  the  Lord  by  Fasting 
and  Prayer.  To  that  end  a  day  was  appointed  by  publike  [IV.  x. 
authority,   and   set   a   part   from   all   other   emploiments,  1867.] 

hoping  that  the  same  God  which  had  stirred  us  up  here-  Pub^e  Fast- 
unto,  would  be  moved  hereby  in  mercy  to  looke  upon  us 
&  grant  the  request  of  our  dejected  soules,  if  our 
continuance  there  might  any  way  stand  with  his  glorie 
and  our  good.  But  oh  the  mercy  of  our  God!  Who 
was  as  readie  to  heare  as  we  to  aske :  For  though  in  the 
morning  when  wee  assembled  together,  the  heavens  were 
as  cleere  and  the  drought  as  like  to  continue  as  ever  it 
was :  yet  (our  exercise  continuing  some  eight  or  nine 
houres)  before  our  departure  the  weather  was  overcast, 
the  clouds  gathered  together  on  all  sides,  and  on  the  next 
morning  distilled  such  soft,  sweete,  and  moderate  showers  Gracious 
of  raine,  continuing  some  fourteene  daies,  and  mixed  dewes. 
with  such  seasonable  weather,  as  it  was  hard  to  say  whether 
our  withered  Corne,  or  drouping  affections  were  most 
quickned  or  revived.  Such  was  the  bountie  and  good- 
nesse  of  our  God.  Of  this  the  Indians  by  meanes  of 
Hobbamock  tooke  notice  :  who  being  then  in  the  Towne, 
and  this  exercise  in  the  midst  of  the  weeke,  said,  It  was 
but  three  daies  since  Sunday,  and  therefore  demanded  of 
a  boy  what  was  the  reason  thereof?  Which  when  hee 
knew  and  saw  what  effects  followed  thereupon,  hee  and 
all  them  admired  the  goodnesse  of  our  God  towards  us, 

381 


A.D. 
1623. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 


Indians  conju 
ration. 


M.  Tomson  a 
Scot  his 
Plantation. 


that  wrought  so  great  a  change  in  so  short  a  time,  shewing 
the  difference  betweene  their  Conjuration,  and  our 
Invocation  on  the  Name  of  God  for  raine ;  theirs  being 
mixed  with  such  stormes  and  tempests,  as  sometimes  in 
stead  of  doing  them  good,  it  laieth  the  Corne  flat  on 
the  ground,  to  their  prejudice :  but  ours  in  so  gentle 
and  seasonable  a  manner,  as  they  never  observed  the  like. 
At  the  same  time  Captaine  Standish,  being  formerly 
imployed  by  the  Governour,  to  buy  provisions  for  the 
refreshing  of  the  Colony,  returned  with  the  same,  accom- 
panied with  one  M.  David  Tomson,  a  Scotchman,  who 
also  that  Spring  began  a  Plantation  twentie  five  leagues 
North-east  from  us,  neere  Smiths  lies,  at  a  place  called 
Pascatoquack,  where  hee  liketh  well.  Now  also  heard 
wee  of  the  third  repulse  that  our  supply  had,  of  their 
safe,  though  dangerous  returne  into  England,  and  of 
their  preparation  to  come  to  us.  So  that  having  these 
many  signes  of  Gods  favour  and  acceptation,  wee  thought 
it  would  bee  great  ingratitude,  if  secretly  wee  should 
smoother  up  the  same,  or  content  our  selves  with  private 
Day  of  thanks,  thanks-giving,  for  that  which  by  private  praier  could  not 
be  obtained.  And  therefore  another  solemne  day  was  set 
apart  for  that  end,  wherein  wee  returned  glory,  honour, 
and  praise,  with  all  thankfulnesse  to  our  good  God,  which 
dealt  so  graciously  with  us,  whose  name  for  these  and 
all  other  his  mercies  towards  his  Church  and  chosen  ones, 
by  them  be  blessed  and  praised  now  and  evermore,  Amen. 
In  the  latter  end  of  July,  and  the  beginning  of  August, 
came  two  Ships  with  supply  unto  us,  who  brought  all 
their  passengers,  except  one,  in  health,  who  recovered 
in  short  time,  who  also  notwithstanding  all  our  wants 
and  hardship  (blessed  be  God)  found  not  any  one  sick 
person  amongst  us  at  the  Plantation.  The  bigger  Ship 
called  the  Anne  was  hired,  and  there  againe  fraighted 
backe,  from  whence  wee  set  saile  the  tenth  of  September. 
The  lesser  called  the  little  James,  was  built  for  the  Com- 
pany at  their  charge.  Shee  was  now  also  fitted  for  Trade 
and  discovery  to  the  Southward  of  Cape  Cod,  and  almost 

382 


Two  Ships. 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1623. 

readie  to  set  saile,  whom  I  pray  God  to  blesse  in  her 
good  and  lawfull  proceedings. 

A   Few  things  I  thought  meete  to  adde  heereunto, 
which  I  have  observed  amongst  the  Indians,  both 
touching    their   Religion,    and    sundry    other    Customes 
amongst  them.     And  first,  whereas  my  selfe  and  others, 
in  former  Letters  (which  came  to  the  Presse  against  my 
will  and  knowledge)  wrote,   that  the  Indians  about  us 
are  a  people  without  any  Religion  or  knowledge  of  any  Their 
God,  therein  I  erred,  though  wee  could  then  gather  no  Religion, 
better :     For  as  they  conceive  of  many  divine  powers,  T^e  meamn£ 
so  of  one  whom  they  call  Kiehtan,  to  bee  the  principall  j^gl^i 
maker  of  all  the  rest,  and  to  be  made  by  none :     Hee  think  hath 
(they    say)    created    the    Heavens,    Earth,    Sea,    and   all  reference  to 
creatures   contained   therein.      Also   that   hee   made  one  -dntiautty, fir 
man  and  one  woman,  of  whom  they  and  wee  and  all  mmneuaj° 
mankind  came :    but  how  they  became  so  farre  dispersed  Kie'hchise,  a 
that  know  they  not.     At  first  they  say,   there  was  no  man  that 
Sachim,  or  King,  but  Kiehtan,  who  dwelleth  above  the  exceedeth  in 
Heavens,  whither  all  good  men  goe  when  they  die  to  see  afe'     .  ,,  . 
their  friends,  and  have  their  fill  of  all  things :    This  his 
habitation  lyeth  Westward  in   the  Heavens,   they   say ; 
thither  the  bad  men  goe  also,  and  knocke  at  his  doore, 
but  he  bids  them  Quachet,  that  is  to  say,  Walke  abroad, 
for  there  is  no  place  for  such ;    so  that  they  wander  in 
restlesse  want  and  penury.     Never  man  saw  this  Kiehtan  ; 
onely  old  men  tell  them  of  him,  and  bid  them  tell  their 
children,  yea,  to  charge  them  to  teach  their  posterities 
the  same,  and  lay  the  like  charge  upon  them.     This  power 
they   acknowledge   to   be   good,   and   when   they   would 
obtaine  any  great  matter,  meet  together,  and  cry  unto 
him,  and  so  likewise  for  plentie,  victory,  &c.  sing,  dance, 
feast,  give  thankes,  and  hang  up  Garlands  and  other  things 
in  memory  of  the  same. 

Another  power  they  worship,  whom  they  call  Hobba-  Their  Devi//. 
mock,  and  to  the  Northward  of  us  Hobbamoqui ;    this 
as  farre  as  wee  can  conceive  is  the  Devill,  him  they  call 

383 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1623. 

upon  to  cure  their  wounds  and  diseases.  When  they  are 
curable,  hee  perswades  them  hee  sends  the  same  for  some 
conceived  anger  against  them,  but  upon  their  calling  upon 
him  can  and  doth  helpe  them  :  But  when  they  are  mortall, 
and  not  curable  in  nature,  then  he  perswades  them  Kiehtan 
[IV.  x.  is  angry  and  sends  them,  whom  none  can  cure :    insomuch, 

1868.]  as  jn  ^1-  respect  onely  they~  somewhat  doubt  whether 
hee  bee  simply  good,  and  therefore  in  sicknesse  never 
call  upon  him.  This  Hobbomock  appeares  in  sundry 
formes  unto  them,  as  in  the  shape  of  a  Man,  a  Deare, 
a  Fawne,  an  Eagle,  &c.  but  most  ordinarily  a  Snake  :  Hee 
appeares  not  to  all,  but  the  chiefest  and  most  judicious 
amongst  them,  though  all  of  them  strive  to  attaine  to 
that  hellish  height  of  Honour.  He  appeareth  most 
ordinary,  and  is  most  conversant  with  three  sorts  of 
people,  one  I  confesse,  I  neither  know  by  name  nor  office 
directly :  Of  these  they  have  few  but  esteeme  highly  of 
them,  and  thinke  that  no  weapon  can  kill  them :  another 
they  call  by  the  name  of  Powah,  and  the  third  Puiese. 
Powah  or  The  office  and  dutie  of  the  Powah  is  to  be  exercised 

Priest.  principally  in  calling  upon  the  Devill,  and  curing  diseases 

of  the  sicke  or  wounded.  The  common  people  joyne 
with  him  in  the  exercise  of  Invocation,  but  doe  but  onely 
assent,  or  as  we  terme  it,  say  Amen  to  that  he  saith,  yet 
sometime  breake  out  into  a  short  musical!  note  with  him. 
The  Powah  is  eager  and  free  in  speech,  fierce  in  counte- 
nance, and  joyneth  many  antick  and  laborious  gestures 
with  the  same  over  the  partie  diseased.  If  the  partie 
be  wounded,  he  will  also  seeme  to  sucke  the  wound,  but 
if  they  bee  curable  (as  they  say)  hee  toucheth  it  not,  but 
a  Skooke,  that  is  the  Snake,  or  Wobsacuck,  that  is  the 
Eagle  sitteth  on  his  shoulder  and  lickes  the  same.  This 
none  see  but  the  Powah,  who  tells  them  hee  doth  it 
himselfe.  If  the  partie  be  otherwise  diseased,  it  is 
accounted  sufficient  if  in  any  shape  hee  but  come  into 
the  house,  taking  it  for  an  undoubted  signe  of  recovery. 
And  as  in  former  ages  Apollo  had  his  Temple  at 
Delphos,  and  Diana  at  Ephesus ;    so  have  I  heard  them 

384 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM    NEW  ENGLAND  a.d. 

1623. 

call  upon  some,  as  if  they  had  their  residence  in  some 
certaine  places,  or  because  they  appeared  in  those  formes 
in  the  same.  In  the  Powahs  speech  hee  promiseth  to 
sacrifice  many  skinnes  of  Beasts,  Kettles,  Hatchets,  Offerings. 
Beades,  Knives,  and  other  the  best  things  they  have  to 
the  fiend,  if  hee  will  come  to  helpe  the  partie  diseased : 
But  whether  they  performe  it  I  know  not.  The  other 
practises  I  have  seene,  being  necessarily  called  at  some 
times  to  be  with  their  sicke,  and  have  used  the  best 
arguments  I  could  make  them  understand  against  the 
same :  They  have  told  me  I  should  see  the  Devill  at 
those  times  come  to  the  party,  but  I  assured  my  selfe 
and  them  of  the  contrary,  which  so  proved :  yea,  them- 
selves have  confessed  they  never  saw  him  when  any  of 
us  were  present.  In  desperate  and  extraordinary  hard 
travell  in  childe-birth,  when  the  partie  cannot  be  delivered 
by  the  ordinary  meanes,  they  send  for  this  Powah,  though 
ordinarily  their  travell  is  not  so  extreame  as  in  our  parts 
of  the  world,  they  being  of  a  more  hardie  nature ;  for 
on  the  third  day  after  childe-birth,  I  have  scene  the  mother 
with  the  Infant,  upon  a  small  occasion  in  cold  weather 
in  a  Boat  upon  the  Sea. 

Many  sacrifices  the  Indians  use,  and  in  some  cases  kill  Sacrifices. 
children.     It  seemeth  they  are  various  in  their  religious 
worship  in  a  little  distance,  and  grow  more  and  more 
cold  in  their  worship  to  Kiehtan  ;  saying,  In  their  memory 
he  was   much   more  called  upon.     The  Narohiggansets 
exceed  in  their  blind  devotion,  and  have  a  great  spatious 
house  wherein   onely  some  few   (that  are   as  wee  may 
tearme  them  Priests)  come :    thither  at  certaine  knowne 
times  resort  all  their  people,  and  offer  almost  all  the  riches 
they   have   to   their  gods,   as   Kettles,   Skins,   Hatchets, 
Beades,  Knives,  &c.  all  which  are  cast  by  the  Priests  into 
a  great  fire  that  they  make  in  the  midst  of  the  house, 
and  there  consumed  to  ashes.     To  this  offering  every  Burnt  offiing. 
man  bringeth  freely,  and  the  more  he  is  knowne  to  bring,  The  Devill 
hath   the  better   esteeme   of  all   men.      This  the   other  keeps  his 
Indians  about  us  approve  of  as  good,   and  wish   their  servantsP00re- 

XIX  385  2B 


A.D. 
1623. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


Their  Knights. 
Priests : 
valourous 
counsellours. 


Sachims  would  appoint  the  like :  and  because  the  plague 
hath  not  raigned  at  Narohigganset,  as  at  other  places 
about  them,  they  attribute  to  this  custome  there  used. 

The  Panieses  are  men  of  great  courage  and  wisedome, 
and  to  these  also  the  Devill  appeareth  more  familiarly 
then  to  others,  and  as  wee  conceive  maketh  covenant  with 
them  to  preserve  them  from  death,  by  wounds  with 
Arrowes,  Knives,  Hatchets,  &c.  or  at  least  both  themselves 
and  especially  the  people  thinke  themselves  to  be  freed 
from  the  same.  And  though  against  their  battels,  all  of 
them  by  painting  disfigure  themselves,  yet  they  are  knowne 
by  their  courage  and  boldnesse,  by  reason  whereof  one  of 
them  will  chase  almost  an  hundred  men,  for  they  account 
it  death  for  whomsoever  stand  in  their  way.  These  are 
highly  esteemed  of  all  sorts  of  people,  and  are  of  the 
Sachims  Councell,  without  whom  they  will  not  warre  or 
undertake  any  weightie  businesse.  In  warre  their 
Sachims,  for  their  more  safetie  goe  in  the  midst  of  them. 
They  are  commonly  men  of  greatest  stature  and  strength, 
and  such  as  will  endure  most  hardnesse,  and  yet  are  more 
discreet,  courteous,  and  humane  in  their  carriages  then 
any  amongst  them,  scorning  theft,  lying,  and  the  like  base 
dealings,  and  stand  as  much  upon  their  reputation  as 
any  men.  And  to  the  end  they  may  have  store  of  these, 
they  traine  up  the  most  forward  and  likeliest  boyes  from 
their  child-hood  in  great  hardnesse,  and  make  them 
abstaine  from  daintie  meat,  observing  divers  orders 
prescribed,  to  the  end  that  when  they  are  of  age  the 
Devill  may  appeare  to  them,  causing  to  drinke  the  juyce 
Bitter  trialls.  of  Sentry  and  other  bitter  Hearbs  till  they  cast,  which 
they  must  disgorge  into  the  platter,  and  drinke  againe, 
and  againe,  till  at  length,  through  extraordinary  pressing 
of  nature  it  will  seeme  to  bee  all  bloud,  and  this  the 
boyes  will  doe  with  eagernesse  at  the  first,  and  so  con- 
tinue, till  by  reason  of  faintnesse  they  can  scarce  stand 
on  their  legs,  and  then  must  goe  forth  into  the  cold : 
also  they  beat  their  shins  with  sticks,  and  cause  them  to 
run  through  bushes,  stumps,  and  brambles,  to  make  them 

386 


Lords. 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND  ad 

1623. 

hardy  and  acceptable  to  the  Devill,  that  in  time  he  may 
appeare  unto  them. 

Their  Sachims  cannot  bee  all  called  Kings,  but  onely  [IV.  x. 
some  few  of  them,  to  whom  the  rest  resort  for  protection,  1869.] 

and  pay  homage  unto  them,  neither  may  they  warre  S'tcAjms  or 
without  their  knowledge  and  approbation,  yet  to  be  com- 
manded by  the  greater  as  occasion  serveth.  Of  this  sort 
is  Massassowat  our  friend,  and  Conanacus  of  Narohig- 
genset  our  supposed  enemy.  Every  Sachim  taketh  care 
for  the  widdow  and  fatherlesse,  also  for  such  as  are  aged, 
and  any  way  maymed,  if  their  friends  be  dead,  or  not 
able  to  provide  for  them.  A  Sachim  will  not  take  any 
to  wife,  but  such  an  one  as  is  equall  to  him  in  birth, 
otherwise  they  say  their  seede  would  in  time  become 
ignoble,  and  though  they  have  many  other  wives,  yet  are 
they  no  other  then  concubines  or  servants,  and  yeeld  a 
kind  of  obedience  to  the  principall,  who  ordereth  the 
family,  and  them  in  it.  The  like  their  men  observe  also, 
and  will  adhere  to  the  first  during  their  lives ;  but  put 
away  the  other  at  their  pleasure.  This  Government  is 
successive  and  not  by  choyce.  If  the  father  dye  before 
the  sonne  or  daughter  bee  of  age,  then  the  childe  is 
committed  to  the  protection  and  tuition  of  some  one 
amongst  them,  who  ruleth  in  his  stead  till  hee  be  of  age, 
but  when  that  is  I  know  not. 

Every  Sachim  knoweth  how  farre  the  bounds  and  limits 
of  his  owne  Countrey  extendeth,  and  that  is  his  owne 
proper  inheritance,  out  of  that  if  any  of  his  men  desire 
land  to  set  their  Corne,  hee  giveth  them  as  much  as  they 
can  use,  and  sets  them  in  their  bounds.  In  this  circuit 
whosoever  hunteth,  if  any  kill  any  venison,  bring  him 
his  fee,  which  is  foure  parts  of  the  same,  if  it  bee  killed 
on  the  Land,  but  if  in  the  water,  then  the  skin  thereof : 
The  Great  Sachims  or  Kings  know  not  their  owne  bounds 
or  limits  of  land,  as  well  as  the  rest.  All  Travellers  or 
Strangers  for  the  most  part  lodge  at  the  Sachims,  when 
they  come,  they  tell  them  how  long  they  will  stay,  and  to 
what   place   they   goe,   during  which   time   they  receive 

387 


A*.  PURCHAS    HIS    PILGRIMES 

1623. 

entertainment  according  to  their  persons,  but  want  not. 
Tribute.  Once  a  yeere  the  Pnieses  use  to  provoke  the  people  to 

bestow  much  Corne  on  the  Sachim.  To  that  end  they 
appoint  a  certaine  time  and  place  neere  the  Sachims  dwell- 
ing, where  the  people  bring  many  baskets  of  Corne,  and 
make  a  great  stack  thereof.  There  the  Pnieses  stand 
ready  to  give  thankes  to  the  people  on  the  Sachims  behalfe, 
and  after  acquainteth  the  Sachim  therewith,  who  fetcheth 
the  same,  and  is  no  lesse  thankfull,  bestowing  many  gifts 
on  them. 

When   any   are   visited   with   sicknesse,    their   friends 
resort  unto  them  for  their  comfort,  and  continue  with 
Mourning  for    them  oftentimes  till  their  death  or  recovery.     If  they  die 
the  dead.         j-j^y  stay  a  certaine  time  to  mourne  for  them.     Night  and 
morning  they  performe  this  dutie  many  daies  after  the 
buriall  in  a  most  dolefull  manner,  insomuch  as  though  it 
bee  ordinary,  and  the  Note  Musicall,  which  they  take  one 
from  another,  and  altogether,  yet  it  will  draw  teares  from 
their  eyes,  and  almost  from  ours  also.     But  if  they  recover 
then  because  their  sicknesse  was  chargeable,  they  send 
Corne  and  other  gifts  unto  them  at  a  certaine  appointed 
time,    whereat    they    feast    and    dance,    which    they    call 
Commoco. 
Burialh.  When  they  bury  the  dead,  they  sowe  up  the  corps  in 

a  mat  and  so  put  it  in  the  earth.  If  the  partie  be  a 
Sachim,  they  cover  him  with  many  curious  mats,  and 
bury  all  his  riches  with  him,  and  inclose  the  grave  with  a 
pale.  If  it  bee  a  childe,  the  father  will  also  put  his  owne 
most  speciall  Jewels  and  Ornaments  in  the  earth  with  it, 
also  he  will  cut  his  haire  and  disfigure  himselfe  very  much 
in  token  of  sorrow.  If  it  bee  the  man  or  woman  of  the 
house,  they  will  pull  downe  the  mats  and  leave  the  frame 
standing,  and  bury  them  in  or  neere  the  same,  and  either 
remove  their  dwelling,  or  give  over  house-keeping. 

The  men  imploy  themselves  wholly  in  hunting,  and 

other  exercises  of  the  Bow,  except  at  some  times  they 

Womem  take   some  paine   in  fishing.     The  women   live  a   most 

slavery.  slavish  life,  they  carry  all  their  burdens,  set  and  dresse 

388 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND 

their  Corne,  gather  it  in,  and  seeke  out  for  much  of  their 
food,  beate  and  make  readie  the  Corne  to  eate,  and  have 
all  houshold  care  lying  upon  them. 

The  younger  sort  reverence  the  elder,  and  doe  all  meane 
offices  whilst  they  are  together,  although  they  be  strangers. 
Boyes  and  girles  may  not  weare  their  haire  like  men  and 
women,  but  are  distinguished  thereby. 

A  man  is  not  accounted  a  man  till  he  doe  some  notable 
act,  or  shew  forth  such  courage  and  resolution  as 
becommeth  his  place.  The  men  take  much  Tobacco,  but 
for  boyes  so  to  doe  they  account  it  odious. 

All  their  names  are  significant  and  variable ;  for  when 
they  come  to  the  state  of  men  and  women,  they  alter 
them  according  to  their  deeds  or  dispositions. 

When  a  maide  is  taken  in  marriage,  shee  first  cutteth 
her  haire,  and  after  weareth  a  covering  on  her  head  till 
her  haire  be  growne  out.  Their  women  are  diversly 
disposed,  some  as  modest  as  they  will  scarce  talke  one 
with  another  in  the  company  of  men,  being  very  chaste 
also :  yet  other  some  light,  lascivious  and  wanton.  If  a 
woman  have  a  bad  husband,  or  cannot  affect  him,  and 
there  bee  warre  or  opposition  betweene  that  and  any  other 
people,  shee  will  runne  away  from  him  to  the  contrary 
partie  and  there  live,  where  they  never  come  unwelcome : 
for  where  are  most  women,  there  is  greatest  plentie. 
When  a  woman  hath  her  monethly  termes,  shee  separateth 
her  selfe  from  all  other  company,  and  liveth  certaine  dayes 
in  a  house  alone :  after  which  she  washeth  her  selfe  and 
all  that  shee  hath  touched  or  used,  and  is  againe  received 
to  her  husbands  bed  or  family.  For  adultery  the  husband 
will  beat  his  wife  and  put  her  away,  if  he  please.  Some 
common  strumpets  there  are  as  well  as  in  other  places, 
but  they  are  such  as  either  never  married,  or  widowes,  or 
put  away  for  adultery :  for  no  man  will  keepe  such  an 
one  to  wife. 

In  matters  of  unjust  and  dishonest  dealing  the  Sachim 
examineth  and  punisheth  the  same.  In  case  of  thefts,  for 
the  first   offence   hee   is   disgracefully   rebuked,   for   the 

389 


A.D. 
1623. 


Manhood. 


Names. 


Maids  & 
wives. 


[IV.  x. 

1870.] 
Adulterie  and 
whooredome. 


Theft. 


A.D. 
1623. 


Murther. 


Crying,  a 
coivards  note. 

Apparell. 


Wittie  people. 
Their  Arts. 

Note. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

second  beaten  by  the  Sachim  with  a  cudgell  on  the  naked 
backe,  for  the  third  hee  is  beaten  with  many  stroakes, 
and  hath  his  nose  slit  upward,  that  thereby  all  men  may 
both  know  and  shun  him.  If  any  man  kill  another,  hee 
must  likewise  die  for  the  same.  The  Sachim  not  onely 
passeth  the  sentence  upon  malefactors,  but  executeth  the 
same  with  his  owne  hands,  if  the  partie  bee  then  present ; 
if  not,  sendeth  his  owne  knife  in  case  of  death,  in  the 
hands  of  others  to  performe  the  same.  But  if  the 
offender  bee  to  receive  other  punishment,  hee  will  not 
receive  the  same  but  from  the  Sachim  himselfe,  before 
whom  being  naked  he  kneeleth,  and  will  not  offer  to  runne 
away  though  hee  beat  him  never  so  much,  it  being  a 
greater  disparagement  for  a  man  to  cry  during  the  time  of 
his  correction,  then  is  his  offence  and  punishment. 

As  for  their  apparell,  they  weare  breeches  and  stockings 
in  one,  like  some  Irish,  which  is  made  of  Deere  skinnes, 
and  have  shooes  of  the  same  leather.  They  weare  also 
a  Deeres  skinne  loose  about  them  like  a  cloake,  which 
they  will  turne  to  the  weather  side.  In  this  habite  they 
travell,  but  when  they  are  at  home,  or  come  to  their 
journey es  end,  presently  they  pull  of  their  breeches, 
stockings,  and  shooes,  wring  out  the  water,  if  they  bee 
wet,  and  drie  them,  and  rub  or  chafe  the  same.  Though 
these  be  off,  yet  have  they  another  small  garment  that 
covereth  their  secrets.  The  men  weare  also  when  they 
goe  abroad  in  cold  weather,  an  Otter  or  Fox  skin  on  their 
right  arme,  but  onely  their  bracer  on  their  left.  Women 
and  all  of  that  sex  weare  strings  about  their  legs,  which 
the  men  never  doe. 

The  people  are  very  ingenious  and  observative,  they 
keepe  account  of  time  by  the  Moone,  and  Winters  or 
Summers ;  they  know  divers  of  the  Starres  by  name,  in 
particular,  they  know  the  North-star,  and  call  it  Maske, 
which  is  to  say,  The  Beare.  Also  they  have  many  names 
for  the  Winds.  They  will  guesse  very  well  at  the  wind 
and  weather  before  hand,  by  observations  in  the  Heavens. 
They  report  also,  that  some  of  them  can  cause  the  wind 

390 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM    NEW   ENGLAND  a.d. 

1623. 

to  blow  in  what  part  they  list,  can  raise  stormes  and 
tempests,  which  they  usually  doe  when  they  intend  the 
death  or  destruction  of  other  people,  that  by  reason  of 
the  unseasonable  weather,  they  may  take  advantage  of 
their  enemies  in  their  houses.  At  such  times  they  per- 
forms their  greatest  exployts,  and  in  such  seasons  when 
they  are  at  enmitie  with  any,  they  keepe  more  carefull 
watch  then  at  other  times. 

As  for  the  language  it  is  verie  copious,  large,  and  Language. 
difficult,  as  yet  wee  cannot  attaine  to  any  great  measure 
thereof;  but  can  understand  them,  and  explaine  our 
selves  to  their  understanding,  by  the  helpe  of  those  that 
daily  converse  with  us.  And  though  there  be  difference 
in  an  hundred  miles  distant  of  place,  both  in  language  and 
manners,  yet  not  so  much  but  that  they  very  well  under- 
stand each  other.  And  thus  much  of  their  lives  and 
manners. 

In  stead  of  Records  and  Chronicles,  they  take  this  Registers. 
course,  where  any  remarkeable  act  is  done,  in  memory  of 
it,  either  in  the  place,  or  by  some  pathway  neere  adjoyning, 
they  make  a  round  hole  in  the  ground  about  a  foot  deepe, 
and  as  much  over,  which  when  others  passing  by  behold, 
they  enquire  the  cause  and  occasion  of  the  same,  which 
being  once  knowne,  they  are  carefull  to  acquaint  all 
men  as  occasion  serveth  therewith.  And  least  such  holes 
should  bee  filled,  or  growne  up  by  any  accident,  as  men 
passe  by  they  will  oft  renew  the  same :  By  which  meanes 
many  things  of  great  Antiquitie  are  fresh  in  memory. 
So  that  as  a  man  travelleth,  if  hee  can  understand  his 
guide,  his  journey  will  be  the  less  tedious,  by  reason  of 
many  historicall  Discourses  will  be  related  unto  him. 

For  that  Continent,   on  which  wee   are  called  New-  The  Country. 
England,  although  it  hath  ever  beene  conceived  by  the 
English,  to  bee  a  part  of  the  maine  Land  adjoyning  to 
Virginia,  yet  by  relation  of  the  Indians  it  should  appeare 
to  bee  otherwise :   for  they  affirme  confidently,  that  it  is  New  England 
an   Hand,   and   that   either   the   Dutch   or   French   passe  an  lland- 
thorow  from  Sea  to  Sea,  betweene  us  and  Virginia,  and 

39i 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1623. 

drive  a  great  Trade  in  the  same.  The  name  of  that 
Inlet  of  the  Sea,  they  call  Mohegon,  which  I  take  to  be 
the  same  which  wee  call  Hudsons  River,  up  which  Master 
Hudson  went  many  leagues,  and  for  want  of  meanes  (as 
I  heare)  left  it  undiscovered.  For  confirmation  of  this, 
their  opinion  is  thus  much ;  Though  Virginia  bee  not 
above  an  hundred  and  fiftie  leagues  from  us,  yet  they 
never  heard  of  Powhatan,  or  knew  that  any  English  were 
planted  in  his  Countrey,  save  onely  by  us  and  Tisquantum, 
who  went  into  an  English  Ship  thither :  And  therefore  it 
is  the  more  probable,  because  the  water  is  not  passable 
for  them,  who  are  very  adventurous  in  their  Boates. 

Seasons.  Then  for  the  temperature  of  the  ayre,  in  almost  three 

yeeres  experience,  I  can  scarce  distinguish  New  England 
from  Old  England,  in  respect  of  heate,  and  cold,  frost, 
snow,  raine,  winds,  &c.  Some  object,  because  our  Planta- 
tion lieth  in  the  latitude  of  two  and  fortie,  it  must  needes 
bee  much  hotter.  I  confesse  I  cannot  give  the  reason  of 
the  contrary ;  onely  experience  teacheth  us,  that  if  it  doe 
exceed  England,   it   is  so   little  as  must  require  better 

[IV.  x.  judgements  to  discerne  it.     And  for  the  Winter,  I  rather 

1^71-]  thinke  (if  there  be  difference)  it  is  both  sharper  and 
longer  in  New  England  then  Old ;  and  yet  the  want  of 
those  comforts  in  the  one  which  I  have  enjoyed  in  the 
other,  may  deceive  my  judgement  also.  But  in  my  best 
observation,  comparing  our  owne  conditions  with  the 
Relations  of  other  parts  of  America,  I  cannot  conceive  of 
any  to  agree  better  with  the  constitution  of  the  English, 
not  being  oppressed  with  extremitie  of  heat,  nor  nipped 
with  biting  cold,  by  which  meanes,  blessed  be  God,  wee 
enjoy  our  health,  notwithstanding  those  difficulties  wee 
have  undergone,  in  such  a  measure  as  would  have  been 
admired  if  we  had  lived  in  England  with  the  like  meanes. 

Dayes.  The  day  is  two  houres  longer  then  here,  when  it  is  at 

the  shortest,  and  as  much  shorter  when  it  is  at'  the  longest*. 

Soyle.  The  soyle  is  variable,  in  some  places  Mould,  in  some 

Clay,  and  others  a  mixed  Sand,  &c.  The  chiefest  graine 
is    the    Indian    Mays,    or   Ginny-Wheat ;   the   seed-time 

392 


GOOD   NEWS   FROM   NEW  ENGLAND  a.d. 

1623. 

beginneth  in  the  midst  of  April,  and  continueth  good  till 

the    midst    of    May.     Our    Harvest    beginneth    with 

September.     This  Corne  increaseth  in  great  measure,  but  Come. 

is  inferiour  in  quantitie  to  the  same  in  Virginia,  the  reason 

I  conceive,  is  because  Virginia  is  farre  hotter  then  it  is 

with  us,  it  requiring  great  heat  to  ripen  ;  but  whereas  it  is 

objected  against  New  England,  that  Corne  will  not  there 

grow,    except   the  ground   bee   manured  with    Fish :    I 

answere,  That  where  men  set  with  Fish  (as  with  us)  it  is 

more  easie  so  to  doe,  then  to  cleere  ground  and  set  without 

some  five  or  sixe  yeeres,  and  so  begin  a  new,  as  in  Virginia 

and  elsewhere.     Not  but  that  in  some  places,  where  they 

cannot  be  taken  with  ease  in  such  abundance,  the  Indians 

set  foure  yeeres  together  without,  and  have  as  good  Corne 

or  better  then  we  have  that  set  with  them,  though  indeed 

I  thinke  if  wee  had  Cattell  to  till  the  ground,  it  would 

be  more  profitable  and  better  agreeable  to  the  soyle,  to 

so  we  Wheat,  Ry,  Barley,  Pease,  and  Oats,  then  to  set 

Mays,  which  our  Indians  call  Ewachim :  for  we  have  had 

experience  that  they  like  and  thrive  well ;   and  the  other 

will  not  bee  procured  without  good  labour  and  diligence, 

especially  at  seed-time,  when  it  must  also  bee  watched  by 

night  to  keepe  the  Wolves  from  the  Fish,  till  it  be  rotten, 

which  will  bee  in  fourteene  dayes ;    yet  men  agreeing 

together,  and  taking  their  turnes  it  is  not  much. 

Much  might  bee  spoken  of  the  benefit  that  may  come 
to  such  as  shall  here  plant  by  Trade  with  the  Indians  for 
Furres,  if  men  take  a  right  course  for  obtaining  the  same ; 
for  I  dare  presume  upon  that  small  experience  I  have  had, 
to  afrirme,  that  the  English,  Dutch,  and  French,  returne 
yeerely  many  thousand  pounds  profits  by  Trade  onely 
from  that  Hand,  on  which  wee  are  seated. 

Tobacco  may  bee  there  planted,  but  not  with  that  profit 
as  in  some  other  places,  neither  were  it  profitable  there  to 
follow  it,  though  the  increase  were  equall,  because  Fish 
is  a  better  and  richer  Commoditie,  and  more  necessary, 
which  may  be,  and  there  are  had  in  as  great  abundance  as 
in  any  other  part  of  the  world ;    Witnesse  the  West- 

393 


A.D. 

1623. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

countrey  Merchants  of  England,  which  returne  incredible 
gaines  yeerely  from  thence.  And  if  they  can  so  doe  which 
here  buy  their  salt  at  a  great  charge,  and  transport  more 
Company  to  make  their  voyage,  then  will  saile  their  Ships, 
what  may  the  Planters  expect  when  once  they  are  seated, 
and  make  the  most  of  their  Salt  there,  and  imploy  them- 
selves at  lest  eight  moneths  in  fishing,  whereas  the  other 
fish  but  foure,  and  have  their  Ship  lie  dead  in  the  Harbour 
all  the  time,  whereas  such  shipping  as  belong  to  Planta- 
tions may  take  fraight  of  Passengers  or  Cattle  thither, 
and  have  their  lading  provided  against  they  come.  I 
confesse  we  have  come  so  far  short  of  the  meanes  to  raise 
such  returns,  as  with  great  difficultie  wee  have  preserved 
our  lives ;  insomuch  as  when  I  looke  backe  upon  our 
condition,  and  weake  meanes  to  preserve  the  same,  I  rather 
admire  at  Gods  mercies  and  providence  in  our  preserva- 
tion, then  that  no  greater  things  have  beene  effected  by 
us.  But  though  our  beginning  have  beene  thus  raw, 
small,  and  difficult,  as  thou  hast  seene,  yet  the  same  God 
that  hath  hitherto  led  us  thorow  the  former,  I  hope  will 
raise  meanes  to  accomplish  the  latter. 

Chap.  VI. 

Nova  Scotia.  The  Kings  Patent  to  Sir  William 
Alexander  Knight,  for  the  Plantation  of  New 
Scotland  in  America,  and  his  proceedings 
therein  ;  with  a  description  of  Mawooshen  for 
better  knowledge  of  those  parts. 

Acobus  Dei  gratia  Magnae  Brittanniae, 
Franciae,  &  Hiberniae  Rex  fideique  defen- 
sor :  Omnibus  probis  hominibus  totius 
terrae  suae  Clericis  &  laicis  salutem.  Sciatis 
nos  semper  ad  quamlibet  quae  ad  decus 
&  emolumentum  regni  nostri  Scotiae 
spectaret  occasionem  amplectendum  fuisse 
intentos,  nullamque  aut  faciliorem  aut  magis  innoxiam 
acquisitionem    censere,    quam    quae    inexteris   &    incultis 

394 


THE   PATENT   FOR   NOVA   SCOTIA  ad. 

1621. 

regnis  ubi  vitae  &  victui  suppectunt  commode  nevis 
deducendis  Coloniis  factu  sit ;  praesertim  si  vel  ipsa 
regna  cultoribus  prius  vacua,  vel  ab  infidelibus,  quos  ad 
Christianam  converti  fidem  &  Dei  gloriam  interest 
plurimum,  insessa  fuerint.  Sed  cum  &  alia  nonnulla  [IV.  x. 
regna,  &  haec  non  ita  pridem  nostra  Anglia  laudabiliter  1872.] 

sua  nomina  novis  terris  acquisitis  sed  in  se  subactis 
indiderunt,  quam  numerosa  &  frequens  divino  beneficio 
haec  gens,  hac  tempestate  sit  nobiscum  reputantes, 
quamque  honesto  aliquo  &  utili  cultu  earn  studiose 
exerceri  ne  in  deteriora  ex  ignavia  &  otio  prolabatur 
expediat  plerosque  in  novam  deducendos  regionem  quam 
Coloniis  compleant,  opera?  pretium  duximus  qui  &  animi 
promptitudine  &  alacritate  corporumque  robore  &  viribus 
quibuscunque  difficultatibus,  si  qui  alii  mortalium  uspiam 
se  audiant  opponere,  hunc  conatum  huic  regno  maxime 
idoneum  inde  arbitramur  quod  virorum  tantummodo  & 
mulierum  jumentorum  &  frumenti,  non  etiam  pecuniae 
transvectionem  postulat,  neque  incommodam  ex  ipsius 
regni  mercibus  retributionem  hoc  tempore  cum  negotiatio 
adeo  imminuta  sit,  possit  reponere.  Hisce  de  causis  sicuti 
&  propter  bonum  fidele  &  gratum  dilecti  nostri  consiliarii 
Domini  Willelmi  Alexandri  equitis  servitium  nobis 
praestitum  &  praestandum,  qui  propriis  impensis  ex 
nostratibus  primus  externam  hanc  coloniam  ducendam 
conatus  sit,  diversasque  terras  infra  designatis  limitibus 
circumscriptas  incolendas  expetiverit.  Nos  igitur  ex 
regali  nostra  ad  Christianam  religionem  propagandam  & 
ad  opulentiam,  prosperitatem,  pacemque  naturalium  nos- 
trorum  subditorum  dicti  regni  nostri  Scotiae  acquirendam 
cura,  sicuti  alii  Principes  extranei  in  talibus  casibus 
hactenus  fecerunt,  cum  avisamento  &  consensu  praedicti 
nostri  consanguinei  &  consiliarii  Joannis  Comitis  de  Marr 
Domini  Erskene  &  Garrioche  summi  nostri  Thesaurarii 
computorum  rotulatoris  collectors  ac  Thesaurarii  novarum 
nostrarum  augmentationum  hujus  Regni  nostri  Scotiae, 
ac  reliquorum  dominorum  nostrorum  Commissionariorum 
ejusdem    Regni    nostri,    dedimus    concessimus    &    dis- 

395 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1621. 

posuimus,  tenoreque  praesentis  chartae  nostrae  damus 
concedimus  &  disponimus  praefacto  Domino  Willelmo 
Alexandra,  haeredibus  suis  vel  assignatis  quibuscunque 
haereditarie  omnes  &  singulas  terras  continentis  ac  insulas 
situatas  &  jacentes  in  America,  intra  caput  seu  promon- 
torium  communiter  Cap.  de  Sable  appellatum  jacens  prope 
latitudinem  quadraginta  trium  graduum  aut  ab  eo  circa, 
ab  aequinoctiali  linea  versus  septentrionem,  a  quo  premon- 
torio  versus  littus  maris  tendentis  ad  occidentem  ad 
stationem  Sanctae  Mariae  navium  (vulgo  S.  Maries  Bay) 
&  deinceps  versus  septentrionem  per  directam  lineam 
introitum  sive  ostium  magnae  illius  stationis  navium 
trajicientem  quae  excurrit  in  terrae  orientalem  plagam  inter 
Regionis  Suriquorum  &  Etechemmorum  (vulgo  Suriquois 
&  Eteehemines)  ad  fluvium  vulgo  nomine  Santae  Crucis 
appellatum :  Et  ad  scaturiginem  remotissimam  sive 
fontem  ex  occidentali  parte  ejusdem  qui  se  primum 
praedicto  fluvio  immiscet,  unde  per  imaginariam  directam 
lineam  quae  pergere  per  terram  seu  currere  versus  sep- 
tentrionem concipietur  ad  proximam  navium  stationem, 
fluvium  vel  scaturiginem  in  magno  fluvio  de  Cannada 
sese  exonerantem.  Et  ab  eo  pergendo  versus  orientem 
per  maris  oras  littorales  ejusdem  fluvii  de  Cannada  ad 
fluvium  stationem  navium  portum  aut  littus  communiter 
nomine  de  Gachepe  vel  Gaspe  notum  &  appellatum,  Et 
deinceps  versus  Euronotum  ad  insulas  Bacalaos  vel  Cap. 
Briton  vocatas  Relinquendo  easdem  Insulas  a  dextra  & 
voraginem  dicti  magni  fluvii  de  Cannada  sive  magne 
stationis  navium  &  terras  de  New-found-land,  cum  insulis 
ad  easdem  terras  pertinentibus  a  sinistra.  Et  deinceps  ad 
Caput  sive  promentorum  de  Cap.  Briton  praedictum  jacens 
prope  latitudinem  quadraginta  quinque  graduum  aut  eo 
circa.  Et  a  dicto  promentorio  de  Cap.  Briton  versus 
meridiem  &  Occidentem  ad  praedictum  Cap.  Sable  ubi 
incipit  perambulatio  includenda  &  comprehenda  intra 
dictas  maris  oras  littorales  ac  earum  circumferentias  a  mari 
ad  omnes  terras  continentis  cum  fluminibus  torrentibus, 
sinubus,  littoribus,  insulis  aut  maribus  jacentibus  prope 

396 


THE   PATENT   FOR   NOVA   SCOTIA  a.d. 

1621. 

infra  sex  lucas  ad  aliquam  earundem  partem  ex  occidentali 

boreali  vel  orientali  partibus  orarum  littoralium  &  praecinc- 

tuum  earundem.     Et  ab  Euronoto  (uti  jacet  Cap.  Britton) 

&  ex  australi  parte  ejusdem  ubi  est  Cap.  de  Sable  omnia 

maria  ac  insulas  versus  meridiem  intra  quadraginta  leucas 

dictarum  orarum  littoralium  earundem  magnam  insulam 

vulgariter  appellatam  He  de  Sable  vel  Sablon  includen. 

jacen.  versus  carban  vulgo  South  South-east,  circa  triginta 

leucas  a  dicto  Cap.  Britton  in  mari  &  existen.  in  latitudine 

quadraginta  quatuor  graduum  aut  eo  circa.     Quae  quidem 

terrae    praedictae    omni    tempore   affuturo    nomine   Novae 

Scotiae    in    America    gaudebunt,    Quas    etiam    praefatus 

Dominus    Willelmus    in    partes    &    portiones    sicut    ei 

visum  fuerit  dividet  iisdemque  nemina  pro  beneplacito 

imponet.     Una  cum  omnibus  fodinis  turn  regalibus  auri 

&  argenti  quam  aliis  fodinis  ferri,  plumbi,  cupri,  stanni, 

aeris,  &c. 

In  cujus  rei  testimonium  huic  praesenti  Chartae  nostrae 

magnum  Sigillum  nostrum  apponi  praecepimus  Testibus 

praedictis    nostris    consanguineis    &    Consiliariis    Jacobo 

Marchione  de  Hamilton  Comite  Arraniae  &  Cambridge 

Domino  Aven  &   Innerdail,   Georgio   Mariscalli   comite 

Domino  Keith  &  alt.  regni  nostri  Mariscallo,  Alexandro 

Comite  de  Dunfermling  Domino  Fyviae  &  urquhant  nostro 

Cancellario,   Thoma   Comite   de  Melros  Domino   Byres 

&  Bynning  nostro  Secretario,  Dilectis  nostris  familiaribus 

Consiliariis    Domino    Richardo    KoKburne    Juniore    de 

Clerkington  nostri  Secreti  Sigilli  custode,  Georgio  Hay 

de    Knifarunis    nostrorum    Rotulorum    Registrorum    ac 

Concilii  Clerico,  Joanne  Cockburne  de  Ormestoun  nostrae 

Justitiariae  Clerico,  &  Joanne  Scot  de  Scottistaruet  nostrae 

Cancellariae     Directore,     Militibus.       Apud     Castellum 

nostrum  de  Winsore  decimo  die  mensis  septembris  Anno 

Domini    milesimo    sexentesimo    vigesimo    primo    Reg- 

norumque    nostrorum    annis    quinquagesimo    quinto    & 

decimo  nono. 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge  being  entrusted  with  the  affayres 

397 


A.D. 
l622. 


*For  the 
Description  £j? 
incourage- 
ments  to  this 
designe,  and 
for  better 

[IV.  x. 

1873.] 

knowledge  of 
New  Scotland, 
besides  a  Book 
purposely  pub- 
lished by  the 
Honourable  iff 
learned 
Author  (who 
at  other 
weapons  hath 
plaied  his 
Muses  prizes, 
and  given  the 
world  ample 
testimony  of 
his  learning) 
you  may  read 
our  8.  Booke 
from  the  sixt 
Chapter  for- 
wards, the  last 
two  Chapiters 
of  the  ninth 
Booke,  13  that 
description  of 
the  Countrey 
ofMawooshen, 
which  I  have 
added  hereto. 
An.  1622. 
An.  1623. 

Lukes  Bay. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

of  New  England,  after  hee  had  advised  with  some  of  the 
Company ;  considering  the  largenesse  of  the  bounds 
intended  to  bee  planted  by  his  Majesties  subjects  in 
America,  and  the  slow  progresse  of  Plantations  in  these 
parts,  that  the  Scottish  Nation  may  be  perswaded  to 
imbarke  themselves  in  their  forraine  enterprise ;  hee  was 
content  that  Sir  William  Alexander  *  Knight,  one  of  his 
Majesties  most  Honorable  Privy  Councel  of  that 
Kingdome,  should  procure  a  Patent  of  such  a  bounds 
as  his  Majestie  should  appoint  to  bee  called  New  Scotland, 
and  to  bee  held  of  the  Crowne  of  Scotland,  and  governed 
by  the  Lawes  of  that  Kingdome,  as  his  said  Patent  con- 
taining all  the  bounds,  that  doth  lie  to  the  East  of  Saint 
Croix,  compassed  with  the  great  River  of  Canada  on 
the  North,  and  the  Maine  Ocean  on  the  South  doth  more 
particularly  beare.  Whereupon  the  said  Sir  William  did 
set  out  a  Shippe  with  a  Colony  of  purpose  to  plant,  which 
being  too  late  in  setting  forth  were  forced  to  stay  all  the 
Winter  at  New-found-Land,  and  though  they  had  a 
Shippe  with  new  provisions  the  next  Spring  from  the 
sayde  Sir  William,  yet  by  reason  of  some  unexpected 
occasions,  the  chiefe  of  the  Company  resolved  not  to 
plant  at  the  first,  but  onely  to  discover  and  to  take 
possession,  which  a  number  made  choyce  of  for  that 
purpose  did  happily  performe. 

The  three  and  twentieth  of  June,  they  loosed  from 
Saint  Johns  Harbour  in  New-found-Land,  and  sayled 
towardes  New  Scotland,  where  for  the  space  of  fourteene 
dayes  they  were  by  Fogges  and  contrarie  Windes  kept 
backe  from  spying  Land  till  the  eight  of  July :  thereafter 
that  they  saw  the  West  part  of  Cape  Breton,  and  so  till 
the  thirteenth  day,  they  sayled  to  and  fro  alongst  the 
Coast  till  they  came  the  length  of  Port  de  Muton,  where 
they  discovered  three  very  pleasant  Harbours,  and  went 
a  shoare  in  one  of  them,  which  they  called  Lukes  Bay, 
where  they  found  a  great  way  up  to  a  very  pleasant  River 
being  three  fathoms  deepe  at  low  water;  at  the  entry 
thereof,  and  on  every  side  of  the  same  they  did  see  very 

398 


THE   PATENT   FOR  NOVA   SCOTIA  a.d. 

1623. 

delicate  Meadowes,  having  Roses  white  and  red  growing 

thereon,  with  a  kind  of  wild  Lilly,  which  had  a  very 

daintie  smell. 

The  next  day  they  resolved  to  coast  alongst  to  discover 
the  next  Harbour,  which  was  but  two  leagues  distant  from 
the  other,  where  they  found  a  more  pleasant  River,  being 
foure  fathom  water  at  a  low  water,  with  Meadowes  on 
both  sides  thereof,  having  Roses  and  Lillies  growing 
thereon  as  the  other  had.  They  found  within  this  River 
a  very  fit  place  for  a  Plantation,  both  in  regard  that  it  Fit  place  for  a 
was  naturally  apt  to  bee  fortified,  and  that  all  the  ground  PlantaUon- 
betweene  the  two  Rivers  was  without  Wood,  and  was 
good  fat  earth  having  severall  sorts  of  Berries  growing 
thereon,  as  Gooseberry,  Strawberry,  Hyndberry,  Rasberry, 
and  a  kinde  of  Red-wineberry :  As  also  some  sorts  of 
Graine,  as  Pease,  some  eares  of  Wheat,  Barley,  and  Rye, 
growing  there  wild ;  the  Pease  grow  every  where  in 
abundance,  very  big  and  good  to  eate,  but  taste  of  the 
Fitch.  This  River  is  called  Port  Jolly,  from  whence  they  Port  Jolly. 
coasted  alongst  to  Port  Negro,  being  12.  leagues  distant,  Port  Negro. 
where  all  the  way  as  they  sailed  alongst  they  found  a 
very  pleasant  Countrey  having  growing  every  where  such 
things  as  they  did  see  in  the  two  Harbours  where  they 
had  beene.  They  found  likewise  in  every  River  abund- 
ance of  Lobsters,  and  Cockles,  and  other  small  fishes ; 
and  also  they  found  not  onely  in  the  Rivers,  but  all  the 
Coast  alongst,  numbers  of  severall  sorts  of  Wild-fowle, 
as  Wild-goose,  Black-Duck,  Woodcock,  Herron,  Pigeon, 
and  many  other  sorts  of  Fowle  which  they  knew  not. 
They  found  likewise,  as  they  sailed  alongst  the  Coast 
abundance  of  great  Cod,  with  severall  other  sorts  of  great 
fishes.  The  Countrey  is  full  of  Woods,  not  very  thick, 
and  the  most  part  Oake,  the  rest  Fir-tree,  Spruce,  Birch, 
and  many  other  sorts  of  wood  which  they  had  not  seene 
before. 

Having  discovered  this  part  of  the  Countrey  in  regard 
of  the  voyage,  their  Ship  was  to  make  to  the  Straits  with 
fishes,  they  resolved  to  coast  alongst  from  Lukes  Bay  to 

399 


A.D. 
1623. 


This  descrip- 
tion of 

Mawooshen  I 
had  amongst 
M.  Hakluyts 
papers. 
Climate  and 
quantitie. 
Tarantines 
are  said  to  be 
the  same  with 
the  Souriquois. 
1. 

Quibequesson 
River. 
[IV.  x. 

1874.] 
Asticon 
Sagamo. 

A  great  Lake. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Port  de  Muton,  being  foure  leagues  to  the  East  thereof, 
where  they  encountred  with  a  Frenchman,  that  in  a  very 
short  time  had  a  great  voyage,  having  furnished  one  Ship 
away  with  fishes,  and  had  neere  so  many  ready  as  to  load 
his  owne  Ship  and  others.  And  having  taken  a  view  of 
this  Port,  which  to  their  judgement  they  found  no  wayes 
inferiour  to  the  rest  they  had  seene  before,  they  resolved 
to  retire  backe  to  New-found-land,  where  their  Ship  was 
to  receive  her  loading  of  fishes,  the  twentieth  of  July 
they  loosed  from  thence,  and  the  seven  and  twentieth 
thereof  they  arrived  at  Saint  Johns  Harbour  in  New- 
found-land ;  and  from  thence  sailed  alongst  the  Bay  of 
Conception,  where  they  left  the  Ship,  and  dispatched 
themselves  home  in  severall  Ships  that  belonged  to  the 
West  part  of  England,  and  doe  intend  this  next  Spring 
to  set  forth  a  Colony  to  plant  there. 

The  description  of  the  Countrey  of  Mawooshen, 
discovered  by  the  English  in  the  yeere  1602. 
3.  5.  6.  7.  8.  and  9. 

MAwooshen  is  a  Countrey  lying  to  the  North  and  by 
East  of  Virginia,  betweene  the  degrees  of  43.  and 
45.  It  is  fortie  leagues  broad,  and  fiftie  in  length,  lying 
in  breadth  East  and  West,  and  in  length  North  and  South. 
It  is  bordered  on  the  East  side  with  a  Countrey,  the 
people,  whereof  they  call  Tarrantines :  ton  the  West  with 
Epistoman,  on  the  North  with  a  great  Wood  called 
Senaglecounc,  and  on  the  South  with  the  mayne  Ocean 
Sea,  and  many  Ilancta. 

In  Mawooshen  it  seemeth  there  are  nine  Rivers, 
whereof  the  first  to  the  East  is  called  Quibiquesson ;  on 
which  there  is  one  Towne,  wherein  dwell  two  Sagamos 
or  Lords,  the  one  called  Asticon,  the  other  Abermot.  In 
this  Towne  are  fiftie  houses,  and  150.  men.  The  name 
of  which  Towne  is  Precante;  this  River  runneth  farre 
up  into  the  Mayne,  at  the  head  thereof  there  is  a 
Lake  of  a  great  length  and  breadth ;  it  is  at  the  fall 

400 


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MAP   OF   NOVA   SCOTIA 


DESCRIPTION   OF   MAWOOSHEN  ad. 

1623. 

into    the   Sea   tenne   fathoms    deepe,    and   halfe   a   mile 
over. 

The  next  is  Pemaquid,  a  goodly  River  and  very  com-  2. 
modious  all  things  considered ;    it  is  ten  fathoms  water  Pfnaqmd 
at  the  entrance,  and  fortie  miles  up  there  are  two  fathoms  rwer' 
and  a  halfe  at  low  water ;    it  is  halfe  a  mile  broad,  and 
runneth  into  the  Land  North  many  daies  journey :    where 
is  a  great  Lake  of  18.  leagues  long  and  foure  broad.     In  J  great  Lake. 
this  Lake  are  seven  great  Hands :     toward  the  farthest 
end  there  falleth  in  a  River,  which  they  call  Acaconstomed, 
where  they  passe  with  their  Boates  thirtie  daies  journey 
up,  and  from  thence  they  goe  over  Land  twentie  daies 
journey  more,  and  then  come  to  another  River,  where 
they   have  a   trade  with  Anadabis   or  Anadabiion,   with  Anadabis. 
whom  the  Frenchmen  have  had  commerce  for  a  long  time. 
Neere  to  the  North  of  this  River  of  Pemaquid  are  three 
Townes :     the  first   is   Upsegon,   where   Bashabes   their  Three  townes. 
chiefe  Lord  doth  dwell.)    And  in  this  Towne  are  sixtie  Bashabes. 
houses,  and  250.  men,  it  is  three  daies  journey  within 
the  Land.     The   second  is   Caiocame ;    the   third   Shas-  Calocame. 
heekeing.     These  two  last  Townes  are  opposite  one  to 
the  other,  the  River  dividing  them  both,  and  they  are 
two   daies  journey   from   the   Towne   of   Bashabes.      In 
Caiocame    dwelleth     Maiesquis,    and    in     Shasheokeing 
Bowant,  two  Sagamos,  subjects  to  Bashabes.     Upon  both 
sides  of  this  River  up  to  the  very  Lake,   for  a  good 
distance  the  ground  is  plaine,  without  Trees  or  Bushes, 
but  full  of  long  Grasse,  like  unto  a  pleasant  meadow, 
which  the   Inhabitants  doe  burne  once  a  yeere  to  have 
fresh   feed  for  their  Deere.     Beyond   this   Meadow  are 
great  Woods,  whereof  more  shall  bee  spoken  hereafter. 
The  River  of  Pemaquid  is  foure  dayes  journey  from  the 
mouth  of  Quibiquesson. 

The  third  River  is  called  Ramassoc,  and  is  distant  from  3. 
the  mouth  of  Pemaquid  foure  daies  journey  ;   it  is  twentie  Ramassoc 
fathoms  at  the  entrance,  and  hath  a  mile  over ;   it  runneth 
into  the  Land  three  daies  journey,  and  within  lesse  then 
a  daies  journey  of  the  dwelling  of  Bashabes  :    upon  this 
xjx  401  2C 


A.D. 
1623. 

Panobscot  a 
Towne. 


4- 

A  pan  aw  a- 

peske. 


Apanmensek. 


A  Lake. 
Another  Lake. 


All  the  Lakes 
full  of  Fish, 
Beeves,  and 
sweet  Rats. 
6. 
Apponick. 


7- 

Aponeg. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

River  there  is  a  Towne  named  Panobscot,  the  Lord 
whereof  is  called  Sibatahood ;  who  hath  in  his  Town 
fiftie  houses,  and  eightie  men. 

The  fourth  River  Apanawapeske,  lying  West  and  by 
South  of  Ramassoc,  at  the  entrance  whereof  there  is 
twentie  fathoms  water,  and  it  is  a  mile  broad :  it  runneth 
up  into  the  Countrey  five  daies  journey ;  and  within 
three  daies  of  the  mouth  are  two  Townes,  the  one  called 
Meecombe,  where  dwelleth  Aramasoga,  who  hath  in  his 
Towne  fiftie  houses,  and  eightie  men.  The  other  is 
Chebegnadose,  whose  Lord  is  Skanke,  and  hath  thirtie 
houses  and  ninetie  men.  The  mouth  of  Apanawapeske 
is  distant  from  Ramassoc  three  daies  journey. 

To  the  South-west  foure  daies  journey,  there  is  another 
excellent  River;  in  the  entrance  whereof  is  twentie 
fathoms  water,  and  it  is  a  quarter  of  a  mile  broad,  it 
runneth  into  the  Land  two  daies  journey,  and  then  there 
is  a  great  fall,  at  the  head  whereof  there  is  a  Lake  of  a 
daies  journey  long  and  as  much  in  breadth.  On  the 
side  of  this  Lake  there  is  a  Strait,  and  at  the  end  of  that 
Strait  there  is  another  Lake  of  foure  daies  journey  long, 
and  two  daies  journey  broad  ;  wherin  there  are  two  Hands, 
one  at  the  one  end,  and  another  at  the  other  end.  I 
should  have  told  you  that  both  these  Lakes,  as  also  the 
rest  formerly  spoken  of,  doe  infinitely  abound  with  fresh 
water  fish  of  all  sorts,  as  also  with  divers  sorts  of  Creatures, 
as  Otters,  Beeves,  sweete  Rats,  and  such  like. 

The  sixt  River  is  called  Apponick,  on  which  there  are 
three  Townes  ;  the  first  is  called  Appisham,  where  dwelleth 
Abochigishic.  The  second  is  Mesaqueegamic,  where 
dwelleth  Amniquin,  in  which  there  is  seventie  houses 
and  eightie  men ;  the  third  is  Matammiscowte,  in  which 
are  eightie  houses  and  ninetie  men,  and  there  dwelleth 
Narracommique. 

To  the  Westward  of  this  there  is  another  River  called 
Aponeg :  it  hath  at  the  entrance  ten  fathoms  water,  and 
is  a  mile  broad :  it  runneth  up  into  a  great  Sound  of 
fresh  water.     Upon  the  East  side  of  this  River  there  are 

4°? 


DESCRIPTION   OF   MAWOOSHEN  a.d. 

1623. 

two  Townes,  the  one  called  Nebamocago,  the  other  called 
Asshawe.  In  the  first  dwelleth  Mentaurmet,  and  hath 
in  his  Towne  160.  housholds,  and  some  300.  men.  In 
the  second  dwelleth  Hamerhaw,  and  hath  in  his  Towne 
eightie  housholds  and  seventie  men.  On  the  West  side 
there  is  another  Towne  called  Neredoshan,  where  are  1 20. 
housholds,  and  100.  men.  There  is  a  Sagamo  or  Lord 
called  Sabenaw. 

Three  daies  journey  from  Aponeg  to  the  Westward,  8- 
there  is  a  goodly  River  called  Sagadohoc :    the  entrance  ^ada^oc' 
whereof  is  a  mile  and  an  halfe  over,  holding  that  breadth  ^m  built  S 
a  daies  journey,  and  then  it  maketh  a  great  Sound  of  Georges  Fort, 
three  daies  journey  broad  :    in  which  Sound  are  six  Hands,  and  planted. 
foure  great  and  full  of  Woods,  and  two  lesse  without  Great  Sound. 
Woods :     The  greater  are  called   Sowaghcoc,  Neguiwo, 
Neiwoc.     And  in  the  verie  entrance  of  this  River  there 
is  another  small  Hand :    from  the  West  of  which  Hand 
to  the  Maine,  there  is  a  Sand  that  maketh  as  it  were  a 
bar,  so  that  that  way  is  not  passable  for  shipping :    but 
to  ^the  Eastward  there  is  two  fathoms  water.     This  Sound 
divideth   it  selfe  into   two  branches  or  armes,   the   one 
running  North-east  twentie  foure  daies  journey,  the  other 
North-west  thirtie  daies  journey  into  the  Maine :    At  the 
heads  whereof  there  are  two  Lakes,  the  Westermost  being  Two  Lakes. 
eight  daies  journey  long,  and  foure  daies  journey  broad ; 
and  the  Eastermost  foure  daies  journey  long,  and  two 
daies  broad.     The  River  of  Aponeg  runneth  up  into  this 
Sound,  and  so  maketh  as  it  were  a  great  Hand  between  [IV.  x. 
Sagadahoc  and  it.     From  the  Hand  upward  the  water  is  l875-] 

fresh,  abounding  in  Salmons,  and  other  fresh-water  fish,  ^grcatlland. 
Some  thirteene  or  fourteen  daies  journey  from  the  entrance 
in  the  North-east  branch,  there  is  a  little  arme  of  a  River 
that  runneth  East  some  daies  journey,  which  hath  at  the 
entrance  foure  fathoms  water.  Upon  this  arme  there  is 
one  over  fall,  which  standeth  halfe  a  daies  journey  above 
this  branch :  upon  this  arme  there  are  foure  Townes : 
The  first  is  called  Kenebeke,  which  hath  eightie  houses,  Kenebeke. 
and  one   hundred   men.     The   Lord   whereof  is  Apom- 

4°3 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1623. 

hamen.  The  second  is  Ketangheanycke,  and  the  Sagamos 
name  is  Octoworthe,  who  hath  in  his  Towne  ninetie 
housholds,  and  three  hundred  and  thirtie  men.  This 
Towne  is  foure  dayes  journey  from  Kenebeke,  and  eight 
dayes  journey  from  To  the  Northward  is  the 

third  Towne,  which  they  call  Naragooc;  where  there 
are  fiftie  housholds,  and  one  hundred  and  fiftie  men.  The 
chiefe  Sagamo  of  that  place  is  Cocockohamas.  And  on 
the  small  branch  that  runneth  East  standeth  the  fourth 
Towne,  named  by  Massakiga ;  where  there  are  but  eight 
housholds,  and  fortie  men.  Upon  the  Northwest  branch 
of  this  Sound  stand  two  Townes  more  :  The  first  is  called 
Amereangan,  and  is  distant  from  Kenebeke  sixe  dayes 
journey.  In  this  place  are  ninetie  housholdes,  and  two 
hundred  and  sixtie  men,  with  two  Sagamoes ;  the  one 
called  Sasuoa,  the  other  Scawas.  Seven  daies  journey 
hence  there  is  another  Sagamo,  whose  name  is  Octo- 
worokin,  and  his  Townes  name  Namercante,  wherein  are 
fortie  housholds,  and  one  hundred  and  twentie  men.  A 
dayes  journey  above  Namercante  there  is  a  downefall, 
where  they  cannot  passe  with  their  Cannoes,  but  are 
inforced  to  carrie  them  by  Land  for  the  space  of  a  quarter 
of  a  mile,  and  then  they  put  them  into  the  River  againe : 
And  twelve  dayes  journey  above  this  Downfall  there  is 
another,  where  they  carrie  their  Boates  as  at  the  first; 
and  sixe  dayes  journey  more  to  the  North  is  the  head 
of  this  River,  where  is  the  Lake  that  is  of  eight  dayes 
journey  long,  and  foure  dayes  broad  before  mentioned. 
In  this  Lake  there  is  one  Hand ;  and  three  dayes 
journey  from  this  Lake  there  is  a  Towne  which  is  called 
Buccawganecants,  wherein  are  threescore  housholds,  and 
foure  hundred  men :  /And  the  Sagamo  thereof  is  called 
Baccatusshe.  This  man  and  his  people  are  subjects  to 
the  Bashabez  of  Mawooshen,  and  in  his  Countrey  is  the 
farthest  limit  of  his  Dominion,  where  he  hath  any  that 
doe  him  homage.) 
9.  To  the  Westward  of  Sagadahoc,  foure  dayes  journey 

4shamaha$a.   there   is  another  River  called  Ashamahaga,   which   hath 

4°4 


DESCRIPTION  OF   MAWOOSHEN  ad. 

1623. 

at  the  entrance  sixe  fathoms  water,  and  is  halfe  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  broad :  it  runneth  into  the  Land  two  dayes 
journey :  and  on  the  East  side  there  is  one  Towne  called 
Agnagebcoc,  wherein  are  seventie  houses,  and  two  hundred 
and  fortie  men,  with  two  Sagamos,  the  one  called 
Maurmet,  the  other  Casherokenit. 

Seven  dayes  journey  to  the  South-west  of  Ashamahaga   10. 
there  is  another  River,  that  is  sixe  fathoms  to  the  'entrance :    Shawakotoc. 
This  River  is  named  Shawakotoc,  and  is  halfe  a  myle 
broad  ;  it  runneth  into  the  Land  fiftie  dayes  journey  :    but 
foure  dayes  from  the  entrance  it  is  so  narrow,  that  the 
Trees  growing   on  each   side  doe  so   crosse  with   their 
boughes  and  bodies  on  the  other,  as  it  permitteth  not 
any  meanes  to  passe  with  Boates  that  way :     for  which 
cause  the  Inhabitants  that  on  any  occasion  are  to  travell 
to  the  head,  are  forced  to  goe  by  Land,  taking  their  way 
upon  the  West  side.     At  the  end  of  this  River  there  is 
a  Lake  of  foure  dayes  journey  long,  and  two  dayes  broad,  A  Lake  foure 
wherein  are  two  Hands.     To  the  North-West  foure  daies  fjs^ou™ey 
journey   from    this    Lake,    at    the    head    of    this   River  j,rfajm  - 
Shawakatoc  there  is  a  small  Province,  which   they  call 
Crokemago,    wherein    is    one    Towne.       This    is    the 
Westermost  River  of  the  Dominions  of  Basshabez,  and 
Quibiquisson  the  Westermost. 

To  the   Reader. 

I  Have  thought  good  to  adde  to  the  English  Plantations 
in  New  England,  those  in  the  neighbour  Countrey 
of  New-found-land.  This  was  first  discovered,  Ann. 
1497.  by  S.  Sebastian  Cabot,  set  forth  by  King  Henry 
the  seventh :  the  Voyages  followed  of  M.  Rut,  Albert 
de  Prato,  M.  Hore,  and  others.  Ann.  1583.  actuall  and 
formall  possession,  was  taken  in  the  right  of  Queene 
Elizabeth  of  glorious  memory,  and  her  Successours,  by 
that  memorable  Knight,  Sir  Humfrey  Gilbert  (see  sup. 
lib.  4.  ca.  13.)  And  in  the  yeere,  1609.  M.  John  Guy 
of  Bristoll  did  write  a  Treatise  to  animate  the  English 
to  plant  there,  a  written  Copy  whereof  I  have.     A.  16 10. 

4°5 


■a.d.  PUKCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1623. 

It  pleased  his  most  excellent  Majestie  to  grant  a  Patent 
for  a  Plantation,  part  whereof  (the  whole  might  seeme 
too  long  for  our  purpose)  we  have  inserted. 

[iv.  x.  Chap.  VII. 

1876-]  The  beginning  of  the  Patent  for  New-found-land; 
and  the  Plantation  there  made  by  the  English, 
1 6 10.  delivered  in  a  Letter  dated  thence  from 
M.  Guy,  to  M.  Slany :  Also  of  the  weather 
the  three  first  Winters,  and  of  Captaine  Weston  : 
with  other  remarkable  Occurrents. 

Ames,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  of  Great 
Brittaine,  France,  and  Ireland  King, 
Defendour  of  the  Faith,  &c.  To  all 
people  to  whom  these  Presents  shall 
come,  greeting.  Know  yee,  whereas 
divers  Our  loving  and  well  disposed 
Subjects,   are  desirous   to   make  Planta- 


tion to  inhabite  and  to  establish  a  Colony  or  Colonies, 
in  the  Southerne  and  Easterne  parts  of  the  Countrey, 
and  He  or  Hands,  commonly  called  New-found-land, 
unto  the  Coast  and  Harbour  whereof  the  Subjects  of 
this  our  Realme  of  England  have  for  the  space  of  fiftie 
yeeres  and  upwards,  yeerely  used  to  resort  in  no  small 
numbers  to  fish ;  intending  by  such  Plantation  and 
inhabiting,  both  to  secure  and  make  safe  the  said  Trade 
of  Fishing  to  Our  Subjects  for  ever ;  And  also,  to  make 
some  commendable  benefit  for  the  use  of  mankind  by 
the  lands  and  profits  thereof,  which  hitherto  from  the 
beginning  (as  it  seemeth  manifest)  hath  remained  unprofit- 
able: And  for  better  performance  of  such  their  purpose 
and  intentions,  have  humbly  besought  Our  Regall 
Authoritie  and  assistance ;  Wee  being  well  assured  that 
the  same  Land  or  Countrey  adjoyning  to  the  foresaid 
Coasts,  where  Our  Subjects  use  to  fish,  remaineth  so 
destitute  and  desolate  of  inhabitance,  that  scarce  any  one 
Savage  person  hath  in  many  yeeres  beene  seene  in  the 

406 


THE  PATENT  FOR  NEWFOUNDLAND  a.u. 

1610. 

most  parts  thereof :  And  well  knowing  that  the  same 
lying,  and  being  so  vacant,  is  as  well  for  the  reasons 
aforesaid,  as  for  many  other  reasons  very  commodious 
for  Us  and  Our  Dominions :  And  that  by  the  Law  of 
Nature,  and  Nations,  We  may  of  Our  Royall  Authoritie, 
possesse  our  selves,  and  make  graunt  thereof,  without 
doing  wrong  to  any  other  Prince,  or  State,  considering 
they  cannot  justly  pretend  any  Soveraigntie  or  Right  there- 
unto, in  respect  that  the  same  remaineth  so  vacant  and 
not  actually  possessed,  and  inhabited  by  any  Christian, 
or  other  whomsoever.  And  therefore,  thinking  it  a 
matter  and  action  well  beseeming  a  Christian  King,  to 
make  true  use  of  that  which  God  from  the  beginning 
created  for  mankind ;  And  therefore  intending,  not  onely 
to  worke  and  procure  the  benefit  and  good  of  many  of 
Our  Subjects,  but  principally  to  increase  the  knowledge 
of  the  Omnipotent  God,  and  the  propagation  of  Our 
Christian  Faith,  have  graciously  accepted  of  their  said 
intention,  and  suit.  And  therefore  doe  of  Our  speciall 
grace,  certaine  knowledge,  and  meere  motion,  for  Us, 
Our  Heires,  and  Successors,  give,  graunt,  and  confirme 
by  these  Presents,  unto  Our  right  deere,  and  right 
welbeloved  Cousin,  and  Counsellor,  Henry  Earle  of 
Northampton,  Keeper  of  Our  Privy  Seale,  and  to  Our 
trustie  and  right  welbeloved,  Sir  Laurence  Tanfield 
Knight,  chiefe  Baron  of  Our  Exchequer,  Sir  John 
Dodridge  Knight,  one  of  Our  Sergeants  at  Law,  Sir 
Francis  Bacon  Knight,  Our  Sollicitor  Generall,  Sir  Daniel 
Dun,  Sir  Walter  Cope,  Sir  Piercivall  Willoughby,  and 
Sir  John  Constable  Knights,  John  Weld  Esquire,  William 
Freeman,  Ralph  Freeman,  John  Slany,  Humfrey  Slany, 
William  Turner,  Robert  Kirkam  Gentlemen,  John  Weld 
Gentleman,  Richard  Fishburne,  John  Browne,  Humfrey 
Spencer,  Thomas  Juxon,  John  Stokely,  Ellis  Crispe, 
Thomas  Alport,  Francis  Needeham,  William  Jones, 
Thomas  Langton,  Phillip  Gifford,  John  Whittingam, 
Edward  Allen,  Richard  Bowdler,  Thomas  Jones,  Simon 
Stone,  John  Short,   John  Vigars,   John  Juxon,  Richard 

407 


**.  J^lTRCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1610. 

Hobby,  Robert  Alder,  Anthony  Haveland,  Thomas 
Aldworth,  William  Lewis,  John  Guy,  Richard  Hallworthy, 
John  Langton,  Humfrey  Hooke,  Phillip  Guy,  William 
Meredith,  Abram  Jenings,  and  John  Dowghtie,  their 
Heires  and  Assignes.  And  to  such,  and  so  many  as  they 
■doe,- or  shall  hereafter  admit  to  be  joyned  with  them  in 
forme  hereafter  in  these  Presents  expressed,  whether  they 
goe  in  their  persons  to  bee  planted  in  the  said  Plantation, 
or  whether  they  goe  not,  but  doe  adventure  their  Monyes, 
Goods,  and  Chattels,  that  they  shall  bee  one  Body,  or 
Comminaltie  perpetuall,  and  shall  have  perpetuall  succes- 
sion, and  one  common  Seale  to  serve  for  the  said  Body, 
and  Comminaltie ;  And  that  they,  and  their  successours 
shall  be  knowne,  called,  and  incorporated  by  the  name 
of  the  Treasurer,  and  the  Company  of  Adventurers,  and 
Planters  of  the  Citie  of  London,  and  Bristoll,  for  the 
Colony  or  Plantation  in  New-found-land,  and  that  they, 
and  their  successours  shall  bee  from  henceforth  for  ever 
inabled,  to  take,  require,  and  purchase  by  the  name  afore- 
said (Licence  for  the  same,  from  Us,  Our  Heires  and 
Successours  first  had,  and  obtained)  any  manner  of  Lands, 
Tenements,  and  Hereditaments,  Goods,  and  Chattels, 
within  Our  Realme  of  England,  and  Dominion  of  Wales, 
and  that  they,  and  their  successours  shall  bee  likewise 
inabled  by  the  name  aforesaid,  to  plead  and  be  impleaded, 
before  any  Our  Judges,  or  Justices  in  any  of  Our  Courts, 
and  in  any  Actions  and  Suits  whatsoever.  And  Wee 
doe  also  of  Our  said  speciall  grace,  certaine  knowledge, 
and  meere  motion,  for  Us,  Our  Heires,  and  Successours, 
give,  grant,  and  confirme  unto  the  said  Tresurer  and 
Company,  and  their  Successours,  under  the  reservations, 
limitations,  and  declarations  hereafter  expressed,  all  that 
[IV.  x.  part  and  portion  of  the  said  Countrie,  commonly  called 

l%77']  New  found  land,  which  is  situate,  lying  and  being  to  the 
Southward  of  the  paralell  line  to  be  conceived  to  passe 
by  the  Cape  or  hedland,  commonly  called  or  knowne  by 
the  name  of  Bonewist  Inclusive,  which  Cape  or  hedland 
is  to  be  Northward  of  the  Bay,  commonly  called  Trinity 

408 


THE  PATENT  FOR  NEWFOUNDLAND  a.d. 

1610. 

Bay,  and  also  which  is  situate,  lying,  and  being  to  the 
Eastward  of  the  Meridian  line,  to  be  conceived  to  passe 
by  the  Cape,  or  headland,  commonly  called  or  knowne  by 
the  name  of  Cape  Sancta  Maria,  or  Cape  Saint  Maries 
Inclusive,  which  Cape  or  headland  is  to  be  Eastward  of 
the  Bay  commonly  called  the  Bay  of  Placentia,  together 
with  the  Seas  and  Hands  lying  within  ten  leagues  of  any 
part  of  the  Sea  coast  of  the  Countrie  aforesaid,  and  also 
all  those  Countries,  Lands,  and  Hands  commonly  called 
Newfound  land,  which  are  situate  betweene  forty  and  six 
degrees  of  Northerly  latitude,  and  two  and  fifty  degrees 
of  the  like  latitude,  and  also  all  the  Lands,  Soyle,  Grounds, 
Havens,  Ports,  Rivers,  Mines,  as  well  royall  Mines  of 
Gold  and  Silver,  as  other  Mines,  Minerals,  Pearles,  and 
precious  stones,  Woods,  Quarries,  Marshes,  Waters, 
Fishings,  Hunting,  Hawking,  Fowling,  Commodities, 
and  Hereditaments  whatsoever,  together  with  all  Preroga- 
tives, Jurisdictions,  Royalties,  Priviledges,  Franchises, 
and  Preheminencies,  within  any  the  said  Territories,  and 
the  precincts  thereof  whatsoever,  and  thereto  or  there 
abouts,  both  by  Sea  and  Land,  being,  or  in  any  sort 
belonging  or  appertaining  ;  and  which  wee  by  our  Letters 
Patents  may  or  can  grant,  and  in  as  ample  manner  and 
sort,  as  We  or  any  of  Our  Noble  progenitors  have  hereto- 
fore granted  to  any  Company,  body  politique  or  Corporate, 
or  to  any  Adventurer  or  Adventurers,  Undertaker,  or 
Undertakers  of  any  Discovery,  Plantation,  or  Trafficke, 
of,  in  or  into  any  foraine  parts  whatsoever,  and  in  as 
large  and  ample  manner,  as  if  the  same  were  herein 
particularly  mentioned  and  expressed.  Neverthelesse 
Our  will  and  pleasure  is,  and  We  doe  by  these  presents 
expresse  and  declare,  that  there  be  saved,  and  reserved 
unto  all  manner  of  persons  of  what  Nation  soever,  and 
also  to  all  and  every  Our  loving  Subjects,  which  doe  at 
this  present,  or  hereafter  shall  trade,  or  voyage  to  the 
parts  aforesaid  for  Fishing,  &c.     April.  27.  A.  Reg.  8. 


409 


A.D, 
l6lO. 


Voyage  in 
eight  daies. 


Fishermens 
kinde 
assistances. 
State  of  the 
weather  in 
Autumne  and 
Winter.     I 
have  by  me  a 
zoritten 
journal/, 
declaring  the 
winde  and 
weather  of 
every  day  from 
24.  November 

1 6 10.  till  the 
last  of  Apr  ill 

1 6 1 1 .  but 
thought  it 
would  seeme 
tedious,  the 
substance 
thereof  being 
here  contained. 
Moderate 
Frosts. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Master  John  Guy  his  Letter  to  Master  Slany 
Treasurer,  and  to  the  Counsell  of  the  New- 
found-land Plantation. 

Right  worshipfull,  it  may  please  you  to  understand, 
that  it  was  the  tenth  day  of  this  moneth  of  May 
before  the  Barke  of  Northam,  called  the  Consent,  arrived 
here  in  New-found-land ;  notwithstanding  that  a  Ship  of 
Bristoll,  called  the  Lionesse,  came  to  this  Countrey  the 
second  of  May  in  a  moneths  space :  and  the  Trial  of 
Dartmouth  arrived  here  before  in  sixteene  dayes:  By 
reason  of  which  stay  of  the  aforesaid  Barke,  nothing  could 
be  done  to  take  any  of  the  places  desired:  all  being 
possessed  before.  So  that  the  Ship  that  commeth,  whereof 
as  yet  there  is  no  newes,  is  to  trust  to  the  place  here, 
which  is  reserved  for  her;  which  I  hope  will  prove  a 
good  place.  Some  yeeres  as  great  a  Voyage  hath  bin 
made  here,  as  in  any  place  in  this  Land :  God  send  her 
hither  in  safetie.  I  have  not  yet  seene  any  of  the 
Countrey  to  the  Southward,  or  Northward  of  this  Bay 
of  Conception  since  this  spring,  because  I  expected  daily 
the  arrivall  of  the  Barke,  and  thought  it  not  fit  to  be 
absent  herehence  untill  she  were  arrived,  and  dispatched : 
but  presently  upon  her  departure,  no  time,  God  willing 
shall  be  lost.  The  care  that  was  taken  to  require  generally 
the  Fishermen  to  assist  us,  and  to  supply  our  wants,  if 
any  should  be,  was  most  joyfull  and  comfortable  to  us, 
which  was  most  willingly  accomplished  by  the  most  part 
of  those  which  I  have  yet  seene :  yet,  God  be  praised, 
such  was  the  state  of  all  things  with  us,  as  we  were  in  no 
want  of  victuals,  but  had  a  great  remainder,  as  you  shall 
after  understand. 

The  state  of  the  Autumne  and  Winter  was  in  these 
parts  of  New-found-land  after  this  manner.  In  both  the 
moneths  of  October  and  November,  there  were  scarce 
six  dayes  wherin  it  either  freezed  or  snowed :  and  that 
so  little,  that  presently  it  was  thawed  and  melted  with 
the  strength  of  the  Sunne  :   All  the  residue  of  the  aforesaid 

410 


JOHN    GUY  a.d. 

1610. 
two  moneths  being  both  warmer  and  drier  then  in 
England.  In  December  we  had  sometimes  faire  weather, 
some  times  frost  and  snow,  and  sometime  open  weather 
and  raine :  for  in  the  latter  end  it  was  rainie,  and  was 
open  weather.  All  these  three  moneths  the  winde  was 
so  variable,  as  it  would  every  fortnight  visite  all  the  points 
of  the  Compasse. 

The  most  part  of  January  and  February  unto  the  middle 
of  March  the  frost  continued :  the  winde  being  for  the 
most  part  Westerly,  and  now  and  then  Northerly ;  not- 
withstanding three  or  foure  times,  when  the  winde  was 
at  South,  it  began  to  thaw  and  did  raine.  That  which 
fell  in  this  season  was  for  the  most  part  Snow,  which  with 
the  heate  of  the  Sunne  would  be  consumed  in  the  open 
places  within  a  few  dayes.  That  which  abode  longest 
was  in  February.  During  this  time  many  dayes  the  Sun 
shone  warme  and  bright  from  morning  to  night :  notwith- 
standing the  length  of  this  frosty  weather,  small  brookes 
that  did  run  almost  in  levell  with  a  slow  course,  were 
not  the  whole  winter  three  nights  over  frozen  so  thicke, 
as  that  the  Ice  could  beare  a  Dogge  to  goe  over  it,  which 
I  found  by  good  proofe :  for  every  morning  I  went  to 
the  brooke  which  runneth  by  our  house  to  wash.  The 
Snow  was  never  above  eighteene  inches  thicke  generally 
out  of  the  drift ;  so  that  the  feare  of  wanting  wood  or 
water  never  tooke  hold  of  us :  for  albeit  we  made  no 
provision  for  them,  yet  at  a  minute  of  an  houres  warning 
we  were  furnished  where  there  were  Lakes  of  fresh  water  [iv.  x. 
that  stood  still  and  did  not  run,  there  it  remained  frozen  1878.] 

able  to  beare  a  man  almost  three  moneths,  and  was  not 
dissolved  untill  the  middle  of  Aprill.  But  where  the 
ayre  had  entrance  and  issue  out  of  them,  there  was  no 
frost.  When  the  winde  in  the  winter  time  in  England 
is  at  the  North-east  one  moneth  together,  the  frost  is 
greater,  and  the  cold  more  sharpe,  then  it  is  here  at  all. 
There  was  no  moneth  in  all  the  winter  that  some  of  our 
company  did  not  travell  in,  either  by  land  or  by  water, 
and  lie  abroad  and  drinke  water,  in  places  distant  two, 

411 


a.d. 
1610. 


Spring. 


Healthfulnes. 


Homicide 
die  th  for 
thought. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

three,  foure  and  five  leagues  from  our  habitation,  and 
sometimes  lay  in  the  woods  without  fire,  and  received  no 
harme.  When  Aprill  came  our  Spring  began,  and  the  first 
that  did  bud  was  the  small  Resen  or  the  Corinth  tree. 
Our  Company  was  not  letted  in  working  abroad,  &  in 
the  woods  and  open  ayre  fifteene  dayes  the  whole  winter. 
We  never  wanted  the  company  of  Ravens  and  small 
Birds :  So  that  the  doubts  that  have  bin  made  of  the 
extremity  of  the  winter  season  in  these  parts  of  New- 
found-land are  found  by  our  experience  causelesse ;  and 
that  not  onely  men  may  safely  inhabit  here  without  any 
neede  of  Stove,  but  Navigation  may  be  made  to  and  fro 
from  England  to  these  parts  at  any  time  of  the  yearei 

Concerning  the  healthfulnesse  of  these  Countries,  we 
having  bin  now  more  then  ten  moneths  upon  this  Voyage, 
of  nine  and  thirty  persons,  which  was  all  our  number 
which  wintered  here,  there  are  wanting  onely  foure ; 
whereof  one  Thomas  Percy  Sawyer  died  the  eleventh  of 
December  of  thought,  having  slaine  a  man  in  Rochester ; 
which  was  the  cause,  being  unknowne  unto  mee  untill 
a  day  before  he  died,  that  he  came  this  Voyage.  And 
one  other,  called  John  Morris  Tyler,  miscarried  the  first 
of  February  by  reason  of  a  bruse.  The  third,  called 
Marmaduke  Whittington,  was  never  perfectly  well  after 
he  had  the  small  Poxe,  which  he  brought  out  of  Bristoll 
with  him,  who  died  the  fifteenth  of  February.  And  the 
fourth,  called  William  Stone,  having  at  the  first  onely  a 
stiffenesse  in  one  of  his  knees,  kept  his  bed  ten  weekes, 
and  would  never  stirre  his  body,  which  lasinesse  brought 
him  to  his  end,  who  died  the  thirteenth  of  Aprill.  Of 
the  rest  foure  or  five  have  bin  sicke,  some  three  moneths, 
and  some  foure  moneths ;  who  now  are  better  then  they 
were,  except  one.  All  of  them,  if  they  had  had  as  good 
will  to  worke,  as  they  had  good  stomackes  to  their  victuals, 
would  long  since  have  bin  recovered.  One  Richard 
Fletcher,  that  is  Master  Pilot  here  and  a  director  of  the 
Fishing,  reported  unto  me,  that  he  was  one  of  the  company 
consisting  of  forty  persons,  that  went  in  a  drumbler  of 

412 


JOHN   GUY  a.d. 

1610. 

Ipswich,  called  the  Amitie,  to  the  North  part  of  Ireland 

about  eleven  yeeres  agoe  from  London  in  the  late  Queenes 

service,  under  the  charge  of  one  Captaine  Fleming,  and 

continued  there  the  space  of  two  yeares :    In  which  time 

two  and  thirty  died  of  the  Scurvie,  and  that  onely  eight 

of  them  returned  home,  whereof  the  said  Richard  Fletcher 

was  one.     So  that  the  accident  of  death  or  sicknesse  of 

any  persons  in  these  our  parts  of  New-found-land  is  not 

to  argue  any  unhealthfulnesse  of  this  Country,  no  more 

then  Ireland  is  to  be  discredited  by  the  losse  of  those  two 

and  thirty  men :    notwithstanding  that  there  were  to  be 

had   fresh  victuals  and   many   other  helpes,   which   this 

Country  as  yet  hath  not,  but  in  good  time  may  have. 

From  the  sixt  of  October  untill  the  sixteenth  of  May  Imployment  of 

our  Company  had  bin  imployed  in  making  of  a  Store-  the  Colony. 

house  to  hold  our  provisions,  and  a  dwelling  house  for 

our  habitation,   which   was  finished   about   the   first   of 

December;    with  a  square  inclosure  of  one  hundred  and 

twenty  foot  long  and  nintie  foot  broad,  compassing  these 

two  houses,  and  a  worke  house  to  worke  dry  in  to  make 

Boates  or  any  other  worke  out  of  the  raine :    and  three 

peeces  of  Ordnance  are  planted  there  to  command  the 

Harboroughs  upon  a  platforme  made  of  great  posts,  and 

railes,  and  great  Poles  sixteene  foot  long  set  upright  round 

about,  with  two  Flankers  to  scoure  the  quarters.     A  Boat 

about  twelve  tuns  big  with  a  decke  is  almost  finished  to 

saile  and  row  about  the  headlands:     six  fishing  Boates 

and  Pinnesses :     a  second  saw-pit  at  the  fresh  Lake  of 

two  miles  in  length  and  the  sixt  part  of  a  mile  broad, 

standing  within  twelve  score  of  our  habitation,  to  saw 

the  timber  to  be  had  out  of  the  fresh  Lake,  in  keeping 

two  paire  of  Sawyers  to  saw  plankes  for  the  said  buildings, 

in  ridding  of  some  grounds  to  sow  Corne  and  garden 

seedes :    in  cutting  of  wood  for  the  Collier,  in  coling  of 

it :    in  working  at  the  Smiths  Forge  Iron  workes  for  all 

needfull  uses :    in  costing  both  by  Land  and  Sea  to  many 

places  within   this  Bay  of  Conception  :     in   making   the 

frame  of  timber  of  a  farre  greater  and  fairer  house,  then 


413 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

that  which  as  yet  we  dwell  in,  which  is  almost  finished, 
and  divers  other  things.  We  have  sowed  all  sorts  of 
graine  this  Spring,  which  prosper  well  hitherto.      Our 

English  Come,  Goates  have  lived  here  all  this  winter;    and  there  is  one 

Fowk  and       lustie  Kidde,  which  was  yeaned  in  the  dead  of  winter. 

Lattepiosper  Qur  Swine  prosper.  Pidgens  and  Conies  will  endure 
exceeding  well.  Our  Poultrie  have  not  onely  laied  Egges 
plentifully,  but  there  are  eighteene  yong  Chickins,  that 
are  a  weeke  old,  besides  others  that  are  a  hatching. 

The  feare  of  wilde  Beasts  we  have  found  to  be  almost 
needelesse.  Our  great  Ram-Goate  was  missing  fifteene 
dayes  in  October,  and  came  home  well  againe,  and  is  yet 
well  with  us.  If  the  industry  of  men  and  presence  of 
domesticall  Cattle  were  applied  to  the  good  of  this 
Countrey  of  New-found-land,  there  would  shortly  arise 
just  cause  of  contentment  to  the  inhabitants  thereof. 
Many  of  our  Masters  and  Sea-faring  men  seeing  our 
safetie,  and  hearing  what  a  milde  winter  we  had,  and  that 
no  Ice  had  bin  seene  fleeting  in  any  of  the  Bayes  of  this 
Countrey  all  this  yeare  (notwithstanding  that  then  met 
one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  off  in  the  Sea  great  store 
of  Hands  of  Ice)  doe  begin  to  be  in  love  with  the 
Countrey,  and  doe  talke  of  comming  to  take  land  here 
to  inhabit :  falling  in  the  reckoning  aswell  of  the  com- 
moditie  that  they  may  make  by  the  banke  fishing,  as  by 
the  husbandry  of  the  Land,  besides  the  ordinary  fishing. 
At  the  Greene  Bay,  where  some  of  our  Company  were 
a  fishing  in  November,  they  report  there  is  great  store 

Medow.  of  good  grounds  without  woods,  and  there  is  a  thousand 

acres  together  which  they  say  may  be  mowed  this  yere. 

Deere.  There  is  great  store  of  Deere,  whereof  they  saw  some 

divers  times,  and  twice  they  came  within  shot  of  them ; 
and  the  Greyhound,  who  is  lustie,  had  a  course,  but  could 
not    get    upon    them.      But    neerer    unto    Cape    Razo, 

[IV.  x.  Revonse,  and  Trepasse  there  is  great  quantitie  of  open 

18  79-]  ground  and  Stagges.     It  is  most  likely  that  all  the  Sackes 

will  be  departed  out  of  England  before  the  returne  of 

this  our  Barke,  which  shall  not  make  any  matter ;  because 

414 


JOHN   GUY  a.d. 

1610. 

I  am  now  of  opinion  that  nothing  should  be  sent  hither 
before  the  returne  of  the  Ships  from  fishing.  For  as 
concerning  sending  of  Cattle,  it  will  be  best  that  it  be 
deferred  untill  the  next  Spring.  And  concerning  Victuals, 
in  regard  of  the  quantity,  we  have  of  it  remaining  of 
old,  together  with  that  that  is  come  now,  as  with  the  dry- 
fish  that  here  we  may  be  stored  with,  I  am  in  good  hope 
there  will  not  want  any  to  last  till  this  time  twelve 
moneths.  And  according  to  the  victuals  which  shall  be 
found  at  the  end  of  the  fishing,  the  number  of  persons 
that  shall  remaine  here  all  the  next  winter  shall  be 
fitted,  that  there  shall  not  want :  notwithstanding  about 
Alhollantide,  or  the  beginning  of  December,  a  Ship  may 
be  sent,  such  a  one  as  our  Fleming  was  with  Salt  from 
Rochel ;  for  at  any  time  of  the  winter  Ships  may  as  well 
goe  and  come  hither,  as  when  they  doe,  especially  before 
January.  This  Summer  I  purpose  to  see  most  places 
betweene  Cape  Rase,  Placentia,  and  Bona  vista,  and  at 
the  returne  of  the  fishing  Ships  to  entertaine  a  fit  number 
of  men  to  maintaine  here  the  winter ;  and  to  set  over 
them,  and  to  take  the  care  of  all  things  here,  with  your 
patience,  one  Master  William  Colton,  a  discreete  yong 
man,  and  my  brother  Philip  Guy,  who  have  wintered 
with  me,  and  have  promised  me  to  undertake  this  charge 
untill  my  returne  the  next  Spring,  or  till  it  shall  be  other- 
wise disposed  of  by  you,  and  then  together  with  such 
of  the  company  as  are  willing  to  goe  home,  and  such 
others  as  are  not  fit  longer  to  be  entertained  here,  I  intend 
to  take  passage  in  the  fishing  Ships,  and  so  returne  home  : 
And  then  betweene  that  and  the  Spring  to  be  present, 
to  give  you  more  ample  satisfaction  in  all  things,  and  to 
take  such  further  resolution,  as  the  importance  of  the 
enterprise  shall  require :  wherein  you  shall  finde  me 
alwayes  as  ready  as  ever  I  have  bin  to  proceede  and  goe 
forward,  God  willing.  And  because  at  my  comming 
home  it  will  be  time  enough  for  mee  to  lay  before  you 
mine  opinion  touching  what  is  to  be  undertaken  the  next 
yeare,  I  will  forbeare  now  to  write  of  it ;    because  you 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1610. 

should  be  the  sooner  advertised  of  our  welfare :  and 
because  such  of  the  Company  as  are  sent  home  both  for 
their  owne  good,  and  that  the  unprofitable  expence  of 
victuals  and  wages  might  cease :  I  have  laden  little  or 
nothing  backe,  that  the  said  Company  might  the  better 
be  at  ease  in  the  hold.  Onely  there  is  sent  three  hogs- 
heads of  Charcoles :  where  Numero  i°.  is,  they  are  of 
Burch :  n°.  2°.  is,  of  Pine  and  Spruce,  n°.  30.  is  of 
Firre,  being  the  lightest  wood,  yet  it  maketh  good  Coles, 
and  is  used  by  our  Smith.  I  send  them  because  you 
shall  see  the  goodnesse  of  each  kinde  of  Cole.  Also  I 
send  you  an  Hogshead  of  the  Skinnes  and  Furres  of  such 
Beasts  as  have  bin  taken  here,  the  particulers  whereof 
appeare  in  the  Bill  of  lading. 

While  I  was  writing  I  had  newes  of  the  Vineyard,  the 
Ship  which  you  send  to  fishing,  to  have  bin  in  company 
with  another  Ship  that  is  arrived  on  this  side  of  the  Banke, 
and  that  the  Master  intended  to  goe  to  Farillon  or 
Fer-land :  God  send  her  in  safety.  So  praying  God  for 
the  prosperity  of  your  Worships,  and  the  whole  Company, 
with  hope  that  his  divine  Majestie  which  hath  given  us 
so  good  a  beginning,  will  alwayes  blesse  our  proceedings : 
my  dutie  most  humbly  remembred,  I  take  my  leave. 
Dated  in  Cupers  Cove  the  sixteenth  of  May,  1 6 1 1 . 

I  have  also  a  Journall  of  the  winde  and  weather  from 
the  latter  end  of  August  161 1.  till  June  1612.  written 
by  Master  William  Colston ;  and  delivered  to  Master 
John  Guy,  Governour  of  the  English  Colony  in  New- 
foundland, at  his  returne  from  England  thither,  June  the 
seventh  1612.  By  which  it  appeareth  that  the  weather 
was  somewhat  more  intemperate  then  it  had  beene  the 
yeare  before,  but  not  intolerable,  nor  perhaps  so  bad  as 
we  have  it  sometims  in  England.  Their  Dogges  killed 
a  Wolfe,  Otters,  Sables,  &c.  Captaine  Easton  a  Pirat 
was  troublesome  to  the  English,  and  terrible  to  the  French 
there  :  of  whom  I  have  added  this  Letter ;  for  the  Diarie 
of  the  weather  and  occurrents  each  day  would  be  very  tedious, 

416 


JOHN   GUY  a.d. 

1612. 

To  Master  John  Slany  Treasurer,  and  others  of  the 
Councell,  and  Company  of  the  New-found-land 
Plantation,  the  twenty  nine  of  July  161 2. 

Right  Worshipfull,  by  my  last  of  the  seventeenth  of 
June,  I  wrote  you  of  the  estate  then,  of  all  matters 
here,  by  the  Holland  Ship,  which  (I  hope)  is  long  since 
safely  arrived,  together  with  Master  Colston,  who  hath 
{I  doubt  not)  made  by  word  of  mouth,  full  relation  of  all 
matters.  Because  the  proceedings  of  one  Captaine  Peter 
Easton  a  Pirate,  and  his  company  since,  are  most  fit  to  be 
knowne,  before  I  touch  our  Plantation  businesse,  you  shall 
understand,  what  they  have  bin  unto  this  time :  untill  the 
seventeenth  of  this  present,  the  said  Captaine  Easton 
remained  in  Harbor  de  Grace,  there  trimming,  and 
repairing  his  Shipping,  and  commanding  not  onely  the 
Carpenters  of  each  Ship  to  doe  his  businesse,  but  hath 
taken  victuals,  munition,  and  necessaries  from  every  Ship, 
together  with  about  one  hundred  men  out  of  the  Bay,  to 
man  his  Ships,  being  now  in  number  six.  He  purposed  to 
have  before  he  goeth,  as  is  said,  out  of  the  land  five  hundred 
men ;  while  he  remained  there,  two  severall  Companies 
to  the  number  of  about  one  hundred  and  eightie  persons 
to  each  Company,  being  discontented,  stole  away  from 
him  in  a  Shallop,  and  tooke  two  Ships  that  were  fishing 
in  Trinitie  Bay,  one  belonging  to  Barnstable,  and  one 
other  to  Plimmouth,  and  so  intend,  to  begin  to  be  new  [iv.  x. 
heads,  of  that  damnable  course  of  life.     As  I  sailed  from  1880.] 

hence  towards  Renoose,  in  a  small  Barke,  I  fell  into  one 
of  their  hands :  and  one  of  my  company  was  hurt  with  a 
Musket.  There  was  one  of  their  crew  that  wintered  with 
me  here  the  first  yeare,  by  whose  meanes,  and  because  I 
was  in  the  Barke,  they  made  shew,  that  they  were  sorry 
that  they  had  medled  with  us :  And  so  they  departed  from 
us,  without  comming  aboord.  That  which  they  sought 
after  was  men,  to  increase  their  number.  Before  the  said 
Captaine  Eastons  departure,  he  sent  three  Ships  into 
Trinitie  Bay,  to  store  himselfe  with  victuals,  munition, 

XIX  417  2D 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1612. 

and  men,  who  are  said  to  be  worse  used,  then  the  Ships 
here,  he  taketh  much  ordnance  from  them.  The  said 
Easton  was  lately  at  Saint  Jones,  and  is  now,  as  farre  as. 
I  can  learne,  at  Feriland,  where  he  taketh  his  pleasure, 
and  thereabouts  the  rest  are  to  meete  him.  It  is  given 
out,  that  we  will  send  one  Captaine  Harvy  in  a  Ship  to- 
Ireland,  to  understand  newes  about  his  pardon,  which  if  he 
can  obtaine  in  that  large  and  ample  manner  as  he  expecteth, 
then  he  giveth  out,  that  he  will  come  in :  otherwise,  it  is 
thought,  that  he  will  get  Protection  of  the  Duke  of 
Florence,  and  that  in  his  course  herehence,  he  will  hover 
about  the  Westwards  of  the  Hands  of  the  Azores,  to  see 
whether  he  can  light  upon  any  of  the  Plate  fleete,  or  any 
good  rich  bootie,  before  his  comming  in.  Albeit,  he  hath 
so  prevailed  here  to  the  strengthening  of  himselfe,  and 
incouraging  of  others  to  attempt  the  like  hereafter:  yet, 
were  there  that  course  taken,  as  I  hope  shall  be,  it  is  a 
most  easie  matter  to  represse  them. 

I  have  also  a  Diarie  of  the  winter  weather,  and  observa- 
tions of  occurrents  from  August  161 2.  till  Aprill  1613. 
December  was  very  full  of  Snow  (for  I  dare  not  present 
the  whole)  and  the  fresh-water  Lake  was  frozen  over,  and 
the  Frost  and  Snow  by  the  tenth  of  that  moneth,  as  in 
any  part  of  the  two  former  places.  January  was  much 
milder  till  the  foufeteenth,  from  thence  it  was  very  frosty. 
Their  Beere  was  frozen,  and  they  dranke  halfe  water  (an 
ill  remedy  to  cold.)  The  Cattell  did  not  well  thrive,  as 
comming  out  of  a  Countrie  not  so  cold.  And  therefore 
Irish  Cattell  (where  the  winter  is  warmer)  are  not  so  fit 
to  be  transported  hither.  George  Davis  died  of  the 
Scurvie,  and  after  him  Edward  Garten,  Edward  Hartland, 
John  Tucker,  and  one  and  twenty  were  sicke  (most  of  the 
Scurvie)  the  whole  Colonie  was  sixtie  two.  February  was 
much  warmer  and  more  temperate.  Toby  and  Grigge  died 
in  March,  the  rest  recovered.  Turneps  being  found  as  good 
to  recover  from  the  Scurvie  as  the  Aneda  tree  to  Jacques 
Cartiers  Company.     Nicholas  Guies  wife  was  delivered 

418 


OCCURRENTS  IN  NEWFOUNDLAND     a.d. 

.1613. 

of  a  lusty  boy  March  27.     The  Easterly  windes  and  some 

Currents  brought  Hands  of  Ice  from  the  North  Seas,  which    . 

made  the  weather  colder  that  Spring  then  in  the  depth 

of  winter  when  the  same  windes  blowed,  namely  East  and 

Northeast,  those  Hands  being  blowne  into  the  Baies,  and 

the  windes  from  them  even  in  Aprill  very  sharpe  ;  and  the 

Snow,  on  the  tenth  of  Aprill  as  thicke  as  any  time  that 

veare. 

In  October  John  Guy  with  thirteene  others  in  the 
Indeavour,  and  five  in  the  Shallop,  went  upon  Discovery. 
At  Mount  Eagle  Bay  they  found  store  of  Scurvy-grasse  on 
an  Hand.  In  the  South  bottome  of  Trinitie  Bay,  which 
they  called  Savage  Harbour,  they  found  Savages  houses, 
no  people  in  them ;  in  one  they  found  a  Copper  Kettle  Copper  kettle. 
very  bright  (you  shall  have  it  as  one  of  them  writ  it  in 
his  owne  tearmes)  a  furre  Goune  of  Elke  skin,  some 
Seale  skins,  an  old  saile  and  a  fishing  reele.  Order  was 
taken  that  nothing  should  be  diminished,  and  because  the 
Savages  should  know  that  some  had  bin  there,  every  thing 
was  removed  out  of  his  place,  and  brought  into  one  of 
the  Cabins,  and  laid  orderly  one  upon  the  other,  and  the 
Kettle  hanged  over  them,  wherein  there  was  put  some 
Bisket,  and  three  or  foure  Amber  Beades.  This  was  done 
to  begin  to  win  them  by  faire  meanes.  This  time  of 
the  yeare  they  live  by  hunting ;  for  wee  found  twelve 
Elkes  hoofes,  that  were  lately  killed.  A  little  peece  of 
flesh  was  brought  away,  which  was  found  to  be  a  Bever 
Cod,  which  is  forthcomming  to  be  scene.  Their  Houses  Their  houses 
there  were  nothing  but  Poles  set  in  round  forme  meeting  descnbed. 
all  together  aloft,  which  they  cover  with  Deere  skins, 
they  are  about  ten  foote  broad,  and  in  the  middle  they 
make  their  fire  :  one  of  them  was  covered  with  a  saile, 
which  they  had  gotten  from  some  Christian. 

All  things  in  this  manner  left,  every  one  returned  by 
the  Moone-light,  going  by  the  brinke  of  the  Lake  unto 
the  enterance  of  the  made  way :  and  a  little  before  they 
came  thither,  they  passed  by  a  new  Savage  house  almost 
finished,  which  was  made  in  a  square  forme  with  a  small 

419 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1613. 

roofe,  and  so  came  to  the  Barke.     They  have  two  kinde 

Their  Oares.  of  Oares,  one  is  about  foure  foot  long  of  one  peece  of 
Firre ;  the  other  is  about  ten  foot  long  made  of  two 
peeces,  one  being  as  long,  big,  and  round  as  a  halfe  Pike 
made  of  Beech  wood,  which  by  likelihood  they  made  of 
a  Biskin  Oare,  the  other  is  the  blade  of  the  Oare,  which  is 
let  into  the  end  of  the  long  one  slit,  and  whipped  very 
strongly.  The  short  one  they  use  as  a  Paddle,  and  the 
other  as  an  Oare.  The  thirtieth,  without  any  further 
businesse  with  the  Savages,  we  departed  thence  to  the 
Northerne  side  of  Trinity  Bay,  and  anchored  all  that  night 
under  an  Hand.  The  one  and  thirtieth,  we  rowed  unto 
an  harbour,  which  now  is  called  Alhallowes ;  which  hath 
adjoyning  unto  it  very  high  land. 

November  the  sixt,  two  Canoas  appeared,  and  one  man 
alone  comming  towards  us  with  a  Flag  in  his  hand  of  a 
Wolfes  skin,  shaking  it  and  making  a  loud  noise,  which 
we  tooke  to  be  for  a  parley :  whereupon  a  white  Flag  was 
put  out,  and  the  Barke  and  Shallop  rowed  towards  them, 

Savages.  which  the  Savages  did  not  like  of,  and  so  tooke  them  to 

their  Canoas  againe,  and  were  going  away  :  whereupon  the 
Barke  wheazed  unto  them,  and  flourished  the  Flag  of 

[IV.  x.  truce,  and  came  to  anker,  which  pleased  them,  and  then 

1 88 1.]  they  staied :  presently  after  the  Shallop  landed  Master 
Whittington  with  the  Flagge  of  truce,  who  went  towards 
them.  Then  they  rowed  into  the  shoare  with  one  Canoa, 
the  other  standing  aloofe  off,  and  landed  two  men,  one  of 
them  having  the  white  skin  in  his  hand,  and  comming 
towards  Master  Whittington,  the  Savage  made  a  loud 
speech,  and  shaked  the  skin,  which  was  answered  by 
Master  Whittington  in  like  manner,  and  as  the  Savage 
drew  neere,  he  threw  downe  the  white  skin  on  the  ground, 
the  like  was  done  by  Master  Whittington ;  whereupon 
both  the  Savages  passed  over  a  little  water  streame  towards 
Master  Whittington,  dancing,  leaping,  and  singing,  and 
comming  together,  the  foremost  of  them  presented  unto 
him  a  chaine  of  leather  full  of  small  Periwinckle  shels, 
a  spitting  knife,  and  a  Feather  that  stacke  in  his  eare : 

420 


OCCURRENTS   IN   NEWFOUNDLAND  a.d. 

1613. 

the  other  gave  him  an  Arrow  without  a  head ;  and  the 
former  was  requited  with  a  linnen  Cap,  and  a  hand  Towell, 
who  put  presently  the  linnen  Cap  upon  his  head :  and  to 
the  other  he  gave  a  Knife :  and  after  hand  in  hand,  they 
all  three  did  sing  and  dance :  upon  this,  one  of  our  com- 
pany called  Francis  Tipton  went  ashoare,  unto  whom  one 
of  the  Savages  came  running,  and  gave  him  a  Chaine,  such 
as  is  before  spoken  of,  who  was  gratified  by  Francis  Tipton 
with  a  Knife  and  a  small  peece  of  Brasse.  Then  all  foure 
together  danced,  laughing  and  making  signes  of  joy  and 
gladnesse,  sometimes  striking  the  brests  of  our  company, 
and  sometimes  their  owne.  When  signes  were  made  that 
they  should  be  willing  to  suffer  two  of  our  Company  more 
to  come  on  shoare,  for  two  of  theirs  more  to  be  landed, 
and  that  Bread  and  Drinke  should  be  brought  ashoare, 
they  made  likewise  signes  that  they  had  in  their  Canoas 
meate  also  to  eate :  upon  this  the  Shallop  rowed  aboord, 
and  brought  John  Guy  and  Master  Teage  a  shoare,  who 
presented  them  with  a  Shirt,  two  table  Napkins,  and  a 
Hand-towell,  giving  them  Bread,  Butter,  and  Reasons  of 
the  Sunne  to  eate,  and  Beere,  and  Aquavitae  to  drinke  : 
and  one  of  them  blowing  in  the  Aquavitae  Bottle,  that 
made  a  sound,  which  they  fell  all  into  a  laughing  at. 
After,  Master  Croote  and  John  Crouther  came  ashoare, 
whom  they  went  to  salute  giving  them  shell  Chaines,  who 
bestowed  Gloves  upon  them.  One  of  the  Savages  that 
came  last  ashoare,  came  walking  with  his  Oare  in  his  hand, 
and  seemed  to  have  some  command  over  the  rest,  and 
behaved  himselfe  civilly :  For  when  meate  was  offered 
him,  he  drew  off  his  Mitten  from  his  hand  before  hee 
would  receive  it,  and  gave  an  Arrow  for  a  present  without 
a  head  :  who  was  requited  with  a  dozen  of  Points.  After 
they  had  all  eaten  and  drunke,  one  of  them  went  to  their 
Canoa,  and  brought  us  Deeres  flesh  dried  in  the  smoake 
or  winde,  and  drawing  his  Knife  from  out  of  his  necke, 
hee  cut  every  man  a  peece,  and  that  savoured  very  well. 
At  the  first  meeting,  when  signes  were  made  of  meate 
to  eate,  one  of  the  Savages  presently  ran  to  the  banke 

421 


A.D. 
1613. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 


side,  and  pulled  up  a  roote,  and  gave  it  to  Master 
Whittington,  which  the  other  Savage  perceiving  to  be 
durtie  tooke  it  out  of  his  hand,  and  went  to  the  water 
to  wash  it,  and  after  divided  it  among  the  foure,  it  tasted 
very  well :  hee  that  came  ashoare  with  the  Oare  in  his 
hand,  went  and  tooke  the  white  skin  that  they  hailed  us 
with,  and  gave  it  to  Master  Whittington ;  and  presently 
after  they  did  take  our  white  Flagge  with  them  in  the 
Canoa,  and  made  signes  unto  us  that  we  should  repaire  to 
our  Barke,  and  so  they  put  off,  for  it  was  almost  night. 

In  the  two  Canoas  there  were  eight  men,  if  none  were 
women  (for  commonly  in  every  Canoa  there  is  one  woman) 
they  are  of  a  reasonable  stature,  of  an  ordinary  middle 
Their  sise,  they  goe  bareheaded,  wearing  their  haire  somewhat 

fashions.  long,  but  round :    they  have  no  Beards ;    behinde  they 

have  a  great  locke  of  haire  platted  with  feathers,  like  a 
Hawkes  Lure,  with  a  feather  in  it  standing  upright  by 
the  crowne  of  the  head,  and  a  small  locke  platted  before, 
a  short  Gown  made  of  Stags  skins,  the  Furre  innermost, 
that  ranne  downe  to  the  middle  of  their  legges,  with 
sleeves  to  the  middle  of  their  arme,  and  a  Bever  skin  about 
their  necke,  was  all  their  apparell,  save  that  one  of  them 
had  shooes  and  Mittens,  so  that  all  went  bare-legged,  and 
most  bare-foote.  They  are  full  eyed,  of  a  blacke  colour ; 
the  colour  of  their  haire  was  divers,  some  blacke,  some 
browne,  and  some  yellow,  and  their  faces  something  flat 
and  broad,  red  with  Oker,  as  all  their  apparell  is,  and  the 
rest  of  their  body  :  they  are  broad  brested,  and  bould,  and 
stand  very  upright. 
Their  Canoas.  Their  Canoa,  are  about  twenty  foote  long,  and  foure 
foote  and  a  halfe  broad  in  the  middle  aloft,  and  for  their 
Keele  and  timbers,  they  have  thin  light  peeces  of  dry 
Firre,  rended  as  it  were  lathes :  and  instead  of  Boords, 
they  use  the  outer  Burch  barke,  which  is  thin,  and  hath 
many  folds,  sowed  together  with  a  thred  made  of  a  small 
root  quartered.  They  will  carry  foure  persons  well,  and 
weigh  not  one  hundred  weight :  they  are  made  in  forme 
of  a  new  Moone,  stem  and  sterne  alike,  and  equally  distant 

422 


OCCURRENTS   IN   NEWFOUNDLAND  a.d. 

1613. 

from  the  greatest  breadth :  from  the  stem  and  sterne  here 

riseth  a  yard  high  a  light  thin  staffe  whipped  about  with 

small  rootes,  which  they  take  hold  by  to  bring  the  Canoa 

ashoare,  that  serveth  instead  of  ropes,  and  a  harbour,  for 

every  place  is  to  them  a  harborough ;   where  they  can  goe 

ashoare    themselves,    they    take   aland   with    them    their 

Canoa :  and  will  never  put  to  Sea  but  in  a  calme,  or  very 

faire  weather :   in  the  middle  the  Canoa  is  higher  a  great 

deale  then  in  the  Bowe  and  quarter,  they  be  all  bearing 

from  the  Keele  to  the  portlesse  not  with  any  circular  line 

but  with  a  right  line.     They  had  made  a  Tilt  with  a  Saile 

that  they  got  from  some  Christian,  and  pitched  a  dozen 

poles  in  the  ground  neere,  on  which  were  hanged  divers 

Furs,  and  chaines  made  of  shels,  which  at  that  instant  we 

fell  not  in  the  reckoning  to  what  intent  it  was  done,  but 

after  it  came  to  our  minde,  as  hereafter  you  shall  perceive. 

The  seventh  day  we  spent  in  washing,  and  in  beginning  [IV.  x. 
a  house  to  shelter  us  when  we  should  come  thither  here-  1882.] 

after,  upon  a  small  Hand  of  about  five  acres  of  ground, 
which  is  joyned  to  the  maine  with  a  small  Beech  :  for 
any  bartering  with  the  Savages  there  cannot  be  a  fitter 
place. 

The  eighth  day  it  began  to  freeze,  and  there  was  thin 
Ice  over  the  sound ;  and  because  we  heard  nothing  more 
of  the  Savages  we  began  to  return  out  of  the  Sounds,  & 
comming  to  the  place  which  the  Savages  had  made  two 
dayes  before  fire  in,  wee  found  all  things  remaining  there, 
as  it  was  when  we  parted,  viz.  an  old  Boat  saile,  three  or 
foure  shell  chaines,  about  twelve  Furres,  of  Beavers  most, 
a  Fox  skin,  a  Sable  skin,  a  Bird  skin,  and  an  old  Mitten, 
set  every  one  upon  a  severall  pole  :  whereby  we  remained 
satisfied  fully,  that  they  were  brought  thither  of  purpose 
to  barter  with  us,  and  that  they  would  stand  to  our 
courtesie  to  leave  for  it  what  wee  should  thinke  good. 
Because  we  were  not  furnished  with  fit  things  for  to  trucke, 
we  tooke  onely  a  Beaver  skin,  a  Sable  skin,  and  a  Bird 
skin,  leaving  for  them  a  Hatchet,  a  Knife,  and  foure 
Needles  threaded.     Master  Whittington  had  a  paire  of 

423 


A.D. 
1613. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Cizzars  which  he  left  there  for  a  small  Beavers  skin,  all 
the  rest  we  left  there  untouched,  and  came  that  night  to 
the  harbour  that  we  were  in  at  our  entring,  which  we 
call  Flag-staffe  Harbour,  because  we  found  there  the  Flag- 
staffe  throwne  by  the  Savages  away.  These  Savages  by 
all  likelihood  were  animated  to  come  unto  us,  by  reason 
that  wee  tooke  nothing  from  them  at  Savage  Bay,  and 
some  of  them  may  be  of  those  which  dwell  there.  For 
in  no  other  place  where  we  were  could  we  perceive  any 
tokens  of  any  aboade  of  them,  &c. 


Chap.  VIII. 

Captaine  Richard  Whitbournes  Voyages  to  New- 
found-land, and  observations  there,  and  thereof; 
taken  out  of  his  Printed  Booke. 

T  is  well  knowne,  that  my  breeding  and 
course  of  life  hath  beene  such,  as  that  I 
have  long  time  set  many  people  on  worke, 
and  spent  most  of  my  daies  in  travell, 
specially  in  Merchandizing,  and  Sea- 
Voyages.  I  have  beene  often  in  France, 
Spain,  Italy,  Portugall,  Savoy,  Denmarke, 
Norway,  Spruceland,  the  Canaries,  and  Soris  Hands :  and 
for  the  New-found-land,  it  is  almost  so  familiarly  knowne 
to  me  as  my  owne  Countrey. 

In  the  yeere  1588.  I  served  under  the  then  Lord 
Admirall,  as  Captaine  in  a  Ship  of  my  owne  set  forth  at 
my  charge  against  the  Spanish  Armado  :  and  after  such 
time  as  that  service  was  ended,  taking  my  leave  of  his 
Honour,  I  had  his  favourable  Letters  to  one  Sir  Robert 
Dennis,  in  the  Countie  of  Devon,  Knight ;  whereby  there 
might  be  some  course  taken,  that  the  charge  as  well  of 
my  owne  Ship,  as  also  of  two  other,  and  a  Pinnace,  with 
the  victuals,  and  men  therein  imploied,  should  not  be  any 
way  burthensome  to  me.  Wherein  there  was  such  order 
given  by  the  then  right  Honorable  Lords  of  the  privie 

424 


RICHARD    WHITBOURNE  a.d. 

c.  1589. 

Counsell,  that  the  same  was  well  satisfied :   which  service 

is  to  be  seene  recorded  in  the  Booke  at  White-Hall. 

Now  to  expresse  some  of  my  Voyages  to  the  New- 
found-land, which  make  most  for  the  present  purpose. 
My  first  Voyage  thither,  was  about  fortie  yeeres  since,  in 
a  worthie  Shippe,  of  the  burthen  of  three  hundred  tun, 
set  forth  by  one  Master  Cotton  of  South-hampton :  wee 
were  bound  to  the  Grand  Bay  (which  lieth  on  the  North- 
side  of  that  Land)  purposing  there  to  trade  then  with  the 
Savage  people  (for  whom  we  carried  sundry  commodities) 
and  to  kill  Whales,  and  to  make  Traine  Oyle,  as  the 
Biscaines  doe  there  yeerely  in  great  abundance.  But  this 
our  intended  Voyage  was  overthrowne,  by  the  indiscretion 
of  our  Captaine,  and  faint-hartednesse  of  some  Gentlemen 
of  our  Companie  :  whereupon  we  set  saile  from  thence,  and 
bare  with  Trinity  Harbour  in  New-found-land :  where 
we  killed  great  store  of  Fish,  Deere,  Beares,  Beavers, 
Seales,  Otters,  and  such  like,  with  abundance  of  Sea-fowle  ; 
and  so  returning  for  England,  wee  arrived  safe  at  South- 
hampton. 

In  a  Voyage  to  that  Countrie,  about  six  and  thirtie 
yeeres  since,  I  had  then  the  command  of  a  worthy  Ship 
of  two  hundred  and  twenty  tun,  set  forth  by  one  Master 
Crooke  of  South-hampton  :  At  that  time  Sir  Humfrey 
Gilbert,  a  Devonshire  Knight,  came  thither  with  two  good 
Ships  and  a  Pinnace,  and  brought  with  him  a  large  Patent, 
from  the  late  most  renowned  Queene  Elizabeth,  and  in 
her  name  tooke  possession  of  that  Countrie,  in  the 
Harbour  of  Saint  Johns,  whereof  I  was  an  eye-witnesse. 
He  sailed  from  thence  towards  Virginia ;  and  by  reason 
of  some  unhappy  direction  in  his  course,  the  greatest 
Ship  he  had  strucke  upon  Shelves,  on  the  Coast  of  Canadie, 
and  was  there  lost,  with  most  part  of  the  company  in  her : 
And  he  himselfe  being  then  in  a  small  Pinnace  of  twenty 
tun,  in  the  company  of  his  Vice-Admirall  (one  Captaine 
Hayes)  returning  towards  England,  in  a  great  storme,  was 
overwhelmed  with  the  Seas,  and  so  perished. 

In  another  Voyage   I  made  thither,  about  foure  and 

425 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

c.  1591. 

thirty  yeeres  past,  wherein  I  had  the  command  of  a  good 
Ship,  partly  mine  own  :  at  that  time  one  Sir  Bernard  Drake 
[IV.  x.  0f  Devonshire,  Knight,  came  thither  with  a  Commission, 

18  3-J  and  having  divers  good  Ships  under  his  command,  hee 
there  took  many  Portugall  Ships  laden  with  Fish,  and 
brought  them  into  England  as  Prizes.  Omitting  to  speak 
of  other  Voyages,  I  made  thither,  during  the  late  Queens 
raign,  I  will  descend  to  later  times. 

In  the  yeere  161 1.  being  in  New-found-land,  at  which 
time  that  famous  Arch-Pirate,  Peter  Easton,  came  there, 
and  had  with  him  ten  saile  of  good  Ships  well  furnished 
and  very  rich,  I  was  kept  eleven  weekes  under  his  com- 
mand, and  had  from  him  many  golden  promises,  and 
much  wealth  offered  to  be  put  into  my  hands,  as  it  is 
well  knowne :  I  did  perswade  him  much  to  desist  from  his 
evill  course ;  his  intreaties  then  to  me,  being  that  I  would 
come  for  England,  to  some  friends  of  his,  and  sollicite 
them  to  become  humble  petitioners  to  your  Majestie  for 
his  pardon :  but  having  no  warrant  to  touch  such  goods, 
I  gave  him  thankes  for  his  offer ;  onely  I  requested  him 
to  release  a  Ship  that  he  had  taken  upon  the  Coast  of 
Guinnie,  belonging  to  one  Captaine  Rashly  of  Foy  in 
Cornewall ;  a  man  whom  I  knew  but  onely  by  report : 
which  he  accordingly  released.  Whereupon  I  provided 
men,  victuals,  and  a  fraught  for  the  said  Ship,  and  so  sent 
her  home  to  Dartmouth  in  Devon,  though  I  never  had 
so  much  as  thankes  for  my  kindenesse  therein.  And  so 
leaving  Easton,  I  came  for  England,  and  gave  notice  of 
his  intention,  letting  passe  my  Voyage  I  intended  for 
Naples,  and  lost  both  my  labour  and  charges :  for  before 
my  arrivall,  there  was  a  pardon  granted,  and  sent  him  from 
Ireland.  But  Easton  hovering  with  those  ships  and  riches 
upon  the  Coast  of  Barbary,  as  he  promised,  with  a  longing 
desire,  and  full  expectation  to  be  called  home,  lost  that 
hope  by  a  too  much  delaying  of  time  by  him  who  carried 
the  Pardon.  Whereupon  he  sailed  to  the  Straights  of 
Gibraltar,  and  was  afterwards  entertained  by  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  under  whom  he  lived  rich. 

426 


RICHARD   WHITBOURNE  a.d. 

1616. 

I  was  there  also  in  the  yeere  16 14.  when  Sir  Henry 
Manwaring  was  upon  that  Coast,  with  five  good  Ships 
strongly  provided :  he  caused  me  to  spend  much  time  in 
his  company,  and  from  him  I  returned  into  England, 
although  I  was  bound  from  thence  to  Marssellis,  to  make 
sale  of  such  goods  as  I  then  had,  and  other  imploiments, 
&c. 

In  the  yeere  161 5.  I  returned  againe  to  New-found- 
land,  carrying  with  mee  a  Commission  out  of  the  high 
Court  of  Admiraltie,  under  the  great  Seale  thereof, 
authorising  me  to  empannell  Juries,  and  to  make  inquirie 
upon  Oath,  of  sundry  abuses  and  disorders  committed 
amongst  Fishermen  yeerly  upon  that  Coast,  and  of  the 
fittest  means  to  redresse  the  same,  with  some  other  points, 
having  a  more  particular  relation  to  the  Office  of  the  Lord 
Admirall. 

What  was  then  there  done,  by  vertue  of  that  Commis- 
sion, which  was  wholly  executed  at  my  owne  charge,  hath 
bin  at  large  by  me  already  certified  into  the  high  Court 
of  Admiraltie.  Neverthelesse,  seeing  the  same  hath  beene 
overslipt  ever  since,  &  not  produced  those  good  effects 
which  were  expected,  I  will,  in  some  convenient  place  of 
this  Discourse,  set  downe  a  briefe  collection  of  some  part 
of  my  endevours  spent  in  that  service ;  not  doubting  but 
it  will  be  as  availeable  for  the  furtherance  of  our  intended 
designe,  as  any  other  reason  I  shall  deliver. 

In  the  yeere  161 6.  I  had  a  Ship  at  New-found-land  of 
a  hundred  tun,  which  returning  laden  from  thence,  being 
bound  for  Lisbone,  was  met  with  by  a  French  Pirate  of 
Rochell,  one  Daniel  Tibolo,  who  rifled  her,  to  the  over- 
throw and  losse  of  my  Voyage,  in  more  then  the  summe 
of  860.  pounds,  and  cruelly  handled  the  Master  and  the 
Company  that  were  in  her ;  and  although  I  made  good 
proofe  thereof  at  Lisbone,  and  represented  the  same  also 
tn  this  Kingdome,  as  appertained,  after  my  returne  from 
thence ;  yet  for  all  this  losse,  I  could  never  have  any 
recompence. 

Shortly  after  my  returne  from  Lisbone,  I  was  sent  for 

427 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1616. 

by  a  Gentleman,  who  about  a  yeere  before,  by  a  grant 
from  the  Patentees,  had  undertaken  to  settle  people  in 
New-found-land ;  he  acquainted  me  with  his  designes,  & 
after  some  conference  touching  the  same,  we  so  concluded, 
that  he  gave  me  a  conveianee  under  his  hand  and  seale 
for  the  terme  of  my  life,  with  full  power  to  governe  within 
his  circuit  upon  that  Coast ;  whereupon  (being  desirous 
to  advance  that  worke)  in  Anno  161 8.  I  sailed  thither  in 
a  Ship  of  my  owne,  which  was  victualled  by  that  Gentle- 
man, my  selfe,  and  some  others.  We  likewise  then  did 
set  forth  another  Ship,  for  a  fishing  Voyage,  which  also 
carried  some  victuals  for  those  people  which  had  beene 
formerly  sent  to  inhabit  there :  but  this  Ship  was  inter- 
cepted by  an  English  erring  Captain  (that  went  forth 
with  Sir  Walter  Raleigh)  who  tooke  the  Master  of  her, 
the  Boatswaine,  &  two  other  of  the  best  men,  with  much 
of  her  victuals  (the  rest  of  the  Company  for  feare  running 
into  the  woods)  and  so  left  the  Ship  as  a  Prize,  whereby 
our  intended  Fishing  Voyages  of  both  our  Ships  were 
overthrown,  and  the  Plantation  hindered. 

Now  seeing  it  pleased  your  Majestie  many  yeers  since, 
to  take  good  notice  of  the  said  New-found-land,  and 
granted  a  Patent  for  a  Plantation  there,  wherein  many 
Honorable  and  worthy  mens  endevours,  and  great  charge 
therein,  have  deserved  good  commendations  (as  is  well 
known)  the  which  I  desire  to  further  with  all  my  best 
endevours :  and  not  to  disgrace  or  disable  the  foundation 
and  Projects  of  others,  knowing  they  have  beene  greatly 
hindered  by  Pirats,  and  some  erring  Subjects  that  have 
arrived  upon  that  Coast ;  it  being  indifferent  to  me, 
whether  there  be  a  new  foundation  laid,  or  whether  it  be 
builded  upon  that  which  hath  already  beene  begun ;  so> 
that  the  Plantation  go  forward.  Yet  I  may  truly  say, 
that  hitherto  little  hath  beene  performed  to  any  purpose, 
by  such  as  therein  were  imploied,  worthy  the  name  of  a 
[IV.  x.  Plantation,  or  answerable  to  the  expectation  and  desert  of 

1884.]   the  Undertakers  ;  neither  have  such  good  effects  followed,, 
as  may  be  expected  from  a  thorow  performance  hereafter. 

428 


RICHARD    WHITBOURNE  a.d. 

1618. 

And  seeing  that  no  man  hath  yet  published  any  fit  motives 

or  inducements,  whereby  to  perswade  men  to  adventure, 

or  plant  there ;    I  have  presumed  plainly  to  lay  downe 

these  following  reasons,  &c. 

A  Relation  of  the  New-found-land. 

NEw-found-land  is  an  Hand,  bordering  upon  the  The  situation 
continent  of  America,  from  which  it  is  divided  by  of  the  Country. 
the  Sea :  so  far  distant,  as  England  is  from  the  neerest 
part  of  France,  &  lieth  between  46.  and  53.  deg.  North- 
latitude  :  It  is  neere  as  spacious  as  Ireland,  and  lieth  neere 
the  course  that  Ships  usually  hold  in  their  return  from 
the  West  Indies,  and  neere  halfe  the  way  between  Ireland 
and  Virginia.  I  shall  not  much  neede  to  commend  the 
wholsome  temperature  of  that  Countrie,  seeing  the  greatest 
part  thereof  lieth  above  3.  degrees  neerer  to  the  South,  The  tempera- 
then  any  part  of  England  doth.  And  it  hath  bin  well  ture  of  the 
approved  by  some  of  our  Nation,  who  have  lived  there  ^re- 
these  many  yeeres,  that  even  in  the  winter  it  is  as  pleasant 
and  healthfull  as  England  is.  And  although  the  example 
of  one  Summer  be  no  certain  rule  for  other  yeeres ;  yet 
thus  much  also  can  I  truely  affirme,  that  in  the  yeere  161 5. 
of  the  many  thousands  of  English,  French,  Portugals, 
and  others,  that  were  then  upon  that  Coast  (amongst 
whom  I  sailed  to  and  fro  more  then  one  hundred  leagues) 
I  neither  saw  nor  heard  in  all  that  travell,  of  any  man 
or  boy  of  either  of  these  Nations,  that  died  there  during 
the  whole  Voyage ;  neither  was  so  much  as  any  one  of 
them  sicke. 

The  naturall  Inhabitants  of  the  Countrie,  as  they  are    The 
but  few  in  number,  so  are  they  something  rude  and  savage  Inhabitants, 
people ;    having  neither  knowledge  of  God,  nor  living  wtth  thetr 
under  any  kinde  of  civil  government.     In  their  habits,   rmture  and 
customs  &   manners,   they  resemble   the   Indians  of  the 
Continent,  from  whence  (I  suppose)  they  come ;   they  live 
altogether  in  the  North  and  West  part  of  the  Country, 
which   is  seldome  frequented  by   the  English :    But  the 
French  and  Biscaines  (who  resort  thither  yeerely  for  the 

429 


A.D. 
l6l8. 


The 

convenience  of 
the  Bayes  in 
that  Countrie. 


Commodious 
Islands  fcff 
worthy 
Harbours. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Whale-fishing,  and  also  for  the  Cod-fish)  report  them  to* 
be  an  ingenious  and  tractable  people  (being  well  used) 
they  are  ready  to  assist  them  with  great  labour  and 
patience,  in  the  killing,  cutting,  and  boyling  of  Whales ; 
and  making  the  Traine  Oyle,  without  expectation  of  other 
reward,  then  a  little  Bread,  or  some  such  small  hire. 

All  along  the  coast  of  this  Countrie,  there  are  many 
spacious  and  excellent  Bayes,  some  of  them  stretching  into 
the  land,  one  towards  another,  more  then  twentie  leagues. 
On  the  East  side  of  the  Land,  are  the  Bayes  of  Trinitie 
and  Conception,  which  stretcheth  themselves  towards  the 
South-west :  Tor  Bay,  and  Capelin  Bay,  lying  also  on  the 
East,  stretch  toward  the  West :  the  Bayes  of  Trepassey, 
S.  Mary,  Borrell,  and  Plaisance,  on  the  South  part  of  the 
Land,  extend  their  armes  toward  the  North :  The  great 
Bay  of  S.  Peters,  lying  on  the  South-west  side  of  the 
Land,  and  East,  Southerly  from  the  great  River  of  Canady, 
being  about  twentie  leagues  distant,  the  same  stretcheth 
toward  the  East.  And  here  I  pray  you  note,  that  the 
bottoms  of  these  Bayes  doe  meete  together  within  the 
compasse  of  a  small  circuit :  by  meanes  whereof  our  men 
passing  over  land  from  Bay  to  Bay,  may  with  much  facilitie 
discover  the  whole  Countrie. 

From  the  Bay  of  S.  Peter  round  about  the  West-side 
of  the  Land,  till  you  come  to  the  grand  Bay,  which  lieth 
on  the  North-side  of  the  Countrie ;  and  so  from  thence,, 
till  you  come  round,  back  to  Trinitie  Bay,  are  abundance 
of  large  and  excellent  Bayes ;  which  are  the  lesse  knowne^ 
because  not  frequented  by  the  English,  who  seldome  fish 
to  the  Northward  of  Trinitie  Bay. 

And  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  round  about  the  Coast 
and  in  the  Bayes,  there  are  many  small  Hands  (none  of 
them  further  off  then  a  league  from  the  land)  both  faire 
and  fruitfull :  neither  doth  any  one  part  of  the  world 
afford  greater  store  of  good  Harbours,  more  free  from 
dangers,  or  more  commodious,  then  are  there  built  by 
the  admirable  workmanship  of  God ;  I  will  onely  instance 
two  or  three  of  the  chiefest,  for  some  speciall  reasons. 

430 


RICHARD   WH1TBOURNE 

Trinitie  Harbour  lyes  fortie  nine  degrees  North- 
latitude,  being  very  commodiously  seated  to  receive 
shipping  in  reasonable  weather,  both  to  anchor  in,  and 
from  thence  to  saile  towards  either  the  East,  West,  or 
South  :  It  hath  three  Armes  or  Rivers,  long  and  large 
enough  for  many  hundred  sayle  of  Ships,  to  moare  fast 
at  Anchor  neere  a  mile  from  the  Harbours  mouth ;  close 
adjoyning  to  the  Rivers  side,  and  within  the  Harbour  is 
much  open  land,  well  stored  with  Grasse  sufficient,  Winter 
and  Summer,  to  maintaine  great  store  of  ordinary  Cattell, 
besides  Hogges  and  Goats,  if  such  beasts  were  carried 
thither ;  and  it  standeth  North,  most  of  any  Harbour  in 
the  Land,  where  our  Nation  practiseth  Fishing ;  It  is 
neere  unto  a  great  Bay  lying  on  the  North-side  of  it, 
called  the  Bay  of  Flowers,  to  which  place  no  Ships  repaire 
to  fish ;  partly  in  regard  of  sundry  Rockes  and  Ledges 
lying  even  with  the  water,  and  full  of  danger :  but  chiefly 
(as  I  conjecture)  because  the  Savage  people  of  that 
Countrey  doe  there  inhabite  :  many  of  them  secretly  every 
yeere,  come  into  Trinitie  Bay  and  Harbour,  in  the  night 
time,  purposely  to  steale  Sailes,  Lines,  Hatchets,  Hookes, 
Knives,  and  such  like.  And  this  Bay  is  not  three  English 
miles  over  Land  from  Trinitie  Bay  in  many  places  ;  which 
people,  if  they  might  bee  reduced  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  true  Trinitie  indeed,  no  doubt  but  it  would  bee  a  most 
sweet  and  acceptable  sacrifice  to  God,  an  everlasting  honour 
to  your  Majesty,  and  the  heavenliest  blessing  to  those 
poore  Creatures,  who  are  buried  in  their  own  superstitious 
ignorance.  The  taske  thereof  would  prove  easie,  if  it 
were  but  well  begun,  and  constantly  seconded  by 
industrious  spirits :  and  no  doubt  but  God  himselfe  would 
set  his  hand  to  reare  up  and  advance  so  noble,  so  pious, 
and  so  Christian  a  building. 

The  bottome  of  the  Bay  of  Trinity  lieth  within  foure 
leagues  through  the  land  South-west,  Southerly  from 
Trinity,  as  by  experience  is  found,  and  it  comes  neere 
unto  the  Bay  of  Trepassey,  and  the  bottome  of  some  other 
Bayes,  as  I  have  alreadie  touched  before. 

43i 


A.D. 
l6l8. 

Trinitie 
affording 
divers  good 
commodities. 


Savages  living 
neer  to 
Trinite 
Harbour. 


[IV. 


1885.] 


The  bottoms 
of  divers  Bates 
meeting  neere 
together. 


A.D. 

j6i8. 

The  Harbour 
of  Trepassey 
lying 
commodiously. 


The  fertiltie 
of  the  soyle. 


Several/  sorts 
of  Fruits  there 
growing. 


Herbs  and 
Flowers  both 
pleasant  and 
medicinable. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Trepassey  in  like  manner  is  as  commodious  a  Harbour, 
lying  in  a  more  temperate  climate,  almost  in  46.  degrees, 
the  like  latitude,  and  is  both  faire  and  pleasant,  and  a 
wholesome  Coast,  free  from  Rockes  and  Shelves :  so  that 
of  all  other  Harbours,  it  lies  the  South-most  of  any 
Harbour  in  the  Land,  and  most  conveniently  to  receive 
our  Shipping  to  and  from  Virginia,  and  the  Bermuda 
Hands ;  and  also  any  other  Shipping  that  shall  passe  to 
and  from  the  River  of  Canady  and  the  Coast  thereof ; 
because  they  usually  passe  and  returne  in  the  sight  of 
the  Land  of  Trepasse,  and  also  for  some  other  purposes, 
as  shall  be  partly  declared  in  the  following  discourse. 

The  soile  of  this  Countrie  in  the  Vallies  and  sides  of 
the  Mountaines,  is  so  fruitfull,  as  that  in  divers  places, 
there  the  Summer  naturally  produceth  out  of  the  fruitfull 
wombe  of  the  earth,  without  the  labour  of  mans  hand, 
great  plentie  of  greene  Pease  and  Fitches,  faire,  round, 
mil  and  wholesome  as  our  Fitches  are  in  England :  of 
which  I  have  there  fed  on  many  times :  the  hawmes  of 
them  are  good  fodder  for  Cattell  and  other  Beasts  in  the 
winter,  with  the  helpe  of  Hay ;  of  which  there  may  be 
made  great  store  with  little  labour  in  divers  places  of  the 
Countrie. 

Then  have  you  there  faire  Strawberries  red  and  white, 
and  as  faire  Raspasse  berrie,  and  Gooseberries,  as  there  be 
in  England ;  as  also  multitudes  of  Bilberries,  which  are 
called  by  some  Whortes,  and  many  other  delicate  Berries 
(which  I  cannot  name)  in  great  abundance.  There  are 
also  many  other  fruites,  as  small  Peares,  sowre  Cherries, 
Filberds,  &c.  And  of  these  Berries  and  Fruits  the  store 
is  there  so  great,  that  the  Marriners  of  my  Ship  and 
Barkes  Companie,  have  often  gathered  at  once,  more  then 
halfe  an  Hogshead  would  hold ;  of  which  divers  times 
eating  their  fill,  I  never  heard  of  any  man,  whose  health 
was  thereby  any  way  impaired. 

There  are  also  Herbes  for  Sallets  and  Broth  ;  as  Parslie, 
Alexander,  Sorrell,  &c.  And  also  Flowers,  as  the  red  and 
white  Damaske  Rose,  with  other  kindes,  which  are  most 

432 


RICHARD   WHITBOURNE  ad. 

1618. 

beautifull  and  delightfull,  both  to  the  sight  and  smell. 
And  questionlesse  the  Countrie  is  stored  with  many 
Physicall  herbs  and  roots,  albeit  their  vertues  are  not 
knowne,  because  not  sought  after ;  yet  within  these  few 
yeeres,  many  of  our  Nation  finding  themselves  ill,  have 
bruised  some  of  the  herbs  and  streined  some  of  the  juice 
into  Beere,  Wine  or  Aquavitae  ;  and  so  by  Gods  assistance, 
after  a  few  drinkings,  it  hath  restored  them  to  their  former 
health.  The  like  vertue  it  hath  to  cure  a  wound  or  any 
swelling,  either  by  washing  the  grieved  places  with  some 
of  the  herbes  boiled,  or  by  applying  them  so  thereunto 
(plaister-wise)  which  I  have  seene  by  often  experience. 
This  being  the  naturall  fruitfulnesse  of  the  earth,  pro- 
ducing such  varietie  of  things,  fit  for  foode,  without  the 
labour  of  man  :  I  might  in  reason  hence  inferre,  that  if 
the  same  were  manured,  and  husbanded  in  some  places,  as 
our  grounds  are,  it  would  be  apt  to  beare  Corne,  and  no 
lesse  fertill  then  the  English  soile. 

But  I  neede  not  confine  my  selfe  to  probabilities  ;  seeing  Com  growing 
our  men  that  have  wintred  there  divers  yeeres,  did  for  there,  yeelding 
a  triall  and  experiment  thereof  sowe  some  small  quantitie  s     increase. 
of  Corne,  which  I  saw  growing  verie  faire ;    and  they 
found  the  increase  to  be  great,  and  the  graine  very  good ; 
and  it  is  well  knowne  to  me,  and  divers  that  trade  there 
yeerely,  how  that  Cabbage,  Carrets,  Turneps,  Lettice,  and  Store  of  Deere 
such  like,  prove  well  there.  £sf  other 

In  divers  parts  of  the  Countrie  there  is  great  store  of  Seasis- 
Deere,  &  some  Hares,  manie  Foxes,   Squirrels,   Bevers,  ex^mple  of  the 
Wolves,  and  Beares,  with  other  sorts  of  Beasts,  serving  gentie  nature 
as  well  for  necessitie,  as  for  profit  and  delight.     Neither  of  the  Beasts  of 
let  me  seeme  ridiculous,  to  annex  a  matter  of  noveltie,  that  Country- 
rather  then  weight,  to  this  discourse.     In  the  yeere  161 5.  Mastijre\j 
it  was  well  knowne  to  eight  and  fortie  persons  of  my  Greyhound 
Companie,  and  divers  other  men,  that  three  severall  times,  used  a  Wolfe 
the  Wolves  &  Beasts  of  the  Countrie  came  downe  neere  there  more 
them  to  the  Sea-side,  where  they  were  labouring  about  *°8&dlh  onc 
their  Fish,  howling  and  making  a  noise  :   so  that  at  each  throat  the 
time  my  Mastiffe  Dogge  went  unto  them  (as  the  like  in  other  the  belly. 
xix  433  2  E 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1618. 

that  Countrie  hath  not  been  seene)  the  one  began  to 
fawne  and  play  with  the  other,  and  so  went  together  into 
the  Woods,  and  continued  with  them,  everie  of  these 
times,  nine  or  ten  daies,  and  did  returne  unto  us  without 
any  hurt. 

Great  store  of      The  Land  Fowle  (besides  great  number  of  small  Birds 

Land  Fowle.  flying  up  and  downe,  some  without  name,  that  live  by 
scraping  their  food  from  the  earth  in  the  hardest  winter 
that  is)  there  are  also  Hawkes  great  and  small,  Partridges, 
Thrush,  and  Thrussels  abundance,  very  fat.  As  also 
Filladies,  Nightingales,  and  such  like,  that  sing  most 
pleasantly.     There  are  also  Birds  that  live  by  prey,  as 

Water  Fowle.  Ravens,  Gripes,  Crowes,  &c.  For  Water-fowle,  there  is 
certainly  so  good,  and  as  much  varietie,  as  in  any  part  of 

Penguins.  the  world ;  as  Geese,  Ducks,  Pidgeons,  Gulls,  Penguins, 
and  many  other  sorts.  These  Penguins  are  as  bigge  as 
Geese,  and  flie  not,  for  they  have  but  a  little  short  wing, 
and  they  multiply  so  infinitely,  upon  a  certaine  flat  Hand, 
that  men  drive  them  from  thence  upon  a  boord  into  their 
Boates  by  hundreds  at  a  time;    as  if  God  had  made  the 

[IV.  x.  innocencie  of  so  poore  a  creature  to  become  such  an  admir- 

1886.]  able  instrument  for  the  sustentation  of  men.  There  are 
also  Godwits,  Curlewes,  and  a  certaine  kinde  of  Fowle  are 
called  Oxen  and  Kine,  with  such  like ;  which  Fowle  doe 
not  onely  steed  those  that  trade  thither  greatly  for  foode, 
but  also  they  are  a  great  furthering  to  divers  Ships  voyages, 
because  the  abundance  of  them  is  such,  that  the  Fisher- 
men doe  bait  their  hookes  with  the  quarters  of  Sea-Fowle 
on  them :  and  therewith  some  Ships  doe  yeerely  take  a 
great  part  of  their  Fishing  Voyages,  with  some  baite, 
before  they  can  get  others. 

Fresh  water  The  fresh  waters  and  Springs  of  that  Countrie,  are  many 

and  Springs.  [n  number,  and  withall  very  pleasant,  delightfull  and 
wholesome,  that  no  Countrie  in  the  world  hath  better. 
And  Fewell  for  fire  is  so  plentifull,  that  there  is  never 

M  f  like  to  be  want  of  that  commoditie. 

Timber  there        ^n  ^^e  manner  there  is  great  abundance  of  Trees  fit  to 

growing.  be  imploied  in  other  serviceable  uses :   There  are  Furre 

434 


RICHARD   WHITBOURNE  ad. 

j6i8. 

and   Spruce   trees,    sound,   good,   and   fit   to   mast   Ships 

withall ;   and  as  commodious  for  boords  and  buildings  as 

the  Spruce  and  Firre  trees  of  Norway,  and  out  of  these 

came  abundance  of  Turpentine.     No  Countrie  can  shew 

Pine  and  Birch  trees,  of  such  height  and  greatnesse  as 

those  are  there :    and  doubtlesse,  if  some  store  of  your 

Majesties  subjects  doe  once  settle  there  to  live,  and  would 

be  industrious  to  search  further,  and  more  throughly  into 

the  Countrie,  then  as  yet  it  hath  beene,  there  might  be  G  ^  h     gf 

found  many  other  commodities  of  good  worth.     Amongst  Mines  and 

the  which  I  may  not  omit,  that  there  is  much  probabilitie  making  of  Iron 

of  finding  Mines,  and  making  of  Iron  and  Pitch.  and  Pitch. 

The  Rivers  also  and  Harbors  are  generally  stored  with  FlsA  in  Sreat 
delicate  Fish,  as  Salmons,  Pearles,  Eeles,  Herring,  abmdance- 
Mackerell,  Flounders,  Launce,  Capelin,  Cod,  and  Troutes 
the  fairest,  fattest  and  sweetest,  that  I  have  seene  in  any 
part  of  the  world.  The  like  for  Lobsters,  Crabfish, 
Muskles,  Hens,  and  other  varietie  of  Shel-fish  great  store. 
And  also  observe  here,  that  in  these  places  there  is  usually 
store  of  the  spawne  and  frie  of  severall  sorts  of  fishes : 
whereby  the  Sea-fowle  live  so  fat  as  they  are  there  in  the 
winter :  And  likewise  the  Bevers,  Otters,  and  such  like, 
that  seeke  their  foode  in  the  Ponds,  and  fresh  Rivers. 
The  Seas  likewise  all  along  the  Coast,  doe  plentifully 
abound  in  other  sorts  of  fish,  as  Whales,  Spanish 
Mackerell,  Dorrell,  Pales,  Herring,  Hogs,  Porposes, 
Seales,  and  such  like  royall  fish,  &c. 

But    the    chiefe    commodity    of    New-found-land    yet 
knowne,  and  which  is  growne  to  be  a  setled  trade,  and  that 
may  be  much  bettered  by  an  orderly  Plantation  there  (if 
the  Traders  thither  will   take  some  better  course,   then  Cod-fi^'tnga 
formerly  they  have  done,  as  shall  be  declared)  if  the  Cod-  benefit  tLre- 
fishing  upon  that  Coast,  by  which  our  Nation  and  many  from. 
other  Countries  are  enricht.     And  if  I  should  here  set  The  benefit 
downe    a    valuation    of    that    Fish,    which    the    French,  aristnS t0 
Biscaines,  and  Portugals  fetch  yeerely  from  this  Coast  of  anllUd^fhm 
New-found-land,  and  the  Banke,  which  lieth  within  five  fishing  upon 
and  twentie  leagues  from  the  South-Cape  of  that  Countrie,  those  coasts. 

435 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1618. 

where  the  French  use  to  fish  Winter  and  Summer,  usually 
making  two  Voyages  every  yeere  thither:  (To  which 
places,  and  to  the  Coast  of  Canady,  which  lieth  neere  unto 
it,  are  yeerely  sent  from  those  Countries,  more  then  foure 
hundred  saile  of  Ships : )  It  would  seeme  incredible,  yea 
some  men  are  of  opinion,  that  the  people  of  France, 
Spaine  and  Italy,  could  not  so  well  live,  if  the  benefit 
of  the  fishing  upon  this  Coast,  and  your  Majesties  other 
Dominions,  were  taken  from  them. 

But  I  trust  it  will  be  sufficient,  that  I  give  an  estimate 
of  our  owne  trading  thither,  and  partly  of  the  wealth  and 
commodities  we  reape  thereby,  without  any  curious  search 
250.  saile  of  into  other  mens  profits.  In  the  yeere  1615.  when  I 
Ships  lying  was  at  New-found-land  with  the  Commission  before 
upon.,  at  coast,  mentioned,  which  was  an  occasion  of  my  taking:  the  more 
Anno  161 5.  -11  •  r    1        ^  J     1        5  1 

particular  observations  or  that  Country,  there  were  then 

on  that  Coast,  of  your  Majesties  subjects  two  hundred 
and  fiftie  saile  of  Ships  great  and  small.  The  burthens 
and  Tunnage  of  them  all,  one  with  another,  so  neere  as 
I  could  take  notice,  allowing  every  Ship  to  be  at  least 
threescore  tun  (for  as  some  of  them  contained  lesse,  so 
many  of  them  held  more)  amounting  to  more  then  1 5000. 
tunnes.  Now  for  every  threescore  tun  burthen,  according 
to  the  usuall  manning  of  Ships  in  those  Voyages,  agreeing 
with  the  note  I  then  tooke,  there  are  to  be  set  downe 
twentie  men  and  boyes :  by  which  computation  in  these 
two  hundred  and  fiftie  saile,  there  were  no  lesse  then  five 
thousand  persons.  Now  every  one  of  these  Ships,  so 
neere  as  I  could  guesse,  had  about  120000.  fish,  and  five 
tunne  of  traine  Oyle  one  with  another.  So  that  the  totall 
of  the  Fish  in  these  two  hundred  and  fiftie  saile,  when 
What  the  it  was  brought  into  England,  France  or  Spaine  (being 
valew  of  the  %0\^  after  the  rate  of  foure  pound,  for  every  thousand  of 
• ts  co1?  ZT-i    fish,  sixscore  fishes  to  the  hundred,  which  is  not  a  pennie 

inmost  Ships  »  ..-  .  .  »  -r        . 

did  amount       a  hsh,  and  it  it  yeelde  lesse,  it  was  ill  sold)  amounted  in 
unto.  monie  to  120000.  pound. 

Now,  as  I  have  said  before,  allowing  to  every  Ship 
of  sixtie  tun,  at  least  five  tun  of  traine  Oyle,  the  totall 

436 


RICHARD   WHITBOURNE  a.d. 

1618. 

of  that  ariseth  to  1250.  tun;  each  tun,  whether  it  be 
sold  in  England,  or  elsewhere,  being  under-valued  at 
twelve  pound.  So  as  the  whole  value  thereof  in  monie, 
amounteth  to  the  sum  of  15000.  pound,  which  added  to 
the  fish,  it  will  appeare  that  the  totall  value  of  the  fish, 
and  Traine  Oyle  of  those  250.  saile  of  Ships  that  yeere, 
might  yeelde  to  your  Majesties  subjects  better  then  the 
Summe  of  135000.  pound,  omitting  to  reckon  the  over- 
prices which  were  made  and  gotten  by  the  sale  thereof 
in  forrain  Countries,  being  much  more  then  what  is  usually 
made  at  home,  and  so  the  like  in  other  yeeres.  And  this 
certainly,  in  my  understanding,  is  a  point  worthy  of  [IV.  x. 
consideration,    that    so    great    wealth    should   yearely   be  1887.] 

raised,  by  one  sole  commodity  of  that  Countrie,  yea  by 
one  onely  sort  of  fish,  and  not  upon  any  other  trade 
thither,  which  must  needes  yeelde,  with  the  imploiments 
thereof,  great  riches  to  your  Majesties  Subjects :  And 
this  also  to  be  gathered  and  brought  home  by  the  sole 
labour  and  industry  of  men,  without  exchange  or  expor- 
tation of  our  Coine,  and  native  commodities,  or  other 
adventure  (then  of  necessarie  provisions  for  the  fishing) 
as  Salt,  Nets,  Leads,  Hookes,  Lines,  and  the  like ;  and 
of  victuals,  as  Bread,  Beefe,  and  Porke,  in  competent 
measure,  according  to  the  number  and  proportion  of  men 
imployed  in  those  Voyages.  The  converting  of  these 
commodities  (gotten  by  fishing)  into  mony,  cannot  choose 
but  be  a  great  benefit  to  all  your  Majesties  Kingdomes 
in  many  respects. 

What  the  charge  in  setting  forth  of  these  two  hundred  The  relief  that 
and   fiftie    saile    might    amount    unto    (being    onely    for  the  trading 
victuals,  which  our  Country  yeeldeth)  I  hold  it  not  fit  f*™///1 
here  to  set  down,  lest  I  should  be  accused  by  some  therein.  severall  sorts 
And  withall  it  is  to  be  considered,  that  the  trade  thither  of  people. 
(as  now  it  is)  doth  yearely  set  on  worke,  and  relieve  many 
numbers  of  people,  as  Bakers,  Brewers,  Coopers,  Ship- 
Carpenters,    Smiths,    Net-makers,    Rope-makers,    Line- 
makers,   Hooke-makers,   Pully-makers,   and   many  other 
trades,  which  with  their  families  have  their  best  meanes 

437 


A.D. 
l6l8. 


*  After  this  the 
author  useth 
reasons  to 
perswade  to  a 
Plantation 
there;  which  I 
have  omitted, 
as  busied  in 
history.     The 
Book  is  com- 
mon to  such  as 
desire  to  reade 
it.     I  have 
also  omitted 
his  Admiralty 
commission  and 
proceedings. 
Commodities 
used  by  the 
Natives. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

of  maintenance,  from  these  New-found-land  Voyages. 
Adde  unto  them  the  families  or  servants  of  divers  Owners 
and  Masters  of  such  Ships  as  goe  thither,  and  Mariners 
with  their  families,  hereby  imploied  and  maintained,*  &c. 

T^He  Natives  of  the  Countrey  have  great  store  of  red 
Oaker,  which  they  use  to  colour  their  Bodies,  Bowes 
and  Arrowes,  and  Cannowes  withall,  which  Cannowes  are 
built  in  shape,  like  the  Wherries  on  the  River  of  Thames ; 
but  that  they  are  much  longer,  made  with  the  rinds  of 
Birch  trees,  which  they  sew  very  artificially  and  close 
together,  and  overlay  every  seame  with  Turpentine ;  and 
in  like  manner  they  sew  the  rindes  of  Spruce  trees,  round 
and  deepe,  in  proportion  like  a  Brasse  Kettle,  to  boyle 
their  meate  in,  which  hath  beene  well  proved  by  three 
Mariners  of  a  Ship,  riding  at  Anchor  by  me,  who  being 
robbed  in  the  night  by  the  Savages,  of  their  apparell  and 
divers  provisions,  did  the  next  day  seeke  after  them,  and 
came  suddenly  where  they  had  set  up  three  Tents,  and 
were  feasting,  having  three  Canoas  by  them,  and  had 
three  Pots  made  of  such  rindes  of  trees,  standing  each 
of  them  on  three  stones  boyling  with  twelve  Fowles  in 
each  of  them ;  every  Fowle  as  bigge  as  a  Widgeon,  and 
some  so  bigge  as  a  Ducke :  they  had  also  many  such 
pots  so  sewed,  and  fashioned  like  the  leather  Buckets 
that  are  used  for  quenching  of  fire,  and  those  were  full 
of  the  yolks  of  Egges,  that  they  had  taken  and  boiled 
hard,  and  so  dried  small,  which  the  Savages  used  in  their 
broth,  as  Sugar  is  used  in  some  meates  :  they  had  great 
store  of  the  Skins  of  Deere,  Beavers,  Beares,  Seales, 
Otters,  and  divers  other  fine  skins  which  were  well 
dressed ;  as  also  great  store  of  severall  sorts  of  flesh 
dried ;  and  by  shooting  off  a  Musket  towards  them,  they 
all  ran  away  naked  without  any  apparell,  but  onely  their 
hats  on  their  heads,  which  were  made  of  Seales  skins,  in 
fashion  like  our  hats,  sewed  handsomely  with  narrow 
bands  about  them,  set  round  with  fine  white  shels,  such 
as  are  carried  from  Portugall  to  Braseile ;    where  they 

438 


RICHARD   WHITBOURNE  a.d. 

1618. 

passed  to  the  Indians  as  ready  monie.     All  their  three 

Canoas,    their   Flesh,    Skins,   Yolks  of  Egges,   Targets, 

Bowes  and  Arrows,  and  much  fine  Okar,  and  divers  other 

things,  they  tooke  &  brought  away,  and  shared  it  amongst 

those  three  that  tooke  it,  and  brought  to  me  the  best 

Canoa,  Bowes  and  Arrowes,  and  divers  of  their  Skins,  and 

many  other  things  worth  the  noting :    which  may  seeme 

to  invite  us  to  finde  out  some  other  trades  with  them. 

Now  also   I  will  not   omit  to  relate   something  of  a 

strange  Creature  that  I  first  saw  there  in  the  yeere  16 10. 

in  a  morning  early  as  I  was  standing  by  the  water  side, 

in   the   Harbour   of   Saint   Johns,   which   I   espied   verie 

swiftly  to  come  swimming  towards  me,  looking  cheere- 

fully,  as  it  had  beene  a  woman,  by  the  Face,  Eyes,  Nose, 

Mouth,  Chin  eares,  Necke  and  Forehead :     It  seemed  to 

be  so  beautifull,  and  in  those  parts  so  well  proportioned, 

having  round   about   upon    the    head,   all   blew   strakes, 

resembling  haire,  downe  to  the  Necke  (but  certainly  it 

was  haire)  for  I  beheld  it  long,  and  another  of  my  com- 

panie  also,  yet  living,  that  was  not  then  farre  from  me ; 

and  seeing  the  same  comming  so  swiftly  towards  mee,  I 

stepped  backe,  for  it  was  come  within  the  length  of  a 

long  Pike.     Which  when  this  strange  Creature  saw  that 

I  went  from  it,  it  presently  thereupon  dived  a  little  under 

water,  and  did  swim  to  the  place  where  before  I  landed ; 

whereby  I  beheld  the  shoulders  and  backe  downe  to  the 

middle,  to  be  as  square,  white  and  smooth  as  the  backe 

of   a   man,    and    from    the    middle    to    the    hinder    part, 

pointing  in  proportion  like  a  broad  hooked  Arrow ;    how 

it  was  proportioned  in  the  forepart  from  the  necke  and 

shoulders,  I  know  not ;    but  the  same  came  shortly  after 

unto  a  Boat,  wherein  one  William  Hawkridge,  then  my 

servant,  was,   that  hath  bin  since  a  Captaine  in  a  Ship 

to  the  East  Indies,  and  is  lately  there  imploied  againe  by 

Sir  Thomas  Smith,  in  the  like  Voyage ;    and  the  same 

Creature  did  put  both  his  hands  upon  the  side  of  the 

Boate,  and  did  strive  to  come  in  to  him  and  others  then 

in  the  said  Boate  :     whereat  they  were  afraid ;    and  one 

439 


A.D. 
l6l8. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 


of  them  strooke  it  a  full  blow  on  the  head ;  whereat  it 
fell  off  from  them :  and  afterwards  it  came  to  two  other 
Boates  in  the  Harbour;  the  men  in  them,  for  feare  fled 
to  land  :  This  (I  suppose)  was  a  Mermaide.  Now  because 
divers  have  written  much  of  Mermaides,  I  have  presumed 
to  relate,  what  is  most  certaine  of  such  a  strange  Creature 
[IV.  x.  (;hat  Was  seene  at  New-found-land :     whether  it  were  a 

1888.J   Mermaicle  or  no,  I  know  not;    I  leave  it  for  others  to 
judge,  &c. 

R.  W. 

Chap.  IX. 

The  names  of  divers  honorable  persons  and  others 
who    have   undertaken    to    helpe   advance    his 
Majesties  Plantation   in    the  New-found-land : 
written  by  the  said   R.    W.   with   extracts   of 
certaine  Letters  written  from  thence. 

He  right  Honorable,  Henry  Lord  Cary, 
Viscount  of  Faulke-land,  Lord  Deputie 
for  the  Kingdome  of  Ireland,  hath  under- 
taken to  plant  a  Colonie  of  his  Majesties 
Subjects  in  the  New-found-land,  and  is 
well   pleased    to    entertaine    such   as   are 
willing    to    be    Adventurers    with    him 
therein,  upon  such  Conditions  as  may  appeare  in  the  latter 
part  of  this  Booke :    And  in  his  Lordships  absence,  hee 
hath  authorized  this  Agent,   Master  Leonard  Wellsted, 
by  warrant  under  his  hand  and  Seale,  to  ratifie  whatsoever 
shall  be  by  him  concluded  therein.      The  said  Master 
Weflsteds  Chamber  is  neere  one  Master  Garlands  house, 
at  the  lower  end  of  Saint  Martins  lane  in  the  fields. 

The  right  Honorable  Sir  George  Calvert,  Knight,  one 
of  the  principall  Secretaries  unto  his  Majestic,  hath  also 
undertaken  to  plant  a  large  Circuit  of  that  Countrie : 
who  hath  already  sent  thither  this  yeare  and  the  former 
yeare,  a  great  number  of  men  and  women,  with  all  neces- 
sarie  provisions  fit  for  them ;    where  they  live  pleasantly,, 

440 


WjFt§i 

RICHARD   WHITBOURNE  a.d. 

1618. 

building  of  Houses,   clensing  of  Land  for  Corne,   and 

Meddowes,  Cabage,  Carrets,  Turneps,  and  such  like :    as 

also  for  Wood  and  Tobacco,   Likewise   they  are   there 

preparing   to    make   Salt,    for   the   preservation    of   Fish 

another  yeere,  and  for  divers  other  services.     And  his 

Honor  is  likewise  well  pleased  to  entertaine  such  as  will 

adventure  with  him  therein,  upon  very  fit  conditions. 

The  Worshipfull  John  Slany  of  London  Merchant,  who 
is  one  of  the  undertakers  of  the  New-found-land  Planta- 
tion, and  is  Treasurer  unto  the  Patentees  of  that  Societie, 
who  have  maintained  a  Colonie  of  his  Majesties  subjects 
there  above  twelve  yeeres,  and  they  are  willing  to  enter- 
taine such  as  will  further  his  Majesties  said  Plantation, 
upon  fit  conditions. 

Divers  Worshipfull  Citizens  of  the  Citie  of  Bristoll, 
have  undertaken  to  plant  a  large  Circuit  of  that  Countrie, 
&  they  have  maintained  a  Colony  of  his  Majesties  subjects 
there  any  time  these  five  yeeres,  who  have  builded  there 
many  faire  Houses,  and  done  many  other  good  services, 
who  live  there  very  pleasantly,  and  they  are  well  pleased 
to  entertaine  upon  fit  conditions  such  as  will  be  Adven- 
turers with  them. 

The  Worshipfull  William  Vaughan  of  Tarracod,  in  the 
Countie  of  Carmarthen,  Doctor  of  the  Civill  Law,  hath 
also  undertaken  to  plant  a  Circuit  in  the  New-found- 
land  ;  and  hath  in  two  severall  yeeres  sent  thither  divers 
men  and  women,  and  hee  is  willing  to  entertaine  such  as 
will  be  Adventurers  with  him  upon  fit  conditions. 

And  there  are  many  other  worthy  persons  Adventurers 
in  the  said  Plantation,  whose  names  are  not  herein 
mentioned.  And  it  is  well  hoped,  that  divers  others  will 
also  put  their  helping  hand  to  advance  the  same,  when 
they  are  given  to  understand  what  honour  and  benefit 
may  accrue  thereby.  And  if  his  Majesties  subjects  of 
this  Kingdome  may  be  willing  to  set  forth  from  everie 
severall  Countrie  but  one  good  Ship  yearely  thither,  with 
people  and  provisions  fit  for  them,  it  will  be  then  not 
onely  a  great  honour  and  benefit  to  his  Majestie,  but 

441 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1618. 

also  a  great  increase  of  Shipping  and  Marriners,  and  the 
imploying  and  inriching  of  many  thousands  of  poore 
people  which  now  live  chargeably  to  the  Parishioners. 
The  which  may  be  easily  performed  by  the  able  Subjects, 
to  set  forth  the  charge  at  first,  and  so  everie  Parish  to 
recover  yearely  their  equall  parts  of  the  benefit  which  may 
accrue  by  the  said  stocke  ;  and  thereby  not  onely  disburden 
yeerely  themselves  of  some  of  those  which  lie  chargeable 
unto  them  within  their  severall  Parishes ;  but  also  yeerely 
yeelde  a  great  benefit  to  every  severall  Countie,  though 
it  lie  something  remote  from  the  Sea-coast,  if  they  imploy 
a  discreete  honest  man  there,  who  may  yearely  be  accompt- 
able  to  everie  Parish  of  the  charge,  and  likewise  the 
benefit.  The  which  will  not  be  anie  way  burdensome  or 
hurtfull  unto  any :  as  the  following  discourse  which  I 
have  written  will  plainly  informe  them. 

[IV.  x.  Extracts  of  a  Letter  from  Captaine  Edward  Winne, 

1    9'J  Governour  of  the  Colony  at  Ferryland,  within 

the  Province  of  Avalon,  in  Newfound-Land, 
unto  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  George  Calvert 
Knight,  his  Majesties  Principall  Secretary  ; 
July  28.    1622. 

May  it  please  your  Honour : 

UPon  the  seventeenth  day  of  May,  I  received  here 
your  Letters  of  the  nineteenth  of  February,  from 
the  hands  of  Robert  Stoning.  Upon  the  six  and  twentieth 
of  the  same,  a  Ship  of  Master  Jennins,  with  your  people 
and  provision  arrived  here  in  safetie :  and  from  the  hands 
of  Captaine  Powell  I  received  then  your  Honours  Letters 
of  the  fourteenth  of  March.  And  upon  the  last  of  June 
Master  James  came  hither,  from  Renouse,  and  the  Salt- 
maker  Master  John  Hickson  ;  from  whose  hands  I  received 
two  Letters  more,  that  by  Master  James,  being  of  the 
fourth  of  May,  and  the  other  by  Hickson  of  the  tenth 
of  the  same,  &c. 

442 


EDWARD    WINNE  a.d. 

1622. 

It  may  please  your  Honour,  that  as  soone  as  I  had  This  was  the 
delivered  my  last  Letters  of  the  fifth  of  September,  I  last  Letter  sent 
immediately  addressed  my  selfe  onely  to  our  businesse :   l^°    ngan 
Notwithstanding   our   diligent  labour  and   extraordinary  j^gr^  i6z\. 
paines-taking,  it  was  Alhallontide  before  our  first  range 
of  building  was  fitted  for  an  habitable  being,  &c. 

After  Christmasse,  wee  imployed  our  selves  in  the 
Woods,  especially  in  hard  weather,  whence  wee  got  home 
as  many  Boord-stockes  as  afforded  us  two  hundred  Boords, 
and  about  two  hundred  Timber-trees  besides.  Wee  got 
home  as  much  or  as  many  Trees,  as  served  us  to  palizado 
into  the  Plantation  about  foure  Acres  of  ground,  for  the 
keeping  off  of  both  man  and  beast,  with  Post  and  Rayle 
seven  foot  high,  sharpened  in  the  top,  the  Trees  being 
pitched  upright  and  fastened  with  Spikes  and  Nayles. 
Wee  got  also  together  as  much  Fire-wood,  as  will  serve 
us  yet  these  two  moneths.  We  also  fitted  much  Garden 
ground  for  Seed,  I  meane  Barley,  Oates,  Pease,  and 
Beanes. 

For  addition  of  building,  we  have  at  this  present  a 
Parlour  of  fourteene  foot  besides  the  Chimney,  and  twelve 
foot  broad,  of  convenient  height,  and  a  lodging  Chamber 
over  it ;    to  each  a  Chimney  of  Stone  work  with  Staires, 
and  a  Staire-case :    besides  a  tenement  of  two  roomes,  or 
a  story  and  a  halfe,  which  serves  for  a  Store-house  till 
wee    are    otherwise   provided.      The   Forge    hath    beene 
finished  these  five  weekes :    the  Salt-worke  is  now  almost 
ready.     Notwithstanding  this  great  taske  for  so  few  hands,  They  were  but 
we  have  both  Wheat,  Barley,   Oates,  Pease  and  Beanes  iwehe  men  all 
about   the   quantitie   of   two  Acres.     Of  Garden  roome  i^-t^er  eat:» 
about  halfe  an  Acre :     Corne,  though  late  sowne,  is  now  the  new  supply 
in  earing :     the  Beanes  and  the  goodliest  Pease   that   I  came  in  the 
ever  saw,  have  flourished  in  their  bloomes  this  twentie  sPrinS 
dayes.     Wee  have  a  plentifull  Kitchin  Garden  of  Lettice,  fo//omni- 
Raddish,   Carrets,   Coleworts,  Turneps,   and   many  other 
things.      Wee   have   also   at   this   present,   a   flourishing 
Meadow,  &c. 

For  the  Countrey  and  Clymate  :    It  is  better,  and  not 

443 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

so  cold  as  England  hitherto.  My  comfort  is,  that  the 
Lord  is  with  your  Honour,  and  your  designes :  for  we 
have  prospered,  to  the  admiration  of  all  the  beholders  in 
what  is  done.  And  thus  with  my  humble  duty  remem- 
bred,  I  rest,  &c. 

Another  letter  to  Master  Secretary  Calvert,  from 
Captaine  Winne,  of  the  seventeenth  of  August, 
1622. 

May  it  please  your  Honour; 

WE  have  Wheat,  Barley,  Oates,  and  Beanes  both 
eared  and  codded,  and  though  the  late  sowing  and 
setting  of  them  might  occasion  the  contrary,  yet  it  ripens 
now  so  fast,  that  it  carries  the  likelihood  of  an  approaching 
Harvest.  Wee  have  also  a  plentifull  Kitchen-Garden  of 
many  things,  and  so  ranke,  that  I  have  not  seene  the  like 
in  England.  Our  Beanes  are  exceeding  good  :  our  Pease 
shall  goe  without  compare :  for  they  are  in  some  places 
as  high  as  a  man  of  an  extraordinary  stature,  Raddish  as 
big  as  mine  arme,  Lettice,  Cale  or  Cabbage,  Turneps,, 
Carrets,  and  all  the  rest  is  of  like  goodnesse.  We  have 
a  Meadow  of  about  three  Acres :  it  flourished  lately  with 
many  cockets  of  good  Hay,  and  now  it  is  made  up  for 
a  Winter  feeding.  Wee  hope  to  bee  well  fitted  with  many 
Acres  of  Meadow  against  another  yeere  :  of  Pasture-landr 
wee  have  already  to  serve  at  least  three  hundred  heads 
of  Cattell :  and  to  all  this,  if  it  please  God,  a  good 
quantitie  of  Seed-ground  shall  be  fitted,  and  such  buildings 
as  wee  shall  be  able  to  accomplish. 

Now  in  the  next  place  it  may  please  your  Honour  ta 
understand ;  That  touching  this  Countrey,  the  Summer 
time  here  is  so  faire,  so  warme,  and  of  so  good  a  tempera- 
ture, that  it  produceth  many  Hearbes  and  Plants  very 
wholsome,  medicinable,  and  delectable,  many  fruit  Trees 
of  sundry  kindes,  many  sorts  of  Berries  wholsome  to 
eate,  and  in  measure  most  abundant :  insomuch  as  many 
sorts  of  Birds  and  Beasts  are  relieved  with  them  in  time 

444 


EDWARD    WINNE  a.d. 

,  1622. 

of  Winter,  and  whereof  with  further  experience  I  trust 
to  find  some  for  the  turne  of  Dyers.  Our  high  levells 
of  Land  are  adorned  with  Woods,  both  faire  and  seemely 
to  behold,  and  greene  all  Winter.  Within  Land  there  are 
Plaines  innumerable,  many  of  them  containing  many 
thousand  Acres,  very  pleasant  to  see  to,  and  well  furnished 
with  Ponds,  Brookes  and  Rivers,  very  plentifull  of  sundry  [iv.  x. 
sorts  of  Fish:    besides  store  of  Deere  and  other  Beasts  1890.] 

that  yeeld  both  Food  and  Furre.  Touching  the  soyle, 
I  find  it  in  many  places,  of  goodnesse  farre  beyond  my 
expectation :  the  Earth  as  good  as  can  be :  the  Grasse 
both  fat  and  unctious,  and  if  there  were  store  of  Cattle 
to  feed  it  up,  and  with  good  ordering,  it  would  become 
a  most  stedfast  nourishment :  whereof  the  large  breed 
of  Cattell  to  our  Northerne  Plantation,  have  lately  given 
proofes  sufficient,  though  since  they  have  beene  most 
shamefully  destroyed.  The  ayre  here  is  very  healthfull, 
the  water  both  cleer  and  wholsome,  and  the  Winter  short 
&  tolerable  continuing  onely  in  January,  February  and 
part  of  March :  the  day  in  Winter  longer  then  in 
England :  the  nights  both  silent  and  comfortable,  pro- 
ducing nothing  that  can  be  said,  either  horrid  or  hideous. 
Neither  was  it  so  cold  here  the  last  Winter  as  in  England  Temperate 
the  yeere  before.  I  remember  but  three  severall  dayes  Wtnter- 
of  hard  weather  indeed,  and  they  not  extreame  neither : 
for  I  have  knowne  greater  Frosts,  and  farre  greater  Snowes 
in  our  owne  Countrey. 

At  the  Bristow  Plantation,  there  is  as  goodly  Rye  now  Bristow  Plan- 
growing,  as  can  bee  in  any  part  of  England :    they  are  tation. 
also  well   furnished  with   Swine,   and  a  large  breed   of 
Goates,  fairer  by  far  then  those  that  were  sent  over  at 
the  first. 

The  Stones,  Kernells,  and  Seeds  that  Stoning  brought 
mee,  were  put  into  the  ground  presently  after  his  arrivall, 
the  which  are  already  of  a  prettie  growth,  though  late 
set ;  for  they  came  to  my  hands  but  upon  the  seventeenth 
of  May.  The  Vines  that  came  from  Plimouth,  doe 
prosper  very  well :     nay,  it  is  to  be  assured,   that  any 

445 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

thing  that  growes  in  England,  will  grow  and  prosper  very 
well  here  :  whereby  it  plainly  appeares  unto  your  Honour, 
what  manner  of  Countrey  the  same  is. 

It  may  please  your  Honour  to  understand,  that  our 
Salt  made  Salt-maker  hath  performed  his  part  with  a  great  deale 
there.  Q£  sufficiency,  by  whom  I  have  sent  your  Honour  a  Barrell 

of  the  best  Salt  that  ever  my  eyes  beheld,  who  with  better 
setling  doth  undertake  to  better  this,  which  hee  hath  made 
already.  I  shall  humbly  also  desire  you  to  remember  my 
last  yeeres  suit,  that  our  delicate  Harbours  and  Woods 
Abuses  of  may  not  bee  altogether  destroyed.  For  there  hath  beene 
Fishermen,  rinded  this  yeere  not  so  few  as  50000.  Trees,  and  they 
heave  out  ballast  into  the  Harbors,  though  I  looke  on. 
It  may  likewise  please  your  Honour  to  give  expresse 
order ;  First,  that  such  as  be  sent  thither  hereafter,  may 
be  such  men  as  shall  bee  of  good  strength :  whereof  wee 
stand  in  need  of  sixe  Masons,  foure  Carpenters,  two  or 
three  good  Quarry-men,  a  Slator  or  two,  a  Lyme-burner, 
and  Lyme-stones,  a  good  quantitie  of  hard  Laths ;  a 
couple  of  strong  Maids,  that  (besides  other  worke)  can 
both  Brew  and  Bake,  and  to  furnish  us  with  Wheeles, 
Hempe,  and  Flax,  and  a  convenient  number  of  West- 
countrey  Labourers  to  fit  the  ground  for  the  Plough. 
Secondly,  that  no  more  Boyes  or  Girles  be  sent  hither, 
I  meane,  upon  your  Honors  charge,  nor  any  other  persons 
which  have  not  beene  brought  up  to  labour :  for  they 
are  unfit  for  these  affaires.  Thirdly,  your  Honor  of 
necessitie  must  needes  send  some  Gunnes,  and  a  Gunner 
with  his  necessaries :  for  the  place  and  time  doe  require 
it.  It  is  a  durable  Chattell ;  they  will  command  the 
Harbour,  and  secure  all,  &c. 


446 


A   LETTER  FROM   NEWFOUNDLAND  a.d. 

1622. 

A  Copie  of  a  Letter  from  N.  H.  a  Gentleman 
living  at  Ferryland  in  Newfound-Land,  to  a 
worthy  Friend  W.  P.  of  the  18.  of  August, 
1622. 

SIR, 

MY  humble  service  remembred ;  accounting  my  selfe 
bound  unto  you  in  a  double  bond,  namely,  love 
and  dutie :  I  could  not  be  unmindfull  to  shew  the  same 
unto  you  in  these  rude  lines,  thereby  to  acquaint  you 
with  our  health,  the  temperature  of  the  Countrey,  and 
the  commodities  and  blessings  therein.  And  first,  for 
the  first :  Concerning  our  health,  there  is  not  any  man 
amongst  our  company,  that  hath  beene  sicke  scarcely  one 
day  since  he  came,  but  hath  beene  able  to  follow  his  worke. 
The  Climate  differs  but  little  from  England,  and  I  my 
selfe  felt  lesse  cold  here  this  Winter,  then  I  did  in  England 
the  Winter  before  by  much.  The  ayre  is  sweeter :  for 
I  never  smelt  any  evill  savor  in  the  Countrey,  nor  saw 
any  venemous  creature  to  hurt  mee.  Gods  blessings  upon 
this  Land  are  manifold  :  As  for  wood  and  water,  it  passeth 
England :  the  one  most  sweet  in  growing  and  burning, 
the  other  most  pleasant  to  taste,  and  good  to  drinke. 
For  in  Whitson-holidayes  (I  taking  with  me  Master 
Stoning)  did  coast  some  ten  miles  into  the  Countrey 
Westward  from  our  Plantation,  to  make  some  discovery 
of  the  Countrey,  and  to  kill  a  Deere ;  and  being  some 
five  miles  into  the  Land,  where  wee  lodged  that  night 
in  a  Wood,  we  found  much  Champion  ground,  and  good 
levels  of  one,  two,  three  or  foure  hundred  Acres  together, 
and  at  the  foot  of  each  Mountaine  and  small  Hill,  wee 
alwayes  met  with  a  faire  fresh  River,  or  a  sweet  Brooke 
of  running  water,  whereof  wee  freely  dranke,  and  it  did 
quench  my  thirst  as  well  as  any  Beere,  and  much  refresh 
us  both,  and  never  offended  our  stomackes  at  all.  Wee 
travelled  three  dayes,  but  found  no  Deere  save  their 
footings,  which  came  to  passe  by  meanes  of  a  great  fire 

447 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1622. 

that  had  burned  the  Woods  a  little  before  ten  miles 
compasse.  It  began  betweene  Formouse  and  Aquafort : 
it  burned  a  weeke,  and  then  was  quenched  by  a  great  raine. 
I  know  not  how  or  what  hee  was  that  gave  fire  to  it, 
but  I  thinke  hee  was  a  servant  hired  by  the  Devill  to  doe 
that  wicked  deed,  who  (I  doe  not  doubt)  will  pay  him 
for  his  worke.  In  the  night  the  Wolves  being  neere,  did 
something  affright  us  with  howlings,  but  did  not  hurt 
us  :  for  wee  had  Dogs,  Fire,  and  Sword  to  welcome  them. 
As  for  the  Beares,  although  there  bee  many ;  they  beare 
us  no  ill  will,  I  thinke,  for  I  have  eaten  my  part  of  two 
or  three,  and  taken  no  hurt  by  them.  Foxes  heere  are 
[IV.  x.  many,  and  as  subtill  as  a  Foxe,  yet  have  wee  coozned 

1 89 1.]  many  of  them  of  their  rich  coats,  which  our  worthy 
Governour  keepes  carefully,  as  also  of  Cattagena's  and 
Otters,  whose  coverings  wee  preserve  as  fitting  presents 
for  greater  persons.  The  Fowles  and  Birds  of  the  Land 
are  Partridges,  Curlues,  Fillidayes,  Black-birds,  Bulfinches, 
Larkes,  Sparrowes,  and  such  like.  Those  of  the  Sea,  are 
Goose,  Ducks  of  foure  sorts,  Capderace,  Teale,  Snipes, 
Penguyns,  Murres,  Hounds,  Sanderlings,  Redshanks  and 
others,  all  very  fat,  sweete  and  wholsome.  The  Fowles 
of  prey,  are  Tercells,  Goshawkes,  Falcons,  Laners,  Spar- 
hawkes,  Gripes,  Ospreis,  Owles  great  and  small,  Ravens, 
Gulls,  Pitterils,  and  some  others ;  and  of  most  of  these 
sorts  I  have  killed  many.  As  for  the  plentie  of  Codfish 
it  is  well  knowne  unto  you.  Salmons,  Eeles,  Mackarell, 
Herrings,  Lance,  Caplin,  Dog-fish,  Hollibuts,  Flowkes, 
Lobsters,  Crabs  and  Muskles :  All  and  more  then  all 
these  are  here  in  great  plentie,  very  good  and  sweet  meat. 
The  wild  fruit  and  berries,  are  small  Peares,  Cherries, 
Nuts,  Resberries,  Strawberries,  Barberries,  Dewberries, 
Hurtleberries,  with  others,  all  good  to  eate.  Many  faire 
Flowers  I  have  seene  here,  which  I  cannot  name,  although 
I  had  learned  Gerrards  Herball  by  heart :  But  wild  Roses 
are  here  both  red  and  damaske,  as  fragrant  and  faire  as 
in  England.  All  our  Corne  and  Seedes  have  prospered 
well,  and  are  already  growne  almost  to  perfect  maturitie,&c. 

448 


THE   SECOND   PART  OF   THE 
TENTH  BOOKE.      ' 


A.D. 

1625. 


Chap.    X. 

Divers  Warlike  Fleets  set  forth  to  Sea  against  the 
Spaniards,  by  our  English  Debora,  Queene 
Elizabeth,  of  Glorious  memory  :  Her  manifold 
Deliveries  and  Victories. 

LO  I  the  Man,  whose  Muse  mus'd  on  Plantations, 
New  England,  Virgin,  Bermude,  Newfound-landed, 
Lawrell  for  olive  take,  and  make  Relations 
Of  Armes,  Harmes,  Fights,  Frights,  Flights,  Depopula- 
tions, 
Homes    Buls,    Spaines    broyles,    Irelands    ire,    Traitors 

branded. 
God,  Angels,  Winds,  Seas,  Men,  Elizas  Glory 
Conspire ;    Shee  outlives  Death,  in  Heaven,  in  Story. 

Aile  greatest  of  English  Names,  Glorious 
Elizabeth!  Nor  may  wee  after  thy 
voyage  and  peregrination  out  of  this 
World,  unto  thy  true  and  heavenly  home 
&  Country,  forget  the  great  Acts  of  thy 
earthly  Pilgrimage.  Thou  wast  indeed 
the  Mother  of  English  Sea-greatnesse, 
and  didst  first  by  thy  Generalls  not  salute  alone,  but 
awe  and  terrifie  the  remotest  East  and  West,  stretching 
thy  long  and  strong  armes  to  India,  to  China,  to  America, 
to  the  Peruvian  Seas,  to  the  Californian  Coast  and  New 
Albions  Scepters  :  Thou  mad'st  the  Northerne  Muscovite 
admire  thy  Greatnesse :  Thou  gavest  name  to  the  North- 
west Straits  (Meta  Incognita)  and  the  Southern  Negros, 
xix  449  2  F 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

and  Hands  of  the  South-unknowne-continent  which  knew 
not  humanitie,  were  compelled  to  know  Thee ;  Thou 
imbracedst  the  whole  earthly  Globe  in  thy  Maritime 
Armes :  thou  freedst  England  from  Easterlings  and 
Lumbards  borrowed  legs,  and  taughtst  her  not  onely  to 
stand  and  goe  without  helpe,  but  become  helpe  to  our 
friends,  and  with  her  own  Sea  forces  to  stand  against, 
yea  to  stand  upon,  and  stampe  under  feet  the  proudest 
of  her  foes.  Thou  wast  a  Mother  to  thy  Neighbours, 
Scots,  French,  Dutch ;  a  Mirrour  to  the  remotest  of 
Nations.  Great  Cumberlands  twelve  voyages  before 
recited  are  thine,  and  the  fiery  vigor  of  his  Martiall  Spirit 
was  kindled  at  thy  bright  Lamp,  &  quickened  by  the 
The  Fleets  set  Great  Spirit  of  Elizabeth,  Drake,  Candish,  John  and 
fElL!betheen  Richard  Hawkins,  Raleigh,  Dudley,  Sherley,  Preston, 
Sup  pas:  '  Greenvile,  Lancaster,  Wood,  Raimund,  Levison,  Monson,. 
1082.  y/  Winter,  Frobisher,  Davies,  and  other  the  Star-worthies 
of  Englands  Sphere,  whose  Planet-courses  we  have  before 
related,  acknowledge  Elizas  Orb  to  be  their  First  and 
highest  Mover.  How  many  Rojpall  Fleets  did  shee  set 
forth?  In  the  yeeres  85.  and  87.  those  under  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  before  mentioned,  as  that  also  in  95.  under  him 
and  Sir  John  Hawkins:  another  Fleet  1590.  under  Sir 
John  Hawkins,  and  Sir  Martin  Frobisher  to  the  Hands ; 
also  1 59 1.  the  Hand  Fleet  under  the  Lord  Thomas 
Howard,  now  Earle  of  Suffolke;  that  1592.  by  Sir  John 
[IV.  x.  Burroughs  and  Sir  Robert  Crosse,  when  the  Madre  de 

1892.]  Dios  was  taken,  and  another  Carrike  burnt:  An.  1594. 
Shee.  sent  forth  a  Fleet  to  Brest,  where  Frobusher  was. 
slaine.  Another  1599.  under  the  Lord  Thomas  Howard. 
A.  1 600.  under  Sir  Richard  Levison  a  Fleet  to  the  Hands ; 
1 60 1.  another  to  Ireland.  A.  1602.  under  Sir  Richard 
Levison  and  Sir  William  Munson ;  and  another  under 
the  same  Commanders,  1603.  as  bequeathing  in  her  fatall 
extreames,  Marine  Actions  and  Glory  to  her  Successour. 
These  and  other  her  Sea-glories  I  purpose  not  here  to 
dilate,  having  already  handled  some  of  them ;  but  have 
singled  from  the  rest  the  actions  of  88.  89.  96.  and  97- 

45° 


QUEEN    ELIZABETH'S   GLORY  a.d. 

1625. 

premising  somthing  as  a  Preface  of  the  great  deliverances 
which  God  vouchsafed  that  Virgin  Queen. 

That  Church  which  is  mystically  called,  The  woman  Apoc.  17.  6. 
drunken  with  the  bloud  of  Saints,  had  begun  to  persecute  Herpersecu- 
her  from  her  birth,  Pope  Clement  the  sixt  decreeing  against  Pa/J^k  from 
her  Mothers  marriage,  and  Pope  Paul  the  third  thundring  the  wombe. 
2l  terrible  sentence  against  her  Fathers  Soveraigntie.  And 
although  King  Henry  had  first  enacted  against  his 
daughters,  and  after  for  them  by  Parliamentary  authoritie, 
yet  when  King  Edward  (which  used  to  call  her  his  sweet 
sister  Temperance)  was  dead,  there  wanted  not  some 
which  extruded  both  the  sisters,  and  obtruded  another 
succession.  Queene  Mary  dispersing  that  storme,  raised  In  queen 
another,  wherein  shee  was  exposed  to  the  calumnies  of  Maries  dates. 
faire-foule-mouthed  sycophants,  which  would  have  stained 
the  reigne  of  that  Queene,  otherwise  branded,  as  short, 
bloudy,  unfortunate,  with  the  slaughter  of  that  Royall 
Virgin :  Story  and  others  saying,  That  in  vaine  the 
boughs  of  Heresie  were  lopped  off,  if  the  Root  were 
suffered  to  continue.  Long  and  straight  imprisonment 
shee  indured,  and  was  forced  by  them  to  Masse, 
Confession  and  externall  profession  of  that  Romish 
Catholicisme,  which  perhaps  had  not  diverted  her 
enemies  designe,  had  not  the  perversest  of  her  enemies 
Gardiner  beene  averted  by  his  owne  death ;  and  had  not 
also  King  Philip  with  the  Spaniards  envied  to  the  French 
so  rich  an  Inheritance,  as  by  Queene  Maries  death  without 
issue  (which  could  scarsly  from  her  sicke  and  aged  body 
be  expected)  was  likely  to  fall  upon  Queene  Mary  of 
Scotland  betrothed  to  the  Dolphin  of  France,  whereby 
the  Spanish  greatnesse  already  embroyled  enough,  was 
likely  to  bee  overmatched  by  the  French,  increased  with 
addition  of  three  mightie  Kingdomes.  Queene  Mary 
dying,  and  Cardinall  Poole  with  many  Prelates,  as  it 
were,  attending  her  exequies  with  their  owne,  with  generall 
applause  Shee  was  acknowledged  Queen.  Her  first  care 
was  to  restore  Religion,  notwithstanding  the  dangers 
thence  incompassing  her :    shee  also  rejected  the  manage 

4Si 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

with  King  Philip,  whereof  hee  had  treated  with  her  by 
the  Earle  of  Feria  his  Embassadour,  promising  to  procure 
thereunto  the  Popes  dispensation :  neither  admitted  shee 
the  offered  match  of  Charles,  sonne  to  Ferdinand  the 
French  Emperour ;    and  when  Henry  the  French  King  by  the 

wrongs.  Guisians  was  perswaded  to  challenge  England  to  his  sonne 

and  daughter  in  law,  (causing  them  to  use  her  title  Francis 
&  Mary  by   the   Grace  of  God  King   and  Queene  of 
Scotland,   England,   and   Ireland)   and   prepared   Warres 
against  her,  God  tooke  him  out  of  the  world,  being  slaine 
at  a  Tilt  sport. 
Q.  Elizabeths       The   new  King  and  Queene  continued   their  former 
prosperitle.       challenge,    Title    and   Ensignes,    which   gave    no    small 
ee  •    -°  ii-    occasions  of  those  evills,  which  afterwards  involved  her, 
Mother  kinds    breeding  a  great  disgust  betwixt  those  two  greatest  Ladies 
the  B.  of        which   Christendome   had,   both   Heires   to   an   absolute 
Chichester  his  Sovereignties     Shee  expelled  the  French  out  of  Scotland, 
Religious         stablished  the  affaires  of  Ireland,  procured  armour  and 
Thanksgiving,  weapons  out  of  Germany,  caused  much  Artillery  to  bee 
See  also  cast  of  Brasse  and  Iron,  new  Mynes  of  Brasse  being  found 

Camdens  at  Keswicke,  and  the  stone  Calaminaris  usefull  for  Brasse- 
Elizabetha,  WOrkes  found  here  also:  provision  for  Gunpowder  was 
Annates  of  her  ^rst  at  ^er  commandement  made  here  at  home;  Barwicke 
Reigne.  fortified,  the  Navie  furnished,  the  Sea  Townes  imitating 

her  example  and  increasing  dayly  in  Navall  forces, 
answered  by  Martiall  Spirits  for  Land  and  Sea  service. 
Thus  did  God  blesse  her  that  had  glorified  him  in  estab- 
lishing his  Truth,  notwithstanding  the  povertie  of  the 
State  at  her  entrance,  deepely  indetted  by  her  prede- 
cessours ;  and  the  faint  friendship  or  professed  enmitie 
of  Rome  and  all  her  disciples.  Thus  shall  it  bee  done 
to  the  Woman  God  will  honour,  and  more  then  thus: 
for  what  was  all  the  time  of  her  reigne  but  vicissitudes 
of  Treasons,  Warres,  and  manifold  externall  and  internall 
broyles?  and  yet  in  an  admirable  working  of  Divine 
Grace,  when  had  England  so  long  and  flourishing  peace 
at  home,  or  glory  and  renowme  abroad?  as  if  hee  which 
brought  light  out  of  darknesse,  would  permit  all  such 

45  2 


QUEEN    ELIZABETHS   GLORY  a.d. 

1625. 

contrary  workings  to  bee  the  object  of  his  goodnesse,  the 

fewell  and  materialls  of  her  greatnesse. 

Arthur  Poole,  the  fourth  yeere  of  her  reigne  abused  Arthur  Poole 
the  greatnesse  of  his  bloud  with  other  conspirators,  to  of  the  house  of 
the  Guisian  purposes,  but  taken  and  sentenced  received     *°£je    *  e 
not  bloudie  reward  from  her  mild  and  mercifull  hand. 

Pope   Pius    the   fift    denounceth   her   excommunicate,  Ann.  1569. 
discharging  her   Subjects   from   loyaltie  and  alleageance  ?***. hts 
and  arming  them  against  her :    Ridolfi  a  Florentine  playes  mPtous 
the  Merchant  of  Popish  wares,  the  Earles  of  Northumber- 
land and  Westmerland  take  armes,  the  Duke  of  Norfolke 
is  entangled,  the  French  and  Spaniard  are  perswaded  by 
the  Pope,  who  promised  also  if  need  were,  to  ingage  to 
this  purpose  all  the  goods  of  the  Sea  Apostolike,  Chalices, 
Crosses,  and  holy  Vestments :     Vitellius  is  commanded 
to  invade  England  with  an  Army  from  the  Low-countries  : 
but  God  protected  Elizabeth,  and  her  Enemies  abroad 
were  disappointed,  the  Traitors  at  home  falling  into  their 
owne  pit. 

About  the  same  time  Edmund  and  Peter,  brethren  to  Irish  action. 
the  Earle  of  Ormond  were  busie  in  Ireland,  to  inflame  [IV.  x. 
which  rebellion  Mendoza  came  out  of  Spaine,  but  before  l893-] 

it  brake  forth  into  any  great  combustion  it  was  extinct. 

Don  John  of  Austria  enters  next  upon  the  Stage  (for  Don  John  base 
I  omit  Barnes  and  Muthers,  Sir  Henry  Percie,  the  B.  son  of  Charles 
of  Ross  his  attempts,  and  other  Acts  and  Arts  savouring  Emfjerour- 
more  of  the  Foxe  then  the  Lion)  and  pretended  a  peace, 
whiles    hee    intended    the    deliverance    of    the    Scottish 
Queene,  and  marrying  her,  to  make  himselfe  King  of 
England  and  Scotland,  by  helpe  of  fugitives  and  favour 
of  the  Pope   and   Guisians :     and   in   the   midst   of  his 
warlike   preparations   suddenly   dieth.      When   Pius   his  j 
impious  curses  had  thus  proved  blessings,  hee  deceaseth,  Greg.  13. 
and  Gregory  his  successour  in   the  Papacie,  and  malice  confirmeth  the 
to  Queene  Elizabeth,  the  great  Founder  of  Seminaries,  sent*nce 
gaping  for  no  lesse  then  a  Kingdome  to  his  base  sonne   q*^/- 
James   Boncompagno,    treateth   with   the    Spaniard,    who  stuklys 
had    swallowed   England   also   in    his  conceit.      Thomas  treason. 

453 


A.D. 
1625. 


A.  1578. 


1579.   1580. 
Banders 
Author  of  the 
bookeDe  visib. 
Monarch,  13 
of  the  forged 
tale  De 
schismate 
Anglic ano.  In 
which  he 
abuseth  the 
queens  Mother 
with  grosse 
lies,  never 
before  seen  or 
dreamt  of  by 
the  sharpest 
andspitefullest 
eyes  which 
Malice  could 
entertain, 
even  then 
when  she  zoas 
most  malicious 
$3  most  ser- 
pent-sighted. 
*i583. 

*i584. 

Mendoza. 

Throckmorton. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Stukley  an  English  fugitive  promiseth  Ireland  to  the 
Popes  bastard,  who  in  recompence  gives  him  the  titles 
of  Marquesse  of  Lagen,  Earle  of  Wexford  and  Cater- 
lough,  Vicount  of  Morough,  and  Baron  of  Ross  (all  places 
of  note  in  Ireland)  and  made  him  Generall  of  eight 
hundred  Italian  Souldiers,  the  King  of  Spaine  paying 
their  wages.  But  Sebastian  King  of  Portugall,  which 
should  have  conducted  the  Spanish  forces  against  England, 
being  intangled  with  an  African  Expedition,  procured 
Stucley  to  goe  thither  with  him,  where  both  lost  their 
lives.  And  the  Spaniard  was  now  diverted  from  English 
designes  to  those  neerer  of  Portugall,  there  imploying 
the  forces  intended  against  us. 

Doctor  Nicolas  Sanders  playeth  the  next  part,  who 
having  written  in  defence  of  the  Popes  visible  Monarchy 
Ecclesiasticall,  and  belched  out  the  fowlest  slanders  of 
Queen  Elizabeths  parentage  that  Hell  could  devise, 
would  make  his  writings  visible  by  his  deeds ;  and  with 
James  Fitz  Morice  an  Irish  Traitor,  having  obtained  to 
be  the  Popes  Nuntio,  with  a  banner  consecrated  at  Rome, 
and  some  forces  out  of  Spaine,  entreth  Ireland,  there 
fortifieth  and  winneth  Desmond  to  his  partie.  San 
Josophus  followeth  with  seven  hundred  Italians  and 
Spaniards,  with  Armour  for  five  thousand.  Their  Fort  is 
taken,  Fitz  morice  first,  and  after  the  Earle  with  many 
others  slaine,  Sanders  runnes  mad,  and  wandering  up  and 
downe  in  the  Woods  and  Mountaines  dieth  miserably ; 
the  Country  is  pacified  and  Elizabeth  prevaileth.  The 
Seminaries  (Schooles  of  Treason)  were  now  erected  at 
Rome  and  Rhemes,  to  become  worse  then  that  Trojan 
Horse,  Cells  of  desperate  Emissaries,  incendaries  of  their 
owne  Countrey :  Campion  and  others  suffer,  seditious 
Bookes  *  are  written  against  the  Queene,  whereby 
Somervill  was  instigated  to  kill  her. 

Mendoza  the  Spanish  Embassadour  was  commanded 
to  depart  out  of  England,  having  practised  with  Throck- 
morton *  and  others  about  an  invasion  of  the  Land,  and 
to  remove  the  Queene.     About  the  same  time  in  manner 

454 


QUEEN    ELIZABETH'S   GLORY  a.d. 

1625. 

miraculously,  traiterous  projects  came  to  light  by  certaine 
papers  of  one  Creighton  a  Scottish  Jesuite,  who  being  Creighton 
taken  by  Dutch  Pirates  tare  them  and  threw  them  into  papers. 
the  Sea;  which  would  not  bee  accessary  to  Jesuiticall 
plots,  but  by  the  helpe  of  the  winde  brought  them  backe 
to  the  Ship ;  which  being  delivered  to  Sir  William  Wade 
were  joyned  again,  and  revealed  new  plots  of  the  Pope, 
the  Spaniard,  and  Guisians  to  invade  England :  Where- 
upon an  Association  was  made  by  many  thorow  the  Association. 
Kingdome,  binding  themselves  by  their  hands  and  seales 
to  prosecute  all  such  to  death  as  should  attempt  any  thing 
against  the  life  of  the  Queene.  Cardinall  Allen  for  the 
English  Catholikes  Ecclesiasticall,  Inglefield  for  the 
Laikes,  the  Bishop  of  Rosse  for  the  Queene  of  Scots, 
were  said  to  have  agreed  to  deprive  the  Queene,  and  to 
disinherite  King  James  as  a  favourer  of  Heresie,  &c. 

A.  1585.  Doctor  Parry  (whom  Queene  Elizabeth  had  Parries 
before  pardoned  his  life)  being  heartned  by  Ragazonius  treason. 
the  Popes  Nuntio  in  France,  and  absolved  in  the  Popes 
name  by  the  Cardinall  Comensis,  undertooke  to  kill  the 
Queene,   being   thereunto   incouraged  by  Aliens  booke,  dlkm  booke. 
teaching  that  excommunicated  Princes  may  bee  dispoyled 
of  lives  and  Scepters.     His  partner  reveales  him,  and  his 
mischiefe  lighted  on  himselfe.     Henry  Earle  of  Northum-  Earle  of  Nor- 
berland  (brother  of  Thomas  before  executed  at  Yorke)  thumberland. 
slew  himselfe  in  the  Tower,  and  the  Lord  Chancellour 
three  dayes  after  in  the  Starre  Chamber  declared  that  he 
had  beene  committed  for  traiterous  devises  against  the 
Queen  and   State ;     the   particulars   whereof   were   then 
opened  by   the  Atturney  Popham,   seeking   to   set   free 
the  Queene  of  Scots,   to  destroy  the  Queene  and   the 
Religion,  to  have  dealt  with  Charles  Paget  (termed  Mope) 
about  these  things,  with  the  invasion  of  England,  &c. 
The  Burkes  rebellion  in  Ireland  fell  out  that  yeere,  and  Bujks  & 
many  broyles,  which  cost  three  thousand  their  lives  at  llanders  sjm 
one  time,  the  title  Mac-William  in  Connagh  extinguished, 
and  the  insolence  of  the  llanders  betwixt  Scotland  and 
England  repressed.     The  Spaniard  arrested  the  English 

455 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

Ships  in  his  Ports,  whence  the  Expeditions  of  the  Earle 

of  Cumberland,  and  Sir  Francis  Drake  before  mentioned 

tooke  their  beginning,  and  the  Warres  betwixt  the  two 

Kingdomes. 

Babington,  A.    1 586.    that    prodigious    plot    of    Savage,    Balard, 

&c-  Babington,  and  the  rest  of  that  bloudy  crue  conspiring 

to  kill  the  Queene,  was  detected  and  the  plotters  were 

executed.     In  87.  the  French  Embassadour,  a  Guisian, 

conferred  with  Stafford  to  kill  the  Queene,  making  great 

French  promises   to   that   purpose.     And  he   and   Moody   were 

Embassadors    farther  treated  with  on  that  point  by  Trappius  his  Secre- 

*j¥  *?*  tary,  which  by  Stafford  was  revealed  and  prevented.     But 

whiles  all  pretended  the  freeing  of  the  Queen  of  Scots, 

by  this  meanes  they  shortned  her  dayes  and  freed  her  of 

her  life. 

The  story  is  knowne,  and  I  shall  not  need  to  insist 
[IV.  x.  upon  these  later  things,  nor  on  Tyrones  Tragicall  rebellion,, 

1894.]   the  death  of  so  many  thousands  English,  Irish,  Spanish; 
Tyrons  nor  Lopez  his  plot  to  poison   the  Queene,   &c.     I  but 

treasons.  propound  these  things  to  excite  English  thankfulnesse  to 

7?/c"  „«       God,  and  hatred  to  that  Whoore,  drunken  with  bloud, 

Luk  o.  29.  1  •    1      1       1        1  1      1        T7--  r 

which  hath  thus  enchanted  the  Kings  of  the  earth ;  yea 
like  the  Legion  Devill  hath  broken  all  chaines  of  allege- 
ance,  and  hath  initiated  in  hellish  mysteries  naturall  sworne 
subjects  to  invasion  and  mutuall  massacres ;  yea  to  account 
it  tolerable,  lawfull,  commendable,  meritorious,  and  in 
ordine  ad  deum,  necessary  (6  times!  6  monsters!)  to  kill 
and  murther ;  and  hath  made  it  a  compendious  way  to 
win  the  Kingdome  of  Heaven  by  killing  the  Kings  of 
the  Earth.  And  if  the  bloud  of  so  many  Saints  from 
Abel  to  Zacharias  were  threatned  to  fall  on  Jerusalem, 
sometimes  the  holy  Citie ;  what  may  be  said  of  Rome  ? 
whose  Temporall  Monarchy  first  founded  in  the  bloud 
Rome,  Citie  of  0f  Rhemus  brother  of  Romulus,  proceeded  in  exiling 
murthersxp  their  owne  Kings,  and  in  exterminating  worlds  of  men 
out  of  the  world  (Caesar  alone  is  said  in  fiftie  battells  to 
*P/in.  I.  7.  have  slaine  *  1 192000.  men,  besides  what  was  slaine  in 
his  Civill  Warres)  in  a  world  of  time  together :    exceeded 

456 


QUEEN    ELIZABETH'S   GLORY  ad 

1625. 

in  the  sanctitie  of  the  bloud  of  so  many  thousand  Saints 
and  Martyrs  in  ten  dismall  persecutions,  and  yet  fell  short 
of  the  pretended  Catholike  Rome,  that  mysticall  Woman 
drunken  with  bloud. 

I  dare  boldly  aver,  and  by  History  make  it  good,  (yea  *  Present  Rome 
in  great  part  to  a  judicious  observer  the  former  parts  of  g^ef^.r^an~ 
this  Worke  have  shewed)  that  since  the  Papall  challenge  Saint-slaier 
of  Monarchy  over  Monarkes  by  Gregory  the  seventh,  then  the 
the    Devills    thousand    yeeres    of    imprisonment    being  Ethnike. 
expired,  Antichristian  Rome  hath  by  Sword,  Fire,  Warres,     s*e  t0-  l- 
Civill  and  Forraine,  and  other  inhumane,  immane,  divellish    "  y  $'  f  z' 
furies   procured   the   shedding  of  more   humane   bloud,  c. i.to.z. 1. 8. 
then  ever  Heathen  Rome  in  farre  longer  time  had  shed  c.  4.  y  c. 
to   erect   their  Heathenish  Empire,   from   the   dayes   of 
Romulus  which  founded  the  Citie,  to  Augustus  which 
grounded  and  stablished  the  Empire,  and  Tiberius  under 
whom  Christ  was  crucified :    Yea  if  you  adde  the  perse- 
cutions   of    the    succeeding    Emperors    till    Julian    the 
Apostata ;    yet  have  the  later  Antichristian  exceeded  in 
numbers,  as  much  as  the  executions  of  Warres  are  usually 
beyond  all   comparison   of   the   Judiciall   and   Legall.     I 
adde,  that  as  the  Ethnike  Romans  spilt  none  (except  in 
persecutions)    but    Ethnike    bloud :      so    the    pretended 
Christian  Romists  (except  in  the  Indies  and  the  Holy 
Land  Wars)   shed  none   in   this  account   but   Christian. 
This  may  seem  a  prodigal  speech  &  prodigious  paradox, 
to  those  which  know  not  the  millions  which  perished  in 
the  Holy  Land  Wars,  set  &  kept  on  foot  about  200.  yeers 
together   by   Papall   ambition ;     so    many   hundreths   of 
thousands  which  perished  in  the   same  times,   by  open 
warres  made  by  the  Popes  Crusados  against  the  Albigenses, 
Waldenses,  and  what  other  names  it  pleased  them  to  give 
to  better  men  then  themselves,  in  almost  eightie  yeeres 
continued  warres :     So  many  Civill  Warres  in  Germany, 
the  subjects  and  competitors  armed  by  Crusados  against 
the  Emperours  till  that  Eagle  was  plucked ;    where  one 
Henry   whom    Hildebrand    first    deposed,    fought    sixtie 
battells :     In  England,  France,  Italy,  and  other  parts,  in 

457 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1625. 

the  daies  of  King  John,  Fredericke  the  second,  Conrade, 
Memfred,  Phillip,  and  others :  and  after  that,  the  long 
Bohemian  broiles  drenched  in  bloud  after  Husses  fire : 
and  lately  so  innumerable  millions  (pauperis  est  numerare) 
Priests,  agents  in  America  and  the  Hands  which  these  bookes  plainly 
in  every  evince    to    have    beene    written    in    bloud    by    Roman 

treason.  authoritie  and  pretence;    not  to  make  mention  of  the 

Philippinas,  the  East  Indies,  the  Wars  in  Sicile  and 
Naples ;  and  the  Greeke  Empire  first  weakned,  and  after 
by  Roman  ambition  lost :  how  many  hundreth  thousands 
hath  France  lost  of  Christians  within  these  last  hundreth 
yeeres?  how  many  more  have  taken  their  fatall  farewells 
in  the  Belgian  quarrell?  How  doe  those  Low-countries 
and  Germany  still  flow  in  bloud?  That  I  speake  not  of 
our  England  and  Ireland?  But  I  hate  the  thoughts  of 
those  things,  and  therefore  come  to  the  88.  businesse, 
that  also  set  on  worke  from  Rome,  the  widest  and  openest 
passage  from  hell  for  his  ingresse  and  egresse,  that  was 
a  Murtherer  from  the  beginning,  and  in  the  last  ages 
turning  himselfe  into  an  Angell  of  light,  hath  there 
established  his  principall  Vicar  under  pretended  titles  and 
seemings  of  Christ  and  Christianitie.  Yea  this  is  also 
remarkable  that  in  the  treasons  against  Queene  Elizabeth, 
and  in  those  against  our  present  Sovereigne  King  James 
(whom  God  long  preserve)  by  Watson,  Clerke,  Cobham, 
&c.  at  first,  and  in  the  Master  and  Monster-peece  (which 
was  now  ready  to  breake  forth  with  violence  and  virulence 
from  Hell,  and  to  blow  up  all  other  Treasons)  that  of 
the  Gun-powder  Traitors ;  still  the  busiest  part  of  the 
Tragedie  is  committed  to  some  Romish  Priest  or  Jesuite, 
who  should  fit  and  frame  the  resolute  dissolutenesse 
of  wild  spirits  to  the  execution  of  it  or  themselves. 
The  Pope  The  Master  Workman  (I  say  not  Beelzebub)  is  the  Pope, 
MasterWork-  as  appeareth  in  those  before  mentioned,  and  in  this  of 
8  8 .  whose  Bull  declaratory  against  that  Worthy  of  women 
followeth,  as  the  contents  thereof  are  delivered  by 
Meteranus,  to  whose  labours  in  this  Story  wee  are  princi- 
pally indetted.     It  was  to  be  published  in  the  Popes  name 

458 


man 


THE   BULL   OF  POPE   SIXTUS  a.d. 

1588. 

by  Cardinall  Allen  after  the  Navie  had  arrived  in  England,  Allen  or  Alan 

to  command  the  English  to  yeeld  their  obedience  to  the  was  by  Spanish 

Duke  of  Parma.     From  the  Pope  therefore  wee  will  begin  ^™™emttt 

our  88  Story,  touching  the  preparation  and  successe  of  Cardinallfor 

that  Armada  sirnamed  invincible.  this  purpose; 

and  to  this 

Chap.  XL  [IV.  x. 

...  l895-] 

Octagesimus  Octavus  mirabilis  Annus.  purpose  had 

The  Popes  Bull,  the  King  of  Spaines  preparations,  violent  booke 
the  Duke  of  Medinas  Expedition,  the  Duke  of  which 
Parmas  Forces,  for  the  invasion  of  England :  /^!^ 
divers  Sea-fights  twixt  the  English  and  Spanish  undertake  to 
Fleets,    the    Sea   flight    of    the    Spanish,    and  k^lthJnfue£n' 
miserable    disasters    in    their    returne.       Their  Bristow  and 
lies.     The  Queens  Religious  Triumph.  Martin  were 

.  .  .  Authors  of  the 

Ixtus     Quintus,     by     divine     providence,  Rhemish 

universall  Pastor  of  the  Flock  of  Christ,  Translation 

to  whom  by  continued  and  lawfull  succes-  and  ■Notes  °f 

sion,    the   administration   and   charge   of  patalilre 

the  Catholike  Church  pertaineth ;    taking  tended  causes 

into  consideration  the  miseries  and  calami-  of  depriving 

ties  whereinto  the  famous  Kingdomes  of  the  Queene. 


England  and  Ireland  had  falne,  which  in  times  past  were  .  uSliwes 
commended  so  much  for  Vertues,  Religion,  and  Christian  Zeale. 
Pietie  and  Obedience,  and  now  by  the  impious  and  unjust 
Empire  of  Elizabeth  pretended  Queene,  and  a  few 
adhering  to  her,  not  onely  to  have  come  to  a  dissolute 
estate  and  dangerous  to  it  selfe,  but  also  as  infected  and 
venemous  members  are  wont  to  cause  infection  and  disease 
to  the  whole  body  of  Christians :  and  wanting  there  the 
due  remedies  which  elswhere  by  help  of  Christian  Princes 
he  useth,  to  prevent  abuses  &  to  maintaine  Ecclesiasticall 
discipline:  Forasmuch  as  Henry  the  Eight,  late  King 
of  England,  a  Rebell  and  forsaker  of  the  Sea  Apostolike, 
separated  himselfe  and  his  from  the  communion  of 
Christians  by  force,  and  Elizabeth  the  present  Usurper 

459 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588.     " 

persevereth  therein,  not  without  great  commotion  and 
danger  of  the  Neighbour  Regions,  shewing  her  selfe 
obstinate  and  impenitent,  so  that  there  is  no  hope  that 
those  Kingdomes  may  at  any  time  be  reformed  and  reduced 
to  the  exercise  of  Christian  Religion,  true  peace  and 
quietnesse,  except  shee  be  deprived  of  the  administration 
of  the  Kingdome. 
Spanish  argu-  Therefore  our  most  holy  Father  desiring  (as  his  Office 
ments  to  requireth)  to  provide  for  this  evill,  with  present  and  strong 

wttAeJff  remedies  inspired  to  him  from  God,  to  the  health  of  the 
universall  Church,  incited  as  well  by  his  owne,  as  his 
predecessors  affection  and  zeale,  alway  borne  toward 
England ;  and  moved  by  the  continuall  sollicitation, 
vehement  and  importunate  exhortation  of  very  many,  and 
those  principall  men  of  the  said  Nation ;  hee  hath  used 
great  diligence  with  divers  Princes,  and  especially  with 
the  Mightie  and  Catholike  King  of  Spaine,  imploring  his 
aide  hereunto,  by  the  reverence  which  hee  beareth  the 
Roman  Sea,  by  the  old  friendship  and  consanguinitie  which 
his  Family  hath  had  with  the  Kings  of  England,  by  his 
singular  charitie  and  benevolence  formerly  shewed  to  the 
Catholikes  of  that  Countrey ;  for  obtaining  by  that  meanes 
his  desire  of  peace  and  quietnesse  in  his  Neighbour 
Provinces,  for  his  studie  and  readinesse  towards  the 
propagation  of  Catholike  Religion,  and  lastly  for  the 
furtherance  of  the  common  good  of  Europe ;  hath 
besought  him  to  confer  all  the  Forces  which  God  almightie 
hath  given  him  hereunto,  that  that  Woman  may  bee 
dejected  from  her  degree,  and  that  the  evill  men  and 
hurtfull  to  mankind,  which  adhere  to  her  may  be  punished, 
and  that  Kingdome  may  bee  reduced  to  certaine  refor- 
mation and  quietnesse,  from  which  great  good  and  many 
commodities  to  the  Common-wealth  might  be  to  be 
expected.  Wherefore  that  hee  might  make  knowne  to 
all  the  world  the  Justice  of  this  Cause,  and  the  Subjects 
also  of  that  Kingdome  might  fully  be  satisfied,  likewise 
that  hee  might  denounce  the  just  judgement  of  God 
against  her;    It  hath  seemed  meet  to  his  Holinesse,  with 

460 


THE   BULL   OF   POPE   SIXTUS  ad. 

1588. 

the  Declaratory  Sentence  made  against  this  Woman,  to 

shew  the  cause  also  why  he  had  so  proceeded  against  5/^*' *4" 

her.  which  they  cal 

First,  because  shee  is  an  Heretike  a  and  Schismatike  b  heresie,  so 

and  therefore  excommunicated  of  two  Popes,  his  prede-  worship  wee 

cessors,  contumacious,  disobedient  to  God  and  the  supreme  *J,  °s  °'our 

c  Sea :     Also  shee  tooke  to  her  selfe  with  presumptious  Sleeving  all 

usurpation  supreme  Authoritie  and  Ecclesiasticall  jurisdic-  things  written 

tion  over  the  Soules  d  of  Men,  against  Nature,  Reason,  *«  the  Law, 

against  all  Lawes  Divine  and  Humane ;   and  that  as  well  ~£'        , 

by  vertue  of  the  sentences  given  by  Clement  the  Seventh,  the  J^me  or 

and  Paul  the  Third,  as  of  the  publike  declaration  of  King  rent,  which 

Henry  her  Father.     Thirdly,  because  shee  usurped  the  unjustly 

Kingdome  against  all  right,  not  onely  in  regard  of  the  excommunicate 

impediments  aforesaid,  but  also  against  the  old  Contracts  ^J^flodv 

in  times  past  made  betwixt  the  Sea  Apostolike  and  the  0f  Christ,  as 

Kingdome  of  England  in  the  time  of  Henry  the  Second,  Jo.  9.  Sinite 

when  the  said  Kingdome  reconciled  it  selfe  to  the  Roman  lllos-> ccecl 

Sea,  for  the  murther  of  Saint  Thomas  of  Canturbury.     At  '#•'    •// 

which  time  it  was  agreed  e,  that  none  should  bee  taken  iacrymce. 

for  lawfull  King  of  England  without  consent  of  the  Great  d  With  lie  and 

Bishop ;    which  convention  or  contract  was  after  renewed  a^f  shee 

by  King  John,  and  confirmed  by  Oath.     Which  thing  was  rVe.ctei the 

most  profitable,  and  so  established  by  the  request  of  the  lupreme  ya(i 

Nobilitie  and  People.  to  avoid  from 

For  many  and  grievous  injuries  f,  extorsions,  and  other  appearance  of 

wrongs  perpetrated  by  her  and  by  others,   through  her  thls  emiJ>  and 

permission,   against   the   distressed   innocent   Subjects   of  ^S  iG 

both  Kingdomes.  _  challenge, 

For  seditions  and  rebellions  betwixt  the  Inhabitants  of  onely,  power 

neighbour  Provinces,  raised  against  their  lawful  Mag-is-  over  al1  her 

5  6  5         subjccts,  to 

command  them  to  do  their  duties  iff  execute  their  offices,  excluding  forrain  jurisdiction :  as 
David,  Salomon,  Constantine,  &  her  predecessors  had  done,  exercising  power  over  Priests,  not 
in  the  Priesthood.  e  O  impudency  ?  What  King  of  England  ever  sought  the  Popes  confirma- 
tion :  King  John  by  Papal!  Arts  made  himselfe  tributary,  but  without  and  against  his  subjects 
consent,  as  Ma.  Paris  5ff  R.  Wendover  then  living  testifie  at  large:  that  writing  being 
burnt  and  disclaimed;  the  subjects  also  rebelling  against  the  Author  thereof  f  Quia 
to  turn  telum  non  recepisset:  Shee  wronged  them  much  in  saving  her  throat  from  their 
blades. 

461 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

s  XJnnaturall  trate    and    g  naturall    Prince,    by    which    shee    seduced 

Prince,  whkh  innumerable  Soules  and  many  potent  Regions. 
[IV.  x.  For  entertainment  h  given  to  Fugitive  Heretikes,  and 

9  -J  Rebells,  wicked  and  publike  malefactors,  and  undertaking 

not  content ^  tnejr   protection,    to    the   great   losse   and   detriment   of 

with  inheri-       r*i    •  J"        t%'      -■ 

tance,  would     Christian  Regions. 

have  made  Also  for  sending  to  and  procuring  the  Turke,  that  our 

quest  of  the  mightie  x  and  cruell  Enemy,  to  invade  Christendome  and 
disturbe  k  the  setled  Peace. 

For  the  horrible  and  l  long  persecution  of  the  Saints  of 
God,  for  holy  mBB.  ill  handled,  spoyled,  imprisoned,  and 
divers  torments  and  miserable  tortures  and  slaughters  done 
to  the  members  of  the  holy  and  Catholike  Church. 

For  the  inhumane  and  unjust  inprisonment  and  crueltie* 
lately  exercised  against  the  most  gracious  Princesse,  Mary 
Queene  of  Scotland,  which  had  fled  into  England,  having 
first  n  received  promise  of  securitie,  protection,  and  aide- 

For  abolishing  the  true  Catholike  Religion  °,  the  pro- 
fanation of  holy  Sacraments,  also  of  Monasteries p, 
Temples,  Persons  consecrated  to  the  memory  of  Saints, 
and  all  other  things  which  make  or  may  help  to  eternall 
life. 

And  concerning  Secular  affaires  q  and  the  State  politike, 
for  that  the  ancient  Nobilitie  being  rejected  and  excluded, 
shee  hath  promoted  obscure  and  unworthy  men  to  Civil! 
and  Ecclesiasticall  dignities ;  and  by  this  meanes  hath 
made  a  sale  of  Lawes  and  Rights ;    and  lastly  for  the 

made   to   them;    and   ruled  as  his  predecessors   had  done.     hThe   Pope 


con 

Provinces,  so 
to  swallow  all 
their  privi- 
ledges,  and 
subject  them  to 
forraine 
inquisition  and 
rule:  so 
buying  with 
100.  millions 
of  treasure 
and  the  lives  of 
400000. 
Christians,  the 
losse  of  those 
which  would 
have  bought 
and  sought  to 
be  his  subjects, 
if  hee  would 
have  kept  the 
oathes  which 
the  Pope 
dispensed 
with,    twice 

fesseth  hee  gave  entertainment  to  the  Queenes  Fugitives,  and  for  their  sakes  thus  roared. 
The  Spaniard  entertained  her  Fugitives  and  she  might  not  admit  those  whom  he  would 
not  suffer  to  obey  him  as  his  Ancestors  had  done.  '  A  mighty  13  cruell  forgery  of  his 
Holiness.  k  Who  is  here  the  invader  13  disturber  of  peace?  And  whereto  tends  all  this  but  to 
disanull  peace?  x  Quis  tulerit  Grace hos  de  seditione  querentes?  ™  Boner,  I3 V.  was  ill  handled 
because  they  were  not  so  handled  as  they  had  handled  Cranmer,  Ridley,  13c.  nSee  M. 
Camdens  History,  A.  1568.  13  seq.  where  those  occurrents  are  otherwise  related.  °  Ap.  2.  2. 
Thou  hast  tried  them  that  say  they  are  Apostles  and  are  not  and  hast  found  them  Hers.  p  How 
much  more  did  Hezekiah  13  Josias  in  demolishing  the  meanes  of  superstition,  how  holy  soever  at 
their  first  institution?  So  the  brasen  Serpent,  a  Divine  type  of  Christ  crucified  was 
demolished,  13 c.  qFis  dicam  quid  sis?  magnus  es  ardelio.  Pitie  she  promoted  not  Cardinal 
Allen  or  Father  Parsons,  the  one  to  Lambeth,  the  other  to  Tib.  I  should  say  the  Broad  Seale. 

462 


con- 


THE   BULL   OF   POPE   SIXTUS  a.d. 

1588. 

absolute  tyranny1  which  shee  usurpeth  and  continually  'Whatafahe 
exerciseth,  to  the  great  contempt  of  God,  oppression  of  deliverance 
the  miserable  s  People,  the  losse  of  Soules,  and  destruction  *™m  *  u,    ,. 

c  „  »■     '  '  tyranny  should 

Of  Countries.  we  have  had 

Wherefore  seeing  those  offences  are  of  that  nature  and  by  the  Spanish 
moment,  that  some  make  her  uncapable  of  the  kingdome,  Whips  and 
others  make  her  unworthy  of  life,  his  Holinesse  by  the  ^%?e$Jd 
power  of  Almightie  God,  and  of  Apostolicall  authoritie  indeed  bin 
committed  to  him,  doth  renew  the  sentence  of  his  prede-  miserable,  had 
cessors,   Pius   the  Fifth,   and  Gregory  *   the  Thirteenth,  toe  fake  into 
whereby    the    said    Elizabeth    is    excommunicated    and  the  hands  of 
deprived  of  her  Kingdome.     And  now  by  these  present  p^sicians 
Letters,  the  same  Elizabeth  againe  excommunicateth  and  *The  holinesse 
depriveth    of   all    Royall    Dignitie,    Titles,    Rights    and  of  three  Popes 
pretences  to  the  said  Kingdomes  of  England  and  Ireland  ;  curse  her->  and 

•  ..."  ®  the  hnln  /ind 

declaring   her   illegitimate,   and   a   true   Usurper   of   the   ,,     / 
Kingdomes ;    and  absolving  the  Subjects  of  that  Land,  Trinitie  bless 
and  all  others  from  all  dutie  u  of  Dominion,  Fidelitie  and  her. 
Obedience,  and  from  the  Oath  x  given  to  her  or  to  any  n Dutie  and 
of  her  substitutes.  ^efedtlT' 

Further,    expresly    commanding    under   paine    of    the  yef^e„ied/ 
anger y    of    God    Almightie,    that    none    of   whatsoever  //  not  this 
condition  or  degree,  after  hee  shall  have  notice  hereof ;  babbling? 
doe  presume  to  yeeld  her  any  obedience,  favour,  or  ayde  ^  But  God  will 
whatsoever :    but  that  all  may  imploy  all  their  power  and  zuutiesse  \nat 
indevour,   that  due  punishment  may  be  taken  of  her ;  taketh  his 
that  shee  at  length,  which  hath  separated  her  selfe  by  many  name  in  vaine. 
wayes  from  God  and  his  Church,  seeing  her  selfe  forsaken  y  Yet  this  is 
and  destitute  of  all  worldly  refuge,  may  be  brought  to  teJllUc9m- 
acknowledge  her  fault,  and  to  subject  her  selfe  to  the  promise;  so 
judgement  of  the  most  High,  with  all  submission.  contrary  are 

And  therefore  commands  all  and  every  the  Inhabitants  Gods  blessing 
of  the  said  Kingdomes,  and  all  others,  that  with  all  their  and  thc  Po?es 
power  they  execute  the  premisses,  withdrawing  all  helpe  ^  f  z 
publike    and    private    from    the    said    person    and    her 
adherents :     and   that   as   soone   as   they   shall  be   hereof 
certified,  they  joyne  themselves  to  the  Catholike  Armie, 
led  by  the  Illustrious  and  victorious  Prince  Alexander 

463 


A.D. 
1588. 

2  A  false  Pro 
phet!  for 
neither  did 
England  ever 
prosper  more, 
or  feare  the 
Pope  or 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 


Farnesius,  Duke  of  Parma,  and  Deputie  of  the  Catholike 
King ;  with  all  the  forces  they  can  gather,  that  they  may 
assist  the  said  deprivation  and  punishment  of  the  parties 
aforesaid,  and  the  restitution  of  the  holy  Catholike 
Religion,  declaring  that  all  which  shall  show  themselves 
disobedient z  to  this  Mandate,  shall  not  escape  deserved 

Spaniard  lesse,    punishments. 

or  so  much  love    r    „      .      .  r      ,  . .  ...  , 

or  honour  Her        "e  xt  knowne  Further  to  all  men,  that  it  is  not  the 
or  any  of  her    purpose  of  his  Holinesse,  the  Catholike  King,  or  the  said 
progenitors,  as  Dukes  Highnesse  in  this  Expedition,  to  oppresse  the  said 
*r  MaJe*ey    Kingdomes,  or  thereof  to  make  conquest,  or  to  alter  the 
such  a  "blessed  Lawes,  Priviledges  or  Customes  thereof,  or  to  deprive 
harvest  God     any  man  there,  of  his  libertie  or  life  (except  the  rebellious 
and  contumacious)  or  to  bring  any  change  a,  besides  that 
which  shall  be  judged  fit  by  common  voyces  of  his  Holi- 
nesse,   the   Catholike    Majesty   and   the    States    of    that 
Kingdome,    to    the    restoring    and    continuing    of    the 
Catholike  Religion,  and  the  punishment  of  that  Usurper 
and  her  adherents :    Certifying  and  securing  all,  that  all 
controversies  which  may  happen  by  the  deprivation  of 
that  Woman  (whether  they  shall  arise  about  private  mens 
affaires,  or  about  the  Royall  Succession,  or  betwixt  the 
Clergy  and  Laity,  or  whatsoever  other  discords)  they  shall 
be  all  compounded  and  decided  according  to  the  Lawes, 
Justice,    and    Christian    equitie,    without   any    injury   or 
That  he  must    damage.     Neither  shall  it  onely  bee  provided  conveniently 
make  way        that  the  Catholikes  which  have  suffered  so  many  evills 
howsoever  for    fa  not  Sp0yled,  but  favour  is  also  granted  to  all  others, 
j~j  asfU  «*  which  being:   penitent  shall  submit  themselves  unto  the 

/Ina  weie  not    _,  .    r     _,      o    r  ri        a  a      1       1  1 

[IV.  x.  Chiefe  Commander  or  the  Army.     And  whereas  by  due 

1897.]  information  made,  wee  are  given  to  understand  that  there 

Count Egmond  are  many  innocents,  which  through  ignorance  of  Christian 

an   Count       Faith  having  falne,  have  hitherto  erred  onely  of  ignorance, 

Home  and  , 

others,  Papists,  which  WAlva  executed?  There  were  700.  English  Fugitives  in  Parmas 
Army  for  this  invasion,  Qui  omnium  despicatissime  habiti,  the  baggage  of  the  Armies  estimate : 
nor  was  respect  given  to  Stanly  and  Westmerland,  Traitors  of  note,  Sed  pro  impietate  in 
Patriam  omni  aditu  prohibiti  15  tanquam  pessima  auspicia  merito  non  sine  detestatione  rejecti, 
saith  Camden.  They  were  excluded  all  Councells  of  Warre;  for  men  use  to  love  the 
Treason  and  hate  the  Tray  tor. 

464 


raised  out  of 
this  Cursers 
cursed  seed. 
*The  Duke  of 
Medina 
Generall  of 
this  Fleet  was 
of  another 
mind,  who 
being  told  of 
Catholikes  in 
England 
which  would 
take  his  part, 
l3 V.  answered, 


THE   BULL   OF   POPE   SIXTUS  a.d. 

1588. 

being  neverthelesse  reckoned  amongst  Heretikes :  wee 
purpose  not  at  all  to  punish  such  persons,  but  to  indure 
patiently,  till  by  conference  of  learned  men,  and  good 
sound  counsells,  they  may  be  better  instructed  touching 
the  truth  ;  and  not  shew  themselves  obstinate,  but  desirous 
to  prevent  the  effusion  of  Christian  bloud,  and  destruction 
of  Countries  which  may  be  expected  by  the  resistance  of 
some  wicked  principall  adversaries. 

Therefore  by  these  Presents  wee  declare,  that  it  is  not  MattL  z6. 
onely  lawfull  for  all,  as  well  publike  as  private  persons,   54- 
besides  those  which  have  undertaken  this  Expedition,  to  iscanot 

ZVBtlt  lO  tilE 

lay  hand  on  the  said  Usurper,  and  other  her  adherents,  chiefe  Priests  ■. 

to  take  them  and  deliver  them  to  the  Catholike  side ;  here  the  chiefe 

but  also  this  deed  shall  bee  esteemed  of  us  for  a  faithfull  Priest 

and  singular  service,  and  shall  be  recompenced  with  very  prevents  f^e 

great  rewards,  according  to  the  qualitie  of  the  persons  covenai^ts  for 

taken  or  betrayed.     All  others  also  which  heretofore  have  mre  then  30. 

given  ayde,  or  shall  hereafter  assist  to  the  punishment  of  pieces,  before 

the  evill,   and   the  restitution   of  Catholike  Religion   in  he  be  sollidted 

those  Kingdomes,  shall  receive  their  reward  and  recom-    ul    w.  a  w\ 
&         11  •     t-w-       •  •  1  TT  1     •     you  give  me? 

pence,  increased  by  us  in  Dignities  and  Honours,  as  their  ^  Jewish 

good  and  faithfull  service  to   the  Common-wealth   shall  Priests  were 
desire.     Wherein  as  much  as  may  be,  care  shall  be  had  dul->  compared 
that  reckoning  and  respect  be  holdern  of  the  antient  and  (°    .se, 
honourable  Houses  and  Stockes  of  the  said  Kingdomes. 
Lastly,  free  accesse  and  safe  conduct  by  these  Presents 
is  granted  to  all  men,  which  will  joyne  themselves  to  the 
Catholike  Armie,  and  will  bring  thereto  provision,  furni- 
ture of  warre,  and  other  necessaries ;    full  and  liberall 
satisfaction  is  promised  for  all  things,  which  for  the  service 
and  commoditie  of  the  said  Armie  shall  be  supplied  by 
them.     And  all  are  admonished  and  plainly  commanded, 
that  they  doe  their  utmost  indevour  and  diligence,  that 
by    their    meanes    cause    may    bee    removed    of    using 
force    in     punishing     those     which     shall     neglect     this 
Precept. 

Furthermore  the  *  Holy  Father,  in  his  fatherly  love  *Ho-ly  Fa! 
and   singular  affection   to   this   Expedition,   out   of   the  there' 

XIX  465  2G 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

*Pro  thesauro  Spirituall  Treasure  *  of  the  holy  Church  (which  is  com- 

carbones.  mitted  to  his  custody  and  dispensation)  doth  liberally  grant 

e  *  °?l  *       plenary  Indulgences  and  remission  of  Sins,  to  all  those 

grants  that        r     . .      /  &  J 

liberally  which  which  snail  bring  any  aid  or  favour  to  the  deprivation 

isall-ly.  and  punishing  of  the  said  persons,  and  the  reformation 

of  both  Kingdomes  :    to  wit,  after  due  penance,  Contrition 

and  Confession  had  according  to  the  Lawes  of  God  and 

Men,  and  the  received  custome  amongst  Christians. 

NOw  that  all  might  bee  carried  more  closely,  and  that 
this  Expedition  might  seeme  made  against  the  Low- 
countries,  rather  then  the  English,  a  solemne  meeting 
was  appointed  first  neer  Ostend,  after  at  Bronckburg  in 
Flanders  for  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Queene  of  England- 
Henry  Earle  of  Derby,  the  Lord  Cobham,  Sir  James 
Croft,  D.  Dale,  D.  Rogers  were  sent.  Richardot  plainly 
said  that  he  knew  not  what  might  be  put  in  practise  in 
the  meane  time  against  England.  But  the  Prince  and  he 
being  demanded  if  their  were  any  enterprise  of  invading 
England,  they  utterly  denied  any  thoughts  therof .  Count 
Aremberg,  Campignie,  Richardot,  Maes  &  Gamier  were 
the  Princes  Delegates,  and  professed  that  they  had 
sufficient  Commission  for  treaty  of  peace  First  a  truce  was 
propounded  by  the  English,  and  by  them  denied.  Then 
the  English  required  that  the  ancient  leagues  betwixt  the 
Kings  of  England  and  the  House  of  Burgundy  might  be 
renewed  and  confirmed,  that  the  Low-countrimen  might 
injoy  their  priviledges  and  libertie  of  conscience,  that 
Spaniards  and  forraine  forces  might  be  removed,  that 
neither  they  nor  their  neighbours  should  have  cause  to 
feare ;  and  then  the  Queene  would  redeliver  her  foure 
Cautionary  Townes.  They  whiled  them  with  such 
answere  as  suted  to  their  purposes,  and  long  adoe  was; 
made  in  weaving  and  unweaving  Penelopes  web,  till  the 
Spanish  Armada  was  upon  the  Coast,  and  the  very 
Ordnance  proclaimed  in  their  eares  a  surcease  from  further 
illusions.  Then  did  Parma  dismisse  them,  pulled  off 
his  Visor,  uncasing  the  Fox,  and  truly  appearing  in  the 

466 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

Lions  skin.     But  let  us  now  come  to  take  view  of  this 
Fleet,  and  the  preparations  made  for  it. 

The  King  of  Spaine  having  with  small  fruit,  above 
twenty  yeeres  together  waged  warre  against  the  Nether- 
lands, after  deliberation  with  his  Counsellours  thereabout, 
thought  it  most  convenient  to  assault  them  once  again 
by  Sea,  which  had  bin  attempted  sundry  times  heretofore, 
but  not  with  forces  sufficient.  Unto  the  which  expedition 
it  stood  him  now  in  hand  to  joine  great  puissance,  as 
having  the  English  people  his  professed  enemies ;  whose 
Hand  is  so  situate,  that  it  may  either  greatly  helpe  or 
hinder  all  such  as  saile  into  those  parts.  For  which  cause 
he  thought  good  first  of  all  to  invade  England,  being 
perswaded  by  his  Secretary  Escovedo,  and  by  divers  other 
well  experienced  Spaniards  and  Dutchmen,  and  by  many 
English  fugitives,  that  the  conquest  of  that  Hand  was 
lesse  difficult,  then  the  conquest  of  Holland  and  Zealand. 
Moreover  the  Spaniards  were  of  opinion,  that  it  would 
be  farre  more  behoovefull  for  their  King  to  conquer 
England  and  the  Low  countries  all  at  once,  then  to  bee 
constrained  continually  to  maintaine  a  warlike  Navie  to 
defend  his  East  and  West  Indie  Fleets,  from  the  English 
Drake,  and  from  such  like  valiant  enemies. 

And  for  the  same  purpose  the  King  Catholike,  had 
given  commandement  long  before  in  Italy  &  Spaine,  that 
a  great  quantitie  of  timber  should  be  felled  for  the  building 
of  Ships ;  and  had  besides  made  great  preparation  of 
things  and  furniture  requisite  for  such  an  expedition,  as 
namely  in  sounding  of  brasen  Ordnance,  in  storing  up 
of  corn  and  victuals,  in  training  of  men  to  use  warlike 
weapons,  in  levying  and  mustering  of  Souldiers :  inso- 
much that  about  the  beginning  of  the  yeer  1588.  he  had 
finished  such  a  mightie  Navie,  &  brought  it  into  Lisbon 
Haven,  as  never  the  like  had  before  that  time  sailed  upon 
the  Ocean  Sea. 

A  very  large  and  particular  description  of  this  Navie  [IV.  1. 
was  put  in  print  and  published  by  the   Spaniards,   the  1898.] 

translated  copy  whereof,  in  perpetuam  rei  memoriam,  to 

467 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

incite  English  thankfulnesse,  I  have  here  inserted,  but 
abridged. 

Squadron  of  the  Galeons  of  Portugall. 

THe  Galeon  S.  Martin,  Captain  Generall  of  the  Armie, 
of  1000.  tuns,  carrieth  177.  Mariners,  300.  Souldiers, 
chosen  men,  50.  Peeces  of  Canon,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead, 
Cord,  and  all  that  which  is  needfull. 

The  Galeon  S.  John,  Admirall  Generall,  of  1050.  tuns, 
carrieth  170.  Mariners,  231.  Souldiers,  50.  Peeces  of 
Canons,  and  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Cords,  and  that  which 
is  necessary. 

The  Galeon  of  S.  Marke  is  of  792.  tuns,  and  carrieth 
292.  Souldiers,  117.  Mariners,  and  Powder,  Bullets,  Lead, 
Match,  as  much  as  is  needfull. 

The  Galeon  S.  Philip,  of  800.  tuns,  hath  415.  Souldiers, 
117.  Mariners,  40.  Peeces  of  Artillery,  and  Bullets, 
Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all  that  is  needfull. 

The  Galeon  S.  Lewes  830.  tuns,  hath  376.  men  of 
Warre,  and  116.  Mariners,  40.  Peeces  of  Ordnance,  and 
Bullets,  Match,  Powder,  and  other  things  as  much  as  is 
needfull. 

The  Galeon  of  S.  Mathew  750.  tuns,  177.  men  of 
Warre,  50.  Mariners,  40.  great  Peeces,  and  Powder, 
Bullets,  Lead,  Match,  and  all  other  things  as  much  as  is 
needfull. 

The  Galeon  S.  James  520.  tunnes,  300.  Souldiers,  100. 
Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces,  and  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead, 
Match,  and  all  that  which  is  needfull. 

The  Galeon  of  Florence,  of  961.  tuns,  300.  Souldiers, 
100.  Mariners,  52.  Peeces  of  Ordnance,  and  Bullets,  Powder, 
Lead,  Match,  and  all  the  rest  as  much  as  is  needfull. 

The  Galeon  S.  Christopher,  352.  tuns,  300.  men  of 
Warre,  90.  Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Lead, 
Powder,  Match,  and  all  that  which  they  need. 

The  Galeon  S.  Bernard,  352.  tuns,  hath  280.  Souldiers, 
100.  Mariners,  30.  Canons,  and  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead, 
Match,  and  other  necessary  things  as  much  as  they  need. 

468 


THE   SPANISH  ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

The  Zabra  Augusta,  of  166.  tuns,  carrieth  $$.  Souldiers, 
$5.  Mariners,  13.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead, 
Match,  and  other  necessary  things  as  much  as  they 
need. 

The  Zabra  Julia,  of  166.  tuns,  60.  Souldiers,  50. 
Mariners,  with  Ordnance,  Bullets,  Powder,  and  other 
necessaries. 

There  is  in  this  Squadron,  12.  Vessels,  10.  of  them 
Galeons,  and  two  Zabres,  which  are  of  7737.  tuns,  & 
there  are  imbarked  in  them  3330.  Souldiers  footmen, 
&  1230.  mariners,  which  are  in  sum  4624.  men,  &  they 
carry  350.  great  Peeces,  and  all  that  which  is  necessary 
to  the  rest,  as  bullets,  powder,  match,  lead,  &c. 

THe  Ship  S.  Angell,  the  Captaine  is  of  768.  tuns,  The  Armie  of 
and   hath   323.    men   of  War,    114.    Mariners,    30.  Btscay,°f 
Canons,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all  that  which  Ztfc^rt/'i 
is  needfull.    The  Gangrin,  Admirall  of  1 160.  tuns,  carrieth  jan  Martmes 
300.  Souldiers,  100.  Mariners,  t>6-  great  Peeces  of  Canons,  ofRkalda. 
Bullets,  Powder,  Match,  Lead,  and  all  that  which  is  need- 
full.     The  Vessell   of  S.   James,   660.   tuns,   hath   250. 
Souldiers,     102.    Mariners,    30.    great    Peeces,    Bullets, 
Powder,  Lead,   Match,   and  other  necessary  provisions. 
The  Conception  of  Zubelzu,  468.  tuns,  hath  100.  men 
of  War,  and  70.  Mariners,  20.  great  Canons,  and  Bullets, 
Powder,   Lead,   Match,   and   all   other  necessary   things. 
The  Conception  de  Juanes  del  Cavo,  418.  tuns,  hath  164. 
men  of  Warre,  70.  Mariners,  24.  great  Peeces,  and  Bullets, 
Powder,   Lead,   Match,   and  all   that  which   they  need. 
The  Magdalene  of  John  Frauncis  of  Ayala,  330.  tuns, 
carrieth  200.  Souldiers,  70.  Mariners,  22.  great  Peeces, 
and  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,   Match,   and  that  which  is 
necessary  to  the  rest.     The  Ship  S.  John,  350.  tuns,  hath 
130.  men  of  Warre,  and  80.   Mariners,  and  24.  great 
Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all  that  which 
they  need  for  the  rest.     The  Mary  of  165.  tuns,  carrieth 
180.    Souldiers,   and    100.    Mariners,   24.   great   Peeces, 
Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  other  necessary  things. 

469 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

The  Manuela  of  520.  tuns,  hath  130.  Souldiers,  54. 
Mariners,  16.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match 
and  the  rest  of  their  fraught.  The  Ship  of  S.  Mary  of 
Monte-major,  of  707.  tuns,  220.  Souldiers,  50.  Mariners, 
30.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  and  Match,  and 
other  provisions.  The  Pinnace,  called  the  Marie  of 
Aguiare,  of  70.  tuns,  hath  30.  men  of  War,  23.  Mariners, 
10.  Peeces  of  Canon,  Powder,  Bullets,  Lead,  Match, 
and  other  necessary  things.  The  Pinnace,  called  Isabella, 
of  tuns,  hath  30.  Souldiers,  23.  Mariners,  12.  Canons, 
Bullets,  and  other  necessary  things.  The  Pinnace  of 
Michel  Suso,  of  96.  tuns,  30.  Souldiers,  24.  Mariners, 
12.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all 
other  necessary  things.  The  Pinnace  of  S.  Steven,  of 
78.  tuns,  hath  30.  men  of  Warre,  26.  Mariners,  12.  Peeces 
of  Canon,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all  other 
necessary  things  of  provision. 

There  is  in  this  Squadron,  14.  Ships,  ten  of  them  great, 
and  foure  Pinnaces,  which  are  of  6567.  tuns  of  burden, 
in  which  Ships  bee  imbarked  2037.  Souldiers,  868. 
Mariners,  which  make  in  all  2802.  and  260.  great  Peeces 
of  Canon,  11 9000.  Bullets,  467.  Quintals  of  Powder, 
140  of  Lead,  89.  of  Match. 

The  Armie  of 

the  Gallyes  of  HjipHe   Galeon   S.    Christopher,    Captaine   of   70.    tuns, 

Castilk,  of  the     A    hath  205.  men  of  Warre,  and  120.  Mariners,  and 

which  is  ^Q    great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all 

Jaques  Flores  tnat  which  1S  necessary  to  the  rest.     The  Galeon  S.  John 

de  Valdes.        Baptist,  of  750.  tuns  hath  250.  Souldiers,  140.  Mariners, 

[IV.  x.  30.  great  Peeces,  &  Bullets,  Powder,  lead,  Match,  &  other 

l899-]  necessary  things.     The  Galeon  S.  Peter,  of  530.  tuns, 

130.  men  of  Warre,  140.  Mariners,  and  40.  great  Peeces, 

Bullets,  Powder,  Match,  Lead,  and  all  the  rest  needfull. 

The  Galeon  S.  John,  of  530.  tuns,  170.  Souldiers,  120. 

Mariners,  and  30,  great  Peeces,  Powder,  Bullets,  Lead, 

Match,  and  all  the  rest.     The  Galeon  S.  James  the  great, 

of  530.  tuns,  230.  Souldiers,   132.  Mariners,  30.  great 

Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all  the  rest. 

47° 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

The  Galeon  S.  Philip,  and  S.  James,  of  530.  tuns,  159. 
.Souldiers,  and  116.  Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces,  Bullets, 
Powder,  Match,  Lead,  and  all  that  is  necessary.  The 
Galeon  of  the  Ascension,  of  530.  tuns,  220.  Souldiers, 
114.  Mariners,  and  30.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder, 
Match,  Lead,  and  all  other  necessary  things.  The  Galeon 
of  our  Lady  del  Barrio,  of  130.  tuns,  170.  Souldiers,  108. 
Mariners,  and  30.  Canons,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  and 
all  other  necessary  furniture.  The  Galeon  of  S.  Medel 
and  Celedon,  of  530.  tuns,  170.  Souldiers,  no.  Mariners, 
30.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Match,  Lead,  and  all 
the  rest.  Galeon  S.  Anne  of  the  Port,  of  250.  tuns,  100. 
men  of  Warre,  and  80.  Mariners,  24.  great  Peeces,  Bullets, 
Powder,  Match,  Lead,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Ship  of  our 
Lord  of  Vigonia,  750.  tuns,  190.  men  of  Warre,  and 
130.  Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Match, 
Lead,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Vessell  of  the  Trihitee,  of 
780.  tuns,  200.  Souldiers,  122.  Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces, 
Bullets,  Powder,  Match,  Lead,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Ship 
of  S.  Katherine,  of  862.  tuns,  200.  men  of  Warr,  160. 
Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces,  and  Powder,  Bullets,  Match, 
Lead,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Ship  of  S.  John  Baptist,  of 
652.  tuns,  200.  Souldiers,  30.  Mariners,  30.  Canons, 
Bullets,  Powder,  Match,  Lead,  and  all  the  rest.  The 
Pinnace  of  our  Lord  Rosary,  30,  Souldiers,  25.  Mariners, 
24.  great  Peeces,  Powder,  Bullets,  Lead,  Match,  and  the 
rest  of  their  provision. 

There   are   in   this   Squadron,   fourteene   Galeons   and 
Ships,   and  two  Pinnaces,   which  beare   8714.   tuns.     In   The  Armie  of 
these  Vessells  there  are  imbarked  2458.  Souldiers,  1719.  the  Ships  of 
Mariners,  which  are  in  all,  4177.  and  348.  great  Peeces,  4ndelouzie>of 
Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all  that  which  they  wn  l[t  "  n 

j  J     Liiiptaine  uon 

need.  pedro  de 

Valdes.     This 

THe  Captaine  Ship  of  1550.  tuns,  carrieth  304.  men   Pedr0  de 
of  War,  118.  Mariners,  50.  Canons,  Powder,  Bullets,  Vt*f£  ™£ 
and  the  rest  of  their  provision.     The   Ship   S.   Francis,  pris0^er  in 
the  Admirall  of  915.  tuns,  230.  Souldiers,  60.  Mariners,  England. 

47i 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

30.  Canons,  Powder,  Bullets,  and  the  rest  of  their  pro- 
vision. The  Galeon  S.  John  Baptist,  of  810.  tuns,  250*. 
Souldiers,  and  40.  Mariners,  40.  great  Peeces,  Powder,. 
Bullets,  Match,  Lead,  and  the  rest.  The  Ship  S.  John 
Gargaran,  of  569.  tuns,  170.  men  of  War,  60.  Mariners, 
20.  great  Peeces,  Powder,  Bullets,  Match,  Lead,  and  the. 
rest.  The  Conception  of  862.  tuns,  200.  men  of  War, 
6$.  Mariners,  25.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Match, 
Lead,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Hulke  Duquesa  S.  Anne 
of  900.  tuns,  250.  men  of  War,  and  80.  Mariners,  30.. 
great  Peeces,  Powder,  Bullets,  Match,  Lead,  and  all  the 
rest.  The  Trinitie,  650.  tuns,  200.  men  of  Warre,  80- 
Mariners,  20.  Canons,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and 
the  rest.  The  Ship  S.  Mary  de  Juncar,  of  730.  tuns,  240- 
men  of  War,  80.  Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces,  Bulletsr 
Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Pinnace  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  40.  men  of  War,  33.  Mariners,  10. 
Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match  and  Cord,  and  all 
that  which  they  need. 

There  are  in  this  Squadron  11.  Ships,  10.  great,  and 
a  Pinnace,  of  the  burden  of  8762.  tuns,  in  which  are 
imbarked  2400.  Souldiers,  800.  Mariners,  and  260.  great 
Peeces. 

The  Armle  of  '  |  ^He  Ship  of  S.  Anne,  the  Captaine,  of  1200.  tuns. 

Ships  come         A.    of  burden,  hath  300.  men  of  Warre,  60.  Mariners, 

from  the  ^0#  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  and  all  the  rest. 

Ghouzce  of  ^P  of  our  Lord  of  the  Rose,  Admirall  of  945. 

which  is '        tuns,  230.  Souldiers,  64.  Mariners,  and  30.  great  Peeces, 

Generall         Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,   Match,   and  all  the  rest.     The 

Michell  de       Ship    S.    Savior,    of    958.    tuns,    330.    Souldiers,     50. 

Qquendo.         Mariners,  30.  Canons,  Bullets,  Powder,  Lead,  Match,  and 

the  rest :    The  Ship  of  S.  Steven,  of  936.  tuns,  200.  men 

of  Warre,  70.  Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces,  Bullets,  Powder, 

Lead,  Match,  and  all  the  rest.     The  Ship  of  S.  Marthe 

of  548.  tuns,  180.  men  of  Warre,  70.  Mariners,  25.  great 

Peeces,  bullets,  powder,  and  the  rest.     The  ship  S.  Barbe 

of  525.  tuns,  160.  Souldiers,  ^o.  Mariners,  15.  Canons*, 

472 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 
bullets,  powder,  lead,  match,  and  all  the  rest.  The  ship 
of  S.  Bonaventure,  of  369.  tuns,  170.  Souldiers,  60. 
Mariners,  15.  great  Peeces,  bullets,  powder,  lead,  and 
the  rest.  The  Mary  of  291.  tuns,  120.  Souldiers,  40. 
Mariners,  15.  great  Peeces,  bullets,  powder,  lead,  and 
the  rest.  The  S.  Croix  680.  tuns,  150.  Souldiers,  40. 
Mariners,  20.  great  Peeces,  bullets,  powder,  match,  lead, 
and  the  rest.  The  Hulke  Doucella,  500.  tuns,  160.  men 
of  War,  40.  Mariners,  18.  great  Peeces,  powder,  bullets, 
match,  lead  and  all  the  rest.  The  Patax  of  the  Annuncia- 
tion  of  60.  tuns,  30.  men  of  War,  16.  Mariners,  12.  great 
Peeces,  bullets,  powder,  match,  lead,  and  all  the  rest. 
The  Patax  S.  Bernabe,  is  the  same  burden  as  the  afore- 
named. The  Patax  of  our  Lady  of  Guadaloupe  is  of 
the  same  burden  also.  The  Pinnace  of  Magdelene,  is 
also  the  same  burden. 

There  are  in  this  Squadron,  14.  Ships,  ten  great  Ships, 
two  Pataches,  and  two  Pinnaces,  of  6991.  tuns  of  burden. 
In  which  Vessels,  there  are  imbarked  2092.  men  of  Warre, 
and  670.  Mariners,  all  commeth  2708. 

■ 

THe  Regasona,  the  Captaine,  which  is  of  1294.  tuns,   The  Armie  of 
hath  350.  Souldiers,  90.  Mariners,  3$.  great  Peeces,  the  East,  of  ^ 
powder,  bullets,  lead,  match,  and  all  the  rest :    The  Lama,  ^./zwf  ^ 
the  Admirall,  of  728.  tuns,  210.  Souldiers,  80.  Mariners,  vertendona. 
30.  great  Peeces,  powder,  bullets,  lead,  match,  and  all 
the  rest.     The  Rata  S.  Mary  crowned  of  820.  tuns,  340.  [IV.  x. 
men  of  Warre,  90.  Mariners,  40.  great  Peeces,  powder,  l9°°-]. 

bullets,  match,  lead,  and  the  rest.  The  S.  John  of  Cicile, 
of  880.  tuns,  290.  men  of  Warre,  70.  Mariners,  30. 
Canons,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Trinitie  Valencera,  of  a 
1000.  tuns,  240.  Souldiers,  90.  Mariners,  41.  great  Peeces, 
and  all  the  rest  of  their  furnitures.  The  Annuntiation 
of  730.  tuns,  200.  Souldiers,  90.  Mariners,  30.  great 
Peeces,  and  all  the  rest.  The  S.  Nicholas  Prodaveli  of 
834.  tunnes,  280.  Souldiers,  84.  Mariners,  30.  great 
Peeces,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Juliane  of  780.  tuns,  330. 
Souldiers,  80.  Mariners,  36.  great  Peeces,  and  the  rest. 

473 


A.D. 
1588. 


The  Armie  of 
Hulkes  in  the 
which  is  Cap. 
John  Lopez  of 
Medina. 


Pataches  and 
Sabres, 
wherein  Don 
Antony  of 
Mendoza 
commandeth. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGKIMES 

The  Mary  Pison  of  666.  tuns,  250.  Souldiers,  80. 
Mariners,  22.  great  Peeces,  and  the  rest  of  their  need. 
The  Trinitie  Escala  of  900.  tunnes,  302.  Souldiers,  25. 
great  Peeces,  and  all  the  rest  of  their  furniture. 

In  which  Squadron  there  are  ten  Ships  which  are  of 
7705.  tuns  of  burthen,  and  there  are  imbarked  in  them 
2880.  Souldiers,  807.  Mariners,  310.  great  Peeces,  with 
the  rest  of  that  they  have. 

THe  great  Grison,  the  Captaine,  of  650.  tuns,  250. 
Souldiers,  60.  Mariners,  40.  great  Peeces,  and  the 
rest.  The  S.  Savior  the  Admirall  of  650.  tuns,  230. 
Souldiers,  60.  Mariners,  30.  great  Peeces  and  the  rest  of 
their  provision.  The  Sea  Dog,  of  200.  tuns,  80.  Souldiers, 
30.  Mariners,  10.  great  Peeces,  and  the  rest.  The  White 
Faulcon  the  great,  of  500.  tuns,  160.  men  of  Warre,  40. 
Mariners,  18.  great  Peeces,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Blacke 
Castle  of  750.  tuns,  250.  Souldiers,  50.  Mariners,  25. 
great  Peeces,  and  all  the  rest.  The  Barke  of  Amburg, 
of  600.  tuns,  250.  men  of  War,  50.  Mariners,  25.  Canons, 
and  the  rest.  The  House  of  peace  the  great,  of  the  same 
burthen.  The  S.  Peter  the  great  of  the  same  burthen 
also.  The  Sampson,  and  Peter  the  small,  doe  beare  the 
same.  The  Barke  of  Auzique,  of  450.  tuns,  210. 
Souldiers,  50.  Mariners,  26.  great  Peeces,  and  the  rest 
of  their  provision.  The  Falcon,  the  meane  White,  of 
300.  tuns,  80.  men  of  War,  30.  Mariners,  18.  great 
Peeces,  and  all  the  rest.  The  S.  Andrew  of  400.  tuns, 
160.  Souldiers,  40.  Mariners,  15.  great  Peeces,  and  the 
rest  of  their  provision.  The  Little  house  of  peace,  of 
350.  tuns,  160.  Souldiers,  40.  Mariners,  15.  great  Peeces, 
and  the  rest  of  their  provision.  The  Flying  Raven  of 
400.  tuns,  210.  Souldiers,  40.  Mariners,  18.  great  Peeces, 
and  the  rest  of  their  furniture. 

THe  White  Dove,  of  250.  tuns,   60.  Souldiers,  30. 
Mariners,    12.    great   Peeces,    and    the    rest.      The 
Adventure,   S.   Barbe   fraughted   of   the   same.     The   S. 

474 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

James  600.  tuns,  60.  Souldiers,  40.  Mariners,  19.  great 
Peeces,  and  all  the  rest.  S.  Gabriel  of  the  Port,  of 
280.  tuns,  50.  Souldiers,  25.  Mariners,  9.  great  Peeces, 
and  the  rest  of  their  furniture.  The  Esay  is  fraughted  of 
the  same. 

There  are  in  this  Squadron  23.  Hulkes,  which  are  of 
1027 1.  tuns,  in  the  which  are  imbarked  3221.  men  of 
Warre,  708.  Mariners,  410.  great  peeces,  and  their 
necessary  provision. 

The  Captaine  of  our  Lord  of  Pilier  of  Zaragosse  of 
300.  tunnes,  120.  Souldiers,  50.  Mariners,  12.  great 
Peeces,  and  their  furniture.  The  English  Charity,  of 
180.  tuns,  80.  Souldiers,  36.  Mariners,  12.  great  Peeces, 
and  the  rest.  The  Scottish  S.  Andrew  of  150.  tuns,  51. 
Souldiers,  30.  Mariners,  12.  great  Peeces,  and  their 
furniture.  The  Patache  of  the  Crucifix,  150.  tuns,  50. 
Souldiers,  30.  Mariners,  8.  great  Peeces,  and  their  furni- 
ture. Our  Lord  of  the  Haven  fraught  alike.  The 
Conception  of  Carassa,  and  our  Lord  of  Begova,  and  the 
Conception  de  Capitillo,  and  S.  Hioros.  being  of  the 
burthen  of  60.  or  70.  tuns,  50.  Souldiers,  30.  Mariners, 
8.  great  Peeces,  a  Peece,  and  their  furniture.  Our  Lady 
of  grace,  the  Conception  of  Frauncys  Lastero,  our  Lady 
of  Guadalupe,  S.  Frauncys,  the  JHoly  Spirit,  our  Lady 
of  Frenesda,  all  fraughted  alike.  The  Zabra  of  the 
Trinitie,  the  Zabra  of  our  Lady  Castre,  S.  Andrew,  the 
Conception  of  Zomartiba,  S.  Clere,  S.  John  of  Carassa, 
and  the  Assumption,  all  fraughted  alike. 

There  are  in  this  Squadron  22.  Pataches  and  Zabres, 
which  are  of  the  burthen  of  1 1 3 1 .  tuns,  in  the  which  there 
are  imbarked  479.  Souldiers,  574.  Mariners,  and  there  is 
193.  great  Peeces,  and  all  their  furniture. 

The  four e 

THe  Galeace  the  Captaine  called  S.  Lawrence,  hath  Gakaces  of 

270.    Souldiers,    130.    Mariners,    300.    Slaves,  50.  Naples,  which 

Peeces    of   Canon,    and    their   furniture.      The    Galeace  ar* gwe  X1L 

Patrone,  180.  Souldiers,  112.  Mariners,  300.  Slaves,  50.  jjgo  de 

great  Peeces,  and  their  furniture.     The  Galeace  Girone,  Moncada. 

475 


ad.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

170.  Souldiers,  120.  Mariners,  300.  Slaves,  50.  great 
Peeces.  The  Galeace  Neapolitaine  124.  Souldiers,  115.. 
Mariners,  300.  Slaves,  50.  great  Peeces,  and  the  rest  of 
their  necessary  fraught. 

There  are  in  these  foure  Galeaces  873.  Souldiers,  468.. 
Mariners,  200.  great  Peeces,  1200.  Slaves,  and  the  rest 
of  their  furniture. 

The  Gaily  Captaine,  no.  Souldiers,  106.  Mariners, 
306.  Slaves,  and  fiftie  great  Peeces,  and  other  necessaries.. 
The  Gaily  Princesse,  the  Gaily  Diana,  the  Gaily  Vacava, 
are  the  like. 

In  the  above  named  Galeaces,  there  are  1200.  Slaves,, 
and  in  the  foure  gallies,  888.  which  is  in  all  2088.  More- 
over, they  carry  powder  for  their  need,  if  it  be  offered, 
to  doe  battery,  600.  Quintals. 

So  that  there  are  in  the  said  Army  130.  Ships  of  57868. 
tuns,  19295.  Souldiers,  and  8450.  Mariners,  2088.. 
Slaves,  and  2630.  great  Peeces  of  Brasse  of  all  sorts, 
among  which  there  are  Colevrines,  and  demy  Colevrines, 
and  Canons  to  the  Stone,  and  other  necessaries  for  their 
fraught. 

In  the  Booke  follow  the  names  of  the  Adventurers,, 
also  of  such  as  in  the  Army  were  entertained  for  pay ; 
such  also  as  were  imbarked  for  the  service  of  the  Canon,, 
for  the  Hospitall,  the  Regiments,  and  Companies  in  pay, 
the  Officers,  &c.  which  for  brevitie  I  omit. 
[IV.  x.  ^  The  Galeons  were  sixtie  foure  in  number,  being  of  an 
I9OI-j  huge  bignesse,  and  verie  stately  built,  being  of  marveilous 
afthe'clabimt  f°rce  ^s°)  and  so  high,  that  they  resembled  great  Castles, 
most  fit  to  defend  themselves  and  to  withstand  any  assault, 
but  in  giving  any  other  Ships  the  encounter  farre  inferiour 
unto  the  English  and  Dutch  Ships,  which  can  with  great 
dexteritie  weild  &  turne  themselves  at  all  assaies.  The 
upper  worke  of  the  said  Galeons  was  of  thicknesse  and1 
strength  sufficient  to  beare  off  Musket-shot.  The  lower 
worke  and  the  timbers  thereof  were  out  of  measure  strong, 
being  framed  for  plankes  and  ribs  foure  or  five  foot  in 
thicknesse,  insomuch  that  no  bullets  could  pierce  them*, 

476 


of  the  Galeons. 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

but  such  as  were  discharged  hard  at  hand  :  which  afterward 

proved  true,  for  a  great  number  of  bullets  were  found 

to  sticke  fast  within  the  massie  substance  of  those  thicke 

plankes.      Great  and  well  pitched   Cables   were   twined 

about  the  masts  of  their  Ships,  to  strengthen  them  against 

the  battery  of  shot. 

The  Galliasses  were  of  such  bignesse,  that  they  con-  A  description 
tained  within  them  Chambers,  Chappels,  Turrets,  Pulpits,  °fthe 
and  other  commodities  of  great  houses.     The  Galliasses  Gallmsses- 
were  rowed  with  great  Oares,  there  being  in  each  of  them 
300.  slaves  for  the  same  purpose,  and  were  able  to  doe 
great  service  with  the  force  of  their  Ordnance.     All  these 
together  with  the  residue  aforenamed  were  furnished  and 
beautified   with   Trumpets,    Streamers,    Banners,   warlike 
Jlnsignes,  and  other  such  like  ornaments. 

Their  Pieces  of  Brasen  Ordnance  were  1600.  and  of  The  great 
Iron    1000.     The  Bullets   thereto   belonging  were    120.  Ordnance, 
thousand.     Item    of    Gunpowder    5600.    quintals.     Of  ^f ^r  ^S" 
Match  1200.  quintals.     Of  Muskets  and  Kaleivers  7000.  ot^er  ' 
Of  Halberts  and  Partisans  10000.     Moreover,  they  had  furniture. 
great  store  of  Canons,  double  Canons,  Culverings  and 
field-pieces  for  land  service. 

Likewise    they    were    provided    of    all    instruments  Their  provi- 

necessary    on    Land    to    conveigh    and    transport    their  "°n  of  victuals 

furniture    from    place    to    place;     as    namely    of    Carts,   ^oterttngs 

l  r  '  j  '   necessary. 

Wheeles,  Wagons,  &c.  Also  they  had  Spades,  Mattocks 
and  Baskets  to  set  pioners  on  worke.  They  had  in  like 
sort  great  store  of  Mules  and  Horses,  and  whatsoever  else 
was  requisite  for  a  Land-armie.  They  were  so  well  stored 
of  Biscuit,  that  for  the  space  of  halfe  a  yeere,  they  might 
allow  each  person  in  the  whole  Fleete  halfe  a  quintall  every 
moneth :  whereof  the  whole  summe  amounteth  unto  an 
hundreth  thousand  quintals. 

Likewise  of  Wine  they  had  147.  thousand  Pipes, 
sufficient  also  for  halfe  a  yeeres  expedition.  Of  Bacon 
6500.  quintals.  Of  Cheese  three  thousand  quintals. 
Besides  Fish,  Rice,  Beanes,  Pease,  Oyle,  Vinegar,  &c. 

Moreover,  they  had  12000.  Pipes  of  fresh  water,  and 

477 


A.D. 

1588. 


3  2000. 
persons  in  the 
Navie. 

A  Spanish 
terzce  con- 
sisted of 
3200. 
souldiers. 


Baggage  of  the 
Armada. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

all  other  necessarie  provision ;  as  namely  Candles,, 
Lanternes,  Lampes,  Sailes,  Hempe,  Oxe-hides  and  Lead 
to  stop  holes  that  should  be  made  with  the  batterie  of 
Gunshot.  To  be  short,  they  brought  all  things  expedient 
either  for  a  Fleete  by  Sea,  or  for  an  Armie  by  land. 

This  Navie  (as  Diego  Pimentelli  afterward  confessed) 
was  esteemed  by  the  King  himselfe  to  containe  32000. 
persons,  and  to  cost  him  every  day  30.  thousand  Ducates. 

There  were  in  the  said  Navie  five  Terzaes  of  Spaniards; 
(which  Terzaes  the  Frenchmen  call  Regiments)  under  the 
command  of  five  Governours,  tearmed  by  the  Spaniards 
Masters  of  the  field,  and  amongst  the  rest  there  were 
many  old  and  expert  Souldiers  chosen  out  of  the  Garrisons 
of  Sicilie,  Naples,  and  Tercera.  Their  Captaines  or 
Colonels  were  Diego  Pimentelli,  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo,. 
Don  Alonzo  de  Lucon,  Don  Nicolas  de  Isla,  Don 
Augustin  de  Mexia :  who  had  each  of  them  two  and 
thirty  Companies  under  their  conduct.  Besides  the  which 
Companies  there  were  many  bands  also  of  Castilians  and 
Portugals,  every  one  of  which  had  their  peculiar 
Governours,  Captaines,  Officers,  Colours  and  weapons. 

It  was  not  lawfull  for  any  man,  under  grievous  penaltie, 
to  carry  any  woman  or  harlots  in  the  Fleete :  for  which 
cause  the  women  hired  certaine  Ships,  wherein  they  sailed 
after  the  Navie :  some  of  the  which  being  driven  by 
tempest  arrived  upon  the  coast  of  France. 

The  Generall  of  this  mightie  Navie,  was  Don  Alonso 
Perez  de  Guzman  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  Lord  of  S. 
Lucar,  and  Knight  of  the  golden  Fleece  :  by  reason  that  the 
Marquesse  of  Santa  Cruz  appointed  for  the  same  dignity* 
deceased  before  the  time. 

John  Martines  de  Ricalde  was  Admirall  of  the  Fleete. 

Francis  Bovadilla  was  chiefe  Marshall :  who  all  of  them 
had  their  officers  fit  and  requisite  for  the  guiding  and 
managing  of  such  a  multitude.  Likewise  Martin  Alorcon 
was  appointed  Vicar  generall  of  the  Inquisition,  being 
accompanied  with  more  then  a  hundreth  Monkes,  to  wit, 
Jesuites,    Capuchines,    and    Friers    Mendicant.     Besides 

478 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

whom  also  there  were  Phisitians,  Chirurgians,  Apothe- 
caries, and  whatsoever  else  pertained  unto  the  Hospitall. 

Over  and  besides  the  forenamed  Governours  and 
Officers,  being  men  of  chiefe  note,  there  were  124.  very 
noble  and  worthy  Gentlemen,  which  went  voluntarily  of 
their  owne  costs  and  charges,  to  the  end  they  might  see 
fashions,  learne  experience,  and  attaine  unto  glory. 
Amongst  whom  was  the  Prince  of  Ascoli,  Alonzo  de 
Leiva,  the  Marquesse  de  Pennafiel,  the  Marquesse  de 
Ganes,  the  Marquesse  de  Barlango,  Count  de  Paredes, 
Count  de  Yelvas,  and  divers  other  Marqueses  and  Earles 
of  the  honorable  families  of  Mendoza,  of  Toledo,  of 
Pachieco,  of  Cordono,  of  Guzman,  of  Manriques,  and 
a  great  number  of  others. 

I  have  by  me  the  Dukes  Orders  for  the  whole  Navie,  [IV.  x. 
during    this    Voyage,    made    aboord    the    Gallion    Saint  1902.] 

Martin,  May  28.  the  beginning  whereof  I   have   added, 
the  whole  would  be  too  long. 

Don  Alonso  Peres  de  Gusman,  the  good  Duke  of 
Medina  Sidonia,  Countie  of  Nebla,  Marquesse 
of  Casheshe  in  Africa,  Lord  of  the  Citie  Saint 
Lucar,  Captaine  Generall  of  the  Occian  Sea,  of 
the  Coast  of  Andaluzia,  and  of  this  Armie  of 
his  Majestie,  and  Knight  of  the  honorable 
Order  of  the  golden  Fleece. 

I  Doe  ordaine  and  command,  that  the  generall  Masters 
of  the  field,  all  Captaines  of  the  Sea,  Pilats,  Masters, 
Souldiers,  Mariners,  and  Officers,  and  whatsoever  other 
people  for  the  Land  or  Sea  service  commeth  in  this  Armie, 
all  the  time  that  it  indureth,  shall  be  thus  governed,  as 
hereafter  followeth,  viz. 

First,  and  before  all  things,  it  is  to  be  understood  by  The  cause  of 
all  the  above  named  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest :  that  the  Journey. 
the  principall  foundation  and  cause  that  hath  moved  the 
King  his  Majestie  to  make  and  continue  this  journie,  hath 
beene,  and  is,   to   serve  God,   and  to  returne  unto   his 

479 


A.D. 
1588. 


Their  Shrift. 


For  avoiding 
blasphemy  and 
raging  oathes, 
and  others. 


Debarring 
play. 


The  prepara- 
tion of  the 
Duke  of 
Parma  to  aide 
the  Spaniards. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

Church  a  great  many  of  contrite  soules  that  are  oppressed 
by  the  Heretikes,  enemies  of  our  holy  Catholike  faith, 
which  have  them  subjects  to  their  sects  and  unhappinesse : 
and  for  that  every  one,  may  put  his  eyes  upon  this  marke, 
as  we  are  bound,  I  doe  command  and  much  desire  every 
one,  to  give  charge  unto  the  inferiors  and  those  under 
their  charge  to  imbarke  themselves,  being  shriven,  and 
having  received  the  Sacrament  with  competent  and  contri- 
tion for  their  sinnes ;  by  the  which  contrition  and  zeale 
to  doe  God  such  great  service,  he  will  carry  and  guide 
us  to  his  great  glory ;  which  is,  that  which  particularly 
and  principally  is  pretended. 

In  like  manner,  I  doe  charge  and  command  you,  to 
have  particular  care,  that  no  Soldier,  Marriner,  or  other, 
that  serveth  in  this  Armie,  doe  blaspheme,  or  rage  against 
God,  or  our  Lady,  or  any  of  the  Saints,  upon  paine  that  he 
shall  therefore  sharply  be  corrected,  and  very  well 
chastened,  as  it  shall  seeme  best  unto  us :  and  for  other 
oathes  of  lesse  qualitie,  the  Governours  in  the  same  Ships 
they  goe  in,  shall  procure  to  remedy  all :  they  shall  punish 
them  in  taking  away  their  allowance  of  Wine,  or  otherwise 
as  they  shall  thinke  good.  And  for  that  the  most  occasions 
come  by  play,  you  shall  publikly  prohibit  it,  especially  the 
games  that  are  forbidden :  and  that  none  doe  play  in  the 
night  by  no  meanes. 

Articles  follow  to  suppresse  quarrels,  to  avoid  disgracing 
any  man,  and  all  occasions  of  scandall,  forbidding  carriage 
of  common  women ;  with  other  orders  for  watchwords, 
attendance  on  the  Admirall,  for  fire  and  wilde-fire,  and 
lights,  armours,  shot,  powder,  match,  and  other  necessary 
instructions,  too  long  to  be  here  particularised :  that  in 
the  height  of  humaine  policie,  and  religious  hypocrisie, 
the  hand  of  God  in  Englands  preservation  may  be  made 
evident. 

While  the  Spaniards  were  furnishing  this  their  Navie, 
the  Duke  of  Parma,  at  the  direction  of  King  Philip,  made 
great  preparation  in  the  low  Countries,  to  give  aide  and 
assistance  unto  the  Spaniards,  building  Ships  for  the  same 

480 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  ad. 

1588. 

purpose,  and  sending  for  Pilots  and  Ship-wrights  out  of 
Italy.  In  Flanders  he  caused  certaine  deepe  channels  to 
be  made,  and  among  the  rest,  the  channell  of  Yper, 
commonly  called  Yper-lee,  employing  some  thousands  of 
workemen  about  that  service :  to  the  end  that  by  the  said 
Cannell  he  might  transport  Ships  from  Antwerp  and 
Ghendt  to  Bruges  where  he  had  assembled  above  a 
hundreth  small  Ships,  called  Hoyes,  being  well  stored  with 
victuals,  which  Hoyes  he  was  determined  to  have  brought 
into  the  Sea  by  the  way  of  Sluys,  or  else  to  have  conveied 
them  by  the  said  Yper-lee,  being  now  of  greater  depth, 
into  any  port  of  Flanders  whatsoever. 

In  the  River  of  Waten,  he  caused  70.  Ships  with  flat 
bottomes  to  be  built,  every  one  of  which  should  serve  to 
carry  30.  horses,  having  each  of  them  Bridges  likewise 
for  the  Horses  to  come  on  boord,  or  to  goe  forth  on 
land.  Of  the  same  fashion  he  had  provided  200.  other 
vessels  at  Neiuport,  but  not  so  great.  And  at  Dunkerk 
he  procured  28.  Ships  of  warre,  such  as  were  there  to  be 
had,  and  caused  a  sufficient  number  of  Mariners  to  be 
levied  at  Hamburg,  Breme,  Emden,  and  at  other  places. 
He  put  in  the  ballast  of  the  said  Ships,  great  store  of 
beames  of  thicke  plankes,  being  hollow  and  beset  with 
Iron  pikes  beneath,  but  on  each  side  full  of  claspes  and 
hookes,  to  joyne  them  together. 

He  had  likewise  at  Graveling  provided  20.  thousand 
of  caske,  which  in  a  short  space  might  be  compact  and 
joyned  together  with  nailes  and  cords,  and  reduced  into 
the  forme  of  a  Bridge.  To  be  short,  whatsoever  things 
were  requisite  for  the  making  of  Bridges,  and  for  the 
barring  &  stopping  up  of  Havens  mouthes  with  stakes, 
posts,  and  other  meanes,  he  commanded  to  be  made  ready. 
Moreover,  not  far  from  Neiuport  haven,  he  had  caused  a 
great  pile  of  wooden  fagots  to  be  laid,  and  other  furniture 
to  be  brought  for  the  rearing  up  of  a  Mount.  The  most 
part  of  his  Ships  contained  two  Ovens  a  peece  to  bake 
Bread  in,  with  a  great  number  of  saddles,  bridles,  and  [iv.  x. 
such  other  like  apparell  for  Horses.     They  had  Horses  1903-] 

XTX  481  2H 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

unto  their  intelligence  out  of  Spaine,  made  preparation  to 
defend  themselves :  but  because  the  Spanish  ships  were 
described  unto  them  to  be  so  huge,  they  relied  partly 
upon  the  shallow  and  dangerous  Seas  all  along  their  coasts. 
Wherefore  they  stood  most  in  doubt  of  the  Duke  of 
Parma,  his  small  and  flat-bottomed  ships.  Howbeit  they 
had  all  their  ships  of  warre  to  the  number  of  nintie  and 
above,  in  a  readinesse  for  all  assayes :  the  greater  part 
whereof  were  of  a  small  burthen,  as  being  more  meete  to 
saile  upon  their  Rivers  and  shallow  Seas :  and  with  these 
ships  they  besieged  all  the  havens  in  Flanders,  beginning 
at  the  mouth  of  Scheld,  or  from  the  towne  of  Lillo,  and 
holding  on  to  Greveling,  and  almost  unto  Caleis,  and 
fortified  all  their  Sea-townes  with  strong  garrisons. 

Against  the  Spanish  fleets  arrivall,  they  had  provided 
five  and  twenty  or  thirty  good  ships,  committing  the 
government  of  them  unto  Admirall  Lonck,  whom  they 
commanded  to  joine  himselfe  unto  the  Lord  Henry 
Seymer,  lying  betweene  Dover  and  Cales.  And  when 
as  the  foresaid  ships  (whereof  the  greater  part  besieged 
the  haven  of  Dunkerke)  were  driven  by  tempest  into 
Zeland,  Justin  of  Nassau  the  Admirall  of  Zeland  supplied 
that  squadron  with  five  and  thirty  ships,  being  of  no 
great  burthen,  but  excellently  furnished  with  Guns, 
Mariners  and  Souldiers  in  great  abundance,  &  especially 
with  1200  brave  Musquetiers,  having  beene  accustomed 
unto  Sea-fights,  and  being  chosen  out  of  all  their  company 
for  the  same  purpose :  and  so  the  said  Justin  of  Nassau 
kept  such  diligent  ward  in  the  Station,  that  the  Duke  of 
Parma  could  not  issue  forth  with  his  Navie  into  Sea  out 
of  any  part  of  Flanders. 

In  the  meane  while  the  Spanish  Armada  set  saile  out 

[IV.  x.  of  the  haven  of  Lisbon  upon  the  19.  of  May,  An.  Dom. 

1904.]   1  ^88.  under  the  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia, 

he  Spams       directing:  their  course  for  the  Bay  of  Corunna,  alias  the 
fieete  set  saile     „.&„„..  ,  ,  I     1       •  u-  j 

upon  the  19  of  Groine  in  Gallicia,  where  they  tooke  in  souldiers,  and 

May.  warlike  provision,  this  port  being  in  Spaine  the  neerest 

unto  England.     As  they  were  sailing  along,  there  arose 

484 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

such  a  mighty  tempest,  that  the  whole  Fleet  was  dispersed,  O  multum 
so  that  when  the  Duke  was  returned  unto  his  company,  dikctaDeo, 
he  could  not  escry  above  eighty  ships  in  all,  whereunto    l  ^    co^_ 
the  residue  by  little  and  little  joyned  themselves,  except  jUrati  veniunt 
eight  which  had  their  Masts  blowne  over-boord.     One  ad  classica 
of  the  foure  Gallies  of  Portingall  escaped  very  hardly,  venti  &c- 
retiring  her  selfe  into  the  haven.     The  other  three  were 
upon  the  coast  of  Baion  in  France,  by  the  assistance  and 
courage  of  one  David  Gwin,  an  English  Captive  (whom  Guins  valour. 
the  French  and  Turkish  slaves  aided  in  the  same  enter- 
prise) utterly  disabled  and  vanquished :   one  of  the  three 
being  first  overcome,  which  conquered  the  two  other,  with 
the  slaughter  of  their  Governour  and  souldiers,  and  among 
the  rest  of  Don  Diego  de  Mandrana,  with  sundry  others : 
and   so   those   slaves  arrived   in  France   with   the   three 
Gallies,  set  themselves  at  libertie. 

The  Navie  having  refreshed  themselves  at  the  Groine,  They  set  satl£ 

and  receiving  daily  commandement  from  the  Kino:  to  hasten  J~m. t  e 
...  .0    .     /   '  -  ..         ,  .  -&,    .  ,    Groine  upon 

their  journie,  hoised  up  sailes  the  11.  day  or  July,  and  tne  xx.  of 
so  holding  on  their  course  till  the  19.  of  the  same  moneth,  July. 
they  came  then  unto  the  mouth  of  the  narrow  Seas  or  The  Spaniards 
English  channell.     From  whence  (striking  their  sailes  in  c°me \mt/u* 
the  meane  season)  they  dispatched  certain  of  their  small  ^mland 
ships  unto  the  Duke  of  Parma.     At  the  same  time  the 
Spanish    Fleete    was    escried    by    an    English    Pinnace, 
Captaine  whereof  was  Master  Thomas  Fleming,  after  they  Cap.  Fleming. 
had  beene  advertised  of  the  Spaniards  expedition  by  their 
scoutes  and  espials,  which  having  ranged  along  the  coast 
of  Spaine,  were  lately  returned  home  into  Plimmoth  for 
a  new  supply  of  victuals  and  other  necessaries,  who  con- 
sidering the  foresaid  tempest,  were  of  opinion  that  the 
Navie  being  of  late  dispersed  and  tossed  up  and  downe 
the  maine  Ocean,  was  by  no  meanes  able  to  performe 
their   intended   Voyage.     Moreover,    the   Lord    Charles 
Howard,  Lord  high  Admirall  of  England,  had  received 
Letters  from  the  Court,   signifying  unto  him,   that  her 
Majesty  was  advertised  that  the  Spanish  Fleete  would 
not  come  forth,  nor  was  to  be  any  longer  expected  for,  and 

485 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

therefore,   that  upon  her  Majesties  commandement  hee 
must  send  backe  foure  of  her  tallest  and  strongest  Ships 
unto  Chattam. 
TJj  L  ^e  ^orc^  ^igh  Admirall  of  England  being  thus  on  the 

shortZlming  sudden,_  namely  upon  the  19.  of  July  about  foure  of  the 
upon  the  19.  clocke  in  the  afternoone,  enformed  by  the  Pinnace  of 
of  July.  Captaine  Fleming  aforesaid,  of  the  Spaniards  approach, 

with  all  speede  and  diligence  possible  hee  warped  his 
Ships,  and  caused  his  Mariners  and  Souldiers  (the  greater 
part  of  whom  was  absent  for  the  cause  aforesaid)  to  come 
on  boord,  and  that  with  great  trouble  and  dimcultie, 
insomuch  that  the  Lord  Admirall  himselfe  was  faine  to 
lie  without  in  the  road  with  six  Ships  onely  all  that  night, 
after  the  which  many  others  came  forth  of  the  haven. 
The  20.  of  The  very  next  day,  being  the  20.  of  July  about  high 
9'  noone,   was   the   Spanish   Fleet   escried   by   the   English, 

which  with  a  South-west  winde  came  sailing  along,  and 
Gods  great  passed  by  Plimmouth  ;  in  which  regard  (according  to  the 
f"ercJ  t0  judgement  of  many  skilfull  Navigators)  they  greatly  over- 

had  notFkm-  snot  themselves,  whereas  it  had  beene  more  commodious 
ming  brought  for  them  to  have  staied  themselves  there,  considering  that 
word,  the  the  Englishmen  being  as  yet  unprovided,  greatly  relied 
^uee"e[  ,  upon  their  owne  forces,  and  knew  not  the  estate  of  the 
easih  beene  Spanish  Navie.  Moreover,  this  was  the  most  convenient 
oppressed:  nor  Port  of  all  others,  where  they  might  with  greater  security 
could  it  so  soon  have  beene  advertised  of  the  English  forces,  and  how 
be  ready,  had  ^e  commons  of  the  land  stood  affected,  and  might  have 
*then  token  *  stirred  UP  some  mutinie,  so  that  hither  they  should  have 
their  oppor-  Dent  an  their  puissance,  and  from  hence  the  Duke  of 
tunitie.  Parma  might  more  easily  have  conveied  his  Ships.     But 

this  they  were  prohibited  to  doe  by  the  King  and  his 
Counsel!,  and  were  expresly  commanded  to  unite  them- 
selves unto  the  souldiers  and  ships  of  the  said  Duke  of 
Parma,  and  so  to  bring  their  purpose  to  effect.  Which 
was  thought  to  be  the  most  easie  and  direct  course,  for 
that  they  imagined  that  the  English  and  Dutch  men  would 
be  utterly  daunted  and  dismaied  thereat,  and  would  each 
man  of  them  retire  unto  his  owne  Province  or  Port  for 

486 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 
the  defence  thereof,  and  transporting  the  Armie  of  the 

Duke  under  the  protection  of  their  huge  Navie,  they 
might  invade  England.  It  is  reported  that  the  chiefe 
commanders  in  the  Navy,  and  those  which  were  more 
skilfull  in  navigation,  to  wit,  John  Martines  de  Ricalde, 
Diego  Flores  de  Valdez,  and  divers  others,  found  fault 
that  they  were  bound  unto  so  strict  directions  and  instruc- 
tions, because  that  in  such  a  case  many  particular  accidents 
ought  to  concurre  and  to  be  respected  at  one  and  the  same 
instant,  that  is  to  say,  the  opportunitie  of  the  winde, 
weather,  time,  tide,  and  ebbe,  wherein  they  might  saile 
from  Flanders  to  England,  Oftentimes  also  the  darknesse 
and  light,  the  situation  of  places,  the  depths  and  shoalds 
were  to  be  considered  :  all  which  especially  depended  upon 
the  conveniency  of  the  windes,  and  were  by  so  much  the 
more  dangerous.  But  it  seemed  that  they  were  enjoyned 
by  their  Commission  to  ancre  neere  unto,  or  about  Caleis, 
whither  the  Duke  of  Parma  with  his  ships  and  all  his 
warlike  provision  was  to  resort,  and  while  the  English 
and  Spanish  great  ships  were  in  the  midst  of  their  conflict, 
to  passe  by,  and  to  land  his  souldiers  upon  the  Downes. 
The  Spanish  Captives  reported  that  they  were  determined 
first  to  have  entred  the  River  of  Thames,  &  thereupon  to 
have  passed  with  small  ships  up  to  London,  supposing  that 
they  might  easily  win  that  rich  and  flourishing  Citie,  being 
but  meanely  fortified  and  inhabited  with  Citizens  not 
accustomed  to  the  wars,  who  durst  not  withstand  their  [IV.  x. 
first   encounter,   hoping  moreover   to   finde   many  rebels  I9°S-] 

against  her  Majestie,  and  Popish  Catholikes,  or  some 
favourers  of  the  Scottish  Queene  (not  long  before 
beheaded)  who  might  be  instruments  of  sedition. 

Thus  often  advertising  the  Duke  of  Parma  of  their 
approach,  the  20.  of  July  they  passed  by  Plimmouth, 
which  the  English  pursuing  and  getting  the  winde  of 
them,  gave  them  the  chase  and  the  encounter,  and  so  both 
Fleetes  frankly  exchanged  their  Bullets. 

The  day  following,  which  was  the  21.  of  July,  the  The  n.  of 
English   Ships  approached  within   Musket  shot   of  the  July. 

487 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

Spanish :  at  what  time  the  Lord  Charles  Howard  most 
hotly  and  valiantly  discharged  his  Ordnance  upon  the 
Spanish  Vice-admirall.  The  Spaniards  then  well  per- 
ceiving the  nimblenesse  of  the  English  ships  in  discharging 
upon  the  enemy  on  all  sides,  gathered  themselves  close 
into  the  forme  of  an  halfe  Moone,  and  slackned  their 
sailes,  least  they  should  outgoe  any  of  their  company. 
And  while  they  were  proceeding  on  in  this  manner,  one 
of  their  great  Galliasses  was  so  furiously  battered  with 
shot,  that  the  whole  Navie  was  faine  to  come  up  rounder 
together  for  the  safegard  thereof :  whereby  it  came  to 
passe  that  the  principall  Galleon  of  Sivill  (wherein  Don 
Pedro  de  Valdez,  Vasques  de  Silva,  Alonzo  de  Sayas,  and 
other  Noble  men  were  embarqued)  falling  foule  of 
another  ship,  had  her  fore-mast  broken,  and  by  that 
meanes  was  not  able  to  keepe  way  with  the  Spanish  Fleete, 
neither  would  the  said  Fleete  stay  to  succour  it,  but  left 
the  distressed  Galeon  behinde.  The  Lord  Admirall  of 
England,  when  hee  saw  this  Ship  of  Valdez,  and  thought 
Galeon  she  had  beene  voide  of  Marriners  and  Souldiers,  taking 
forsaken.  with  him  as  many  ships  as  he  could,  passed  by  it,  that  hee 
might  not  loose  sight  of  the  Spanish  Fleete  that  night. 
For  Sir  Francis  Drake  (who  was  notwithstanding 
appointed  to  beare  out  his  Lanterne  that  night)  was  giving 
of  chase  unto  five  great  Hulkes  which  had  separated 
themselves  from  the  Spanish  Fleete :  but  finding  them  to 
be  Easterlings,  hee  dismissed  them.  The  Lord  Admirall 
all  that  night  following  the  Spanish  Lanterne  instead  of 
the  English,  found  himselfe  in  the  morning  to  be  in  the 
midst  of  his  enemies  Fleete,  but  when  he  perceived  it, 
he  clenly  conveied  himselfe  out  of  that  great  danger. 
The  22.  of  The  day  following,  which  was  the  22.  of  July,  Sir 
July.  Francis  Drake  espied  Valdez  his  ship,  whereunto  he  sent 

for  his  Pinnace,  and  being  advertised  that  Valdez  himselfe 
was  there,  and  450.  persons  with  him,  he  sent  him  word 
that  hee  should  yeelde  himselfe.  Valdez  for  his  honours 
sake  caused  certaine  conditions  to  be  propounded  unto 
Drake:   who  answered  Valdez,  that  he  was  not  now  at 

488 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

leisure  to  make  any  long  parle,  but  if  he  would  yeelde 

himselfe,   he   should   finde   him   friendly   and   tractable : 

howbeit  if  he  had  resolved  to  die  in  fight,  he  should 

prove  Drake   to   be  no   dastard.     Upon  which   answer, 

Valdez  and  his  Company  understanding  that  they  were 

fallen  into  the  hands  of  fortunate  Drake,  being  moved 

with  the  renoune  and  celebritie  of  his  name,  with  one 

consent  yeelded  themselves,  and  found  him  very  favour-  Don  Pedro  de 

able    unto    them.     Then    Valdez    with    forty    or    fiftie  v^e%with 

Noblemen  and  Gentlemen  pertaining:  unto  him,  came  on    " '  **"  an 

.  *..^3  .  -  company 

boord    Sir    Francis   Drakes    ship.     The   residue    of    his  taken. 
company  were  carried  unto  Plimmouth,  where  they  were 
detained  a  yeere  and  an  halfe  for  their  ransome. 

Valdez  comming  unto  Drake,  and  humbly  kissing  his 
hand,  protesting  unto  him,  that  he  and  his  had  resolved 
to  die  in  battell,  had  they  not  by  good  fortune  fallen  into 
his  power,  whom  they  knew  to  be  right  curteous  and  Virtus  in  hoste 
gentle,  and  whom  they  had  heard  by  generall  report  to  laudanda- 
be  most  favourable  unto  his  vanquished  foe :  insomuch, 
that  he  said  it  was  to  be  doubted  whether  his  enemy  had 
more  cause  to  admire  and  love  him  for  his  great,  valiant, 
and  prosperous  exploits,  or  to  dread  him  for  his  singular 
felicity  and  wisdome,  which  ever  attended  upon  him  in 
the  wars,  and  by  the  which  he  had  attained  unto  so  great 
honor.  With  that  Drake  embraced  him,  and  gave  him 
very  honorable  entertainment,  feeding  him  at  his  owne 
table,  and  lodging  him  in  his  Cabbin.  Here  Valdez 
began  to  recount  unto  Drake  the  forces  of  all  the  Spanish 
Fleete,  and  how  foure  mighty  Gallies  were  separated  by 
tempest  from  them :  and  also  how  they  were  determined 
first  to  have  put  into  Plimmouth  haven,  not  expecting  to 
be  repelled  thence  by  the  English  ships,  which  they 
thought  could  by  no  meanes  withstand  their  impregnable 
forces,  perswading  themselves  that  by  meanes  of  their 
huge  Fleete,  they  were  become  Lords  and  commanders 
of  the  maine  Ocean.  For  which  cause  they  marveiled 
much  how  the  Englishmen  in  their  small  Ships  durst 
approach  within   musket   shot  of   the   Spaniards   mighty 

489 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

Brooke,  Sir  Robert  Carew,  Sir  Charles  Blunt ;  Master 
Ambrose  Willoughbie,  Master  Henry  Nowell,  Master 
Thomas  Gerard,  Master  Henry  Dudley,  Master  Edward 
Darcie,  Master  Arthur  Gorge,  Master  Thomas  Wood- 
house,  M.  William  Harvie,  &c.  And  so  it  came  to  passe 
that  the  number  of  the  English  ships  amounted  unto  an 
hundreth :  which  when  they  were  come  before  Dover, 
were  increased  to  an  hundred  and  thirty,  being  notwith- 
standing of  no  proportionable  bignesse  to  encounter  with 
the  Spaniards,  except  two  or  three  and  twenty  of  the 
Queenes  greater  ships,  which  onely,  by  reason  of  their 
presence,  bred  an  opinion  in  the  Spaniards  minds  con- 
cerning the  power  of  the  English  Fleet :   the  Marriners 

12000.  and    Souldiers    whereof    were    esteemed    to    be    twelve 

English  thousand. 

SouMers  **         ^e  foure  and  twentie  of  July,  when  as  the  Sea  was 

The  24.  of      calme,  and  no  winde  stirring,  the  fight  was  onely  betweene 

July.  the  foure  great  Galleasses  and  the  English  ships,  which 

being  rowed  with  Oares,  had  great  vantage  of  the  English 
ships,  which  notwithstanding  for  all  that  would  not  be 
forced  to  yeelde,  but  discharged  their  chaine-shot  to  cut 
■  asunder  their  Cables  and  Cordage  of  the  Galleasses,  with 
many  other  such  Stratagems.     They  were  now  constrained 

Want  of         to  send  their  men  on  land  for  a  new  supply  of  Gunpowder, 

Powder.  whereof  they  were  in  great  scarcitie,  by  reason  they  had 

so  frankly  spent  the  greater  part  in  the  former  conflicts. 
The  same  day,  a  Counsell  being  assembled,  it  was  decreed 
that  the  English  Fleete  should  be  devided  into  foure 
squadrons :  the  principall  whereof  was  committed  unto 
the  Lord  Admirall :  the  second  to  Sir  Francis  Drake  : 
the  third  to  Captaine  Hawkins :  the  fourth  to  Captaine 
Frobisher. 

The  Spaniards  in  their  sailing  observed  very  diligent 

Spanish  order,  and  good  order,  sailing  three  and  foure  and  sometimes 
more  ships  in  a  ranke,  and  following  close  up  one  after 
another,  and  the  stronger  and  greater  ships  protecting  the 

The  25.  of      lesser. 

Juh-  The  five  and  twenty  of  July,  when  the  Spaniards  were 

49  2 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

come  over-against  the  Isle  of  Wight,  the  Lord  admirall 
of  England  being  accompanied  with  his  best  ships  (namely 
the  Lion,  Captaine  whereof  was  the  Lord  Thomas 
Howard :  The  Elizabeth  Jonas  under  the  command  of 
Sir  Robert  Southwell,  son  in  law  unto  the  Lord  Admirall : 
the  Beare  under  the  Lord  Sheffield,  Nephew  unto  the 
Lord  Admirall :  the  Victorie  under  Captaine  Barker :  and 
the  Galeon  Leicester  under  the  forenamed  Captain  George 
Fenner)  with  great  valour  and  dreadfull  thunder  of  shot, 
encountered  the  Spanish  Admirall,  being  in  the  very 
midst  of  all  his  Fleete.  Which  when  the  Spaniards  per- 
ceived, being  assisted  with  his  strongest  ships,  he  came 
forth  and  entered  a  terrible  combat  with  the  English ;  Terrible  fight. 
for  they  bestowed  each  on  other  the  broad  sides,  and 
mutually  discharged  all  their  Ordnance,  being  within  one  [IV.  x. 
hundred  or  an  hundred  and  twenty  yards  one  of  another.  19°7-] 

At  length  the  Spaniards  hoised  up  their  sailes,  and  againe 
gathered  themselves  up  close  into  the  forme  of  a  roundell. 
In  the  meane  while  Captaine  Frobisher  had  engaged 
Mmselfe  into  a  most  dangerous  conflict.  Whereupon  the 
Lord  Admirall  comming  to  succour  him,  found  that  hee 
had  valiantly  and  discreetly  behaved  himselfe,  and  that  he 
had  wisely  and  in  good  time  given  over  the  fight,  because 
that  after  so  great  a  batterie  he  had  sustained  no  damage. 
For  which  cause  the  day  following,  being  the  sixe  and 
twenty  of  July,  the  Lord  Admirall  rewarded  him  with  The  26.  of 
the  order  of  Knighthood,  together  with  the  Lord  Thomas  Juh- 
Howard,  the  Lord  Sheffield,  Master  John  Hawkins,  and 
others. 

The  same  day  the  Lord  Admirall  received  intelligence 
from  New-haven  in  France,  by  certaine  of  his  Pinnaces, 
that  all  things  were  quit  in  France,  and  that  there  was  no  Guisians 
preparation  of  sending  aide  unto   the   Spaniards,   which  ftared- 
was  greatly  feared  from  the  Guisian  faction,  and  from  Tale. conquest. 
the  Leaguers :    but  there  was  a  false  rumour  spread  all  The  zl-  °f 
about,  that  the  Spaniards  had  conquered  England.  The' Spaniards 

The  seven  and  twentieth  of  July,  the  Spaniards  about  ancre  iefore 
the  sun-setting  were  come  over-against  Dover,  and  rode  Caleis. 

493 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

at  ancre  within  the  sight  of  Caleis,  intending  to  hold  on 
for  Dunkerk,  expecting  there  to  joyne  with  the  Duke 
of  Parma  his  forces,  without  which  they  were  able  to  doe 
little  or  nothing.  Likewise  the  English  Fleete  following 
up  hard  upon  them,  ancred  just  by  them  within 
culvering-shot.  And  here  the  Lord  Henry  Seymer  united 
himselfe  unto  the  Lord  Admirall  with  his  fleet  of  30. 
ships  which  rode  before  the  mouth  of  Thames. 

As  the  Spanish  Navie  therefore  lay  at  ancre,  the  Duke 
of  Medina  sent  certaine  Messengers  unto  the  Duke  of 
Parma,  with  whom  upon  that  occasion  many  Noblemen 
and  Gentlemen  went  to  refresh  themselves  on  land :  and 
Prince  of        amongst  the  rest  the  Prince  of  Ascoli,  being  accounted 
Ascoh  Ms  good  f^g  Kings  base  son,  and  a  very  proper  and  towardly  yong 
jor  une.  Gentleman,  to  his  great  good  went  on  shoare,  who  was 

by  so  much  the  more  fortunate,  in  that  he  had  not  oppor- 
tunity to  returne  on  boord  the  same  ship,  out  of  which 
he  was  departed,  because  that  in  returning  home  it  was 
cast  away  upon  the  Irish  coast,  withall  the  persons  con- 
tained therein.  The  Duke  of  Parma  being  advertised 
of  the  Spanish  Fleetes  arrivall  upon  the  coast  of  England, 
made  all  the  haste  hee  could  to  be  present  himselfe  in  this 
expedition  for  the  performance  of  his  charge :  vainely 
perswading  himselfe  that  now  by  the  meanes  of  Cardinal! 
Allen,  hee  should  be  crowned  King  of  England,  and  for 
that  cause  he  had  resigned  the  Government  of  the  Low- 
Countries  unto  Count  Mansfeld  the  elder.  And  having 
made  his  vowes  unto  Saint  Mary  of  Hall  in  Henault 
(whom  he  went  to  visite  for  his  blinde  devotions  sake)  he 
The  2$.  of  returned  toward  Bruges  the  eight  and  twenty  of  July. 
July.  The   next    day    travelling    to    Dunkerk,    hee    heard    the 

The  29.  of      thundring    Ordnance    of   either   Fleete :    and    the    same 
y'  evening  being  come  to  Dixmud,  hee  was  given  to  under- 

stand the  hard  successe  of  the  Spanish  Fleete. 
The  30.  of  Upon  tuesday,  which  was  the  30.  of  July,  about  high 

Jufy-  noone,  he  came  to  Dunkerk,  when  as  all  the  Spanish  Fleete 

was  now  passed  by :  neither  durst  any  of  his  ships  in  the 
meane  space  come  forth  to  assist  the  said  Spanish  Fleet 

494 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  ad. 

1588. 

for  feare  of  five  and  thirty  warlike  ships  of  Holland  and 
Zeland,  which  there  kept  watch  and  ward  under  the  con- 
duct of  the  Admirall  Justin  of  Nassau.  The  foresaid  five  States  Fleete- 
and  thirty  ships  were  furnished  with  most  cunning 
Mariners  and  old  expert  Souldiers,  amongst  the  which 
were  twelve  hundred  Muketeers,  whom  the  States  had 
chosen  out  of  all  their  Garrisons,  and  whom  they  knew  to 
have  beene  heretofore  experienced  in  Sea-fights.  This 
Navie  was  given  especially  in  charge  not  to  suffer  any 
ship  to  come  out  of  the  Haven,  nor  to  permit  any  Zabraes, 
Pataches  or  other  small  vessels  of  the  Spanish  Fleete 
(which  were  more  likely  to  aide  the  Dunkerkers)  to  enter 
thereinto,  for  the  greater  ships  were  not  to  be  feared  by 
reason  of  the  shallow  Sea  in  that  place.  Howbeit  the 
Prince  of  Parma  his  forces  being  as  yet  unready,  were 
not  come  on  boord  his  ships,  onely  the  English  Fugitives,  English  ^ 
being  seven  hundred  in  number,  under  the  conduct  of  Sir  tsPam<>ttzed 
William  Stanley,  came  in  fit  time  to  have  beene  embarked, 
because  they  hoped  to  give  the  first  assault  against 
England.  The  residue  shewed  themselves  unwilling  and 
loath  to  depart,  because  they  saw  but  a  few  Marriners, 
who  were  by  constraint  drawne  into  this  expedition,  and 
also  because  they  had  very  bare  provision  of  Bread, 
Drinke,  and  other  necessary  victuals.  Moreover,  the 
ships  of  Holland  and  Zeland  stood  continually  in  their 
sight,  threatning  shot  and  Powder,  and  many  inconveni- 
ences unto  them :  for  feare  of  which  ships,  the  Mariners 
and  Sea-men  secretly  withdrew  themselves  both  day  and 
night,  least  that  the  Duke  of  Parma  his  Souldiers  should 
compell  them  by  maine  force  to  goe  on  boord,  and  to 
breake  through  the  Hollanders  Fleete,  which  all  of  them 
judged  to  be  impossible,  by  reason  of  the  straighthesse 
of  the  Haven. 

But    it    seemeth    that    the    Duke    of   Parma    and    the  The  Spaniards 
Spaniards    grounded    upon    a    vaine    and    presumptuous  vame  °Ptnion 
expectation,   that   all   the  ships   of  England  and   of   the  C°fo*t™™£ 
Low-Countries  would  at  the  first  sight  of  the  Spanish  and  fleet. 
Dunkerk  Navie  have  betaken  themselves  to  flight,  yeeld- 

495 


Af-  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

ing  them  Sea-roome,  and  endevouring  onely  to  defend 
themselves,  their  havens,  and  Sea-coasts  from  invasion. 
Wherefore  their  intent  and  purpose  was,  that  the  Duke  of 
Parma  in  his  small  and  flat-bottomed  ships,  should,  as  it 
were  under  the  shadow  and  wings  of  the  Spanish  Fleete, 
X  s  convey  over  all  his  troupes,  armour,  and  warlike  pro- 
!9°  '1  vision,  and  with  their  forces  so  united,  should  invade 
England ;  or  while  the  English  Fleete  were  busied  in 
fight  against  the  Spanish,  should  enter  upon  any  part  of 
the  coast,  which  he  thought  to  be  most  convenient. 
Which  invasion  (as  the  Captives  afterward  confessed)  the 
Duke  of  Parma  thought  first  to  have  attempted  by  the 
River  of  Thames ;  upon  the  bankes  whereof  having  at 
his  first  arrivall  landed  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  of  his 
principall  Souldiers,  he  supposed  that  he  might  easily  have 
won  the  Citie  of  London ;  both  because  his  small  ships 
should  have  followed  and  assisted  his  Land-forces,  and 
also  for  that  the  Citie  it  selfe  was  but  meanely  fortified 
and  easie  to  overcome,  by  reason  of  the  Citizens  delicacie 
and  discontinuance  from  the  warres. 

When  as  therefore  the  Spanish  Fleete  rode  at  anker 
before  Caleis,  to  the  end  they  might  consult  with  the 
Duke  of  Parma  what  was  best  to  be  done  according  to 
the  Kings  commandement,  and  the  present  estate  of  their 
affaires,  and  had  now  (as  we  will  afterward  declare)  pur- 
posed upon  the  second  of  August,  being  Friday,  with  one 
power  and  consent  to  have  put  their  intended  businesse 
Sea-stratagem.  'm  practise ;  the  Lord  Admirall  of  England  being 
admonished  by  her  Majesties  Letters  from  the  Court, 
thought  it  most  expedient  either  to  drive  the  Spanish 
Fleet  from  that  place,  or  at  leastwise  to  give  them  the 
encounter :  and  for  that  cause  (according  to  her  Majesties 
prescription)  he  tooke  forthwith  eight  of  his  worst  and 
basest  ships,  which  came  next  to  hand,  and  disburthening 
them  of  all  things  which  seemed  to  be  of  any  value,  filled 
them  with  Gunpowder,  Pitch,  Brimstone,  and  with  other 
combustible  and  fiery  matter ;  and  charging  all  their 
Ordnance  with  powder,  bullets  and  stones,  and  sent  the 

496 


THE    SPANISH   ARMADA 

said  ships  upon  the  28.  of  July,  being  Sunday,  about  two 
of  the  "clocke  after  midnight,  with  the  winde  and  tide 
against  the  Spanish  Fleete :  which  when  they  had  pro- 
ceeded a  good  space,  being  forsaken  of  the  Pilots,  and 
set  on  fire,  were  directly  carried  upon  the  King  of  Spaines 
Navie :  which  fire  in  the  dead  of  night  put  the  Spaniards 
into  such  a  perplexitie  and  horror  (for  they  feared  lest  they 
were  like  unto  those  terrible  ships,  which  Frederic  Jene- 
belli  three  yeeres  before,  at  the  siege  of  Antwerpe,  had 
furnished  with  Gunpowder,  stones,  and  dreadfull  engines, 
for  the  dissolution  of  the  Duke  of  Parma  his  Bridge, 
built  upon  the  River  of  Scheld)  that  cutting  their  cables 
whereon  their  ankers  were  fasted,  and  hoising  up  their 
sailes  they  betooke  themselves  very  confusedly  unto  the 
maine  Sea. 

And  this  sudden  confusion,  the  principall  and  greatest 
of  the  foure  Galliasses  falling  fowle  of  another  ship,  lost 
her  rudder  :  for  which  cause  when  she  could  not  be  guided 
any  longer,  she  was  by  the  force  of  the  tide  cast  into  a 
certaine  shoald  upon  the  shoare  of  Caleis,  where  she  was 
immediately  assaulted  by  divers  English  Pinnaces,  Hoyes, 
and  Drumblers.  And  as  they  lay  battering  of  her  with 
their  Ordnance,  and  durst  not  boord  her,  the  Lord 
Admirall  sent  thither  his  long  Boate  with  an  hundreth 
choise  Souldiers  under  the  command  of  Captaine  Amias 
Preston.  Upon  whose  approach  their  fellowes  being  more 
emboldened,  did  offer  to  boord  the  Galliasse ;  against 
whom  the  Governor  thereof  and  Captaine  of  all  the  foure 
Galliasses,  Hugo  de  Moncada,  stoutly  opposed  himself, 
fighting  by  so  much  the  more  valiantly,  in  that  he  hoped 
presently  to  be  succoured  by  the  Duke  of  Parma.  In  the 
meane  season  Moncada,  after  hee  had  endured  the  conflict 
a  good  while,  being  hit  on  the  head  with  a  Bullet,  fell 
downe  starke  dead,  and  a  great  number  of  Spaniards  also 
were  slaine  in  his  company.  The  greater  part  of  the 
residue  leaping  over-boord  into  the  Sea,  to  save  themselves 
by  swimming,  were  most  of  them  drowned.  Howbeit 
there  escaped  among  others  Don  Anthonio  de  Manriques, 
xix  497  2 1 


A.D. 

1588. 

The  28.  of 
July. 


The  Galliasse 
of  Hugo  de 
Moncada  cast 
upon  the 
shoalds  before 
Caleis. 


M.  Amias 
Preston 

valiantly 
boordeth  the 
Galliasse. 


Moncada 
slain. 


A.D. 

1588. 


50000. 
duckets. 


The  great 
fight  before 
Greveling  the 
29.  of  July. 


English  ships 
advantage. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

a  principall  officer  in  the  Spanish  fleete  (called  by  them 
their  Veador  Generall)  together  with  a  few  Spaniards 
besides :  which  Anthonio  was  the  first  man  that  carried 
certaine  newes  of  the  successe  of  their  fleete  into  Spaine. 
This  huge  &  monstrous  Galliasse,  wherein  were  contained 
three  hundred  slaves  to  lug  at  the  Oares,  and  foure 
hundred  souldiers,  was  in  the  space  of  three  houres  rifled 
in  the  same  place ;  and  there  was  found  amongst  divers 
other  commodities  50000  Duckets  of  the  Spanish  Kings 
treasure.  At  length  when  the  slaves  were  released  out 
of  their  fetters,  the  English  men  would  have  set  the  said 
ship  on  fire,  which  Monsieur  Gourdon,  the  Governour 
of  Caleis,  for  feare  of  the  damage  which  might  thereupon 
ensue  to  the  Towne  and  Haven,  would  not  permit  them 
to  doe,  but  drave  them  from  thence  with  his  great 
Ordnance. 

Upon  the  29.  of  July  in  the  morning,  the  Spanish 
Fleete  after  the  foresaid  tumult,  having  arranged  them- 
selves againe  into  order,  were,  within  sight  of  Greveling, 
most  bravely  and  furiously  encountered  by  the  English, 
where  they  once  againe  got  the  winde  of  the  Spaniards : 
who  suffered  themselves  to  be  deprived  of  the  commodity 
of  the  place  in  Caleis  rode,  and  of  the  advantage  of  the 
winde  neere  unto  Dunkerk,  rather  then  they  would  change 
their  array,  or  separate  their  forces  now  conjoyned  and 
united  together,  standing  onely  upon  their  defence.  And 
albeit  there  were  many  excellent  and  warlike  ships  in  the 
English  fleet,  yet  scarse  were  there  22.  or  23.  among  them 
all  which  matched  90.  of  the  Spanish  ships  in  bignesse,  or 
could  conveniently  assault  them.  Wherefore  the  English 
ships  using  their  prerogative  of  nimble  stirrage,  whereby 
they  could  turne  and  wield  themselves  with  the  winde 
which  way  they  listed,  came  oftentimes  very  neereupon 
the  Spaniards,  and  charged  them  so  sore,  that  now  and 
then  they  were  but  a  Pikes  length  at  sunder :  and  so 
continually  giving  them  one  broad  side  after  another,  they 
dispatched  all  their  shot  both  great  and  small  upon  them, 
spending  one  whole  day  from  morning  till  night  in  that 

498 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

violent  kinde  of  conflict,  untill  such  time  as  powder  and  [IV-  x- 
bullets  failed  them.    In  regard  of  which  want  they  thought  I9°9-] 

it  convenient  not  to  pursue  the  Spaniards  any  longer, 
because  they  had  many  great  vantages  of  the  English, 
namely  for  the  extraordinary  bignesse  of  their  ships,  and 
also  for  that  they  were  so  neerely  conjoyned,  and  kept 
together  in  so  good  array,  that  they  could  by  no  meanes 
be  fought  withall  one  to  one.  The  English  thought 
therefore,  that  they  had  right  well  acquitted  themselves, 
in  chasing  the  Spaniards  first  from  Caleis,  and  then  from 
Dunkerk,  and  by  that  means  to  have  hindered  them  from 
joyning  with  the  Duke  of  Parma  his  forces,  and  getting 
the  winde  of  them,  to  have  driven  them  from  their  owne 
coasts. 

The  Spaniards  that  day  sustained  great  losse  and 
damage,  having  many  of  their  ships  shot  thorow  and 
thorow,  and  they  discharged  likewise  great  store  of 
Ordnance  against  the  English ;  who  indeede  sustained 
some  hinderance,  but  not  comparable  to  the  Spaniards 
losse  ;  for  they  lost  not  any  one  ship  or  person  of  account. 
For  very  diligent  inquisition  being  made,  the  Englishmen 
all  that  time  wherein  the  Spanish  Navie  sailed  upon  their 
Seas,  are  not  found  to  have  wanted  above  one  hundreth  Gods  provi- 
of  their  people  :  albeit  Sir  F.  Drakes  ship  was  pierced  with  dent  mercies  to 
shot  above  forty  times,  and  his  very  cabben  was  twise  shot  the  EnSllsn- 
thorow,  and  about  the  conclusion  of  the  fight,  the  bed  of 
a  certaine  Gentleman  lying  weary  thereupon,  was  taken 
quite  from  under  him  with  the  force  of  a  Bullet.  Like- 
wise, as  the  Earle  of  Northumberland  and  Sir  Charles 
Blunt  were  at  dinner  upon  a  time,  the  Bullet  of  a  Demi- 
culvering  brake  thorow  the  middest  of  their  Cabbin, 
touched  their  feete,  and  strooke  downe  two  of  the  standers 
by,  with  many  such  accidents  befalling  the  English  ships, 
which  it  were  tedious  to  rehearse.  Whereupon  it  is  most 
apparant,  that  God  miraculously  preserved  the  English 
Nation.  For  the  Lord  Admirall  wrote  unto  her  Majesty, 
that  in  all  humaine  reason,  and  according  to  the  judgement 
of  all  men  (every  circumstance  being  duely  considered) 

499 


A.D. 
1588. 


Three  Spanish 
ships  sunke  in 
the  fight. 


Two  Galeons 
taken  and 
carried  into 
Zeland. 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

the  Englishmen  were  not  of  any  such  force,  whereby  they 
might,  without  a  miracle,  dare  once  to  approach  within 
the  sight  of  the  Spanish  Fleete :  insomuch,  that  they 
freely  ascribed  all  the  honour  of  their  victory  unto  God, 
who  had  confounded  the  enemy,  and  had  brought  his 
counsels  to  none  effect. 

The  same  day  the  Spanish  ships  were  so  battered  with 
English  shot,  that  that  very  night  and  the  day  following, 
two  or  three  of  them  sunke  right  downe :  and  among  the 
rest  a  certain  great  ship  of  Biscay,  which  Captaine  Crosse 
assaulted,  which  perished  even  in  the  time  of  the  conflict, 
so  that  very  few  therein  escaped  drowning ;  who  reported 
that  the  Governors  of  the  same  ship  slew  one  another 
upon  the  occasion  following :  one  of  them  which  would 
have  yeelded  the  ship  was  suddenly  slaine;  the  brother 
of  the  slaine  party  in  revenge  of  his  death  slew  the 
murtherer,  and  in  the  meane  while  the  ship  sunke. 

The  same  night  two  Portugall  galeons  of  the  burthen 
of  seven  or  eight  hundreth  tuns  a  peece ;  to  wit,  Saint 
Philip  and  Saint  Matthew,  were  forsaken  of  the  Spanish 
Fleete,  for  they  were  so  torne  with  shot,  that  the  water 
entered  into  them  on  all  sides.  In  the  Galeon  of  Saint 
Philip  was  Francis  de  Toledo,  brother  unto  the  Count 
de  Argas,  being  Colonell  over  two  and  thirty  bands ; 
besides  other  Gentlemen ;  who  seeing  their  mast  broken 
with  shot,  they  shaped  their  course,  aswell  as  they  could, 
for  the  coast  of  Flanders :  whither  when  they  could  not 
attaine,  the  principall  men  in  the  ship  committed  them- 
selves to  their  skiffe,  arrived  at  the  next  towne,  which 
was  Ostend ;  and  the  ship  it  selfe  being  left  behinde  with 
the  residue  of  their  company,  was  taken  by  the  Ulishingers. 
In  the  other  Galeon,  called  the  Saint  Matthew,  was 
embarked  Don  Diego  Pimentelli  another  Camp-master 
and  Colonell  of  two  and  thirty  bands,  being  brother  unto 
the  Marquesse  of  Tamnares,  with  many  other  Gentlemen 
and  Captaines.  Their  Ship  was  not  very  great,  but 
exceeding  strong,  for  of  a  great  number  of  Bullets  which 
had  batterd  her,  there  were  scarce  twenty  wherewith  she 

500 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  ad. 

1588. 

was  pierced  or  hurt :  her  upper  worke  was  of  force 
sufficient  to  beare  off  a  Musket  shot :  this  ship  was  shot 
thorow  and  pierced  in  the  fight  before  Greveling  :  inso- 
much that  the  leakage  of  the  water  could  not  be  stopped  : 
whereupon  the  Duke  of  Medina  sent  his  great  skiffe  unto 
the  Governour  thereof,  that  he  might  save  himselfe  and 
the  principall  persons  that  were  in  his  ship :  which  he, 
upon  a  hault  courage,  refused  to  doe :  wherefore  the 
Duke  charged  him  to  saile  next  unto  himselfe :  which  the 
night  following  hee  could  not  performe,  by  reason  of 
the  abundance  of  water  which  entered  his  ship  on  all  sides  ; 
for  the  avoiding  whereof,  and  to  save  his  ship  from  sink- 
ing, he  caused  fifty  men  continually  to  labour  at  the  Pump, 
though  it  were  to  small  purpose.  And  seeing  himselfe 
thus  forsaken  and  separated  from  his  Admiral,  he 
endevored  what  he  could  to  attaine  unto  the  coast  of 
Flanders ;  where  being  espied  by  foure  or  five  men  of 
war,  which  had  their  station  assigned  them  upon  the 
same  coast :  he  was  admonished  to  yeelde  himselfe  unto 
them ;  which  he  refused  to  doe,  was  strongly  assaulted 
by  them  altogether,  &  his  ship  being  pierced  with  many 
bullets,  was  brought  into  far  worse  case  then  before,  & 
forty  of  his  souldiers  were  slain.  By  which  extremity  he 
was  enforced  at  length  to  yeelde  himselfe  unto  Peter 
Banderduess  and  other  Captaine,  which  brought  him  and 
his  ship  into  Zeland ;  and  that  other  ship  also  last  before 
mentioned :  which  both  of  them,  immediatly  after  the 
greater  and  better  part  of  their  goods  were  unladen, 
sunke  right  downe.  For  the  memory  of  this  exploit,  the 
foresaid  Captain  Banderduess  caused  a  Banner  of  one 
of  these  ships  to  be  set  up  in  the  great  Church  of  Leiden 
in  Holland,  which  is  of  so  great  a  length,  that  being 
fasted  to  the  very  roofe,  it  reached  downe  to  the  ground. 
About  the  same  time  another  small  ship  being  by  necessity  [IV.  x. 
driven  upon  the  coast  of  Flanders,  about  Blankenberg,  /?l° 

was  cast  away  upon  the  sands,  the  people  therein  being  ca/tmfway 
saved.     Thus  Almighty  God  would  have  the  Spaniards  about 
huge  ships  to  be  presented,  not  onely  to  the  view  of  the  Blankenberg. 

5°i 


A.D. 
1588. 


The  dishonor- 
able flight  of 
the  Spanish 
navy :   y  the 
prudent  advice 
of  the  L. 
Admiral. ' 


Our  want  of 
Powder  y 
Bullets 
proclaime  the 
fulnesse  of 
Gods  present 
power  y 
merciful  both 
deliverance 
and  victory. 


The  English 
return  home 
from  the  pur- 
suit of  the 
Spaniards  the 
4.  of  Aug. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIM  ES 

English,  but  also  of  the  Zelanders ;  that  at  the  sight  of 
them  they  might  acknowledge  of  what  small  ability  they 
had  beene  to  resist  such  impregnable  forces,  had  not  God 
endued  them  with  courage,  providence,  and  fortitude,  yea, 
and  fought  for  them  in  many  places  with  his  owne  arme. 

The  29.  of  July  the  Spanish  fleete  being  encountered  by 
the  English  (as  is  aforesaid)  and  lying  close  together  under 
their  fighting  sailes,  with  a  South-west  winde  sailed  past 
Dunkerk,  the  English  ships  still  following  the  chase.  Of 
whom  the  day  following,  when  the  Spaniards  had  got  Sea 
roome,  they  cut  their  maine  sailes  ;  whereby  they  sufficiently 
declared  that  they  meant  no  longer  to  fight,  but  to  flie. 
For  which  cause  the  Lord  Admirall  of  England  dispatched 
the  Lord  Henry  Seymer  with  his  squadron  of  small  ships 
unto  the  coast  of  Flanders,  where,  with  the  helpe  of  the 
Dutch  ships,  he  might  stop  the  Prince  of  Parma  his 
passage,  if  perhaps  he  should  attempt  to  issue  forth  with 
his  army.  And  he  himselfe  in  the  meane  space  pursued 
the  Spanish  fleet  untill  the  second  of  August,  because  he 
thought  they  had  set  saile  for  Scotland.  And  albeit  he 
followed  them  very  neere,  yet  did  he  not  assault  them 
any  more,  for  want  of  Powder  and  Bullets.  But  upon 
the  fourth  of  August,  the  winde  arising,  when  as  the 
Spaniards  had  spread  all  their  sailes,  betaking  themselves 
wholly  to  flight,  &  leaving  Scotland  on  the  left  hand, 
trended  toward  Norway  (whereby  they  sufficiently  declared 
that  their  whole  intent  was  to  save  themselves  by  flight, 
attempting  for  that  purpose,  with  their  battered  and  crazed 
ships,  the  most  dangerous  navigation  of  the  Northren 
Seas)  the  English  seeing  that  they  were  now  proceeded 
unto  the  latitude  of  57.  degrees,  and  being  unwilling  to 
participate  that  danger  whereinto  the  Spaniards  plunged 
themselves,  and  because  they  wanted  things  necessary, 
and  especially  Powder  and  Shot,  returned  backe  for 
England ;  leaving  behinde  them  certaine  Pinasses  onely, 
which  they  enjoyned  to  follow  the  Spaniards  aloofe,  and 
to  observe  their  course.  And  so  it  came  to  passe,  that  the 
fourth  of  August,  with  great  danger  and  industry,  the 

502 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  ad. 

1588. 

English  arrived  at  Harwich  ;  for  they  had  beene  tossed  up 
and  downe  with  a  mighty  tempest  for  the  space  of  two 
or  three  dayes  together,  which  it  is  likely  did  great  hurt 
unto  the  Spanish  fleet,  being  (as  I  said  before)  so  maimed 
and  battered.  The  English  now  going  on  shoare,  pro- 
vided themselves  forthwith  of  Victuals,  Gunpowder,  and 
other  things  expedient,  that  they  might  be  ready  at  all 
assayes  to  entertaine  the  Spanish  fleete,  if  it  chanced  any 
more  to  returne.  But  being  afterward  more  certainely 
informed  of  the  Spaniards  course,  they  thought  it  best  to 
leave  them  unto  those  boisterous  and  uncouth  Northren 
Seas,  and  not  there  to  hunt  after  them. 

The  Spaniards  seeing  now  that  they  wanted  foure  or  five 
thousand  of  their  people,  and  having  divers  maimed  and 
sicke  persons,  and  likewise  having  lost  ten  or  twelve  of 
their  principall  ships,  they  consulted  among  themselves, 
what  they  were  best  to  doe,  being  now  escaped  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  English,  because  their  victuals  failed  them 
in  like  sort,  &  they  began  also  to  want  cables,  cordage, 
ankers,  masts,  sailes,  and  other  navall  furniture,  and 
utterly  despaired  of  the  Duke  of  Parma  his  assistance  (who 
verily  hoping  &  undoubtedly  expecting  the  return  of  the 
Spanish  fleet,  was  continually  occupied  about  his  great 
preparation,  commanding  abundance  of  ankers  to  be  made, 
and  other  necessary  furniture  for  a  Navy  to  be  provided) 
they  thought  it  good  at  length,  so  soone  as  the  winde  The  Spaniards 
should  serve  them,  to  fetch  a  compasse  about  Scotland  and  consult  to  sai/e 
Ireland,  and  so  to  returne  for  Spaine.  ™uaf  ajoui 

For   they   well   understood,    that   commandement   was  /^lw  and 
given  thorowout  all  Scotland,  that  they  should  not  have  So  to  returne 
any  succour  or  assistance  there.     Neither  yet  could  they  home. 
in  Norway  supply  their  wants.     Wherefore,  having  taken 
certaine  Scottish  and  other  fisherboats,  they  brought  the 
men  on  boord  their  owne  ships,  to  the  end  they  might  be 
their  guides  and  Pilots.     Fearing  also  least   their  fresh 
water  should  faile  them,  they  cast  all  their  horses  and  mules  Horses  cast 
over-boord :  and  so  touching  no  where  upon  the  coast  of  over-boord. 
Scotland,  but  being  carried  with  a  fresh  gale  betweene  the 

5°3 


A.D. 
1588. 


The  shipwrack 
of  the 
Spaniards 
upon  the  Irish 
coast. 


[IV. 


1911.] 


O/134.  ships 
of  the  Spanish 
fleet  there 
returned  home 
but  53. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

Orcades  and  Faar-Isles,  they  proceeded  farre  North,  even 
unto  61.  degrees  of  latitude,  being  distant  from  any  land 
at  the  least  40.  leagues.  Here  the  Duke  of  Medina, 
Generall  of  the  Fleet,  commanded  all  his  followers  to 
shape  their  course  for  Biscay  :  and  he  himselfe  with  twenty 
or  five  and  twenty  of  his  ships  which  were  best  provided 
of  fresh  water  and  other  necessaries,  holding  on  his  course 
over  the  maine  Ocean,  returned  safely  home.  The  residue 
of  his  ships  being  about  forty  in  number,  and  committed 
unto  his  Vice-admirall,  fell  neerer  with  the  coast  of  Ireland, 
intending  their  course  for  Cape  Clare,  because  they  hoped 
there  to  get  fresh  water,  and  to  refresh  themselves  on 
land.  But  after  they  were  driven  with  many  contrary 
windes,  at  length,  upon  the  second  of  September,  they 
were  cast  by  a  tempest  arising  from  the  South-west  upon 
divers  parts  of  Ireland,  where  many  of  their  ships  perished. 
And  amongst  others,  the  ship  of  Michael  de  Oquendo, 
which  was  one  of  the  great  Galliasses :  and  two  great 
ships  of  Venice  also,  namely,  la  Ratta  and  Belanzara,  with 
other  36  or  31.  ships  more,  which  perished  in  sundry 
tempests,  together  with  most  of  the  persons  contained  in 
them. 

Likewise  some  of  the  Spanish  ships  were  the  second 
time  carried  with  a  strong  West  wind  into  the  channell  of 
England,  whereof  some  were  taken  by  the  English  upon 
their  coast,  and  others  by  the  men  of  Rochel  upon  the 
coast  of  France. 

Moreover,  there  arrived  at  Newhaven  in  Normandy, 
being  by  tempest  inforced  so  to  doe,  one  of  the  foure 
great  Galliasses,  whereby  they  found  the  ships  with  the 
Spanish  women  which  followed  the  Fleet  at  their  setting 
forth.  Two  ships  also  were  cast  away  upon  the  coast  of 
Norway,  one  of  them  being  of  a  great  burthen ;  howbeit 
all  the  persons  in  the  said  great  ship  were  saved :  inso- 
much that  of  134.  ships,  which  set  saile  out  of  Portugall, 
there  returned  home  53.  onely,  small  and  great:  namely 
of  the  foure  Galliasses  but  one,  and  but  one  of  the  foure 
Gallies.     Of  the   91.   great  Galleons  and  Hulkes  there 

5°4 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

were  missing  58.  and  2,3-  returned:  of  the  Pataches  and 
Zabraes  17.  were  missing,  and  18.  returned  home.  In 
briefe,  there  were  missing  81.  ships,  in  which  number 
were  Galliasses,  Gallies,  Galeons,  and  other  vessels  both 
great  and  small.  And  amongst  the  53.  ships  remaining, 
those  also  are  reckoned  which  returned  home  before  they 
came  into  the  English  channell.  Two  Galeons  of  those 
which  were  returned,  were  by  misfortune  burnt  as  they 
rode  in  the  haven ;  and  such  like  mishaps  did  many  other 
undergoe.  Of  30000.  persons  which  went  in  this  expedi- 
tion, there  perished  (according  to  the  number  and  pro- 
portion of  the  ships)  the  greater  and  better  part ;  and 
many  of  them  which  came  home,  by  reason  of  the  toiles 
&  inconveniences  which  they  sustained  in  this  voiage, 
died  not  long  after  their  arrivall.  The  Duke  of  Medina  D.  of  Medina. 
immediately  upon  his  returne  was  deposed  from  his 
authority,  commanded  to  his  private  house,  and  forbidden 
to  repaire  unto  the  Court ;  where  he  could  hardly  satisfie 
or  yeeld  a  reason  unto  his  malicious  enemies  and  back- 
biters. Many  honorable  personages  and  men  of  great 
renown  deceased  soone  after  their  returne  ;  as  namely  John  alcaldes  death. 
Martines  de  Ricalde,  with  divers  others.  A  great  part 
also  of  the  Spanish  Nobility  and  Gentry  employed  in  this 
expedition  perished  either  by  fight,  diseases,  or  drowning, 
before  their  arrivall ;  and  among  the  rest  Thomas  Perenot 
of  Grandvell  a  Dutchman,  being  Earle  of  Cantebroi,  and 
son  unto  Cardinall  Grandvell  his  brother. 

Upon  the  coast  of  Zeland  Don  Diego  de  Pimentell, 
brother  unto  the  Marquesse  de  Tamnares,  and  kinsman 
unto  the  Earle  of  Beneventum  &  Calva,  and  Colonell  over 
32.  bands  with  many  other  in  the  same  ship  was  taken 
and  detained  as  prisoner  in  Zeland. 

Into  England  (as  we  said  before)  Don  Pedro  de  Valdez, 
a  man  of  singular  experience,  and  greatly  honoured  in 
his  country,  was  led  captive,  being  accompanied  with  Don 
Vasques  de  Silva,  Don  Alonzo  de  Sayas,  and  others. 

Likewise  upon  the  Scottish  Westerne  Isles  of  Lewis, 
and  Ila,  and  about  Cape  Cantyre  upon  the  maine  land, 

5°5 


A.D. 

H88. 


Spaniards 
pitied. 


Spaines 
general  losse. 

New  coines 
stamped  for  the 
memory  of  the 
Spaniards 
overthrow. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

there  were  cast  away  certaine  Spanish  Ships,  out  of  which 
were  saved  divers  Captaines  and  Gentlemen,  and  almost 
foure  hundred  souldiers,  who  for  the  most  part,  after  their 
shipwracke,  were  brought  unto  Edenborough  in  Scotland, 
and  being  miserably  needy  and  naked,  were  there  cloathed 
at  the  liberalitie  of  the  King  and  the  Merchants,  and 
afterward  were  secretly  shipped  for  Spaine ;  but  the 
Scottish  Fleete  wherein  they  passed  touching  at  Yarmouth 
on  the  coast  of  Norfolke,  were  there  staied  for  a  time 
untill  the  Counsels  pleasure  was  knowne ;  who  in  regard 
of  their  manifold  miseries,  though  they  were  enemies, 
winked  at  their  passage. 

Upon  the  Irish  coast  many  of  their  Noblemen  and 
Gentlemen  were  drowned ;  and  divers  slain  by  the 
barbarous  and  wilde  Irish.  Howbeit  there  was  brought 
prisoner  out  of  Ireland,  Don  Alonzo  de  Lucon,  Colonel 
of  two  and  thirty  bands,  commonly  called  a  Terza  of 
Naples  ;  together  with  Rodorigo  de  Lasso,  and  two  others 
of  the  family  of  Cordova,  who  were  committed  unto  the 
custody  of  Sir  Horatio  Palavicini,  that  Monsieur  de 
Teligny  the  son  of  Monsieur  de  la  Noue  (who  being 
taken  in  fight  neere  Antwerpe,  was  detained  prisoner  in 
the  Castle  of  Turney)  might  be  ransomed  for  them  by 
way  of  exchange.  To  conclude,  there  was  no  famous  nor 
worthy  family  in  all  Spain,  which  in  this  expedition  lost 
not  a  son,  a  brother,  or  a  kinsman. 

For  the  perpetuall  memory  of  this  matter,  the  Zelanders 
caused  new  coine  of  Silver  and  Brasse  to  be  stamped : 
which  on  the  one  side  contained  the  armes  of  Zeland, 
with  this  inscription ;  Glory  to  God  onely  :  and  on 
the  other  side,  the  pictures  of  certaine  great  ships,  with 
these  words;  The  Spanish  Fleet:  and  in  the  circum- 
ference about  the  ships,  It  Came,  Went,  and  Was. 
Anno  1588.  That  is  to  say,  the  Spanish  fleet  came,  went 
and  was  vanquished  this  yeere ;  for  which,  glory  be  given 
to  God  onely.  Likewise  they  coined  another  kinde  of 
mony ;  upon  the  one  side  whereof  was  represented  a 
ship  fleeing,  and  a  ship  sinking :    on  the  other  side,  foure 

506 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA  a.d. 

1588. 

men  making  prayers  and  giving  thankes  unto  God  upon 
their  knees  ;  with  this  sentence :  Man  purposeth,  God 
disposeth  1588.  Also,  for  the  lasting  memory  of  the 
same  matter,  they  have  stamped  in  Holland  divers  such 
coines,  according  to  the  custome  of  the  ancient  Romans. 
Also  other  coines  were  stamped  with  a  Fleet  flying  with 
full  saile,  and  inscribed ;  Venit,  Vidit,  Fugit ;  It  came, 
saw,  fled :  others  with  the  fired  ships,  and  the  fleet  in 
confusion,  the  word  Dux  Foemina  Facti. 

While  this  wonderfull  and  puissant  Navie  was  sailing 
along  the  English  coasts,  and  all  men  did  now  plainly  see 
and  heare  that  which  before  they  would  not  be  perswaded 
of,  all  people  thorowout  England  prostrated  themselves  The  people  of 
with  humble  prayers  and  supplications  unto  God :     but  England  and 
especially    the    outlandish    Churches    (who    had    greatest  °fthe,  umted 
cause  to  feare,  and  against  whom  by  name,  the  Spaniards  P™vlncJ;s> 
had  threatned  most  grievous  torments)  enjoyned  to  their  give  thankes 
people   continuall   fastings   and   supplications,    that    they  unto  God. 
might  turne  away  Gods  wrath  and  fury  now  imminent 
upon  them  for  their  sins  :    knowing  right  well,  that  prayer  tlv"-  x- 
was  the  onely  refuge  against  all  enemies,  calamities,  and  191 2. J 

necessities,  and  that  it  was  the  onely  solace  and  reliefe 
for  mankinde,  being  visited  with  affliction  and  misery. 
Likewise  such  solemne  daies  of  supplication  were  observed 
throughout  the  united  Provinces. 

Also  a  while  after  the  Spanish  Fleet  was  departed,  there 
was  in  England,  by  the  commandement  of  her  Majesty, 
and  in  the  united  Provinces,  by  the  direction  of  the 
States,  a  solemne  festivall  day  publikely  appointed,  wherein 
all  persons  were  enjoyned  to  resort  unto  the  Church,  and 
there  to  render  thankes  and  praises  unto  God :  and  the 
Preachers  were  commanded  to  exhort  the  people  there- 
unto. The  foresaid  solemnity  was  observed  upon  the 
19.  of  November:  which  day  was  wholly  spent  in 
Preaching,  praying,  giving  thankes,  with  the  accustomed 
solemnities  of  Bonfires,  Singing,  Ringing,  and  other 
wonted  expressions  of  publike  joy. 

Likewise,  the  Queenes  Majesty  her  selfe,  imitating  the 

5°7 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

ancient  Romans,  rode  into  London  in  triumph,  in  regard 
of  her  owne  and  her  subjects  glorious  deliverance.  For 
being  attended  upon  very  solemnly  by  all  the  principall 
estates  and  officers  of  her  Realme,  she  was  carried  thorow 
her  said  Citie  of  London  in  a  triumphant  chariot,  and 
in  robes  of  triumph,  from  her  Palace  unto  the  Cathedrall 
Church  of  Saint  Paul,  out  of  the  which  the  ensignes  and 
colours  of  the  vanquished  Spaniards  hung  displaied. 
And  all  the  Citizens  of  London  in  their  Liveries  stood 
on  either  side  the  street,  by  their  severall  Companies, 
with  their  Ensignes  and  Banners :  and  the  streets  were 
hanged  on  both  sides  with  Blew  cloath,  which,  together 
with  the  foresaid  Banners,  yeelded  a  very  stately  and 
gallant  prospect.  Her  Majesty  being  entered  into  the 
Church,  together  with  her  Clergy  and  Nobles  gave  thankes 
unto  God,  and  caused  a  publike  Sermon  to  be  preached 
before  her  at  Pauls  Crosse ;  wherein  none  other  argument 
was  handled,  but  that  praise,  honour,  and  glory  might  be 
rendered  unto  God,  and  that  Gods  name  might  be  extolled 
by  thanksgiving.  And  with  her  own  Princely  voyce  she 
most  Christianly  exhorted  the  people  to  doe  the  same : 
whereupon  the  people  with  a  loud  acclamation  wished  her 
a  most  long  and  happy  life,  to  the  confusion  of  her  foes. 
The  Lord  Admirall  had  a  pension  assigned  for  his  good 
service. 

This  publike  joy  was  increased  by  Sir  Robert  Sidney 
(now  Earle  of  Leicester)  who  returning  out  of  Scotland, 
related  to  her  Majestie  the  King  of  Scots  faithfull  friend- 
ship, and  love  to  her,  and  to  the  Religion.  He  had  beene 
employed  to  the  said  King,  whiles  the  Spanish  Fleet 
hovered  on  the  coast,  to  gratulate  with  him  in  the  Queenes 
name,  for  his  alacrity  in  the  common  cause,  and  to  obtaine 
his  promise  of  aide,  if  the  Spaniards  landed  in  Scotland ; 
and  to  put  him  in  minde  how  ambitiously  the  Spaniard 
sought  to  swallow  in  all  Britaine,  urging  the  Pope  to 
Excommunicate  him,  so  to  strip  him  of  Scotland,  and 
quit  his  succession  in  England ;  to  admonish  him  of  the 
threats  of  Mendoza  and  the  Popes  Nuntio  ;    that  there- 

508 


THE   SPANISH   ARMADA 


A.D. 

1588. 


fore  he  should  be  very  wary  of  the  Papists  in  Scotland. 

He  answered  conceitedly,   amongst  other  speeches,   that  The  Kings 

he  hoped  for  no  other  benefit  from  the  Spaniard,  then  mse  sPeech- 

that  which  Polyphemus  had  promised  Ulysses,  namely, 

that  when  the  rest  were  devoured,  he  should  be  swallowed 

last. 

Thus  the  magnificent,  huge,  and  mighty  fleet  of  the 
Spaniards  (which  themselves  tearmed  in  all  places 
invincible)  such  as  sailed  not  upon  the  Ocean  Sea  many 
hundreth  yeeres  before,  in  the  yeere  1588.  vanished  into 
smoake ;  to  the  great  confusion  and  discouragement  of 
the  authours  thereof.  In  regard  of  which  her  Majesties 
happy  successe  all  her  neighbours  and  friends  congratu- 
lated with  her,  and  many  Verses  were  penned  to  the  /•mtltnr0ir 
honour  of  her  Majesty  by  learned  men,  whereof  we  will  ver!eSm 
here  annexe  those  of  Master  Beza. 

STraverat  innumeris  Hispannus  navibus  aequor, 
Regnis  juncturus  sceptra  Britanna  suis. 
Tanta  hujus,  rogitas,   quae  motus  causa?     superbos 

Impulit  Ambitio,  vexit  Avaritia. 
Quam  bene  te  ambitio  mersit  vanissima  ventus? 

Et  tumidos  tumidas,  vos  superastis  aquae! 
Quam  bene  totius  raptores  orbis  avaros, 

Hausit  inexhausti  justa  vorago  maris! 
At  tu,  cui  venti,  cui  totum  militat  aequor, 

Regina,  6  mundi  totius  una,  decus, 
Sic  regnare  Deo  perge,  ambitione  remota, 

Prodiga  sic  opibus  perge  juvare  pios, 
Ut  te  Angli,  longum  Anglis  ipsa  fruaris, 

Quam  dilecta  bonis,  tarn  metuenda  malis. 

The  same  in   English. 

THe  Spanish  Fleet  did  flote  in  narrow  Seas, 
And  bed  her  ships  against  the  English  shore, 
With  so  great  rage  as  nothing  could  appease, 
And  with  such  strength  as  never  seene  before  : 
And  all  to  joyne  the  Kingdome  of  that  land 
Unto  the  Kingdomes  that  he  had  in  hand. 

5°9 


Ad  serenissi- 

mam  Eliza- 

betham 

Jnglice 

Reginam 

Theodor. 

Beza. 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

Now  if  you  aske  what  set  this  King  on  fire. 
To  practise  warre  when  he  of  peace  did  treat. 
It  was  his  Pride,  and  never  quencht  desire, 
To  spoile  that  Hands  wealth,  by  peace  made  great : 
His  Pride  which  far  above  the  heavens  did  swel 
And  his  desire  as  unsuffic'd  as  hell. 
But  well  have  winds  his  proud  blasts  overblown 
And  swelling  waves  alaid  his  swelling  heart, 
Well  hath  the  Sea  with  greedy  gulfs  unknown, 
Devoured  the  devourer  to  his  smart  : 

And  made  his  ships  a  pray  unto  the  sand, 
That  meant  to  pray  upon  anothers  land. 
And  now,  O  Queene,  above  all  others  blest, 
For  whom  both  winds  &  waves  are  prest  to  fight 
So  rule  your  owne,  so  succour  friends  opprest, 
(As  farre  from  pride,  as  ready  to  doe  right) 
That  England  you,  you  England  long  enjoy, 
No  lesse  your  friends  delight,  then  foes  annoy. 
[IV-  x.  I  have  thought  good  to  adde  here  the  prime  reports 

l9l3-]  made  by  the  Spaniards  and  their  friends,  touching  the 
successe  of  their  Armada,  as  they  were  printed  in  Spaine, 
and  after  published  and  scorned  in  England. 


510 


SPANISH   ACCOUNT   OF   THE   ARMADA         a.d. 

1588. 

The  true  Relation  of  the  successe  of  the  Catholike 
Armie  against  their  Enemies,  by  the  Letters  of 
the  Post-master  of  Logrono  of  the  fourth   of 
September,  and  by  Letters  from   Roan  of  the 
one  and   thirtieth   of  August,  and   by   Letters 
from  Paris  of  the  Kings  Embassadour  there : 
wherein     he    declareth     the    imprisonment    of 
Francis    Drake,    and    other    great    Nobles    of 
England,  and  how  the  Queene  is  in  the  Field 
with    an   Armie,    and    of  a    certaine    Mutinie 
which  was  amongst  the  Queenes  Armie,  with 
the  successe  of  the  said  Catholike  Armie  since 
they  entred  in  the  Groyne,  till  they  came  on 
the  Coast  of  England,  with  two  Ballets*  com-  *  Like  lips 
pounded  by  Christover  Bravo,  a  blind  man  of  j  biind 
Cordowa,    Printed    with    licence    by    Gabriel  Balladmaker 
Ramos  Beiarano  Printer.  fit  Homer  for 

Achilhan 

THe  newes  of  England  is  confirmed  here,  by  a  Letter  conquests. 
of  the  Governour  of  Roan.     Hee  writeth  hee  hath  ^  a  Le*ter  °f 
in  his  power  the  chiefe  Pilot  of  Captaine  Drake,  and  that  chiffe  Post_ ' 
he  knoweth  that  all  the  English  Armie  remained  over-  master  of 
throwne,  having  sunke  two  and  twentie  Ships,  and  taken  Logrono  dated 
fortie,  and  imprisoned  Francis  Drake,  having  given  them  the  seco^  °f 
chase  almost  as  high  as  Abspurge,  and  slaine  many  by  the   /fgg*   r' 
sword,  and  likewise  saith  that  there  was  found  in  Captaine 
Drakes  Ship,  a  Peece  of  Ordnance  of  five  and  twentie  foot 
long,  which  discharged  a  Shot  of  a  hundreth  weight  at 
once  made  of  purpose,  with  one  onely  Shot  to  sinke  our 
Spanish  Admirall,  and  it  pleased  God,  although  shee  was 
somewhat   battered,   yet   was   shee   repaired   againe,   and  Copie  of  a 
overthrew  the  English  Armie.  letter  that 

John  Gamarra 

THe    English    have    lost    above    fortie    Ships    in   one  «"'<>» 
P         1  1  11  n  1-1  •      Roan  the  31. 

encounter  where  they  could  not  riye,  which  was  in  0f  August  of 

Luxaten  a  Haven  in  Scotland,  to  the  which  place,  since  the  same  yeere. 

511 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

the  departure  of  the  Spanish  Armies  from  Calleis,  the 
English  Armie  followed,  and  supposing  they  went  to  take 
that  Haven,  they  got  before  ours  to  defend  the  entrance : 
wee  seeing  them  so  neere  the  English  Fleet,  and  that 
they  could  not  retire,  as  they  alwaies  did  when  they  pleased 
to  the  English  Haven,  they  set  upon  them  so  valiantly 
that  they  sunke  twentie  of  their  Ships,  and  they  tooke 
twentie  six  whole  and  sound,  and  the  rest  seeing  their 
destruction  fled  away  with  great  losse  of  men,  and  their 
Ships  very  much  battered,  and  with  this  (they  say)  the 
Spanish  Armie  tooke  the  Haven  where  they  are  very  well 
lodged,  as  every  one  amrmeth,  and  so  the  newes  is  here : 
I  pray  God  give  them  good  successe :  Wee  understand 
by  the  Post  come  from  Calleis,  that  in  England  it  is 
forbidden  upon  paine  of  death  and  losse  of  goods,  that 
no  bodie  doe  write  newes  from  thence  to  any  place : 
which  confirmeth  the  newes  above. 


Copieofa  Doe  not  write  newes  of  the  Spanish  Armie,  because 

p'T '' f?  41  t^iey  are   divers,   and  would  gladly  write   the  very 

did zvrite  from  trutn-     Now  by  the  newes  which  runneth  from  divers 

Roan  the  first  places,  as  Calleis,  Deepe,  and  Holland,  and  presumptions 

of  September     from  England  and  other  places,  it  is  holden  for  certaine 

of  the  same       fa^  ^gy  fought  with  the  English,  and  broken  their  heads, 

yeeu  having  sunke  many  of  their  Ships  and  taken  others,  and 

the  rest  which  they  say  were  twentie  seven  Ships,  returned 

very  much  battered  to  the  River  of  London,  which  are 

all  those  that  could  escape :    There  goeth  with  this  Post 

another  Post  of  Jorge  Segus  of  Calleis,  which  saith  that 

certaine  Masters  and  Mariners  of  Zeland,  did  affirme  to 

.  the  Governours   of  Calleis,   Mounsier  de  Gorden,   that 

London  which  our  Fleet  is  in  a  Haven  or  River  in  Scotland,  called  Trifla, 

the  Embassa-    where  they  say  there  may  ride  two  thousands  Ships :    this 

dor  of  our        is  that  which  commonly  is  currant  here. 

Sovereigns 

Lord  the  King  yyY  new£S  from  London  th     thirtie  six  of  August,  it 

P arris  had       -■-'  *s  knowne  for  most  certaine  from  persons  of  credite, 
from  thence.      that   the   Queens   Admiral   Generall   was   arrived   in   the 

512 


SPANISH   ACCOUNT   OF   THE   ARMADA         a.d. 

1588. 

River  of  London,  with  twentie  five  ships  onely  without 

his  Admirall  Ship,  which  was  taken  by  our  Admirall  Saint 

John,  and  it  is  well  knowne  in  England,  that  to  hide  the 

losse  of  their  Admirall  Ship,  they  say  hee  put  himselfe 

in  a  smaller  Ship  the  better  to  follow  our  Armie :     and 

it  is  knowne  for  certaintie  that  he  saved  himselfe  in  a 

Boat  when  he  lost  his  Ship.     That  Drake  for  certaintie 

is  taken  or  slaine.     The  same  is  confirmed  by  the  way  of 

Holland,  by  a  Pinnace  of  theirs.     And  from  Austerland, 

that  the  Queene  commanded  upon  paine  of  death,  that 

no  body  should  speake  of  her  Fleet,  and  that  there  was 

great   sorrow   in   those  parts   of  England,   and   that   the 

Queene  had  in  the  field  thirtie  thousand  raw  Souldiers, 

betwixt   Dover   and    Margate,   and    that   the   Catholikes  By  a^ette7p°f 

understanding  that  all  their  Fleet  was  dispersed,  moved  ma$ter  0f 

a  certaine  Mutinie,  which  forced  the  Queene  to  goe  her  Burdeux, 

selfe  into  the  Field,  and  for  certaine  it  is  knowne  that  written  to  the 

there  is  not  brought  into  England,  neither  Ship  nor  Boat  FrencA 

of  ours,  more  then  the  Ship  of  Don  Pedro  Valdez,  and    .!"  assaffr't 

that  our  Fleet  was  gone  into  Scotland,  and  arrived  in  a   r 588. 

Haven  called  Trapena  Euxaten.  Relation  of 

that  which 

AFter  that  I  had  written  this,  here  is  arrived  a  Scottish-  hath  paused  till 
man,  which  saith  that  all  the  Spanish  Fleet  is  arrived  this  day,  the 
in    Scotland,    and    that    Scottishmen    have    taken    Armes  fifth  °fSept- 
against  the  English.  )hree'ofthe 

HT^Hat  upon  the  thirtieth  of  July,  without  seeing  any  l1v-  x- 

JL    sayle  of  the  Enemies  in  the  Sea,  hee  came  to  the  ciock  -ln  ty 

Channell,    sixe   leagues   from   Plimouth :     where   under-  afternoon, 

standing  the  Enemies  were,  hee  gathered  together  and  set  knowne  by  the 

in  order  all  the  Fleet :    and  sayling  the  first  of  August,  rela{lons  and 

there  was  discovered  some  Sayles  of  the  Enemies,  the  ^  Majestie  ° 

which  the  second  day  were  numbred  to  bee  threescore  from  the  happy 

Sayle,  of  which  the  Duke  tooke  the  wind,  and  passed  Fleet,  wherof 

without   any  fight,   although   he  presented   the   same   to  ijGenerall  the 

them,  howbeit  they  began  to  shoot  at  the  Rearward  :    but  ,/  i  °J  . 

•A    1       •     '  1       A   11  c     »«■       ■  it-»  r  1  •      Meatna,  in 

the  Duke  in  the  Galleon  b.  Martin,  set  the  Prow  or  his  tne  conquest  of 
Ship  against  the  biggest  of  the  Enemies,  the  which  being  England. 

XIX  513  2K 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1588. 

succoured  by  twentie  others,  fled  away :  of  this  fight  and 
first  encounter,  there  was  sunke  three  Galeasses,  and  foure 
mightie  Galeons  of  the  Queenes  :  there  was  burnt  of 
ours  by  negligence  of  a  Gunner,  the  Admirall  of  Oquendo, 
and  the  Enemies  tooke  the  chiefe  Ship  of  Don  Pedro  de 
Valdez,  which  being  entangled  with  others  under  his 
charge :  was  left  without  Tackle,  and  so  neere  the 
Enemies,  that  shee  could  not  be  succoured  by  others. 

With  this,  our  Fleet  seeing  that  the  Enemy  in  every 
point  did  flye  from  giving  battell,  they  sailed  with  some 
calme  weather,  and  the  Enemies  after  them,  shooting 
alwayes  at  the  Rearward,  untill  the  seventh,  that  our 
Fleet  ancored  in  the  Road  of  S.  John,  betwixt  Calleis 
and  Bollin,  nine  leagues  from  Dunkerk,  and  the  Enemies 
did  the  like,  the  neerest  they  could  to  England. 

The  night  being  approached,  the  Enemies  got  up  their 
Ankers  to  get  wind,  and  not  to  suffer  our  Ships  to  goe 
out  of  the  Road  to  Sea,  because  they  had  trimmed  eight 
Ships  of  fire,  which  with  the  current  of  the  water,  should 
have  put  themselves  amongst  our  Ships  to  have  burnt 
them.  But  my  Lord  the  Duke,  foreseeing  the  danger 
prevented  them,  with  commandement  that  the  Ships  that 
were  neerest  should  cut  their  Cables,  and  take  up  the 
others  with  a  readinesse  uncredible :  and  with  this  the 
Enemies  pretence  was  hindered,  and  so  got  the  Sea  most 
bravely  and  with  good  fortune,  that  if  hee  had  not  done 
it  our  Army  should  have  beene  in  an  evill  case,  for  in 
the  very  place  where  we  left,  there  was  shot  off  by  them 
out  of  those  fiery  Ships,  such  Fires  and  other  Engines, 
that  were  sufficient  to  burne  the  Sea,  much  more  Ships 
which  are  made  of  Wood  and  Pitch. 

In  this  departure,  the  Captaine  of  the  Galeasses  had 
a  great  mischance :  for  getting  up  her  Anker,  a  Cable 
fell  foule  of  her  Helme,  that  shee  could  not  follow  the 
rest,  which  caused  one  of  her  sides  to  lie  so  high  that 
her  Ordnance  could  not  play,  and  so  twentie  five  Pinnaces 
came  and  battered  her,  and  with  all  this,  if  the  Mariners, 
Souldiers  and  Rowers  that  were  in  her,  had  not  cast  them- 

5*4 


SPANISH   ACCOUNT   OF   THE   ARMADA         a.d. 

1588. 

selves  into  the  Sea,  it  is  holden  for  certaine,  that  Don 
Hugo  de  Moncada  had  defended  her,  as  he  did  untill 
she  came  into  Calleis,  where  at  the  entrance  thereof,  he 
was  killed  of  two  Caliver  shot,  the  people  on  shoare 
defended  the  Galeasse,  and  all  that  was  in  her,  and 
delivered  the  same  to  our  Soveraigne  Lord  the  Kings 
Ministers. 

At  this  time  the  Duke  had  a  very  franke  wind,  and 
the  like  had  the  Queenes  Fleet :  and  so  they  both  passed 
by  the  sight  of  Dunkerke,  insomuch  as  they  on  Land 
knew  the  Gallion  S.  Martin,  and  others  that  went  righting 
with  the  English  Army,  and  in  this  order  they  went  till 
the  twelfth. 

Afterwards  they  write,  that  their  came  into  Calleis  a 
Ship,  which  saith,  that  the  twelfth  day  they  did  see  the 
two  Fleets  together  in  fight :  another  which  came  after- 
wards, said  he  had  seene  some  Ships  spoyled  and  torne, 
and  from  them  they  threw  out  their  baggage  which  they 
saved  in  Boats,  which  argueth  they  were  Ships  of  the 
Enemies,  for  that  our  men  had  no  place  to  save  them- 
selves, nor  there  were  none  of  them  arrived  into  Flanders, 
which  was  their  place  of  returne. 

OUt  of  England  was  advise  given,  that  on  the 
thirteenth  arrived  fifteene  of  the  Queenes  Ships, 
and  they  said  that  the  Galleon  S.  Martin,  wherein  my 
Lord  the  Duke  is  (whom  God  preserve)  had  encountred 
with  Drake,  and  had  grappled  his  Ship,  and  captived  his 
Person,  and  other  Noble  Englishmen,  and  taken  other 
fifteene  Ships,  beside  others  that  were  distressed,  and  the 
Duke  with  his  Fleet  followed  his  way  to  Scotland,  because 
the  wind  was  not  come  about. 

With  these  newes  his  Majesty  resteth  very  much  con- 
tented, and  caused  them  to  be  sent  to  the  Empresse,  by 
the  hands  of  Francisco  Ydiaquez,  his  Secretary  of  Estate. 

Imprinted  in  Sevill,  in  the  House  of  Cosmo  de  Lara, 
Printer  of  Bookes,  by  licence  of  the  Counte  of  Orgaz, 
Assistant  in  Sevill. 

5*5 


A.D. 
I589. 


[IV. 


X. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

Chap.   XII. 

A  Discourse  of  the  Portugall  Voyage,  A.  1589. 
Sir  John  Norris  and  Sir  Francis  Drake 
Generalls,  written  (as  is  thought)  by  Colonell 
Antonie  Wingfield,  imployed  in  the  same 
Voyage,  formerly  published  by  his  friend  to 
whom  it  was  written  ;    and   here  abbreviated. 

ijAving  determinately  purposed  to  put  on 
this  habite  of  a  Souldier,  I  grew  doubtfull 
whether  to  employ  my  time  in  the  warres 
of  the  Low-countries,  which  are  in 
auxiliarie  manner  maintained  by  her 
Majestie,  or  to  follow  the  fortune  of 
this  voyage,  which  was  an  adventure  of 
her  and  many  honourable  personages,  in  revenge  of 
unsupportable  wrongs  offered  unto  the  estate  of  our 
Countrey  by  the  Castilian  King :  in  arguing  whereof, 
9*5-]  I  finde  that  by  how  much  the  Challenger  is  reputed  before 
the  Defendant,  by  so  much  is  the  journey  to  bee  preferred 
before  those  defensive  Warres.  For  had  the  Duke  of 
Parma  his  turne-beene  to  defend,  as  it  was  his  good  fortune 
to  invade :  from  whence  could  have  proceeded  that 
glorious  honour  which  these  late  warres  have  laid  upon 
him,  or  what  could  have  beene  said  more  of  him,  then 
of  a  Respondent  (though  never  so  valiant)  in  a  private 
Duell?  Even  that  he  hath  done  no  more  then  by  his 
honour  he  was  tied  unto.  For  the  gaine  of  one  Towne, 
or  anv  small  defeat  giveth  more  renowme  to  the  Assailant, 
then  the  defence  of  a  Countrey,  or  the  withstanding  of 
twentie  encounters,  can  yeeld  any  man  who  is  bound  by 
his  place  to  guard  the  same  :  whereof  as  well  the  particu- 
lars of  our  age,  especially  in  the  Spaniard,  as  the  reports 
of  former  Flistories  may  assure  us,  which  have  still  layed 
the  fame  of  all  warres  upon  the  Invader.  And  doe  not 
ours  in  these  dayes  live  obscured  in  Flanders,  either  not 
having  wherewithall  to  manage  any  warre,  or  not  putting 

516 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

on  Armes,  but  to  defend  themselves  when  the  enemy 
shall  procure  them  ?  Whereas  in  this  short  time  of  our  -A  briefe 
Adventure,  we  have  won  a  Town  by  Escalade,  battered  re  ea  ,-f 
and  assaulted  another,  overthrowne  a  mightie  Princes  expi0its  in  this 
power  in  the  Field,  landed  our  Army  in  three  severall  voyage. 
places  of  his  Kingdome,  marched  seven  dayes  in  the  heart 
of  his  Country,  lyen  three  nights  in  the  Suburbs  of  his 
principall  Citie,  beaten  his  forces  into  the  Gates  thereof, 
and  possessed  two  of  his  frontier  Forts,  as  shall  in  dis- 
course thereof  more  particularly  appeare.  But  our  Army, 
which  hath  not  cost  her  Majestie  much  above  the  third 
part  of  one  yeeres  expences  in  the  Low-countries,  hath 
already  spoyled  a  great  part  of  the  provision  hee  had 
made  at  the  Groine  of  all  sorts,  for  a  new  voyage  into 
England ;  burnt  three  of  his  Ships,  whereof  one  was  the 
second  in  the  last  yeeres  expedition,  called  S.  Juan  de 
Colorado ;  taken  from  his  above  1 50.  Peeces  of  good 
artillery ;  cut  off  more  then  60.  Hulkes,  and  20.  French 
Ships  well  manned  fit  and  ready  to  serve  him  for  men 
of  warre  against  us,  laden  for  his  store  with  Corne, 
Victualls,  Masts,  Cables  and  other  merchandizes ;  slaine 
and  taken  the  principall  men  of  Warre  hee  had  in  Galitia  ; 
made  Don  Pedro  Enriques  de  Gusman,  Conde  de  Fuentes, 
Generall  of  his  forces  in  Portugall,  shamefully  run  at 
Peniche ;  laid  along  of  his  best  Commander  in  Lisbon  ; 
wherefore  I  directly  conclude  that  this  proceeding  is  the 
most  safe  and  necessary  way  to  be  held  against  him,  and 
therefore  more  importing  then  the  warre  in  the  Low- 
countries.  I  doubt  not  but  this  voyage  hath  sufficiently 
made  knowne  what  they  are  even  upon  their  owne  dung- 
hill ;  which,  had  it  bin  set  out  in  such  sort  as  it  was  agreed 
upon  by  their  first  demand,  it  might  have  made  our 
Nation  the  most  glorious  people  of  the  world.  For  hath 
not  the  want  of  eight  of  the  twelve  Peeces  of  Artillery, 
which  were  promised  unto  the  Adventure,  lost  her  Majesty 
the  possession  of  the  Groine  and  many  other  places,  as 
hereafter  shall  appeare ;  whose  defensible  rampiers  were 
greater  then  our  battery  (such  as  it  was)  cold  force :    and 

5i7 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1589. 

therefore  were  left  unattempted?  It  was  also  resolved 
to  have  sent  600.  English  Horses  of  the  Low-countries, 
whereof  wee  had  not  one,  notwithstanding  the  great 
charges  expended  in  their  transportation  hither :  and  that 
may  the  Army  assembled  at  Puente  de  Burgos  thanke 
God  of,  as  well  as  the  forces  of  Portugall,  who  fore-ran 
us  six  dayes  together :  Did  we  not  want  seven  of  the 
thirteen  old  Companies,  which  we  should  have  had  from 
thence :  foure  of  the  ten  Dutch  Companies ;  and  six  of 
their  men  of  Warre  for  the  Sea,  from  the  Hollanders : 
which  I  may  justly  say  wee  wanted,  in  that  we  might 
have  had  so  many  good  Souldiers,  so  many  good  ships, 
and  so  many  able  bodies  more  then  wee  had  ?  Did  there 
not  upon  the  first  thinking  of  the  journey,  divers  gallant 
Courtiers  put  in  their  names  for  Adventurers  to  the  sum 
of  1 0000.  li.  who  seeing  it  went  forward  in  good  earnest, 
advised  themselves  better,  and  laid  the  want  of  so  much 
money  upon  the  journey?  Was  there  not  moreover  a 
round  summe  of  the  adventure  spent  in  levying,  furnish- 
ing, and  maintaining  three  moneths  one  thousand  five 
hundred  men  for  the  service  of  Berghen,  with  which 
Companies  the  Mutinies  of  Ostend  were  suppressed,  a 
service  of  no  small  moment? 

What  misery  the  detracting  of  the  time  of  our  setting 
out,  which  should  have  beene  the  first  of  February,  did 
lay  upon  us,  too  many  can  witnesse :  and  what  extremitie 
the  want  of  that  months  victualls  which  wee  did  eat, 
during  the  moneth  wee  lay  at  Plimouth  for  wind,  might 
have  driven  us  unto,  no  man  can  doubt  of,  that  knoweth 
what  men  doe  live  by,  had  not  God  given  us  in  the  end 
a  more  prosperous  wind  and  shorter  passage  into  Galitia 
then  hath  been  often  seene,  where  our  owne  force  and 
fortune  revictualled  us  largely :  of  which  crosse  winds, 
that  held  us  two  dayes  after  our  going  out,  the  Generalls 
being  weary,  thrust  to  Sea  in  the  same,  wisely  chusing 
rather  to  attend  the  change  thereof  there,  then  by  being 
in  Harbour  to  lose  any  part  of  the  better,  when  it  should 
come  by  having  their  men  on  shoare  :    in  which  two  dayes 

5*8 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

twentie  five  of  our  Companies   shipped  in  part  of  the 

Fleet  were  scattered  from  us,  either  not  being  able  or 

willing  to  double  Ushant. 

These  burdens  layed  upon  our  Generalls  before  their  Genera// 
going  out,  they  have  patiently  endured,  and  I  thinke  they  ^orru  aJd 
have  thereby  much  enlarged  their  honour :     for  having   j)ra^e 
done  thus   much  with   the  want  of  our  Artillery,   600. 
Horse,   3000.   Foot,   20000.  li.  of  their  adventure,  and 
one  moneths  victualls  of  their  proportion,  what  may  be 
conjectured  they  would  have  done  with  their  full  comple-  Genera// 
ment  ?     For  our  instruction  against  them,  who  had  almost  *»'"  his 
seduced  you  from  the  true  opinion  you  hold  of  such  men,   Martla" 
you  shall  understand  that  Generall  Norris  from  his  booke  empioments 
was  trained  up  in  the  warres  of  the  Admirall  of  France,  [iv.  x. 
and  in  very  young  yeeres  had  charge  of  men  under  the  19l6-] 

Earle  of  Essex  in  Ireland :  which  with  what  commenda- 
tions hee  then  discharged,  I  leave  to  the  report  of  them 
who  observed  those  services.  Upon  the  breach  betwixt 
Don  John  and  the  States,  he  was  made  Colonell  Generall 
of  all  the  English  Forces  there  present,  or  to  come,  which 
he  continued  two  yeeres :  he  was  then  made  Marshall 
of  the  Field  under  Conte  Hohenlo :  and  after  that, 
Generall  of  the  Army  in  Frisland :  at  his  comming  home 
in  the  time  of  Monsieurs  government  in  Flanders,  he 
was  made  Lord  President  of  Munster  in  Ireland,  which 
he  yet  holdeth,  from  whence  within  one  yeere  hee  was 
sent  for,  and  sent  Generall  of  the  English  Forces,  which 
her  Majestie  lent  then  to  the  Low-countries,  which  he 
held  till  the  Earle  of  Leicesters  going  over.  And  he 
was  made  Marshall  of  the  Field  in  England,  the  enemy 
being  upon  our  Coast,  and  when  it  was  expected  the 
Crowne  of  England  should  have  beene  tried  by  battell. 
All  which  places  of  Command,  which  never  Englishman 
successively  attained  unto  in  forraine  warres,  and  the  high 
places  her  Majestie  hath  thought  him  worthy  of,  may 
suffice  to  perswade  you  that  hee  was  not  altogether  unlikely 
to  discharge  that  he  undertooke. 

What  fame  Generall  Drake  hath  gotten  by  his  journey 

5i9 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1589. 

about  the  world,  by  his  adventures  to  the  West  Indies, 
and  the  scourges  hee  hath  laid  upon  the  Spanish  Nation, 
I  leave  to  the  Southerne  parts  to  speake  of.  But  to 
answere  the  reports,  which  have  beene  given  out  in 
reproach  of  the  Actors  and  Action  by  such  as  were  in  the 
same :  let  no  man  thinke  otherwise,  but  that  they,  who 
fearing  the  casuall  accidents  of  Warre  had  any  purpose 
of  returning,  did  first  advise  of  some  occasion  that  should 
move  them  thereunto  :  and  having  found  any  whatsoever 
did  thinke  it  sufficiently  just,  in  respect  of  the  earnest 
desire  they  had  to  seeke  out  matter  that  might  colour 
their  comming  home. 

Of  these  there  were  some,  who  having  noted  the  late 
Flemish  wars,  did  find  that  many  young  men  have  gone 
over  and  safely  returned  Souldiers  within  few  moneths, 
in  having  learned  some  words  of  Art  used  in  the  wars, 
and  thought  after  that  good  example  to  spend  like  time 
amongst  us :  which  being  expired  they  began  to  quarrell 
at  the  great  mortalitie  that  was  amongst  us.  The  neglect 
of  discipline  in  the  Armie,  for  that  men  were  suffered 
to  bee  drunke  with  the  plentie  of  Wines.  The  scarsitie 
of  Surgions.  The  want  of  carriages  for  the  hurt  and 
sicke :  and  the  penury  of  victualls  in  the  Campe :  It 
hath  beene  proved  by  strickt  examinations  of  our  Musters, 
that  we  were  never  in  our  fulnesse  before  our  going  from 
Plimouth  1 1000.  Souldiers,  nor  above  2500.  Mariners. 
It  is  also  evident  that  there  returned  above  6000.  of  all 
sorts,  as  appeareth  by  the  severall  paiments  made  to  them 
since  our  comming  home.  And  I  have  truely  shewed 
you  that  of  these  numbers  very  neere  three  thousand 
forsooke  the  Armie  at  the  Sea,  whereof  some  passed  into 
France,  and  the  rest  returned  home.  So  as  wee  never 
being  13000.  in  all,  and  having  brought  home  above  six 
thousand  with  us,  you  may  see  how  the  world  hath  beene 
seduced,  in  beleeving  that  we  have  lost  16000.  men  by 
sicknesse. 

If  at  home  in  the  eyes  of  your  Justices,  Majors, 
Preachers,  and  Masters,  and  where  they  pay  for  every 

520 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

pot  they  take,  they  cannot  be  kept  from  their  liquor : 
doe  they  thinke  that  those  base  disordered  persons  whom 
themselves  sent  unto  us,  as  living  at  home  without  rule, 
who  hearing  of  Wine  doe  long  for  it  as  a  daintie  that 
their  purses  could  never  reach  to  in  England,  and  having 
it  there  without  money  even  in  their  houses  where  they 
lie  and  hold  their  guard,  can  be  kept  from  being  drunke ; 
and  once  drunke,  held  in  any  order  or  tune,  except  we 
had  for  every  drunkard  an  Officer  to  attend  him?  But 
who  bee  they  that  have  run  into  these  disorders?  Even 
our  newest  men,  our  youngest  men,  and  our  idlest  men, 
and  for  the  most  part  our  slovenly  prest  men,  whom  the 
Justices  (who  have  alwayes  thought  unworthily  of  any 
warre)  have  sent  out  as  the  scum  and  dregs  of  the 
Countrey.  And  those  were  they,  who  distempering  them- 
selves with  their  hot  Wines,  have  brought  in  that  sicknesse, 
which  hath  infected  honester  men  then  themselves.  But 
I  hope,  as  in  other  places  the  recovery  of  the  disease, 
doth  acquaint  their  bodies  with  the  ayre  of  the  Countrey 
where  they  be,  so  the  remainder  of  these  which  have 
either  recovered,  or  past  without  sicknesse  will  prove 
most  fit  for  Martiall  services. 

If  we  have  wanted  Surgeons,  may  not  this  rather  be 
laid  upon  the  Captaines  (who  are  to  provide  for  their 
severall  Companies)  then  upon  the  Generalls,  whose  care 
hath  been  more  generall.  And  how  may  it  be  thought 
that  every  Captaine,  upon  whom  most  of  the  charges 
of  raising  their  Companies  was  laid  as  an  adventure,  could 
provide  themselves  of  all  things  expedient  for  a  war, 
which  was  alwayes  wont  to  be  maintained  by  the  purse 
of  the  Prince.  But  admit  every  Captain  had  his  Surgeon  : 
yet  were  the  want  of  curing  neverthelesse  :  for  our  English 
Surgeons  (for  the  most  part)  bee  unexperienced  in  hurts 
that  come  by  shot ;  because  England  hath  not  knowne 
warres  but  of  late,  from  whose  ignorance  proceeded  this 
discomfort,  which  I  hope  will  warne  those  that  hereafter 
goe  to  the  warres,  to  make  preparation  of  such  as  may 
better  preserve  mens  lives  by  their  skill. 

521 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS    PILGRIMES 

1589. 

From  whence  the  want  of  carriages  did  proceed,  you 
may  conjecture  in  that  wee  marched  through  a  Country 
neither  plentifull  of  such  provisions,  nor  willing  to  part 
from  any  thing :  yet  this  I  can  assure  you,  that  no  man 
of  worth  was  left  either  hurt  or  sicke  in  any  place  unpro- 
vided for.  And  that  the  Generall  commanded  all  the 
[IV.  x.  Mules  and  Asses,  that  were  laden  with  any  baggage  to 

'^•J  be  unburdened  and  taken  to  that  use:  and  the  Earle  of 
Essex  and  he  for  mony  hired  men  to  carry  men  upon 
Eark  of  Essex  Pikes.  And  the  Earle  (whose  true  vertue  and  nobilitie, 
his  worthy  as  jf-  doth  in  all  other  his  actions  appeare,  so  did  it  very 
much  in  this)  threw  downe  his  owne  stuffe,  I  meane 
apparell  and  necessaries  which  hee  had  there  from  his  owne 
carriages,  and  let  them  be  left  by  the  way  to  put  hurt  and 
sicke  men  upon  them. 

And  the  great  complaint  that  these  men  make  for  want 
of  victualls,  may  well  proceed  from  their  not  knowing 
the  wants  of  warre ;  for  if  to  feed  upon  good  Beeves, 
Muttons,  and  Goates,  be  to  want,  they  have  endured 
great  scarcitie  at  Land,  whereunto  they  never  wanted  two 
dayes  together  wine  to  mixe  with  their  water,  nor  bread 
to  eat  with  their  meat  (in  some  quantitie)  except  it  were 
such  as  had  vowed  rather  to  starve  then  to  stir  out  of 
their  places  for  food :    of  whom  we  have  too  many. 

After  six  dayes  sayling  from  the  Coast  of  England, 

and   the  fifth  after  we  had   the  wind  good,   being   the 

Our  men  land  twentieth  of  Aprill  in  the  evening,  we  landed  in  a  bay 

within  a  mile    more  faen  an  English  mile  from  the  Groine,  in  our  long 

the  20  If"      Boats    and   Pinnaces   without   any    impeachment:     from 

April.  whence  we  presently  marched  toward  the  Towne,  within 

one  halfe  mile  wee  were  encountred  by  the  enemy,  who 

being  charged  by  ours,  retired  into  their  gates.     For  that 

night  our  Armie  lay  in  the  Villages,  Houses,  and  Mils 

next  adjoyning,  and  very  neere  round  about  the  Towne, 

into  the  which  the  Galeon  named  S.  John  (which  was  the 

second   of   the   last   yeeres    Fleet   against   England)    one 

Hulke,   two  smaller  Ships,  and  two  Gallies  which  were 

found  in  the  Road,  did  beat  upon  us  and  upon  our  Com- 

522 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

panies  as  they  passed  too  and  fro  that  night  and  the  next 
morning.  Generall  Norris  having  that  morning  before  day 
viewed  the  Towne,  found  the  same  defended  on  the  Land 
side  (for  it  standeth  upon  the  necke  of  an  Hand)  with  a 
wall  upon  a  dry  Ditch  :  whereupon  hee  resolved  to  try 
in  two  places  what  might  be  done  against  it  by  Escalade, 
and  in  the  meane  time  advised  for  the  landing  of  some 
Artillerie  to  be  upon  the  Ships  and  Gallies,  that  they 
might  not  annoy  us  :  which  being  put  in  execution,  upon 
the  planting  of  the  first  Peece  the  Gallies  abandoned  the 
Road,  and  betooke  them  to  Feroll,  not  farre  from  thence : 
and  the  Armada  being  beaten  with  the  Artillery  and 
Musketers  that  were  placed  upon  the  next  shoare,  left  her 
playing  upon  us.  The  rest  of  the  day  was  spent  in 
preparing  the  Companies,  and  other  provisions  readie 
for  the  surprise  of  the  base  Towne,  which  was  effected 
in  this  sort. 

There  were  appointed  to  bee  landed  1200.  men,  under 
the  conduct  of  Colonell  Huntley,  and  Captaine  Fenner 
the  Vice-Admirall,  on  that  side  next  fronting  us  by  water 
in  long  Boates  and  Pinnaces,  wherein  were  placed  many 
Peeces   of  Artillery   to   beat   upo<n   the   Towne   in   their 
approach :  at  the  corner  of  the  wall,  which  defended  the 
other  water  side,  were  appointed  Captain  Richard  Wing- 
field,  Lieutenant  Colonell  to  Generall  Norris,  and  Captaine 
Sampson,    Lieutenant    Colonell     to    Generall    Drake,    to 
enter  at  low  water  with  five  hundred  men  if  they  found 
it  passable,  but  if  not,  to  betake  them  to  the  Escalade, 
for  they  had  also  Ladders  with  them :  at  the  other  corner 
of  the  wall,  which  joyned  to  that  side  that  was  attempted 
by  water,  were  appointed  Colonell  Umpton,  and  Colonell 
Bret,  with  three  hundred  men  to  enter  by  Escalade.     All 
the  Companies  which  should  enter  by  Boat  being  imbarked 
before    the    low    water,    and    having    given    the    alarme, 
Captaine  Wingfield  and  Captaine  Sampson  betooke  them 
to  the  Escalade,  for  they  had  in  commandement  to  charge 
all  at  one  instant.     The  Boats  landed  without  any  great 
difficultie :    yet    had    they    some    men    hurt    in    landing. 

523 


[IV.  x. 


ad.  PURCHAS    HIS    PILGRIMES 

1589. 

Colonell  Bret,  and  Colonell  Umpton  entred  their  quarter 
without  encounter,  not  finding  any  defence  made  against 
them  :  for  Captaine  Hinder  being  one  of  them  that  entred 
by  water,  at  his  first  entry,  with  some  of  his  owne  com- 
panie  whom  hee  trusted  well,  betooke  himselfe  to  that  part 
of  the  wall,  which  hee  cleered  before  that  they  offered  to 
enter,  and  so  scoured  the  wall,  till  he  came  on  the  backe 
of  them,  who  maintained  the  fight  against  Captain  Wing- 
field  and  Captaine  Sampson  ;  who  were  twice  beaten  from 
their  Ladders,  and  found  very  good  resistance,  till  the 
enemies  perceiving  ours  entred  in  two  places  at  their 
backes,  were  driven  to  abandon  the  same.  The  reason 
why  that  place  was  longer  defended  then  the  other,  is  (as 
Don  Juan  de  Luna,  who  commanded  the  same  aifirmeth) 
that  the  enemie  that  day  had  resolved  in  counsell  how  to 
make  their  defences,  if  they  were  approached  :  and  therein 
concluded,  that,  if  wee  attempted  it  by  water,  it  was  not 
able  to  bee  held,  and  therefore  upon  the  discovery  of  our 
Boates,  they  of  the  high  Towne  should  make  a  signall  by 
fire  from  thence,  that  all  the  low  Towne  might  make  their 
retreat  thither :  but  they  (whether  troubled  with  the 
sudden  terror  we  brought  upon  them,  or  forgetting  their 
decree)  omitted  the  fire,  which  made  them  guard  that  place 
till  we  were  entred  on  every  side. 

Then  the  Towne  being  entred  in  three  severall  places 
with  an  huge  cry,  the  Inhabitants  betooke  them  to  the 
high  Towne :  which  they  might  with  lesse  perill  doe,  for 
that  ours  being  strangers  there,  knew  not  the  way  to  cut 
them  off.  The  rest  that  were  not  put  to  the  sword  in 
furie,  fled  to  the  Rocks  in  the  Hand,  others  hid  themselves 
in  Chambers  and  Sellers,  which  were  every  day  found  in 
great  numbers. 

Amongst  those  Don  Juan  de  Luna,  a  man  of  very  good 
commandement,  having  hidden  himselfe  in  a  house,  did 
the  next  morning  yeeld  himselfe.  There  was  also  taken 
that  night  a  Commissarie  of  victuals,  called  Juan  de  Vera, 
who  confessed  that  there  were  in  the  Groine  at  our  entrie 
191 8.]  five  hundred  Souldiers,  being  in  seven  Companies,  which 

524 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

returned  very  weake  (as  appeareth  by  the  small  numbers 

of  them)  from  the  journey  of  England.     The  rest  falling 

into  the  hands  of  the  common  Souldiers,  had  their  throats 

■cut,  to  the  number  of  five  hundred  as  I  conjecture,  first 

and  last,  after  wee  had  entred  the  Towne  ;  and  in  the  entry 

thereof  there  was  found  everie  Seller  full  of  Wine,  whereon 

our  men  by  inordinate  drinking,  both  grew  themselves  for  Intemperate 

the  present  senslesse  of  the  danger  of  the  shot  of  the  dr™kl"& came 

Town,  which  hurt  many  of  them  being  drunk,  and  tooke  ^ su  nesse' 

the  first  ground  of  their  sicknesse ;    for  of  such  was  our 

first  and  chiefest   mortalitie.     There  was  also  abundant 

store  of  Victualls,   Salt,   and   all   kind   of  provision   for 

shipping  and  the  warre :  which  was  confessed  by  the  said 

Commissary  of  Victualls  taken  there,  to  be  the  beginning 

of  a  Magasin  of  all  sorts  of  provision  for  a  new  Voyage  New  voyage  to 

into   England :    whereby   you   may   conjecture   what   the  England 

spoile   thereof   hath  advantaged  us,   and   prejudiced   the 

King  of  Spaine. 

The  next  morning  about  eight  of  the  clocke  the 
enemies  abandoned  their  Ships.  And  having  over- 
charged the  Artillery  of  the  Gallion,  left  her  on  fire,  Gallion  burnt. 
which  burnt  in  terrible  sort  two  daies  together,  the  fire 
and  overcharging  of  the  Peeces  being  so  great,  as  of  fiftie 
that  were  in  her,  there  were  not  above  sixteene  taken  out 
whole ;  the  rest  with  overcharge  of  the  powder  being 
broken  and  molten  with  heat  of  the  fire,  were  taken  out 
in  broken  pieces  into  divers  Ships.  The  same  day  was 
the  Cloister  of  the  South  side  of  the  Towne  entred  by 
us,  which  joyned  verie  neere  to  the  wall  of  the  Town, 
out  of  the  chambers  and  other  places  whereof  we  beat 
into  the  same  with  our  Musketiers. 

The  next  day  in  the  afternoone  there  came  downe  some 
two  thousand  men,  gathered  together  out  of  the  Countrey, 
even  to  the  gates  of  the  Towne,  as  resolutely  (led  by 
what  spirit  I  know  not)  as  though  they  would  have  entred 
the  same :  but  at  the  first  defence  made  by  ours  that  had 
the  guard  there,  wherein  were  slaine  about  eighteene  of 
theirs,  they  tooke  them  to  their  heeles  in  the  same  disorder 

525 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

1589. 

they  made  their  approach,  and  with  greater  speed  then 
ours  were  able  to  follow :  notwithstanding  wee  followed 
after  them  more  then  a  mile.  The  second  day  Colonell 
Huntley  was  sent  into  the  Countrey  with  three  or  foure 
hundred  men,  who  brought  home  very  great  store  of 
Kine  and  Sheepe  for  our  reliefe. 

The  third  day  in  the  night,  the  Generall  had  in  purpose 
to  take  a  long  Munition-house  builded  upon  their  wall> 
opening  towardes  us,  which  would  have  given  great 
advantage  against  them ;  but  they  knowing  the  com- 
modity thereof  for  us,  burnt  it  in  the  beginning  of  the 
evening ;  which  put  him  to  a  new  councell :  for  he  had 
likewise  brought  some  Artillery  to  that  side  of  the  Town. 
Dangerous  During  this  time  there  happened  a  very  great  fire  in  the 
fire.  lower  end  of  the  Towne ;    which,  had  it  not  bin  by  the 

care  of  the  Generals  heedily  seene  unto,  and  the  fury 
thereof  prevented  by  pulling  downe  many  houses  which 
were  most  in  danger,  as  next  unto  them,  had  burnt  all 
the  provisions  we  found  there,  to  our  wonderfull 
hinderance. 

The  fourth  day,  were  planted  under  the  guard  of  the 
Cloisters  two  Demy-canons,  and  two  Colverings  against 
the  Towne,  defended  or  gabbioned  with  a  crosse  wall, 
thorow  which  our  battery  lay ;  the  first  and  second  tire 
whereof  shooke  all  the  wall  down,  so  as  all  the  Ordnance 
lay  open  to  the  Enemy,  by  reason  wherof  some  of  the 
Canoniers  were  shot  and  some  slaine.  The  Lieutenant 
also  of  the  Ordnance,  M.  Spencer,  was  slaine  fast  by  Sir 
Edward  Norris,  Master  thereof:  whose  valour  being 
accompanied  with  an  honourable  care  of  defending  that 
trust  committed  unto  him,  never  left  that  place,  till  he 
received  direction  from  the  Generall  his  brother  to  cease 
the  battery,  which  he  presently  did,  leaving  a  guard  upon 
the  same  for  that  day ;  and  in  the  night  following  made 
so  good  defence  for  the  place  of  the  battery,  as  after  there 
were  very  few  or  none  annoyed  therein.  That  day 
Captaine  Goodwin  had  in  commandement  from  the 
Generall,  that  when  the  assault  should  be  given  to  the 

526 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 
Towne,  he  should  make  a  proffer  of  an  Escalade  on  the 
other  side,  where  he  held  his  guard :  but  he  (mistaking 
the  signall  that  would  have  beene  given)  attempted  the 
same  long  before  the  assault,  and  was  shot  in  the  mouth. 
The  same  day  the  Generall  having  planted  his  Ordnance 
ready  to  batter,  caused  the  Towne  to  be  summoned ; 
in  which  summons  they  of  the  Towne  shot  at  our  Drum : 
immediately  after  that  there  was  one  hanged  over  the 
wall,  and  a  parle  desired ;  wherein  they  gave  us  to  under- 
stand, that  the  man  hanged  was  hee  that  shot  at  the  Drum 
before  :  wherein  they  all  intreated  to  have  faire  wars,  with 
promise  of  the  same  on  their  parts.  The  rest  of  the  parle 
was  spent  in  talking  of  Don  Juan  de  Luna,  and  some 
other  prisoners,  and  somewhat  of  the  rendring  of  the 
Towne,  but  not  much,  for  they  listned  not  greatly 
thereunto. 

Generall  Norris  having  by  his  skilfull  view  of  the 
Towne  (which  is  almost  all  seated  upon  a  Rocke)  found 
one  place  thereof  mineable,  did  presently  set  workemen  Undermining. 
in  hand  withall ;  who  after  three  daies  labour  (and  the 
seventh  after  we  were  entred  the  base  Towne)  had  bedded 
their  Powder,  but  indeed  not  farre  enough  into  the  wall. 
Against  which  time  the  breach  made  by  the  Canon  being 
thought  assaultable,  and  Companies  appointed  as  well  to 
enter  the  same,  as  that  which  was  expected  should  be 
blowne  up  by  the  Mine :  namely,  to  that  of  the  Canon, 
Captaine  Richard  Wingfield,  and  Captaine  Philpot,  who 
led  the  Generalls  Foot-company,  with  whom  also  Captaine 
Yorke  went,  whose  principall  commandement  was  over  the 
Horse-men.  And  to  that  of  the  Mine,  Captaine  John 
Sampson,  and  Captaine  Anthony  Wingfield  Lieutenant 
Colonell  to  the  Master  of  the  Ordnance,  with  certaine  [iv.  x. 
selected  out  of  divers  Regiments.     All  these  Companies  1919-] 

being  in  Armes,  and  the  assault  intended  to  be  given  in  all 
places  at  an  instant,  fire  was  put  to  the  traine  of  the  Mine  ; 
by  reason  the  Powder  brake  out  backwardes  in  a  place 
where  the  Cave  was  made  too  high,  there  could  be  nothing 
done    in   either   place   for   that   day.     During    this    time 

527 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   PXLGRIMES 

1589- 

Captain  Hinder  was  sent  with  some  chosen  out  of  every 
Provisions  Company  into  the  Country  for  provisions,  whereof  he 
brought  in.       brought  in  good  store,  and  returned  without  losse. 

The  next  day  Cap.  Anthony  Sampson  was  sent  out  with 
some  five  hundred  to  fetch  in  provisions  for  the  Army, 
who.  was  encountred  by  them  of  the  Country,  but  he 
put  them  to  flight,  and  returned  with  good  spoile.  The 
same  night  the  Miners  were  set  to  worke  againe,  who  by 
the  second  day  after  had  wrought  very  well  into  the 
foundation  of  the  wall.  Against  which  time  the  Com- 
panies aforesaid  being  in  readinesse  for  both  places 
(Generall  Drake  on  the  other  side,  with  two  or  three 
hundred  men  in  Pinnaces,  making  proffer  to  attempt  a 
strong  Fort  upon  an  Hand  before  the  Towne,  where  he 
left  more  then  thirtie  men)  fire  was  given  to  the  traine 
of  the  Mine,  which  blew  up  halfe  the  Tower  under  which 
the  Powder  was  planted.  The  assailants  having  in  charge 
upon  the  effecting  of  the  Mine  presently  to  give  the 
assault,  performed  it  accordingly ;  but  too  soone :  for 
having  entred  the  top  of  the  breach,  the  other  halfe  of 
Tower falleth.  the  Tower,  which  with  the  first  force  of  the  Powder  was 
onely  shaken  and  made  loose,  fell  upon  our  men  :  under 
which  were  buried  about  twentie  or  thirtie,  then  being 
under  that  part  of  the  Tower.  This  so  amazed  our  men 
that  stood  in  the  breach,  not  knowing  from  whence  that 
terror  came,  as  they  forsooke  their  Commanders,  and  left 
them  among  the  ruines  of  the  Mine.  The  two  Ensignes 
of  Generall  Drake  and  Captaine  Anthony  Wingfield  were 
shot  in  the  breach,  but  their  colours  were  rescued :  the 
Generalls  by  Captaine  Sampsons  Lieutenant,  and  Captaine 
Wingfields  by  himselfe.  Amongst  them  that  the  wall 
fell  upon,  was  Cap.  Sydenham  pittifully  lost ;  who  having 
three  or  foure  great  stones  upon  his  lower  parts,  was  held 
so  fast,  as  neither  himselfe  could  stirre,  nor  any  reasonable 
company  recover  him.  Notwithstanding  the  next  day 
being  found  to  be  alive,  there  was  ten  or  twelve  lost  in 
attempting  to  relieve  him. 

The  breach  made  by  the  Canon,  was  wonderfully  well 

528 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

assaulted  by  them  that  had  the  charge  thereof,  who 
brought  their  men  to  the  push  of  the  Pike  at  the  top  of 
the  breach.  And  being  readie  to  enter,  the  loose  earth 
(which  was  indeede  but  the  rubbish  of  the  outside  of  the 
wall)  with  the  weight  of  them  that  were  thereon  slipped 
outwardes  from  under  their  feet.  Whereby  did  appeare 
halfe  the  wall  unbattered.  For  let  no  man  thinke  that 
Culverin  or  Demy-canon  can  sufficiently  batter  a  defensible 
rampire :  and  of  those  Peeces  which  we  had,  the  better 
of  the  Demy-canons  at  the  second  shot  brake  in  her 
carriages,  so  as  the  battery  was  of  lesse  force,  being  but 
of  three  Peeces. 

In  our  retreat  (which  was  from  both  breaches  thorow 
a  narrow  lane)  were  many  of  our  men  hurt :  and  Captaine 
Dolphin,  who  served  very  well  that  day,  was  hurt  in 
the  very  breach.  The  failing  of  this  attempt,  in  the 
opinion  of  all  the  beholders,  and  of  such  as  were  of  the 
best  judgement,  was  the  fall  of  the  Mine ;  which  had 
doubtlesse  succeeded,  the  rather,  because  the  approch  was 
unlooked  for  by  the  enemy  in  that  place,  and  therefore 
not  so  much  defence  made  there  as  in  the  other ;  which 
made  the  Generall  grow  to  a  new  resolution :  for  finding 
that  two  daies  battery  had  so  little  beaten  their  wall,  and 
that  he  had  no  better  preparation  to  batter  withall :  he 
knew  in  his  experience,  there  was  no  good  to  be  done 
that  way ;  which  I  thinke  he  first  put  in  proofe,  to  try  if 
by  that  terror  hee  could  get  the  upper  Towne,  having  no 
other  way  to  put  it  in  hazzard  so  speedily,  and  which  in 
my  conscience  had  obtained  the  Towne,  had  not  the 
defendants  bin  in  as  great  peril  of  their  lives  by  the 
displeasure  of  their  King  in  giving  it  up,  as  by  the  Bullet 
or  Sword  in  defending  the  same.  For  that  day  before 
the  assault,  in  the  view  of  our  Armie,  they  burnt  a 
Cloister  within  the  Town,  and  many  other  houses 
adjoyning  to  the  Castle,  to  make  it  more  defensible : 
whereby  it  appeared  how  little  opinion  themselves  had  of 
holding  it  against  us,  had  not  God  (who  would  not  have 
us  suddenly  made  proud)  laied  that  misfortune  upon  us. 
xix  529  2  L 


A.D. 
I589. 

Conde  de 
Andrada  his 
Arrnie. 


[IV. 


1920.] 


PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

The  next  day  the  Generall  hearing  by  a  prisoner  that 
was  brought  in,  that  the  Conde  de  Andrada  had  assembled 
an  Armie  of  eight  thousand  at  Puente  de  Burgos,  sixe 
miles  from  thence  in  the  way  to  Petance,  which  was  but 
the  beginning  of  an  Armie  :  in  that  there  was  a  greater 
leavy  ready  to  come  thither  under  the  Conde  de  Altomira  ; 
either  in  purpose  to  relieve  the  Groine,  or  to  encampe 
themselves  neere  the  place  of  our  embarking,  there  to 
hinder  the  same ;  for  to  that  purpose  had  the  Marquesse 
of  Seralba,  written  to  them  both  the  first  night  of  our 
landing,  as  the  Commissary  taken  then  confessed,  or  at 
the  least  to  stop  our  further  entrance  into  the  Countrey, 
(for  during  this  time,  there  were  many  incursions  made 
of  three  or  foure  hundred  at  a  time,  who  burnt,  spoiled, 
and  brought  in  victualls  plentifully)  the  Generall,  I  say, 
hearing  of  this  Armie,  had  in  purpose  the  next  day 
following  to  visite  them,  against  whom  hee  carried  but 
nine  Regiments :  as  in  the  Vantguard  were  the  Regiment 
of  Sir  Roger  Williams,  Sir  Edward  Norris,  and  Colonell 
Sidney :  in  the  Battaile,  that  of  the  Generall  of  Colonell 
Lane,  and  Colonell  Medkerk :  and  in  the  Reareward,  Sir 
Henry  Norris,  Colonell  Huntley,  and  Colonell  Brets 
Regiments ;  leaving  the  other  five  Regiments  with 
Generall  Drake,  for  the  guard  of  the  Cloister  and  Artillery. 
About  ten  of  the  clocke  the  next  day,  being  the  sixt  of 
May,  halfe  a  mile  from  the  Campe,  wee  discovering  the 
enemy,  Sir  Edward  Norris,  who  commanded  the  Vant- 
guard in  chiefe,  appointed  his  Lieutenant  Colonell 
Captaine  Anthony  Wingfield  to  command  the  shot  of  the 
same,  who  divided  them  into  three  troupes ;  the  one  he 
appointed  to  Captain  Middleton  to  be  conducted  in  away 
on  the  left  hand :  another  to  Captain  Erington  to  take 
the  way  on  the  right  hand,  and  the  bodie  of  them  (which 
were  Musquetiers)  Captaine  Wingfield  tooke  himselfe, 
keeping  the  direct  way  of  the  march.  But  the  way  taken 
by  Captaine  Middleton  met  a  little  before  with  the  way 
held  by  Captaine  Wingfield,  so  as  he  giving  the  first 
charge  upon  the  enemy,  was  in  the  instant  seconded  by 

53° 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

Captaine  Wingfield,  who  beat  them  from  place  to  place 
(they  having  very  good  places  of  defence,  and  crosse  Walles 
which  they  might  have  held  long)  till  they  betooke  them 
to  their  Bridge,  which  is  over  a  creeke  comming  out  of 
the  Sea,  builded  of  Stone  upon  Arches.  On  the  foot  of 
the  further  side  whereof,  lay  the  Campe  of  the  enemy  very 
strongly  entrenched,  who  with  our  shot  beaten  to  the 
further  end  of  the  Bridge,  Sir  Edward  Norris  marching 
in  the  point  of  the  Pikes,  without  stay  passed  to  the 
Bridge,  accompanied  with  Colonell  Sidney,  Captaine 
Hinder,  Captaine  Fulford,  and  divers  others,  who  found 
the  way  cleere  over  the  same,  but  through  an  incredible 
volley  of  shot ;  for  that  the  shot  of  their  Army  flanked 
upon  both  sides  of  the  Bridge,  the  further  end  whereof 
was  barricaded  with  Barrells :  but  they  who  should  have 
guarded  the  same,  seeing  the  proud  approach  wee  made, 
forsooke  the  defence  of  the  barricade,  where  Sir  Edward 
entred,  and  charging  the  first  defendant  with  his  Pike, 
with  very  earnestnesse  in  overthrusting,  fell,  and  was 
grievously  hurt  at  the  sword  in  the  head,  but  was  most 
honourably  rescued  by  the  Generall  his  brother,  accom- 
panied with  Colonell  Sidney,  and  some  other  Gentlemen : 
Captaine  Hinder  also  having  his  Caske  shot  off,  had  five 
wounds  in  the  head  and  face  at  the  sword :  and  Captaine 
Fulford  was  shot  in  the  left  arme  at  the  same  encounter : 
yet  were  they  so  thorowly  seconded  by  the  Generall,  who 
thrust  himselfe  so  neere  to  give  encouragement  to  the 
attempt  (which  was  of  wonderfull  difficultie)  as  their 
bravest  men  that  defended  that  place  being  overthrowne, 
their  whole  Army  fell  presently  into  rout,  of  whom  our  The  notable 
men  had  the  chase  three  miles  in  foure  sundry  waies,  overthrow 
which  they  betooke  themselves  unto.  There  was  taken  &we"  t0 Jhe 
the  Standard  with  the  Kings  Armes,  and  borne  before  the  p^H  Je  a 
Generall.  How  many  two  thousand  men  (for  of  so  many  Burgos. 
consisted  our  Vantguard)  might  kill  in  pursuit  of  foure 
sundry  parties,  so  many  you  may  imagine  fell  before  us 
that  day.  And  to  make  the  number  more  great,  our 
men  having  given  over  the  execution,  and  returning  to 

53i 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGMMES 

1589. 

their  stands,  found  many  hidden  in  the  Vineyards  and 
Hedges,  which  they  dispatched.  Also  Colonell  Medkerk 
was  sent  with  his  Regiment  three  miles  further  to  a 
Cloister,  which  hee  burnt  and  spoiled,  wherein  he  found 
two  hundred  more,  and  put  them  to  the  sword.  There 
were  slaine  in  this  fight  on  our  side  onely  Captain  Cooper, 
and  one  private  Souldier;  Captaine  Barton  was  also  hurt 
upon  the  Bridge  in  the  eye.  But  had  you  seene  the 
strong  barricades  they  had  made  on  either  side  of  the 
Bridge,  and  how  strongly  they  lay  encamped  thereabouts, 
you  would  have  thought  it  a  rare  resolution  of  ours  to 
give  so  brave  a  charge  upon  an  Armie  so  strongly  lodged. 
After  the  fury  of  the  execution,  the  Generall  sent  the 
Vantguard  one  way,  and  the  battell  another,  to  burne  and 
spoile ;  so  as  you  might  have  seene  the  Countrey  more 
then  three  miles  compasse  on  fire.  There  was  found 
very  good  store  of  Munition  and  victualls  in  the  Campe, 
some  plate  and  rich  apparell,  which  the  better  sort  left 
behind,  they  were  so  hotly  pursued.  Our  Sailers  also 
landed  in  an  Hand  next  adjoyning  to  our  ships,  where  they 
burnt  and  spoiled  all  they  found.  Thus  we  returned  to 
the  Groine,  bringing  small  comfort  to  the  enemy  within 
the  same,  who  shot  many  times  at  us  as  we  marched  out ; 
but  not  once  in  our  comming  backe  againe. 

DO 

The  next  day  was  spent  in  shipping  our  Artillery  landed 
for  the  battery,  and  of  the  rest  taken  at  the  Groine,  which 
had  it  beene  such  as  might  have  given  us  any  assurance 
of  a  better  battery,  or  had  there  beene  no  other  purpose 
of  our  journey  but  that,  I  thinke  the  Generall  would 
have  spent  some  more  time  in  the  siege  of  the  place. 

The  two  last  nights,  there  were  that  undertooke  to  fire 
the  higher  Towne  in  one  place,  where  the  houses  were 
builded  upon  the  wall  by  the  water  side ;  but  they  within 
suspecting  as  much,  made  so  good  defence  against  us, 
as  they  prevented  the  same.  In  our  departure  there  was 
fire  put  into  everie  house  of  the  low  Towne,  insomuch  as 
I  may  justly  say,  there  was  not  one  house  left  standing  in 
the  base  Towne,  or  the  Cloister. 

532 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

The  next  day,  being  the  eight  of  May,  wee  embarked 
our  Armie  without  losse  of  a  man,  which  (had  wee  not 
beaten  the  enemie  at  Puente  de  Burgos)  had  beene 
impossible  to  have  done. 

After  we  had  put  from  thence,  we  had  the  wind  so 
contrarie,  as  we  could  not  under  nine  daies  recover  the 
Burlings :  in  which  passage  on  the  thirteenth  day  the 
Earle  of  Essex,  and  with  him  M.  Walter  Devereux  his  Eark  of  Essex 
brother  (a  Gentleman  of  wonderfull  great  hope)  Sir  Roger  coms  t0  thm- 
Williams,  Colonell  General!  of  the  Footmen,  Sir  Philip 
Butler,  who  hath  alwaies  beene  most  inward  with  him, 
and  Sir  Edward  Wingfield,  came  into  the  Fleet.  The 
Earle  put  off  in  the  same  wind  from  Falmouth,  that  wee 
left  Plimouth  in,  where  he  lay,  because  he  would  avoid  the 
importunitie  of  Messengers  that  were  daily  sent  for  his 
returne,  and  some  other  causes  more  secret  to  himselfe, 
not  knowing  (as  it  seemed)  what  place  the  Generals 
purposed  to  land  in,  had  bin  as  far  as  Cadiz  in  Andaluzia, 
and  lay  up  and  downe  about  the  South  Cape,  where  hee 
tooke  some  Ships  laden  with  Corne,  and  brought  them  [IV.  x. 
unto  the  Fleet.     Also  in  his  returne  from  thence  to  meet  1921.] 

with  our  Fleet,  he  fell  with  the  Hands  of  Bayon ;  and  on 
that  side  of  the  River  which  Cannas  standeth  upon,  he, 
with  Sir  Roger  Williams,  and  those  Gentlemen  that  were 
with  him  went  on  shoare,  with  some  men  out  of  the  Ship 
he  was  in,  whom  the  enemy  that  held  guard  upon  that 
Coast,  would  not  abide,  but  fled  up  into  the  Countrey. 

The  sixteenth  day  we  landed  at  Peniche  in  Portugal,  They  lavd  at 
under  the  shot  of  the  Castle,  and  above  the  waste  in  the  Peniche. 
water,  more  then  a  mile  from  the  town,  wherin  many  were 
in  peril  of  drowning,  by  reason  the  wind  was  great,  and 
the  Sea  went  high,  which  overthrew  one  Boat,  wherein 
five  and  twentie  of  Captaine  Dolphins  men  perished. 
The  enemy  being  five  Companies  of  Spaniards,  under  the 
commandement  of  Conde  de  Fuentes,  sallied  out  of  the 
town  against  us,  and  in  our  landing  made  their  approach 
close  by  the  water  side.  But  the  Earle  of  Essex,  with 
Sir    Roger    Williams,    and    his    brother,    having    landed 

533 


A.D. 
1589. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 


sufficient  number  to  make  two  troupes,  left  one  to  hold 
the  way  by  the  water  side,  and  led  the  other  over  the 
Sand-hills ;  which  the  enemy  seeing,  drew  theirs  likewise 
further  into  the  Land  ;  not,  as  we  conjectured,  to  encounter 
us,  but  indeed  to  make  their  speedie  passage  away : 
notwithstanding  they  did  it  in  such  sort,  as  being  charged 
by  ours  which  were  sent  out  by  the  Colonell  generall  under 
Captaine  Jackson,  they  stood  the  same  even  to  the  push 
of  the  Pike :  in  which  charge  and  at  the  push,  Captaine 
Robert  Piew  was  slaine.  The  enemy  being  fled,  further 
then  we  had  reason  to  follow  them,  all  our  Companies  were 
drawne  to  the  Town ;  which  being  unfortified  in  any 
place,  wee  found  undefended  by  any  man  against  us. 
And  therefore  the  Generall  caused  the  Castle  to  bee  sum- 
moned that  night ;  which  being  abandoned  by  him  that 
commanded  it,  a  Portugall  named  Antonio  de  Aurid,  being 
possessed  thereof,  desired  but  to  be  assured  that  Don 
Antonio  was  landed,  whereupon  he  would  deliver  the 
Penkke  taken,  same ;  which  he  honestly  performed.  There  was  taken 
out  of  the  Castle  some  hundred  Shot  and  Pikes,  which 
Don  Emanuel  furnished  his  Portugalls  withall,  and  twentie 
Barrells  of  Powder :  so  as  possessing  both  the  Town  and 
the  Castle,  we  rested  there  one  day ;  wherin  some  Friars 
and  other  poore  men  came  unto  their  new  King,  promising 
in  the  name  of  their  Countrey  next  adjoyning,  that  within 
two  dayes  hee  should  have  a  good  supply  of  Horse  and 
Foot  for  his  assistance.  That  day  wee  remained  there, 
the  Generals  company  of  horses  were  unshipped. 

The  Generalls  there  fully  resolved,  that  the  Armie 
should  march  over  Land  to  Lisbon,  under  the  conduct  of 
Generall  Norris  ;  and  that  Generall  Drake  should  meet 
him  in  the  River  thereof  with  the  Fleet ;  that  there  should 
bee  one  Company  of  Foot  left  in  guard  of  the  Castle,  and 
six  in  the  Ships :  also  that  the  sicke  and  hurt  should 
remaine  there  with  provisions  for  their  cures. 

In  this  march  Captaine  Crispe  the  Provost  Marshall 
caused  one  who  (contrary  to  the  Proclamation  published 
at  our  arrivall  in  Portugall)  had  broken  up  an  house  for 

534 


They  march 

towards 

Lisbon. 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

pillage,  to  bee  hanged,  with  the  cause  of  his  death  upon 
his  breast,  in  the  place  where  the  act  was  committed : 
which  good  example  providently  given  in  the  beginning  Good 
of  our  march,  caused  the  commandement  to  be  more  dtsciP"ns- 
respectively  regarded  all  the  journey  after,  by  them  whom 
feare  of  punishment  doth  only  hold  within  compasse. 
The  Campe  lodged  that  night  at  Lorinha :  the  next  dij 
we  had  intelligence  all  the  way,  that  the  enemy  had  made 
head  of  Horse  and  Foot  against  us  at  Torres  Vedras, 
which  wee  thought  they  would  have  held :  but  comming 
thither  the  second  day  of  our  march,  not  two  houres  before 
our  Vantguard  came  in,  they  left  the  Towne  and  Castle 
to  the  possession  of  Don  Antonio. 

There  began  the  greatest  want  we  had  of  victuals,  Want  of 
especially  of  bread,  upon  a  commandement  given  from  the  bread. 
Generall,  that  no  man  should  spoile  the  Country,  or  take 
any  thing  from  any  Portugall :  which  was  more  respec- 
tively observed,  then  I  thinke  would  have  bin  in  our 
owne  Countrey,  amongst  our  owne  friends  and  kindred  : 
but  the  Countrey  (contrary  to  promise)  wholly  neglected 
the  provision  of  victuals  for  us,  wherby  we  were  driven 
for  that  time  into  a  great  scarsity.  Which  moved  the 
Colonell  Generall  to  call  all  the  Colonells  together,  and  with 
them  to  advise  of  some  better  course  for  our  people  :  who 
thought  it  best,  first  to  advertise  the  King  what  necessitie 
we  were  in,  before  we  should  of  our  selves  alter  the  first 
institution  of  abstinence.  The  Colonell  generall,  having 
acquainted  the  Generall  herewith,  with  his  very  good 
allowance  thereof,  went  to  the  King ;  who  after  some 
expostulations  used,  tooke  the  more  carefull  order  for 
our  men,  and  after  that  our  Armie  was  more  plentifully 
relieved. 

The  third  day  we  lodged  our  Armie  in  three  sundry 
Villages,  the  one  Battalion  lying  in  Exarama  de  los 
Cavalleros,  another  in  Exarama  de  Obispo,  and  the  third 
in  San  Sebastian.  Captain  Yorke  who  commanded  the 
Generalls  Horse  Company,  in  this  march  made  triall  of 
the  valour  of  the  Horsemen  of  the  enemy ;    who  by  one 

535 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   P1LGRIMES 

1589. 

of  his  Corporals  charged  with  eight  Horses  thorow  fortie 
of  them,  and  himselfe  thorow  more  then  two  hundred, 
with  some  fortie  Horses :  who  would  abide  him  no  longer 
then  they  could  make  way  from  him. 

The  next  day  we  marched  to  Lores,  and  had  divers 
Intelligences  that  the  enemy  would  tarry  us  there :  for 
the  Cardinall  had  made  publike  promise  to  them  of  Lisbon,, 
that  he  would  fight  with  us  in  that  place,  which  he  might 
have  done  advantageously ;  for  we  had  a  Bridge  to  passe 
over  in  the  same  place :  but  before  our  comming  he 
dislodged,  notwithstanding  it  appeared  unto  us  that  hee 
had  in  purpose  to  incampe  there ;  for  wee  found  the 
[IV.  x.  ground  staked  out  where  their  trenches  should  have  bin 

1 922. ]  maje .  ancj  their  Horsemen  with  some  few  Shot  shewed 
themselves  upon  an  Hill  at  our  comming  into  that  Village  ; 
whom  Sir  Henry  Norris  (whose  Regiment  had  the  point 
of  the  Vantgard)  thought  to  draw  unto  some  fight,  and 
therefore  marched  without  sound  of  Drum,  and  somewhat 
faster  then  ordinary,  thereby  to  get  neere  them  before  he 
were  discovered,  for  hee  was  shadowed  from  them  by  an 
Hill  that  was  betweene  him  and  them :  but  before  he 
could  draw  his  Companies  any  thing  neere,  they  retired. 

Generall  Drakes  Regiment  that  night,  for  the  commoditie 
of  good  lodging,  drew  themselves  into  a  Village,  more 
then  one  English  mile  from  thence,  and  neere  the  enemy : 
who  not  daring  to  doe  any  thing  against  us  in  foure  dayes 
before,  tooke  that  occasion,  and  in  the  next  morning  fell 
downe  upon  that  Regiment,  crying,  Viva  el  Rey  Don 
Antonio,  which  was  a  generall  salutation  thorow  all  the 
Countrey  as  they  came :  whom  our  young  Souldiers 
(though  it  were  upon  their  guard,  and  before  the  watch 
were  discharged)  began  to  entertaine  kindly,  but  having 
got  within  their  guard,  they  fell  to  cut  their  throats :  but 
the  alarme  being  taken  inwards,  the  Officers  of  the  two 
next  Companies,  whose  Captaines  (Captain  Sydnam  and 
Captain  Young)  were  lately  dead  at  the  Groine,  brought 
downe  their  Colours  and  Pikes  upon  them  in  so  resolute 
manner,  as  they  presently  drave  them  to  retire  with  losse : 

536 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

they  killed  of  ours  at  the  first  entrance  fourteene,  and 
hurt  six  or  seven. 

The  next  day  we  lodged  at  Alvelana  within  three  miles 
of  Lisbon,  where  many  of  our  Souldiers  drinking  in  two  Some  died 
places  of  standing  waters  by  the  way  were  poysoned,  and  wtth  drinking 
thereon  presently  dyed.     Some  doe  thinke  it  came  rather  water- 
by   eating   of   Hony,   which   they   found   in   the   houses 
plentifully.     But  whether  it  were  by  Water  or  by  Hony, 
the  poore  men  were  poisoned.     That  night  the  Earle  of  Earle  of  Essex 
Essex  and  Sir  Roger  Williams  went  out  about  eleven  of  hu  attemPL 
the  clocke  with  1000.  men  to  lie  in  ambuscade  neere  the 
Town,  and  having  laied  the  same  very  neere,  sent  some 
to   give   the   alarme   unto   the   enemy :    which   was   well 
performed  by  them  that  had  the  charge  thereof,  but  the 
enemy  refused   to   issue   after   them,    so    that   the   Earle 
returned  as  soone  as  it  was  light  without  doing  any  thing, 
though  he  had  in  purpose,  and  was  ready  to  have  given  an 
honourable  charge  on  them. 

The  25.  of  May  in  the  evening  we  came  to  the  Suburbs  They  come  to 
of  Lisbon :  at  the  very  entrance  whereof  Sir  Roger  the  suburbs  of 
Williams  calling  Captaine  Anthony  Wingfield  with  him,  Lisbon. 
tooke  thirtie  Shot  or  thereabouts,  and  first  scowred  all  the 
Streets  till  they  came  very  neere  the  Towne ;  where  they 
found  none  but  old  folkes  and  beggars,  crying,  Viva  el 
Rey  Don  Antonio,  and  the  houses  shut  up :  for  they  had 
carried  much  of  their  wealth  into  the  Towne,  and  had 
fired  some  houses  by  the  waterside,  full  of  Corne  and 
other  provisions  of  victualls,  least  wee  should  be  benefited 
thereby,  but  yet  left  behind  them  great  riches  in  many 
houses.  The  foure  Regiments  that  had  the  vantguard 
that  day,  which  were  Colonell  Devereux,  Sir  Edward 
Norris,  Colonell  Sidneys,  and  Generall  Drakes  (whom  I 
name  as  they  marched)  the  Colonell  generall  caused  to  hold 
guard  in  the  neerest  Streets  of  the  Suburbs :  the  Battel 
and  the  Arrereward  stood  in  Armes  all  the  night  in  Field 
neere  to  Alcantara.  Before  morning  Captaine  Wingfield, 
by  direction  from  the  Colonell  generall  Sir  Roger  Williams, 
held  guard  with  Sir  Edward  Norris  his  Regiment  in  three 

537 


A.D. 
I589. 


Houses  burnt 
by  the 
Portugalls. 


Colonell  Bret 
slalne. 


Their  retrait, 
and  chase  by 
E.  Essex. 


PURCHAS   HIS   P1LGRIMES 

places  very  neere  the  Towne  wall,  and  so  held  the  same 
till  the  other  Regiments  came  in  the  morning.  About 
midnight  they  within  the  Towne  burnt  all  their  houses 
that  stood  upon  their  wall  either  within  or  without,  least 
we  possessing  them,  might  thereby  greatly  have  annoyed 
the  Towne. 

The  next  morning  Sir  Roger  Williams  attempted  (but 
not  without  perill)  to  take  a  Church  called  S.  Antonio, 
which  joyned  to  the  wall  of  the  Towne,  and  would  have 
been  a  very  evill  neighbor  to  the  Towne :  but  the  enemy 
having  more  easie  entry  into  it  then  wee,  gained  it  before 
us.  The  rest  of  that  morning  was  spent  in  quartering 
the  Battell  and  Arrereward  in  the  Suburbs  called  Bona 
Vista,  and  in  placing  Musquetiers  in  houses,  to  front  their 
Shot  upon  the  wall,  who  from  the  same  scowred  the  great 
Streets  very  dangerously. 

By  this  time  our  men  being  thorowly  weary  with  our 
sixe  dayes  march,  and  the  last  nights  watch,  were  desirous 
of  rest ;   whereof  the  enemy  being  advertised,  about  one 
or  two  of  the  clocke  sallied  out  of  the  Town,  and  made 
their  approach  in  three  severall  Streets  upon  us,  but  chiefly 
in  Colonell  Brets  quarter :   who  (as  most  of  the  Armie 
was)  being  at  rest,  with  as  much  speed  as  he  could,  drew 
his  men  into  Armes,   and  made  head  against  them  so 
thorowly,   as  himselfe  was  slain  in  the  place,   Captaine 
Carsey  shot  thorow  the  thigh,  of  which  hurt  hee  died 
within  foure  dayes  after,  Captaine  Carre  slaine  presently, 
and  Captaine  Cave  hurt  (but  not  mortally)  who  were  all 
of  his  Regiment.     This  resistance  made  as  well  here,  as 
in  other  quarters  where  Colonell  Lane  and  Colonell  Med- 
kerk  commanded,  put  them  to  a  sudden  foule  retreat ; 
insomuch,  as  the  Earle  of  Essex  had  the  chase  of  them 
even  to  the  gates  of  the  high  Town,  wherin  they  left 
behind  them  many  of  their  best  Commanders  :  their  troupe 
of  Horsemen  also  came  out,  but  being  charged  by  Captain 
Yorke,  withdrew  themselves  againe.     Many  of  them  also 
left  the  streets,  and  betooke  them  to  houses  which  they 
found  open :  for  the  Sergeant  Major  Captain  Wilson  slew 

538 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  ad. 

1589. 

in  one  house  with  his  owne  hands  three  or  foure,  and 
caused  them  that  were  with  him  to  kill  many  others. 
Their  losse  I  can  assure  you  did  triple  ours,  as  well  in 
qualitie  as  in  quantitie. 

During  our  march  to  this  place,  Generall  Drake  with   Gen.  Drakes 
the  whole  Fleet  was  come  into  Cascais,  and  possessed  the  commnS- 
Town  without  any  resistance :  many  of  the  Inhabitants  at 
their  discovery  of  our  Navie,  fled  with  their  baggage  into  [IV.  x. 
the  Mountaines,  and  left  the  Towne  for  any  man  that  I923-J 

would  possesse  it,  till  Generall  Drake  sent  unto  them  by  fySsaken 
a  Portugall  Pilot  which  he  had  on  boord,  to  offer  them 
all  peaceable  kindnesse,  so  farre  forth  as  they  would  accept 
of  their  King,  and  minister  necessaries  to  the  Armie  he 
had  brought ;  which  offer  they  joyfully  imbraced,  and 
presently  sent  two  chiefe  men  of  their  Town,  to  signifie 
their  loyaltie  to  Don  Antonio,  &  their  honest  affections  to 
our  people.  Whereupon  the  Generall  landed  his  Com- 
panies not  farre  from  the  Cloister  called  San  Domingo, 
but  not  without  perill  of  the  shot  of  the  Castle,  which 
being  guarded  with  sixtie  five  Spaniards,  held  still  against 
him. 

As  our  Fleet  were  casting  anker  when  they  came  first 
into  that  Road,  there  was  a  small  ship  of  Brasil  that  came 
from  thence,  which  bare  with  them,  and  seemed  by  striking 
her  sailes,  as  though  she  would  also  have  ancred :  but 
taking  her  fittest  occasion  hoised  againe,  and  would  have 
passed  up  the  River,  but  the  Generall  presently  discerning 
her  purpose,  sent  out  a  Pinnace  or  two  after  her,  which 
forced  her  in  such  sort,  as  she  ran  her  selfe  upon  the 
Rocks :  all  the  men  escaped  out  of  her,  and  the  lading 
(being  many  chests  of  Sugar)  was  made  nothing  worth, 
by  the  Salt  water.  In  his  going  thither  also,  he  tooke  Ships  taken. 
Ships  of  the  Port  of  Portugall,  which  were  sent  From 
thence,  with  fifteene  other  from  Pedro  Vermendes  Xantes 
Sergeant  Major  of  the  same  place,  laden  with  men  and 
victualls  to  Lisbon  :  the  rest  that  escaped  put  into  Setuvel. 

The  next  day  it  pleased  Generall  Norris  to  call  all  the  Consultation. 
Colonels  together,  and  to  advise  with  them,  whether  it 

539 


A.D. 
I589. 


Don  Antonios 

promises 

frustrate. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

were  more  expedient  to  tarry  there  to  attend  the  forces  of 
the  Portugall  Horse  and  Foot,  whereof  the  King  had 
made  promise,  and  to  march  some  convenient  number  to 
Cascais  to  fetch  our  Artillery  and  Munition  which  was  all 
at  our  ships,  saving  that  which  for  the  necessity  of  the 
service  was  brought  along  with  us :  whereunto,  some 
carried  away  with  the  vaine  hope  of  Don  Antonio,  that 
the  most  part  of  the  Town  stood  for  us,  held  it  best  to 
make  our  abode  there,  and  to  send  some  three  thousand 
of  our  Artillery  :  promising  to  themselves,  that  the  Enemy 
being  well  beaten  the  day  before,  would  make  no  more 
sallies :  some  others  (whose  unbeliefe  was  very  strong  of 
any  hope  from  the  Portugall)  perswaded  rather  to  march 
wholly  away,  then  to  be  any  longer  carried  away  with  the 
opinion  of  things,  whereof  there  was  so  little  appearance. 
The  Generall,  not  willing  to  leave  any  occasion  of  blot  to 
be  kid  upon  him  for  his  speedie  going  from  thence,  nor 
to  lose  any  more  time  by  attending  the  hope  of  Don 
Antonio ;  told  them,  that  though  the  expedition  of 
Portugall  were  not  the  onely  purpose  of  their  journey, 
but  an  adventure  therein  (which  if  it  succeeded  prosper- 
ously might  make  them  sufficiently  rich,  and  wonderfull 
honourable)  and  that  they  had  done  so  much  alreadie  in 
triall  thereof,  as  what  end  soever  happened  could  nothing 
impaire  their  credits :  yet  in  regard  of  the  Kings  last 
promise,  that  hee  should  have  that  night  three  thousand 
armed  men  of  his  owne  Country,  he  would  not  for  that 
night  dislodge.  The  King  of  Portugall  (whether  carried 
away  with  imagination,  by  the  advertisements  he  received 
from  the  Portugalls,  or  willing  by  any  promise  to  bring 
such  an  Armie  into  his  Countrey,  thereby  to  put  his 
fortune  once  more  in  triall)  assured  the  Generall,  that  upon 
his  first  landing  there  would  be  a  revolt  of  his  subjects. 

After  two  nights  staying  at  Lisbon,  the  King,  as  you 
have  heard  promised  a  supply  of  three  thousand  Foot, 
and  some  Horse :  but  all  his  appointments  being  expired, 
even  to  the  last  of  a  night,  all  his  Horse  could  not  make 
a  Cornet  of  fortie,  nor  his  Foot  furnish  two  Ensignes  fully, 

540 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

although  they  carried  three  or  foure  colours :  and  these 
were  altogether  such  as  thought  to  inrich  themselves  by 
the  ruine  of  their  neighbours :  for  they  committed  more 
disorders  in  every  place  where  we  came  by  spoile,  then 
any  of  our  owne. 

The  Generall,  as  you  see,  having  done  more  then  before 
his  comming  out  of  England  was  required  by  the  King, 
and  given  credite  to  his  many  promises,  even  to  the  breach 
of  the  last,  he  desisted  not  to  perswade  him  to  stay  yet 
nine  daies  longer :  in  which  time  hee  might  have  engaged 
nimselfe  further,  then  with  any  honor  he  could  come  out 
off  againe,  by  attempting  a  Town  fortified,  wherein  were 
more  men  armed  against  us,  then  we  had  to  oppugne  them 
withall,  our  Artillery  and  Munition  being  fifteene  miles 
from  us,  and  our  men  then  declining ;  for  there  was  the 
first  shew  of  any  great  sicknesse  amongst  them.  Whereby 
it  seemeth,  that  either  his  Prelacie  did  much  abuse  him 
in  perswading  him  to  hopes,  whereof  after  two  or  three 
daies  hee  saw  no  semblance :  or  hee  like  a  silly  lover, 
who  promiseth  himselfe  favour  by  importuning  a  coy 
mistresse,  thought  by  our  long  being  before  his  Towne, 
that  in  the  end  taking  pittie  on  him  they  w'ould  let  him 
in.  What  end  the  Friers  had  by  following  him  with  such 
devotion  I  know  not,  but  sure  I  am,  the  Laitie  did  respite 
their  homage  till  they  might  see  which  way  the  victorie 
might  sway ;  fearing  to  shew  themselves  apparantly  unto 
him,  least  the  Spaniard  should  after  our  departure  (if  we 
prevailed  not)  call  them  to  account :  yet  sent  they  under- 
hand messages  to  him  of  obedience,  thereby  to  save  their 
owne,  if  he  became  King  ;  but  indeed  very  well  contented 
to  see  the  Spaniards  and  us  trie  by  blowes  who  should 
carry  away  the  Crowne.  For  they  be  of  so  base  a  mould, 
as  they  can  very  well  subject  themselves  to  any  govern- 
ment, where  they  may  live  free  from  blowes,  and  have 
libertie  to  become  rich,  being  loth  to  indure  hazzard  either 
of  life  or  goods.  For  durst  they  have  put  on  any  minds 
thorowly  to  revolt,  they  had  three  wonderfull  great 
occasions  offered  them  during  our  being  there,  &c. 

54' 


A.D. 
I589. 

[IV.  x. 

1924.] 
They  march 
from  Lisbon. 


The  riches 
that  they  might 
have  gotten  at 
Lisbon. 


Desire  of  the 
English  to 
fight. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGRIMES 

The  next  morning,  seeing  no  performance  of  promise 
kept,  the  Generall  gave  order  for  our  marching  away ; 
himselfe,  the  Earle  of  Essex,  and  Sir  Roger  Williams 
remaining  with  the  stand  that  was  made  in  the  high  street, 
till  the  whole  Armie  was  drawne  into  the  Field,  and  so 
marched  out  of  the  Towne,  appointing  Captaine  Richard 
Wingfield,  and  Captaine  Anthony  Wingfield  in  the 
Arrereward  of  them  with  the  shot ;  thinking  that  the 
enemy  (as  it  was  most  likely)  would  have  issued  out  upon 
our  rising ;  but  they  were  otherwise  advised.  When  we 
were  come  into  the  Field,  everie  Battalion  fell  into  that 
order  which  by  course  appertained  unto  them,  and  so 
marched  that  night  unto  Cascais.  Had  wee  marched 
thorow  his  Countrey  as  enemies,  our  Souldiers  had  beene 
well  supplied  in  all  their  wants  :  but  had  wee  made  enemies 
of  the  Suburbs  of  Lisbon,  wee  had  beene  the  richest  Armie 
that  ever  went  out  of  England :  for  besides  the  particular 
wealth  of  every  house,  there  were  many  Ware-houses  by 
the  water  side  full  of  all  sorts  of  rich  Merchandizes. 

In  our  march  that  day  the  Gallies  which  had  somewhat, 
but  not  much  annoyed  us  at  Lisbon,  (for  that  our  way  lay 
along  the  River)  attended  us  till  we  were  past  S.  Julians, 
bestowing  many  shot  amongst  us,  but  did  no  harme  at 
all,  saving  that  they  strooke  off  a  Gentlemans  leg,  and 
killed  the  Sergeant  Majors  Moile  under  him.  The 
Horsemen  also  followed  us  afarre  off,  and  cut  off  as  many 
sicke  men  as  were  not  able  to  hold  in  march,  nor  we  had 
carriage  for. 

After  we  had  beene  two  daies  at  Cascais,  wee  had  intel- 
ligence by  a  Friar,  that  the  enemy  was  marching  strongly 
towards  us,  and  then  came  as  farre  as  S.  Julian :  which 
newes  was  so  welcome  to  the  Earle  of  Essex  and  the 
Generalls,  as  they  offered  every  one  of  them  to  give  the 
Messenger  an  hundred  Crownes  if  they  found  them  in 
the  place ;  for  the  Generall  desiring  nothing  more  then 
to  fight  with  them  in  field  roome,  dispatched  that  night  a 
Messenger  with  a  Trumpet,  by  whom  hee  writ  a  Cartel! 
to  the  Generall  of  their  Armie,  wherein  he  gave  them 

542 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  ad. 

1589. 
the  lie,  in  that  it  was  by  them  reported  that  wee  dislodged 
from  Lisbon  in  disorder  and  feare  of  them  (which  indeed 
was  most  false)  for  that  it  was  five  of  the  clocke  in  the 
morning  before  wee  fell  into  Armes,  and  then  went  in  such 
sort,  as  they  had  no<  courage  to  follow  out  upon  us.  Also 
he  challenged  him  therein,  to  meet  him  the  next  morning 
with  his  whole  Armie,  if  hee  durst  attend  his  comming, 
and  there  to  try  out  the  justnesse  of  their  quarrell  by 
battell ;  by  whom  also  the  Earle  of  Essex  (who  preferring 
the  honour  of  the  cause,  which  was  his  Countries,  before 
his  owne  safetie)  sent  a  particular  Cartell,  offering  himselfe 
against  any  of  theirs,  if  they  had  any  of  his  qualitie ; 
or  if  they  would  not  admit  of  that ;  six,  eight,  or  ten,  or  as 
many  as  they  would  appoint,  should  meet  so  many  of  theirs 
in  the  head  of  our  battell  to  trie  their  fortunes  with  them ; 
and  that  they  should  have  assurance  of  their  returne  and 
honourable  intreatie. 

The  Generall  accordingly  made  all  his  Armie  readie,  by 
three  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning,  and  marched  even  to 
the  place  where  they  had  encamped,  but  they  were 
dislodged  in  the  night  in  great  disorder,  being  taken  with 
a  sudden  feare  that  we  had  been  come  upon  them,  as  the  Feare  of  the 
Generall  was  the  next  day  certainely  informed :  so  as  the 
Trumpet  followed  them  to  Lisbon,  but  could  not  get  other 
answere  to  either  of  his  Letters,  but  threatning  to  bee 
hanged,  for  daring  to  bring  such  a  message.  Howbeit 
the  Generall  had  caused  to  be  written  upon  the  backside 
of  their  Pasport,  that  if  they  did  offer  any  violence  unto 
the  Messengers,  he  would  hang  the  best  prisoners  he  had 
of  theirs  :  which  made  them  to  advise  better  of  the  matter, 
and  to  returne  them  home ;    but  without  answere. 

After  our  Armie  came  to  Cascais,  and  the  Castle  sum- 
moned, the  Castellan  thereof  granted,  that  upon  five  or 
six  shot  of  the  Canon  he  would  deliver  the  same,  but  not 
without  sight  thereof.  The  Generall  thinking  that  his 
distresse  within  had  been  such  for  want  of  men  or  victuals, 
as  he  could  not  hold  it  many  dayes,  because  hee  saw  it 
otherwise  defensible  enough,  determined  rather  to  make 

543 


uw 

enemies. 


a.d.  PURCHAS    HIS   FILGRIMES 

1589. 

-  him  yeeld  to  that  necessitie,  then  to  bring  the  Canon,  and 
therefore  onely  set  a  guard  upon  the  same,  least  any  supply 
of  those  things  which  hee  wanted  should  bee  brought  unto 
them.  But  hee  still  standing  upon  these  conditions,  the 
Generall  about  two  dayes  before  hee  determined  to  goe 
to  Sea,  brought  three  or  foure  Peeces  of  battery  against  it : 
Castk  of  Cas-  upon  the  first  tire  whereof  he  surrendered,  and  com- 
cais  yeelded.  pounded  to  goe  away  with  his  baggage  and  Armes :  hee 
had  one  Canon,  two  Culverings,  one  Basiliske,  and  three 
or  foure  other  Field  Peeces,  threescore  and  five  Souldiers, 
very  good  store  of  Munition,  and  victualls  enough  in  the 
Castle ;  insomuch  as  hee  might  have  held  the  same  longer 
then  the  Generall  had  in  purpose  to  tarry  there.  One 
company  of  Footmen  was  put  into  the  guard  thereof,  till 
the  Artillery  was  taken  out,  and  our  Armie  imbarked ; 
which  without  having  that  fort,  we  could  not  without  great 
perill  have  done.  When  we  were  readie  to  set  saile  (one 
halfe  of  the  Fort  being  by  order  from  the  Generall  blowne 
up  by  mine)  the  company  was  drawne  away. 

During  the  time  we  lay  in  the  Road,  our  Fleet  began 
the  second  of  June,  and  so  continued  six  dayes  after  to 
Sixtie  Hulkes  fetch  in   some  Hulks   to   the   number  of   threescore,   of 
brought.  Dansik,  Stetin,  Rostock,  Lubeck  and  Hamburgh,  laden 

with  Spanish  goods,  and  as  it  seemed  for  the  Kings  pro- 
vision, and  going  for  Lisbon  :  their  principall  lading  was 
Corne,  Masts,  Cables,  Copper,  and  Waxe  :  amongst  which 
were  some  of  great  burthen  wonderfull  well  builded  for 
sailing,  which  had  no  great  lading  in  them,  and  therefore 
it  was  thought  they  were  brought  for  the  Kings  provision, 
[IV.  x.  to  reinforce  his  decaied  Navie :    whereof  there  was  the 

I925-J  greater  likelihood,  in  that  the  owner  of  the  greatest  of 
cardinaii  them  which  carried  two  misnes,  was  knowne  to  be  very 
Albert  after  inward  with  the  Cardinall,  who  rather  then  he  would  be 
married  to  the  taken  with  his  ships,  committed  himselfe  unto  his  small 
Infanta  and  Boate,  wherein  he  recovered  Saint  Sebastians :  into  the 
S^ef'hPt  f  wn^cn  our  men)  that  before  were  in  flie-boates,  were 
the  Low  shipped,  and  the  Flie-boates  sent  home  with  an  offer  of 

Countries.        Corne,  to  the  value  of  their  hire.     But  the  winde  being 

544 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  a.d. 

1589. 

good  for  them  for  Rochel,  they  chose  rather  to  loose  their 
Corne  then  the  winde,  and  so  departed.  The  Generall 
also  sent  his  Horses  with  them,  and  from  thence  shipped 
them  into  England. 

The  third  of  June,  Colonell  Devereux,  and  Colonell 
Sidney,  being  both  very  sicke,  departed  for  England,  who 
in  the  whole  journey  had  shewed  themselves  very  forward 
to  all  services,  and  in  their  departure  very  unwilling  to 
leave  us :  that  day  we  embarked  all  our  Army,  but  lay  in 
the  road  untill  the  eight  thereof. 

The  sixt  day,  the  Earle  of  Essex,  upon  receit  of  Letters 
from  her  Majesty,  by  them  that  brought  in  the  victuals, 
presently  departed  towards  England,  with  whom  Sir  Roger 
Williams  was  very  desirous  to  goe,  but  found  the  Generals 
very  unwilling  he  should  do  so,  in  that  he  bare  the  next 
place  unto  them,  and  if  they  should  miscarry,  was  to 
command  the  Army.  And  the  same  day  there  came  unto 
us  two  small  Barkes,  that  brought  tidings  of  some  other 
ships  come  out  of  England  with  victuals,  which  were 
passed  upwards  to  the  Cape :  for  meeting  with  whom, 
the  second  day  after  we  set  saile  for  that  place,  in  purpose 
after  our  meeting  with  them  to  goe  with  the  lies  of 
Azores,  the  second  day,  which  was  the  ninth,  we  met 
with  them  comming  backe  againe  towards  us,  whose 
provision  little  answered  our  expectation.  Notwith- 
standing we  resolved  to  continue  our  course  for  the 
Hands. 

About  this  time  was  the  Marchant  Royall,  with  three  or 
foure  other  ships,  sent  to  Peniche,  to  fetch  away  the 
companies  that  were  left  there  ;  but  Captain  Barton  having 
received  Letters  from  the  Generals  that  were  sent  over- 
land, was  departed  before,  not  being  able  by  reason  of 
the  enemies  speedy  marching  thither,  either  to  bring  away 
the  artillery,  or  all  his  men,  according  to  the  direction 
those  letters  gave  him ;  for  he  was  no  sooner  gone,  then 
the  enemy  possessed  the  Towne  and  Castle,  and  shot  at 
our  ships  as  they  came  into  the  road.  Morocco 

At    this   time   also   was    the    Ambassadour   from    the  Embassadour. 
xix  545  2  m 


a.d.  PURCHAS   HIS   PILGRIMES 

1589. 

Emperor  of  Marocco,  called  Reys  Harriet  Bencasamp, 
returned,  and  with  him  M.  Ciprian,  a  Gentleman  of  good 
place  and  desert,  who  sent  from  Don  Antonio,  and 
Captaine  Ousley  from  the  Generals  to  the  Emperour. 

The  next  morning  the  nine  Gallies  which  were  sent  not 
five  daies  before  out  of  Andaluzia  for  the  strengthening  of 
the  River  of  Lisbon  (which  being  joyned  with  the  other 
twelve  that  were  there  before,  though  we  lay  hard  by  them 
at  Saint  Julians,  durst  never  make  any  attempt  against 
us)  upon  our  departure  from  thence  were  returning  home, 
and  in  the  morning  being  a  very  dead  calme,   in  the 
dawning  thereof,  fell  in  the  winde  of  our  fleet,  in  the 
uttermost  part  whereof  they  assailed  one  stragling  Barke 
of  Plimmouth,   of  the  which   Captaine   Caverley  being 
Captaine  of  the  land  company,  with  his  Lieutenant,  the 
Master,  and  some  of  the  Marriners,  abandoned  the  ship, 
and  betooke   them   to   the   ship-boats,   whereof  one,   in 
which  the  Master  and  the  Captaine  were,  was  overrun  with 
the  Gallies,   and   they   drowned.     There  were  also   two 
Hulkes  stragled  far  from  the  strength  of  the  other  ships, 
which  were  so  calmed,  as  neither  they  could  get  to  us, 
nor  we  to  them,  though  all  the  great  ships  towed  with 
their   Boats   to   have   relieved   them,   but   could   not   be 
recovered,  in  one  of  which  was  Captaine  Minshaw  with 
his  company,  who  fought  with  them  to  the  last,  yea  after 
his  ship  was  on  fire,  which  whither  it  was  fired  by  himselfe 
or  by  them  we  could  not  well  discerne,  but  might  easily 
judge  by  his  long  and  good  fight,  that  the  enemy  could 
not  but  sustain  much  losse ;    who  setting  also  upon  one 
other  Hulke  wherein  was  but  a  Lieutenant,  and  he  very 
sicke,   were  by  the  valour  of  the  Lieutenant  put   off, 
although  they  had  first  beaten  her  with  their  artillery,  and 
attempted   to   boord   her.     And   seeing   also   one   other 
Hulke  a  league  off,  a  sterne  of  us,  they  made  towards 
her :  but  finding  that  she  made  ready  to  fight  with  them, 
they  durst  not  further  attempt  her :  whereby  it  seemed, 
their  losse  being  great  in  the  other  fights,  they  were  loath 
to  proceede  any  further. 

546 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  ad 

1589. 

From  that  day  till  the  nineteenth  of  June,  our  direction 
from  the  Generall  was,  that  if  the  winde  were  Northerly, 
we  should  plie  for  the  Azores;  but  if  Southerly,  for  the 
lies  of  Bayon.  We  lay  with  contrary  windes  about  that  Bayon. 
place  and  the  Rocke,  till  the  Southerly  winde  prevailing 
carried  us  to  Bayon  :  among  whom  was  Sir  Henry  Norris 
in  the  Ayde ;  who  had  a  purpose  (if  the  Admirals  had 
not  come  in)  with  some  500.  men  out  of  them  all  to  have 
landed,  and  attempted  the  taking  of  Vigo.  The  rest  of 
the  fleet  held  with  generall  Drake,  who  though  he  were 
two  dayes  before  put  upon  those  Hands,  cast  off  againe 
to  Sea  for  the  Azores :  but  remembring  how  unprovided 
he  was  for  that  journey,  and  seeing  that  he  had  lost 
company  of  his  great  ships,  returned  for  Bayon,  and  came 
in  there  that  night  in  the  evening,  where  hee  passed  up 
the  River  more  then  a  mile  above  Vigo. 

The  next  morning  wee  landed  as  many  as  were  able  to 
fight,  which  were  not  in  the  whole  above  two  thousand 
men  (for  in  the  seventeene  dayes  we  continued  on  boord 
wee  had  cast  many  of  our  men  over-boord)  with  which  [*v-  x- 
number  the  Colonell  generall  marched  to  the  Towne  of  1926.J 

Vigo,  neere  the  which  when  hee  approached,  he  sent  Vigo  taken. 
Captaine  Anthony  Wingfield  with  a  troupe  of  shot  to  enter 
one  side  of  the  same,  who  found  upon  every  streetes  end 
a  strong  barricade,  but  altogether  abandoned ;  for  having 
entred  the  Towne,  he  found  but  one  man  therein,  but 
might  see  them  making  way  before  him  to  Bayon.  On 
the  other  side  the  Towne  entred  Generall  Drake  with 
Captaine  Richard  Wingfield,  whose  approach  on  that  side 
(I  thinke)  made  them  leave  the  places  they  had  so 
artificially  made  for  defence :  there  were  also  certaine  ships 
sent  with  the  Vice-admirall  to  lye  close  before  the  Towne, 
to  beate  upon  the  same  with  their  artillery. 

In  the  afternoone  were  sent  three  hundred  under  the 
conduct  of  Captaine  Petuin  and  Captain  Henry  Poure, 
to  burne  another  Village  betwixt  that  and  Bayon,  called 
Borsis,  and  as  much  of  the  Countrie  as  the  day  would 
give  them  leave  to  doe ;    which  was  a  very  pleasant  rich 

547 


A.t>. 
I589. 


PURCHAS    HIS   PILGR1MES 


Borsis  burned.  Valley :  but  they  burnt  it  all,  houses  and  corne,  as  did 
others  on  the  other  side  of  the  Town,  both  that  and  the 
next  day,  so  as  the  Countrey  was  spoiled  seven  or  eight 
miles  in  length.  There  was  found  great  store  of  Wine 
in  the  Town,  but  not  any  thing  else :  for  the  other  daies 
warning  of  the  ships  that  came  first  in,  gave  them  a  respit 
to  carry  all  away. 

The  next  morning  by  breake  of  the  day  the  Colonell 
generall  (who  in  the  absence  of  the  Generals  that  were 
on  boord  their  ships,  commanded  that  night  on  shoare) 
caused  all  our  Companies  to  be  drawne  out  of  the  Towne, 

Vigo  burned,  and  sent  in  two  troupes  to  put  fire  in  every  house  of  the 
same:  which  done,  we  imbarked  againe.  This  day  there 
were  certaine  Mariners  which  (without  any  direction)  put 
themselves  on  shoare,  on  the  contrary  side  of  the  River 
from  us  for  pillage. 

The  same  day  the  Generals  seeing  what  weake  estate 
our  Army  was  drawne  into  by  sicknes,  determined  to  man 
and  victuall  twenty  of  the  best  ships  for  the  Hands  of 
Azores,  with  Generall  Drake,  to  see  if  he  could  meete 
with  the  Indian  Fleet,  and  Generall  Norris  to  returne 
home  with  the  rest :  And  for  the  shifting  of  men  and 
victuals  accordingly,  purposed  the  next  morning  to  fall 
downe  to  the  Hands  of  Bayon  againe,  and  to  remaine 
there  that  day.  But  Generall  Drake,  according  to  their 
appointment,  being  under  saile  never  strooke  at  the  Hands, 
but  put  straight  to  Sea :  whom  all  the  Fleet  followed 
saving  three  and  thirty,  which  being  in  the  River  further 
then  he,  and  at  the  entrance  of  the  same,  finding  the  winde 
and  tide  too  hard  against  them,  were  inforced  to  cast 
ancre  there  for  that  night ;  amongst  whom,  by  good 
fortune,  was  the  Foresight,  and  in  her  Sir  Edward  Norris. 
And  the  night  following,  Generall  Norris  being  driven 
from  the  rest  of  the  Fleet  by  a  great  storme  (for  all  that 
day  was  the  greatest  storme  we  had  all  the  time  we  were 
out)  came  againe  into  the  Hands,  but  not  without  great 
perill,  he  being  forced  to  trust  to  a  Spanish  Fisher-man 
(who  was  taken  two  dayes  before  at  Sea)  to  bring  him  in. 

548 


THE    PORTUGAL   VOYAGE  ad. 

1589. 

The  next  morning  he  called  a  counsell  of  as  many  as 
he  found  there,  holding  the  purpose  hee  had  concluded 
with  Sir  Francis  Drake  the  day  before,  and  directed  all 
their  courses  for  England,  tarrying  there  all  that  day  to 
water  and  helpe  such  with  victuall,  as  were  left  in  wonder- 
full  distresse  by  having  the  victuals  that  came  last,  carried 
away  the  day  before  to  Sea. 

The  next  day  he  set  saile,  and  the  tenth  day  after, 
which  was  the  second  of  July  came  into  Plimmouth,  where  Their  retume 
he  found  Sir  Francis  Drake  and  all  the  Queenes  ships,  t0  Plmmouth- 
with  many  of  the  others  but  not  all :  for  the  Fleete  was 
dispersed  into  other  harbours,  some  led  by  a  desire  of 
returning  from  whence  they  came,  and  some  being 
possessed  of  the  hulkes,  sought  other  Ports  from  their 
Generals  eye,  where  they  might  make  their  private  com- 
moditie  of  them,  as  they  have  done  to  their  great 
advantage.  Presently  upon  their  arrivall  there,  the 
Generals  dissolved  all  the  armie  saving  eight  companies 
which  are  yet  held  together,  giving  every  Souldier  five 
shillings  in  money,  and  the  armes  he  bare  to  make  money 
of,  which  was  more  then  could  by  any  meanes  be  due 
unto  them :  for  they  were  not  in  service  three  moneths, 
in  which  time  they  had  their  victuals,  which  no  man  will 
value  at  lesse  then  halfe  their  pay,  for  such  is  the  allowance 
in  her  Majesties  ships  to  her  Mariners,  so  as  there 
remained  but  ten  shillings  a  moneth  to  be  paid,  for  which 
there  was  not  any  private  man  but  had  apparell  and 
furniture  to  his  owne  use,  so  as  every  common  Souldier 
discharged,  received  more  in  money,  victuals,  apparell, 
and  furniture,  then  his  pay  did  amount  unto. 


END    OF    VOLUME    XIX. 


549 


-tiaBHasEsyj/i 


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