TEXT: Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (1600), vol. III pp. 243-296 (letters patents 1584; Barlowe 1584; Grenville/Tiger 1585; Lane's letter; Lane's account 1585-86; relief voyage 1586; Harriot 1588; White 1587; names of colonists; White's letter 1593; White 1590; start of Verrazzano) -- OCR text of the MacLehose reprint. SOURCE EDITION: The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques & Discoveries of the English Nation, Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1904, vol. VIII, pp. 289-422. Original spelling. The bracketed markers '[III. 246.]' etc. give the page of the 1600 edition (vol. III) where the following text begins. OCR is uncorrected (Internet Archive djvu.txt); hyphenation at line ends and interleaved marginal notes are OCR artefacts. URL FETCHED: https://archive.org/download/principalnavigat08hakl/principalnavigat08hakl_djvu.txt (archive.org item principalnavigat08hakl, Wellesley College copy) DATE FETCHED: 2026-09-14 NOTE: this file is lines 16600-23700 of the full djvu.txt. ============================================================================== golde and silver, that from time to time, and at all times after such discoverie^; subduing and possessing^, shall be there gotten and obteined : ; All which lands. Countries, and territories shall for ever be holden of the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, of us, our heires and successors, by homage, and by the sayd payment of the sayd fift part, reserved onely for all services. And moreover, we do by these presents, for us, our heires and successors, give and grant licence to the said [HI- 244.] Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and every of them, that he, and they, and every or any of them, shall and may from time to time, and at all times for ever here- after, for his and their defence, encounter and expulse, repell and resist aswell by sea as by lande, and by all other wayes whatsoever, all and every such person and persons whatsoever, as without the especiall liking and licence of the sayd Walter Ralegh, and of his heires and assignes, shall attempt to inhabite within the sayde Countryes, or any of them, or within the space of two hundreth leagues 291 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. neere to the place or places within such Countryes as aforesayde (if they shall not bee before planted or inhabited within the limits as aforesayd with the subjects of any Christian Prince being in amitie with us) where the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires, or assignes, or any of them, or his, or their, or any of their associats or company, shall within sixe yeeres (next ensuing) make their dwellings or abidings, or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter unlawfully to annoy, eyther by Sea or Lande the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or his or their, or any of his or their companies : giving, and graunting by these presents further power and authoritie to the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every of them from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to take and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoever, all and every those person or persons, with their Shippes, Vessels, and other goods and furniture, which without the licence of the sayde Walter Ralegh, or his heires, or assignes, as aforesayd, shalbe found traffiquing into any Harbour, or Harbours, Creeke, or Creekes, within the limits aforesayd, (the subjects of our Realmes and Dominions, and all other persons in amitie with us, trading to the Newfound lands for fishing as heretofore they have commonly used, or being driven by force of a tempest, or shipwracke onely excepted :) and those persons, and every of them, with their shippes, vessels, goods, and furniture to deteine and possesse as of good and lawfull prize, according to the discretion of him the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and every, or any of them. I And for uniting in more perfect league and amitie, of such Countryes, landes, and territories so to be possessed and inhabited as afore- sayd with our Realmes of England and Ireland, and the better incouragement of men to these enterprises : we doe by these presents, graunt and declare that all such Countries, so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is afore- sayd, from thencefoorth shall be of the allegiance to us, our heires and successours. ' And wee doe graunt to the sayd 292 SIR WALTER RALEGH'S PATENT a.d. 1584. Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and to all, and every of them, and to all, and every other person and persons, being of our allegiance, whose names shall be noted or entred in some of our Courts of recorde within Note. our Realme of England, that with the assent of the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires or assignes, shall in his journeis for discoverie, or in the journeis for conquest hereafter travaile to such lands, countreis and territories, as afore- sayd, and to their, and to every of their heires, and they, and every or any of them, being eyther borne within our sayde Realmes of England or Irelande, or in any other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the Lands, Countryes, and Terri- tories, with such licence, (as aforesayd) shall and may have all the priviledges of free Denizens, and persons Free Deniza- native of England, and within our allegiance in such like ^"''^ granted. ample maner and forme, as if they were borne and personally resident within our said Realme of England, any law, custome, or usage to the contrary notwith- standing. And forasmuch as upon the finding out, discovering, or inhabiting of such remote lands, countries, and territories as aforesaid, it shalbe necessary for the safety of all men, that shall adventure themselves in those journeyes or voyages, to determine to live together in Christian peace, and civill quietnesse eche with other, whereby every one may with more pleasure and profit enjoy that whereunto they shall atteine with great paine and perill, wee for us, our heires and successors, are likewise pleased and con- tented, and by these presents doe give & grant to the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes for ever, that he and they, and every or any of them, shall /and may from time to time for ever hereafter,/ "within the said mentioned remote lands and countries, in the way by the seas thither, and from thence, / have full and meere power and authoritie to correct, punish, pardon, governe, and rule by their (and every or any of their ! good discretions and policies, aswellj in causes capitall, 293 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. or criminall, as civil, both marine and other, all such our subjectsJ as shal from time to time adventure themselves m the said journeis or voyages, orfthat shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lands, countreis, or territories as aforesayd, or that shall abide within 200. leagues of any of the sayde place or places, where the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or any of his or their associats or com- panies, shall inhabite within 6. yeeres next ensuing the date hereof, according to such statutes, lawes and ordin- ances as shall be by him the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every or any of them devised, or established, for the better government of the said people [III. 245.] as aforesaid. So alwayes as the said statutes, lawes, and ordinances may be, as nere as conveniently may bee^) agreeable to the forme of the lawes, statutes, governement, or pollicie of England, and also so as they be not against the true Christian faith, nowe professed in the Church of England, nor in any wise to withdrawe any of the subjects or people of those lands or places from the alleagance of us, our heires and successours, as their immediate Soveraigne under God. And further, we doe by these presents for us, our heires and successors, give and grant ful power and authoritie to our trustie and welbeloved Counsailour Sir William Cecill knight, Lorde Burghley, or high Treasourer of England, and to the Lorde Treasourer of England for us, our heires and successors for the time being, and to the privie Counsaile of us, our heires and successors, or any foure or more of them for the time being, that he, they, or any foure or more of them, shall and may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, under his or their handes or Scales by vertue of these presents, authorise and licence the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every or any of them by him, & by them- selves, or by their, or any of their sufficient Atturneis, Deputies, Officers, Ministers, Factors, and servants, to imbarke & transport out of our Realme of England and 294 SIR WALTER RALEGH'S PATENT a.d. 1584. Ireland, and the Dominions thereof, all or any of his or their goods, and all or any the goods of his and their associats and companies, and every or any of them, with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realm es, as to the sayde Lorde Treasurer, or foure or more of the privie Counsaile, of us our heires and successors for the time being (as aforesaid) shalbe from time to time by his or their wisedomes, or discretions thought meete and convenient, for the better reliefe and supportation of him the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and every or any of them, and of his or their or any of their associats and companies, any act, statute, law, . or any thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Provided alwayes, and our wil and pleasure is, and we do hereby declare to all Christian kings, princes, and states, that if the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or any other by their licence or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter robbe or spoile by sea or by land, or doe any acte of unjust or unlawfull hostilitie, to any of the subjects of us, our heires or successors, or to any of the subjects of any the kings, princes, rulers, Governours, or estates, being then in perfect league and amitie with us, our heires and successours, and that upon such injurie, or upon just complaint of any such Prince, Ruler, Governour or estate, or their subjects, wee, our heires and successors, shall make open Proclamation within any the portes of our Realme of England, that the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and adherents, or any to whom these our Letters patents may extende, shall within the termes to bee limited, by such Proclamation, make full restitu- tion, and satisfaction of all such injuries done: so as both we and the said Princes, or other so complaining, may hold us and themselves fully contented : And that if the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly within such time so to be limitted, that then it shal be lawful to 295 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. us, our heires and successors, to put the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the saide places to be discovered (as is aforesaid) or any of them out of our allegeance and protection, and that from and after such time of putting out of protection of the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires, assignes and adherents, and others so to be put out, and the said places within their habitation, possession and rule, shall be out of our allegeance and protection, and free for all Princes and others to pursue with hostilitie, as being not our subjects, nor by us any way to be avouched, maintained, or defended, nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protection, or dominion, or allegeance any way belonging : for that expresse mention of the cleere yeerely value of the certaintie of the premisses, or any part thereof, or of any other gift, or grant by us, or any our progenitors, or predecessors to the said Walter Ralegh, before this time made in these presents, bee not expressed, or any other grant, ordinance, provision, proclamation, or restraint to the contrary thereof, before this time, given, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. In witnesse whereof, wee have caused these our letters to be made Patents. Witnesse our selves, at Westminster the five Jnno 1584. and twentie day of March, in the sixe and twentith yeere of our Raigne. 296 THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA A.D. 1584. :>The first voyage made to the coasts of America, [ill. 246.] with two barks, where in were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who discovered part of the Countrey now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Written by one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at whose charge and direction, the said voyage was set forth. IHe 27 day of Aprill, in the yeere of our redemption, 1584 we departed the West of England, with two barkes well fur- nished with men and victuals, having received our last and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former instructions, and commandements de- livered by your selfe at our leaving the river of Thames. And I thinke it a matter both unnecessary, for the manifest discoverie of the Countrey, as also for tediousnesse sake, to remember unto you the diurnall of our course, sayling thither and returning : onely I have presumed to present unto you this briefe discourse, by which you may judge how profitable this land is likely to succeede, as well to your selfe, (by whose direction and charge, and by whose servantes this our discoverie hath beene performed) as also to her Highnesse, and the Common wealth, in which we hope your wisedome wilbe satisfied, considering that as much by us hath bene brought to light, as by those smal meanes, and number of men we had, could any way have bene expected, or hoped for. The tenth of May we arrived at the Canaries, and the tenth of June in this present yeere, we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies, keeping a more South- A Southerly easterly course then was needefuU, because wee doubted ^°^^'^^ '^°^ that the current of the Bay of Mexico, disbogging be- foryirgiJa. tweene the Cape of Florida and Havana, had bene of 297 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. greater force then afterwardes we found it to bee. At which Islands we found the ayre very unwholsome, and our men grew for the most part ill disposed : so that having refreshed our selves with sweet water, & fresh victuall, we departed the twelfth day of our arrivall there. These Islands, with the rest adjoyning, are so well knowen to your selfe, and to many others, as I will not trouble you with the remembrance of them. A szveet smell The second of July, we found shole water, wher we frotn t e an . gj^gij- gQ sweet, and so strong a smel, as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers, by which we were assured, that the land could not be farre distant : and keeping good watch, and bearing but slacke saile, the fourth of the same moneth we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firme lande, and we sayled along the same a hundred and twentie EnMish miles before we could finde any entrance, or river issuing into the Sea. The first The first that appeared unto us, we entred, though not river. without some difficultie, & cast anker about three harque- buz-shot within the havens mouth, on the left hand of the same : and after thankes given to God for our safe arrivall thither, we manned our boats, and went to view "/a/jj 13/0J- the land next adjoyning, and "to take possession of the session taken. ^2cci\t., in the right of the Queenes most excellent Majestie, as rightfuU Queene, and Princesse of the same, and after delivered the same over to your use, according to her Majesties grant, and letters patents, under her Highnesse great Scale. Which being performed, according to the ceremonies used in such enterprises, we viewed the land about us, being, whereas we first landed, very sandie and Abundance of low towards the waters side, but so full of grapes, as the grapes. very beating and surge of the Sea overflowed them, of which we found such plentie, as well there as in all places else, both on the sand and on the greene soile on the hils, as in the plaines, as well on every little shrubbe, as also climing towardes the tops of high Cedars, that I thinke in all the world the like abundance is not to be found : and THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1584. my selfe having scene those parts of Europe that most abound, find such difference as were incredible to be written. We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of The Isle of those hilles next adjoining, being but of meane higth, '^''«''«^«- and from thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North, and to the South, finding no ende any of both wayes. This lande lay stretching it selfe to the West, which after wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long, and not above sixe miles broade. Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode, we behelde the vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees, and having discharged our harquebuz-shot, such a flocke of Cranes (the most part white) arose under us, with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes, as if an armie of men had showted all together. This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle, even in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance. The woodes are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitles, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, Goodl'j farre bettering the Ceders of the A9ores, of the Indies, or ^^^'^"' Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres, Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the ^assaphras ' tree that beareth the Masticke, the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sinamon, of which Master Winter brought [in. 247.] from the streights of Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie. We remained by the side of this Island two whole dayes before we saw any people of the Countrey : the third day we espied one small boate rowing towardes us having in it three persons : this boat came to the Island side, foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes, and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the shoreside towards us, and wee being then all within boord, he walked up and downe upon the point of the land next unto us : then the Master and the Pilot Conference of the Admirall, Simon Ferdinando, and the Captaine "^'^th a Savage. Philip Amadas, my selfe, and others rowed to the land, whose comming this fellow attended, never making any 299 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. shewe of feare or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him with his owne good liking, aboord the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat & some other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very wel : and after having viewed both barks, he departed, and went to his owne boat againe, which hee had left Abundance 0/ {n a. little Cove or Creeke adjoyning : assoone as hee •^ was two bow shoot into the water, he fell to fishing, and in lesse then halfe an houre, he had laden his boate as deepe, as it could swimme, with which hee came againe to the point of the lande, and there he devided his fish into two parts, pointing one part to the ship, and the other to the pinnesse : which, after he had (as much as he might) requited the former benefites received, departed out of our sight. Th arrival Xhe next day there came unto us divers boates, and ojtie ings j^ Qj^g q£ ^]^gj^ ^]^g Kings brother, accompanied with uTOt/lBV . . o -' JT fortie or fiftie men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their behaviour as mannerly and civill as any of . Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the countrey Wingandacoa, and now by her Majestic Virginia. The maner of his comming was in this sort : hee left his boates altogether as the first man did a little from the shippes by the shore, and came along to the place over against the ships, followed with fortie men. When he came to the place, his servants spread a long matte upon the ground, on which he sate downe, and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did the like, the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat a farre off: when we came to the shore to him with our weapons, hee never mooved from his place, nor any of the other foure, nor never mistrusted any harme to be ofFred from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed : and being set hee made all signes of joy and welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours, to shewe wee 300 THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1584. were all one, smiling and making shewe the best he could of all love, and familiaritie. After hee had made a long speech unto us, wee presented him with divers things, which hee received very joyfully, and thankefully. None of the company durst speake one worde all the time : onely the foure which were at the other ende, spake one in the others eare very softly. The King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reverenced : the King himselfe in person was at our being there, sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey, called Wingina, and was shot in two places through the body, and once cleane through the thigh, but yet he recovered : by reason whereof and for that hee lay at the chiefe towne of the countrey, being sixe dayes journey off, we saw him not at all. After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked, wee likewise gave some- what to the other that sat with him on the matte : but presently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket, making signes and tokens, that all things ought to bee delivered unto him, and the rest were but his servants, and followers. A day or two after this, we fell to trading with them, exchanging some things Traffickewith that we had, for Chamoys, Buffe, and Deere skinnes : ^^^ Savages. when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize, of all things that he sawe, a bright tinne dish most pleased him, which hee presently tooke up' and clapt it before his Time much breast, and after made a hole in the brimme thereof and ^•f^^^^^'^- hung it about his necke, making signes that it would defende him against his enemies arrowes : for those people maintaine a deadly and terrible warre, with the people and King adjoyning. We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes, woorth twentie Crownes, or twentie Nobles : and a copper kettle for fiftie skins woorth fifty Crownes. They offered us good exchange for our hatchets, and axes, and for knives, and would have given any thing for swordes : but wee would not 301 A,D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. depart with any. After two or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes, and dranke wine, and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof: and after a few dayes overpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships, his daughter and two or three children : his wife was very well favoured, of meane stature, and very bashfull : shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather, with the furre side next to her body, and before her a piece of the same : about her forehead White cordl shee had a bande of white Corall, and so had her husband Perks. many times : in her eares shee had bracelets of pearles [III. 248.] hanging downe to her middle, (whereof wee delivered your worship a little bracelet) and those were of the bignes of good pease. The rest of her women of the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in either eare, and some of the children of the kings brother and other noble men, have five or sixe in either eare : he himselfe had upon his head a broad plate of golde, or copper, for being unpolished we knew not what mettal it should be, neither would he by any meanes suffer us to take it off his head, but feeling it, it would bow very easily. His apparell was as his wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one. They are of colour yellowish, and their haire black for the most part, and yet we saw children that had very fine aburne, and chestnut coloured haire. After that these women had bene there, there came downe from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, corall, divers kindes of dies very excellent, and exchanged with us : but when Granganimeo the kings brother was present, none durst trade but himselfe : except such as weare red pieces of copper on their heads like himselfe : for that is the difference betweene the noble men, and the governours of countreys, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you have understood since by these men, which we brought home, that no people in the worlde cary more respect to their King, Nobilitie, and Governours, then these doe. The 302 THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1584. Kings brothers wife, when she came to us (as she did many times) was followed with forty or fifty women alwayes : and when she came into the shippe, she left them all on land, saving her two daughters, her nurse and one or two more. The Kings brother alwayes kept this order, as many boates as he would come withall to the shippes, so many fires would hee make on the shore a farre off, to the end we might understand with what strength and company he approched. Their boates are made of one tree, either of Pine or of Pitch trees : a Pitch trees ^ wood not commonly knowen to our people, nor found growing in England. They have no edge-tooles to make them withall : if they have any they are very fewe, and those it seemes they had twentie yeres since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wrake which hap- pened upon their coast of some Christian ship, being beaten that way by some storme and outragious weather, whereof none of the people were saved, but only the ship, or some part of her being cast upon the sand, out of whose sides they drew the nayles and the spikes, and with those they made their best instruments. The man- ^^^ manner ner of making their boates is thus : they burne downe some great tree, or take such as are winde fallen, and putting gumme and rosen upon one side thereof, they set fire into it, and when it hath burnt it hollow, they cut out the coale with their shels, and ever where they would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes, which burne away the timber, and by this meanes they fashion very fine boates, and such as will transport twentie men. Their oares are like scoopes, and many times they set with long pooles, as the depth serveth. The Kings brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, and divers other things which we had : and offered to lay a great boxe of pearle in gage for them : but we refused it for this time, because we would not make them knowe, that we esteemed thereof, untill we had under- stoode in what places of the countrey the pearle grew : which now your Worshippe doeth very well understand. 303 of making their boates. AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. He was very just of his promise : for many times we delivered him merchandize upon his word, but ever he came within the day and performed his promise. He sent us every day a brase or two of fat Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fish the best of the world. He sent us divers kindes of fruites, Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, and divers rootes, and fruites very excellent good, and of their Countrey corne, which is very white, faire and well tasted, and groweth three times in five moneths : in May they sow, in July they reape, in June they sow, in August they reape : in July they sow, in September they reape : onely they cast the corne into the ground, breaking a little of the soft turfe with a wodden mattock, or pickeaxe : our selves prooved the soile, and put some of our Pease in the ground, and in tenne dayes they were of fourteene ynches high : they have also Beanes very faire of divers colours and wonderfull plentie : some growing naturally, and some in their gardens, and so have they both wheat and oates. The soile is the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull and wholsome of all the worlde : there are above foureteene severall sweete smelling timber trees, and the most part of their underwoods are Bayes and such like : they have those Okes that we have, but farre greater and better. After they had bene divers times aboord our shippes, my selfe, with seven more went twentie mile into the River, that runneth towarde the Citie of Skicoak, which River they call Occam : and the evening following, wee came to an Roanoak Island, which they call Raonoak, distant from the harbour Island. \^y which we entred, seven leagues : and at the North end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of Cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees, to keepe out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turne pike very artificially ; when wee came towardes it, standing [III. 249.] neere unto the waters side, the wife of Granganimo the kings brother came running out to meete us very cheere- fully and friendly, her husband was not then in the village ; some of her people shee commanded to drawe 304 A VIRGINIAN WARRIOR THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1584. our boate on shore for the beating of the billoe : others The great she appointed to cary us on their backes to the dry ^^^dnesofthe ground, and others to bring our oares into the house for ^A_ feare of stealing. When we were come into the utter roome, having five roomes in her house, she caused us to sit downe by a great fire, and after tooke ofF our clothes and washed them, and dryed them againe : some of the women plucked off our stockings and washed them, some washed our feete in warme water, and shee her selfe tooke great paines to see all things ordered in the best maner shee could, making great haste to dresse some meate for us to eate. After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us A solemn into the inner roome, where shee set on the boord stand- ^^«'^^^- ing along the house, some wheate like furmentie, sodden Venison, and roasted, fish sodden, boyled, and roasted. Melons rawe, and sodden, rootes of divers kindes, and divers fruites : their drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine, and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they drink water, but it is sodden with Ginger in it, and blacke Sinamon, and some- times Sassaphras, and divers other wholesome, and medi- cinable hearbes and trees. We were entertained with all love and kindnesse, and with as much bountie (after their maner) as they could possibly devise. We found the" people most gentle, loving, and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason, and such as live after the maner of the golden age. The people onely care howe to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soile afFoordeth : there meate is very well sodden and they make broth very sweet and savorie : their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white and sweete, their dishes are wodden platters of sweet timber : within the place where they feede was their lodging, and within that their IdoU, which Their Idole. they worship, of whome they speake incredible things. While we were at meate, there came in at the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, vm 305 , u AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. whom when wee espied, we beganne to looke one to- wardes another, and offered to reach our weapons : but assoone as shee espied our mistrust, shee was very much mooved, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake them, and withall beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe. When we departed in the evening and would not tary all night, she was very sory, and gave us into our boate our supper halfe dressed, pottes and all, and brought us to our boate side, in which wee lay all night, remooving the same a prettie distance from the shoare : shee per- ceiving our jelousie, was much greived, and sent divers men and thirtie women, to sit all night on the banke side by us, and sent us into our boates five mattes to cover us from the raine, using very many wordes to intreate us to rest in their houses : but because wee were fewe men, and if wee had miscaried, the voyage had bene in very great danger, wee durst not adventure any thing, though there was no cause of doubt : for a more kinde and loving people there can not be found in the worlde, as farre as we have hitherto had triall. Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, and over against this Island falleth into this spacious water, the great river called Occam by the inhabitants on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock, & sixe dayes journey Skicoaka great from the same is situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak, town. which this people affirme to be very great: but the Savages were never at it, only they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men, whom they have heard affirme it to bee above one houres journey about. Into this river falleth another great river, called Cipo, in which there is found great store of Muskles in which there are pearles : likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another river, called Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook, and the Lord of that towne and countrey is called Pooneno : this Pooneno is not subject to the king of Wingandacoa, 306 THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1584. but is a free Lord : beyond this country is there another king, whom they cal Menatonon, and these three kings are in league with each other. Towards the Southwest, foure dayes journey is situate a towne called Sequotan, which is the Southermost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto which, sixe and twentie yeres past there was a ship -^ ^^^P ^^^^ cast away, whereof some of the people were saved, and '^^^■^" those were white people, whom the countrey people preserved. And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island unhabited, called Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan, fastened two boates of the countrey together & made mastes unto them, and sailes of their shirtes, and having taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded, they departed after they had re- mained in this out Island 3 weekes : but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates were found upon the coast, cast a land in another Island adjoyning: other then these, there was never any people apparelled, or white of colour, either scene or heard of amongst these [III. 250.] people, and these aforesaid were scene onely of the inhabitantes of Secotan, which appeared to be very true, for they wondred marvelously when we were amongst them at the whitenes of our skins, ever coveting to touch our breasts, and to view the same. Besides they had our ships in marvelous admiration, & all things els were so strange unto them, as it appeared that none of them had ever scene the like. When we discharged any piece, were it but an hargubuz, they would tremble thereat for very feare, and for the strangenesse of the same : for the weapons which themselves use are bowes and arrowes : the arrowes are but of small canes, headed with a sharpe shell or tooth of a fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked man. Their swordes be of wood hardened : likewise they Their wea- use wooden breastplates for their defence. They have P°^^- besides a kinde of club, in the end whereof they fasten the sharpe homes of a stagge, or other beast. When they goe to warres they cary about with them their idol, 307 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1584. of whom they aske counsel, as the Romans were woont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towardes the battell in stead of drummes and trumpets : their warres are very cruell and bloody, by reason whereof, and of their civill dissentions which have happened of late yeeres amongst them, the people are marvelously wasted, and in some places the countrey left desolate. Or Pananu- Adjoyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan ^^°'^' begin neth a countrey called Pomovik, belonging to another king whom they call Piamacum, and this king is in league with the next king adjoyning towards the setting of the Sunne, and the countrey Newsiok, situate upon a goodly river called Neus : these kings have mortall warre with Wingina king of Wingandacoa : but about two yeeres past there was a peace made betweene the King Piemacum, and the Lord of Secotan, as these men which we have brought with us to England, have given us to understand : but there remaineth a mortall malice in the Secotanes, for many injuries & slaughters done upon them by this Piemacum. They invited divers men, and thirtie women of the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast: and when they were altogether merry, & praying before their Idol, (which is nothing els but a meer illusion of the devil) the captaine or Lord of the town came suddenly upon them, and slewe them every one, reserving the women and children : and these two have oftentimes since perswaded us to surprize Piemacum his towne, having promised and assured us, that there will be found in it great store of commodities. But whether their perswasion be to the ende they may be revenged of their enemies, or for the love they beare to us, we leave that to the tryall hereafter. Beyond this Island called Roanoak, are maine Islands very plentifull of fruits and other naturall increases, together with many townes, and villages, along the side of the continent, some bounding upon the Islands, and some stretching up further into the land. When we first had sight of this countrey, some thought 308 THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1584. the first land we saw to bee the continent : but after we entred into the Haven, we saw before us another mighty long Sea : for there lyeth along the coast a tracte of Islands, two hundreth miles in length, adjoyning to the Ocean sea, and betweene the Islands, two or three entrances : when you are entred betweene them (these Islands being very narrow for the most part, as in most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in fewe more) then there appeareth another great Sea, containing in bredth in some places, forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you come unto the continent : and in this inclosed Sea there are above an hundreth Islands of divers bignesses, whereof one is sixteene miles long, at which Roanoak six- we were, finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground, t^^^^^^^^^°''^g- replenished with goodly Cedars, and divers other sweete woods, full of Corrants, of flaxe, and many other notable commodities, which we at that time had no leasure to view. Besides this Island there are many, as I have sayd, some of two, or three, of foure, of five miles, some more, some lesse, most beautifull and pleasant to behold, replenished with Deere, Conies, Hares and divers beasts, and about them the goodliest and best fish in the world, and in greatest abundance. Thus Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of our discovery, made this present voyage, as farre foorth as the shortnesse of the time we there continued would affoord us take viewe of: and so contenting our selves with this service at this time, which wee hope hereafter to inlarge, as occasion and assistance shalbe given, we resolved to leave the countrey, and to apply our selves to returne for England, which we did accordingly, and arrived safely in the West of England about the middest of September. And whereas wee have above certified you of the countrey taken in possession by us, to her Majesties use, and so to yours by her Majesties grant, wee thought good for the better assurance thereof to record some of the particular Gentlemen, & men of accompt, who then were 309 A.D. 1584. [III. 251.] THE ENGLISH VOYAGES present, as witnesses of the same, that thereby all occasion of cavill to the title of the countrey, in her Majesties behalfe may be prevented, which otherwise, such as like not the action may use and pretend, whose names are : Master Philip Amadas, Master Arthur Barlow, William Greenevile, John Wood, James Browewich, Henry Greene, J Benjamin Wood, I Simon Ferdinando, Nicholas Petman, John Hewes, We brought home also two of the Savages being lustie men, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo. Captaines. y Of the companie. I The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenvile, for Sir Walter Ralegh, to Virginia, in the yeere 1585. [He 9. day of April, in the yeere above- sayd, we departed from Plymmouth, our Fleete consisting of the number of seven sailes, to wit, the Tyger, of the burden of seven score tunnes, a Flie-boat called the Roe-bucke, of the like burden, the Lyon of a hundred tunnes or thereabouts, the Elizabeth, of fiftie tunnes, and the Dorothie, a small barke : whereunto were also adjoyned for speedy services, two small pinnesses. The principall Gentlemen of our companie, were these, M. Ralph Lane, M. Tomas Candish, M. John Arundell, M. Raymund, M. Stukeley, M. Bremige, M. Vincent, and M. John Clarke, and divers others, whereof some were Captaines, and other some Assistants for counsell, and good direc- tions in the voyage. The 14. day of Aprill wee fell with Lancerota and Forteventura, Isles of the Canaries, and from thence 310 SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE a.d. 1585. we continued our course for Dominica, one of the Antiles of the West India, wherewith we fell the 7. day of May, and the 10. day following wee came to an anker at Cotesa, a little Hand situate neere to the Hand of S. John, where we landed, and refreshed our selves all that day. The 12. day of May wee came to an anker in the Bay of Moskito, in the Hand of S. John, within a They land Faulcon shot of the shoare : where our Generall Sir %°^ johTde Richard Greenevil, and the most part of our companie Porto Rico. landed, and began to fortifie very neere to the Sea side : the river ran by the one side of our forte, and the other two sides were invironed with woods. The 13. day we began to build a new pinnesse within the Fort, with the timber that wee then felled in the countrey, some part whereof we fet three miles up in the land, and brought it to our Fort upon trucks, the Spaniard not daring to make or offer resistance. The 16. day there appeared unto us out of the woods eight horsemen of the Spaniards, about a quarter of a mile from our Fort, staying about halfe an houre in viewing our forces : but assoone as they saw ten of our shot marching towards them, they presently retired into the woods. The 19. day Master Candish, who had bene separated from our fleete in a storme in the Bay of Portugall, arrived at Cotesa, within the sight of the Tiger : we thinking him a farre off to have beene either a Spaniard or Frenchman of warre, thought it good to weigh ankers, and to goe roome with him, which the Tiger did, and discerned him at last to be one of our consorts, for joy of whose comming our ships discharged their ordinance, and saluted him according to the maner of the Seas. The 22. day twentie other Spanish horsemen shewed themselves to us upon the other side of the river : who being seene, our Generall dispatched 20. footemen to- wards them, and two horsmen of ours, mounted upon Spanish horses, which wee before had taken in the time 311 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585. of our being on the Hand : they shewed to our men a flagge of truce, and made signes to have a parle with us : whereupon two of our men went halfe of the way upon the sands, and two of theirs came and met them : the two Spaniards offered very great salutations to our men, but began according to their Spanish proud humors, to expostulate with them about their arrivall and forti- fying in their countrey, who notwithstanding by our mens discreet answers were so cooled, that (whereas they were told, that our principall intention was onely to furnish our selves with water and victuales, and other necessaries, wherof we stood in neede, which we craved might be yeelded us with faire and friendly meanes, otherwise our resolution was to practise force, and to [III. 252.] relieve ourselves by the sworde) the Spaniards in con- clusion seeing our men so resolute, yeelded to our requestes with large promises of all curtesie, and great favour, and so our men and theirs departed. The 23. day our pinnesse was finished, and lanched : which being done, our Generall with his Captaines and Gentlemen, marched up into the Countrey about the space of 4. miles, where in a plaine marsh they stayed expecting the comming of the Spaniards according to their promise, to furnish us with victuals : who keeping their olde custome for perjurie and breach of promise, came not, whereupon our Generall fired the woods there- about, and so retired to our Fort, which the same day was fired also, and each man came aboord to be ready to set saile the next morning. The 29. day wee set saile from Saint Johns, being many of us stung before upon shoare with the Muskitos : but the same night wee tooke a Spanish Frigat, which was forsaken by the Spaniards upon the sight of us, and the next day in the morning very early we tooke another Frigat, with good and rich fraight, and divers Spaniards of account in her, which afterwards wee ransomed for good round summes, and landed them in S. Johns. 312 SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE ad. 1585. The 26. day our Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane went in one of the Frigats which we had taken, to Roxo bay upon the Southwest side of Saint Johns, to fetch salt, being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot : as soone as hee arrived there, hee landed with his men to the number of 20. and intrenched himselfe upon the sandes immediatly, compassing one of their sake hils within the trench : who being seene of the Spaniards, there came downe towardes him two or three troopes of horsemen and footmen, who gave him the looking, and gazing on, but durst not come neere him to offer any resistance, so that Master Lane maugre their troopes, caryed their salte aboord and laded his Frigat, and so returned againe to our fleete the 29. day, which road at S. Germans Bay. The same day we all departed, and the next day arrived in the Hand of Hispaniola. June. THe I. day of June we anchored at Isabella, on the North side of Hispaniola. The 3. day of June, the Governour of Isabella, and Captaine of the Port de Plata, being certified by the reports of sundry Spaniards, who had beene well inter- tained aboord our shippes by our Generall, that in our fleete were many brave and gallant Gentlemen, who greatly desired to see the Governour aforesayd, he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our Generall, promising within few dayes to come to him in person, which he perfourmed accordingly. The 5. day the aforesayd Governour accompanied with a lusty Fryer, and twenty other Spaniards, with their servants, and Negroes, came downe to the Sea side, where our ships road at anker, who being seene, our Generall manned immediatly the most part of his boates with the chiefe men of our Fleete, every man appointed, and furnished in the best sort : at the landing of our Generall, the Spanish governour received him very courteously, and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted 313 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585. our English Gentlemen, and their inferiour sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men, liking our men, and likewise their qualities, although at the first they seemed to stand in feare of us, and of so many of our boates, whereof they desired that all might not land their men, yet in the end, the courtesies that passed on both sides were so great, that all feare and mistrust on the Spaniards part was abandoned. In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Governour discoursed betwixt them of divers matters, as of the state of the Countrey, the multitude of the Townes and people, and the commodities of the Hand, our men provided two banquetting houses covered with greene boughes, the one for the Gentlemen, the other for the servaunts, and a sumptuous banquet was brought in served by us all in plate, with the sound of trumpets, and consort of musicke, wherwith the Spaniards were more then delighted. Which banquet being ended, the Spaniardes in recompence of our courtesie, caused a great heard of white buls, and kyne to be brought together from the mountaines, and ap- poynted for every Gentleman and Captaine that would ride, a horse ready sadled, and then singled out three of the best of them to bee hunted by horsemen after their maner, so that the pastime grewe very pleasant for the space of three houres, wherein all three of the beasts were killed, whereof one tooke the Sea, and there was slaine with a musket. After this sport, many rare pre- sents and gifts were given and bestowed on both parts, and the next day wee played the Marchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of divers of their commodities, as horses, mares, kine, buls, goates, swine, sheepe, bull-hides, sugar, ginger, pearle, tabacco, and such like commodities of the Hand. The 7. day we departed with great good will from the Spaniards from the Hand of Hispaniola : but the wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship, and courtesie used towards us by the Spaniards rather to the 314 SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE ad. ^585. force that wee were of, and the vigilancie, and watchful- [III. 253.] nesse that was amongst us, then to any heartie good will, or sure friendly intertainement : for doubtlesse if they had bene stronger then wee, wee might have looked for no better curtesie at their handes, then Master John Haukins received at Saint John de Ullua, or John Oxnam neere the streights of Dariene, and divers others of our Countrymen in other places. The 8. day we ankred at a small Hand to take Seales, which in that place wee understood to have bene in great quantitie, where the Generall and certaine others with him in the pinnesse were in very great danger to have beene all cast away, but by the helpe of God they escaped the hasard, and returned aboord the Admirall in safetie. The 9, day we arrived and landed in the He of Caycos, ^% ^^nd 07i in which Hand we searched for salte-pondes, upon the ^^^ l^^^ °f advertisment and information of a Portugall : who in deede abused our Generall and us, deserving a halter for his hire, if it had so pleased us. The 12. we ankered at Guanima, and landed. Guanima. The 15. and 16. we ankered and landed at Cyguateo. Cyguateo. The 20. we fell with the maine of Florida. The 23. we were in great danger of a wracke on a breach called the Cape of Feare. The 24. we came to anker in a harbour, where wee caught in one tyde so much fish as would have yeelded us twentie pounds in London : this was our first landing They land in in Florida. Florida. The 26. we came to anker at Wocokon. The 29. wee weighed anker to bring the Tyger into the harbour, where through the unskilfulnesse of the Master whose name was Fernando, the Admirall strooke on ground, and sunke. The 3. we sent word of our arriving at Wococon, to July. Wingina at Roanoak. The 6. M. John Arundel was sent to the maine, and Manteo with him : and Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan, where they 315 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585. lOund two of our men left there with 30. other by Captaine Reymond, some 20. dayes before. The 8. Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten re- turned, with two of our men found by them, to us at Wocokon. The II. day the Generall accompanied in his Tilt boate with Master John Arundell, Master Stukeley, and divers other Gentlemen, Master Lane, Master Candish, Master Hariot, and twentie others in the new pinnesse, Captaine Amadas, Captaine Clarke, with ten others in a shipboat, Francis Brooke, and John White in another ship-boate, passed over the water from Wococon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes, in which voyage we first discovered the townes of Pomejok, Aquascogoc and Secotan, and also the great lake called by the Savages Paquipe, with divers other places, and so returned with that discovery to our Fleete. The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok. The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok. The 15. we came to Secotan, and were well enter- tained there of the Savages. The 16. wee returned thence, and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok, to demaund a silver cup which one of the Savages had stollen from us, and not receiving it according to his promise, wee burnt, and spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fled. The 18. we returned from the discovery of Secotan, and the same day came aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon. The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon, we wayed anker for Hatoraske. The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask, and there we rested. The 29. Grangino brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall, and Manteo with him. August. The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok. The 5. M. John Arundell was sent for England. 316 SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE A.D. 1585. The 25. our Generall wayed anker, and set saile for England. About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300 tunne richly loaden, boording her with a boate made with boards of chests, which fell asunder, and sunke at the ships side, assoone as ever he and his men were out of it. The 10. of September, by foule weather the Generall September. then shipped in the prize, lost sight of the Tyger. The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end, and the October. same day came to anker at Falmouth. The 18. the General came with the prize to Plymmouth, and was courteously received by divers of his worship- full friends. The names of those as well Gentlemen as others, [III. 254.] that remained one whole yeere in Virginia, under the Governement of Master Ralph Lane. M Aster Philip Amadas, Admirall of the coun- trey. Master Hariot. Master Acton. Master Edward Stafford. Thomas Luddington. Master Marvyn. Master Gardiner. Captaine Vaughan. Master Kendall. Master Prideox. Robert Holecroft. Rise Courtney. Master Hugh Rogers. Master Thomas Harvie. Master Snelling. Master Anthony Russe. Master Allyne. Richard Gilbert. Steven Pomarie. John Brocke. Bennet Harrie. James Stevenson. Charles Stevenson. Christopher Lowde. Jeremie Man. James Mason. David Salter. Richard Ireland. Thomas Bookener. William Philips. Randall Mayne. James Skinner. George Eseven. John Chandeler. Philip Blunt. Richard Poore. 317 A.D. THE ENGl^J LSH VOYAGES [585. Master Michael Polison. Robert Yong. John Cage. Marmaduke Constable, Thomas Parre. Thomas Hesket. William Randes. William Wasse. GefFerey Churchman. John Fever. William Farthow. Daniel. John Taylor. Thomas Taylor. Philip Robyns. Richard Humfrey. Thomas Philips. John Wright. Valentine Beale. Gabriel North. Thomas Foxe, Bennet Chappell. Darby Glande. Richard Sare, Edward Nugen. James Lacie. Edward Kelley. Smolkin. John Gostigo. Thomas Smart. Erasmus Clefs. Robert. Edward Ketcheman. John Evans. John Linsey. Roger Large. Thomas Rottenbury. Humfrey Garden. Roger Deane. Francis Whitton. John Harris. Rowland Griffyn. Francis Norris. William Millard. Matthew Lyne. John Twit. Edward Kettell. Edward Seclemore. Thomas Wisse. John Anwike. Robert Biscombe. Christopher Marshall. William Backhouse. David Williams. William White. Nicholas Swabber. Henry Potkin. Edward Chipping. Dennis Barnes. Silvester Beching. Joseph Borges. Vincent Cheyne. Dougham Cannes. Hance Walters. William Tenche. Edward Barecombe. Randall Latham. Thomas Skeuelabs. Thomas Hulme. William Walters. Walter Mill. 318 LETTER FROM RALPH LANE A.D. 1585. An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire, and another Gentle- man of the middle Temple, from Virginia. N the meane while you shall understand, that since Sir Richard Greenvils departure from us, as also before, we have dis- covered the maine to be the goodliest oyle under the cope of heaven, so abounding with sweete trees, that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes, grapes of such greatnesse, yet wilde, as France, Spaine nor Italie have no greater, so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs, such severall kindes of flaxe, & one kind like silke, the same gathered of a grasse, as common there, as grasse is here. And now within these few dayes we have found here Maiz or Guinie wheate, whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. upon one eare, and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar, also Terra Samia, otherwise Terra sigillata. Besides that, it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world : for the continent is of an huge and unknowen greatnesse, and very well peopled and towned, though savagely, and the climate so wholsome, that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here. To conclude, if Virginia had but horses and kine in some reasonable proportion, I dare assure my selfe being inhabited with English, no realme in Christendome were comparable to it. For this already [III. 255.] we finde, that what commodities soever Spaine, France, Italy, or the East partes doe yeeld unto us, in wines of all sortes, in oyles, in flaxe, in rosens, pitch, frankensence. The rich and corrans, sugers, and such like, these parts doe abound ^^^^V°ld- com- with the growth of them all, but being Savages that possesse the land, they know no use of the same. And sundry other rich commodities, that no parts of the world, be they West or East Indies, have, here wee finde great abundance of. The people naturally are most 319 modittes of Firginia. A.D. 1585. Commodities Jit to carie to Virginia. 2, parts of this discourse. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES courteous, and very desirous to have clothes, but especially of course cloth rather then silke, course canvas they also like well of, but copper caryeth the price of all, so it be made red. Thus good M. Hakluyt and M. H. I have joyned you both in one letter of remembrance, as two that I love dearely well, and commending me most heartily to you both, I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie. From the new Fort in Virginia, this third of September, 1585. Your most assured friend Ralph Lane. An account of the particularities of the im- ployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greenevill under the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17. of August 1585. until the 18. of June 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey : sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh. Hat I may proceede with order in this discourse, I thinke it requisite to divide it into two parts. The first shall de- clare the particularities of such parts of the Countrey within the maine, as our weake number, and supply of things necessarie did inable us to enter into the discovery of. The second part shall set downe the reasons generally moving us to resolve on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake, and our common request for passage with him, when the barkes, pinnesses, and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the Countrey, for the supply of such, as for a further time meant to have stayed there, were caryed away with tempest and foule weather: In the beginning whereof shall bee declared the conspiracie of Pemisapan, with the Savages of the maine to have cut us off, &c. 320 A.D. 1585-86. RALPH LANE The first part declaring the particularities of the Countrey of Virginia. Irst therefore touching the particularities of the Countrey, you shall understand that our discoverie of the same hath beene extended from the Hand of Roan- oak, (the same having bene the place of our settlement or inhabitation) into the South, into the North, into the North- west, and into the West. The uttermost place to the Southward of any discovery was Secotan, being by estimation fourescore miles distant from Roanoak. The passage from thence was through a broad sound within the mayne, the same being without kenning of lande, and yet full of flats and shoalds : we had but one boate with foure oares to passe through the same, which boate could not carry above fifteene men with their furniture, baggage, and victuall for seven dayes at the most : and as for our pinnesse, besides that she drew too deep water for that shallow sound, she would not stirre for an oare : for these and other reasons (winter also being at hand) we thought good wholly to leave the discovery of those parts untill our stronger supply. To the Northward our furthest discovery was to the Chesepians, distant from Roanoak about 130. miles, the passage to it was very shallow and most dangerous, by reason of the bredth of the sound, and the little succour that upon any flawe was there to be had. But the Territorie and soyle of the Chesepians (being distant fifteene miles from the shoare) was for pleasantnes The excellen- of seate, for temperature of Climate, for fertilitie of soyle, "yftheseate and for the commoditie of the Sea, besides multitude of ^ e^^P^o" ■ Beares (being an excellent good victuall) with great woods of Sassafras, and Wallnut trees, is not to be excelled by any other whatsoever. There be sundry Kings, whom they call Weroances, and Countrey s of great fertility adjoyning to the same, as VIII 321 X AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. the Mandoages, Tripanicks, and Opossians, which all came to visite the Colonic of the English, which I had for a time appointed to be resident there. To the Northwest the farthest place of our discovery- was to Chawanook distant from Roanoak about 130. miles. Our passage thither lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the chanell of a great depth, navigable for good shipping, but out of the chanell full of shoalds. [III. 256.] The Townes about the waters side situated by the way are these following : Passaquenoke The womans Towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Muscamunge, & Metackwem : all these being under the jurisdiction of the king of Weapomeiok, called Okisco : from Musca- munge we enter into the River, and jurisdiction of Chawanook: There the River beginneth to straighten untill it come to Chawanook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames betewene Westminster, and Lambeth. Betwene Muscamunge and Chawanook upon the left hand as wee passe thither, is a goodly high land, and there is a Towne which we called The blinde Towne, but the Savages called it Ohanoak, and hath a very goodly corne field belonging unto it : it is subject to Chawanook. The towne of Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Province & Seie:- L.nawanoo/i niorie lying upon that River, and the very Towne it selfe CIuIB to THClkB . /oi ^ ' ^ J 700. men of '^^ '^^ ^° P^^ 7*^*^- %hting men into the fielde, besides warre. the force of the Province it selfe. The King of the sayd Province is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his lims, but otherwise for a Savage, a very grave and wise man, and of a very singular good discourse in matters concerning the state, not onely of his owne Countrey, and the disposition of his owne men, but also of his neighbours round about him as well farre as neere, and of the commodities that eache Countrey yeeldeth. When I had him prisoner with me, for two dayes that we were together, he gave mee more under- 322 RALPH LANE ad. 1585-86. standing and light of the Countrey then I had received by all the searches and Savages that before I or any of my companie had had conference with : it was in March last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me, that going three dayes journey in a Canoa, up his River of Chawanookj and then descending to the land, you are within foure dayes journey to passe over land Northeast to a certaine Kings countrey, whose Province lyeth upon the Sea, but his place of greatest strength is an Island ^» ^^^^'^ ^'« situate, as hee described unto mee, in a Bay, the water ^ ^^' round about the Island very deepe. Out of this Bay hee signified unto mee, that this dearies in ex- King had so great quantitie of Pearle, and doeth so ^y ^^^ ^^^^' ordinarily take the same, as that not onely his owne skinnes that hee weareth, and the better sort of his gentlemen and followers are full set with the sayd Pearle, but also his beds, and houses are garnished with them, and that hee hath such quantitie of them, that it is a wonder to see. He shewed me that the sayd King was with him at Chawanook two yeeres before, & brought him certaine Pearle, but the same of the worst sort, yet was he faine to buy them of him for copper at a deere rate, as he thought. Hee gave mee a rope of the same pearle, but they were blacke, and naught, yet many of them were very great, and a few amongst a number very orient and round, all which I lost with other things of mine, comming aboord Sir Francis Drake his Fleete : yet he tolde me that the sayd King had great store of Pearle that were white, great, and round, and that his blacke Pearle his men did take out of shallow water, but the white Pearle his men fished for in very deepe water. It seemed to me by his speach, that the sayd King had traffique with white men that had clothes as we have, for these white Pearle, and that was the reason that hee would not depart with other then with blacke Pearles, to those of the same countrey. 323 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. The king of Chawanook promised to give me guids to go over land into that kings countrey whensoever I would : but he advised me to take good store of men with me, and good store of victuall, for he said, that king would be loth to suffer any strangers to enter into his Countrey, and especially to meddle with the fishing for any Pearle there, and that hee was able to make a great many of men into the field, which he sayd would fight very well. Hereupon I resolved with my selfe, that if your supplie had come before the ende of Aprill, and that you had sent any store of boates or men, to have had them made in any reasonable time, with a sufficient number of men and victuals to have found us untill the new corne were come in, I would have sent a small barke with two pinnesses about by Sea to the Northward to have found out the Bay he spake of, and to have sounded the barre if there were any, which should have ridden there in the sayd Bay about that Hand, while I with all the small boates I could make, and with two hundred men would have gone up to the head An enterprise of the river of Chawanook with the guids that Mena- of speciall im- tonon would have given me, which I would have bene assured should have beene of his best men, (for I had his best beloved sonne prisoner with me) who also should have kept me companie in an handlocke with the rest, foote by foote, all the voyage over land. My meaning was further at the head of the River in the place of my descent where I would have left my boates, to have raised a sconse with a small trench, and a pallisado upon the top of it, in the which, and in the guard of my boates I would have left five and [III. 257.] twentie, or thirtie men, with the rest would I have marched with as much victuall as every man could have caried, with their furniture, mattocks, spades and axes, two dayes journey. In the ende of my march upon some convenient plot would I have raised another sconse according to the former, where I would have 324 RALPH LANE a.d. 1585-86. left fifteene or twentie. And if it would have fallen out conveniently, in the way I would have raised my saide sconse upon some Corne fielde, that my company might have lived upon it. And so I would have holden this course of insconsing Whither M. every two dayes march, untill I had bene arrived at -f^ ^"^ . • 17l6Cltlt to 7'B— the Bay or Port hee spake of: which finding to bee ^^^^^ worth the possession, I would there have raised a maine fort, both for the defence of the harborough, and our shipping also, and would have reduced our whole habi- tation from Roanoak and from the harborough and port there (which by proofe is very naught) unto this other beforementioned, from whence, in the foure dayes march before specified, could I at al times returne with my company back unto my boates riding under my sconse, very neere whereunto directly from the West runneth a most notable River, and in all those parts most famous, called the River of Moratoc. This River openeth into the broad Sound of Weapomeiok. And whereas the River of Chawanook, and all the other Sounds, and Bayes, salt and fresh, shewe no current in the world in calme weather, but are mooved alto- gether with the winde : This River of Moratoc hath so violent a current from the West and Southwest, that it made me almost of opinion that with oares it would scarse be navigable : it passeth with many creekes and turnings, and for the space of thirtie miles rowing, and more, it is as broad as the Thames betwixt Green-wich and the Isle of dogges, in some place more, and in some lesse : the current runneth as strong, being entred so high into the River, as at London bridge upon a vale water. And for that not onely Menatonon, but also the Savages of Moratoc themselves doe report strange things of the head of that River, and that from Moratoc it selfe, which is a principall Towne upon that River, it is thirtie dayes as some of them say, and some say fourtie dayes voyage to the head thereof, which head 325 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. they say springeth out of a maine rocke in that abun- dance, that forthwith it maketh a most violent streame : and further, that this huge rock standeth so neere unto a Sea, that many times in stormes (the winde comming outwardly from the sea) the waves thereof are beaten into the said fresh streame, so that the fresh water for a certaine space, groweth salt and brackish : I tooke a resolution with my selfe, having dismissed Menatonon upon a ransome agreed for, and sent his sonne into the Pinnesse to Roanoak, to enter presently so farre into that River with two double whirries, and fourtie persons one or other, as I could have victuall to cary us, until we could meete with more either of the Moratoks, or of the Mangoaks, which is another kinde of Savages, dwelling: more to the Westward of the said River : but the hope of recovering more victuall from the Savages made mee and my company as narrowly to escape starving in that discoverie before our returne, as ever men did, that missed the same. Winona For Pemisapan, who had changed his name of Win- changeth his ^^^^ upon the death of his brother Granganimo, had given both the Choanists, and Mangoaks worde of my purpose touching them, I having bene inforced to make him privie to the same, to bee served by him of a guide to the Mangoaks, and yet hee did never rest to solicite continually my going upon them, certifying mee of a generall assembly even at that time made by Menatonon at Chawanook of all his Weroances, and allies to the number of three thousand bowes, preparing to come upon us at Roanoak, and that the Mangoaks also were joyned in the same confederate, who were able of them- Conspiracie of selves to bring as many more to the enterprise : And ike Savages ^^^^ -j. ^^g ^.j^^^. ^^ ^]^^^ ^jj^g ^\^q assembly was holden ^En^lish ^ ^^ Chawanook about us, as I found at my comming thither, which being unlooked for did so dismay them, as it made us have the better hand at them. But this confederacie against us of the Choanists and Mangoaks was altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan him- 326 RALPH LANE a.d. 1585-86. selfe, as Menatonon confessed unto me, who sent them continual word, that our purpose was fully bent to destroy them : on the other side he told me, that they had tlie like meaning towards us. Hee in like sort having sent worde to the Mangoaks of mine intention to passe up into their River, and to kill them (as he saide) both they and the Moratoks, with whom before wee were entred into a league, and they had ever dealt kindly with us, abandoned their Townes along the River, and retired themselves with their *Crenepos, and their Corne within the maine : * Their insomuch as having passed three dayes voyage up the '^°^^"- River, wee could not meete a man, nor iinde a graine of Corne in any their Townes : whereupon considering with my selfe that wee had but two dayes victuall left, and that wee were then 160. miles from home, besides casualtie of contrary windes or stormes, and sus- pecting treason of our owne Savages in the discoverie of our voyage intended, though wee had no intention to bee hurtfull to any of them, otherwise then for our [III. 258.] copper to have had corne of them : I at night upon the Corps of guard, before the putting foorth of Cen- tinels, advertised the whole company of the case wee stoode in for victuall, and of mine opinion that we were betrayed by our owne Savages, and of purpose drawen foorth by them upon vaine hope to be in the ende starved, seeing all the Countrey fled before us, and therefore while wee had those two dayes victuall left, 1 thought it good for us to make our returne homeward, and that it were necessary for us to get the other side of the Sound of Weopomeiok in time, where wee might be relieved upon the weares of Chypanum, and the womens Towne, although the people were fled. Thus much I signified unto them, as the safest way: neverthelesse I did referre it to the greatest number of voyces, whether wee should adventure the spending of our whole victuall in some further viewe of that most goodly River in hope to meete with some better happe, 327 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. or otherwise to retire our selves backe againe. And for that they might be the better advised, I willed them to deliberate all night upon the matter, and in the morning at our going aborde to set our course according to the desires of the greatest part. Their resolution fully and wholy was (and not three founde to bee of the contrary opinion) that whiles there was left but one halfe pinte of Corne for a man, wee should not leave the search of that River, and that there were in the companie two Mastives, upon the pottage of which with Sassafras leaves (if the worst fell out) the company would make shift to live two dayes, which time would bring them downe the current to the mouth of the River, and to the entrie of the Sound, and in two dayes more at the farthest they hoped to crosse the Sound and to bee relieved by the weares, which two dayes they would fast rather then be drawen backe a foote till they had seene the Man- goaks, either as friendes or foes. This resolution of theirs did not a little please mee, since it came of themselves, although for mistrust of that which after- wards did happen, I pretended to have bene rather of the contrary opinion. And that which made me most desirous to have some doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to have had one or two of them prisoners, was, for that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey, that there is a Province to the which the said Mangoaks have recourse and trafique up that River A marvellous of Moratoc, v/hich hath a marveilous and most strange Mineral tn Minerall. This Mine is so notorious amongst them, ofCkaunis ^^ ^^^ onely to the Savages dwelling up the said Temoatan. river, and also to the Savages of Chawanook, and all them to the Westward, but also to all them of the maine : the Countreis name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan. The Minerall they say is Wassador, which is copper, but they call by the name of Wassador every mettall 328 RALPH LANE a.d. 1585-86. whatsoever : they say it is of the colour of our copper, but our copper is better then theirs : and the reason is for that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very soft, and pale : they say that they take the saide mettall out of a river that falleth very swift from hie rockes and hils, and they take it in shallow water : the maner is this. They take a great bowle by their description as great as one of our targets, and wrappe a skinne over the hollow part thereof, leaving one part open to receive in the minerall : that done, they watch the comming downe of the cur- rent, and the change of the colour of the water, and then suddenly chop downe the said bowle with the skinne, and receive into the same as much oare as will come in, which is ever as much as their bowle will holde, which presently they cast into a fire, and foorth- with it melteth, and doeth yeelde in five parts, at the first melting, two parts of metall for three parts of oare. Of this metall the Mangoaks have so great store, by report of all the Savages adjoyning, that they beautifie their houses with great plates of the same : and this to be true, I received by report of all the countrey, and particularly by yong Skiko, the King of Chawanooks Sonne my prisoner, who also himselfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks, and set downe all the particularities to me before mentioned : but hee had not bene at Chawnis Temoatan himselfe : for hee said, it was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks, to the said Mineral Countrey, and that they passed through certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks, before they came to the said Countrey. Upon report of the premisses, which I was very inquisitive in all places where I came to take very par- ticular information of, by all the Savages that dwelt towards those parts, and especially of Menatonon him- selfe, who in every thing did very particularly informe mee, and promised me guides of his owne men, who should passe over with me, even to the said Country 329 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. of Chaunis Temoatan (for overland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey from Sunne rising to Sunne setting, whereas by water it is seven dayes with the soonest :) These things, I say, made me very desirous by all meanes possible to recover the Mangoaks, and to get some of that their copper for an assay, and therefore I willingly yeelded to their [III. 259.] resolution : But it fell out very contrary to all expecta- tion, and likelyhood : for after two dayes travell, and our whole victuall spent, lying on shoare all night, wee could never see man, onely fires we might perceive made alongst the shoare where we were to passe, and up into the Countrey, untill the very last day. In the evening whereof, about three of the clocke wee heard certaine Savages call as we thought, Manteo, who was also at that time with me in the boat, whereof we all being very glad, hoping of some friendly conference with them, and making him to answere them, they presently began a song, as we thought, in token of our welcome to them : but Manteo presently betooke him to his piece, and tolde mee that they meant to fight with us : which worde was not so soone spoken by him, and the A conflict light horseman ready to put to shoare, but there lighted ]f£"^J^ a voUie of their arrowes amongst them in the boat, but did no hurt (God be thanked) to any man. Im- mediatly, the other boate lying ready with their shot to skoure the place for our hand weapons to lande upon, which was presently done, although the land was very high and steepe, the Savages forthwith quitted the shoare, and betooke themselves to flight : wee landed, and having faire and easily followed for a smal time after them, who had wooded themselves we know not where : the Sunne drawing then towards the setting, and being then assured that the next day if wee would pursue them, though we might happen to meete with them, yet wee should be assured to meete with none of their victuall, which we then had good cause to thinke of: therefore choosing for the company a con- 330 Savages. RALPH LANE ad. 1585-86. venient ground in safetie to lodge in for the night, making a strong Corps of guard, and putting out good Centinels, I determined the next morning before the rising of the Sunne to be going backe againe, if pos- sibly we might recover the mouth of the river, into the broad sound, which at my first motion I found my whole company ready to assent unto : for they were nowe come to their Dogges porredge, that they had bespoken for themselves if that befell them which did, and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape. The ende was, we came the next day by night to the ^-^^ S^^^^ Rivers mouth within foure or five miles of the same, '^^^^^ JI having rowed in one day downe the current, as much Morattko. as in foure dayes wee had done against the same : we lodged upon an Hand, where we had nothing in the world to eate but pottage of Sassafras leaves, the like whereof for a meate was never used before as I thinke. The broad sound wee had to passe the next day all fresh and fasting: that day the winde blew so strongly, and the billow so great, that there was no possibilitie of passage without sinking of our boates. This was upon Easter eve, which was fasted very truely. Upon Easter day in the morning the winde comming very calme, we entred the sound, and by foure of the clocke we were at Chipanum, whence all the Savages that we had left there were fled, but their weares did yeelde us some fish, as God was pleased not utterly to suifer us to be lost : for some of our company of the light horsemen were farre spent. The next morning wee arrived at our home Roanoak. I have set downe this Voyage somewhat particularly, to the ende it may appeare unto you (as true it is) that there wanted no great good will from the most to the least amongst us, to have perfited this discoverie of the Mine : for that the discovery of a good Mine, by the goodnesse of God, or a passage to the South- sea, or some way to it, and nothing els can bring this Countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation. 331 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. And with the discovery of either of the two above shewed, it will bee the most sweete and healthfullest climate, and therewithall the most fertile soyle (being manured) in the world : and then will Sassafras, and many other rootes and gummes there found make good marchandise and lading for shipping, which otherwise of themselves will not be worth the fetching. Provided also, that there be found out a better har- borough then yet there is, which must be to the Northward, if any there bee, which was mine intention to have spent this Summer in the search of, and of the Mine of Chawnis Temoatan : the one I would have done, if the barkes that I should have had of Sir Francis Drake, by his honourable courtesie, had not bene driven away by storme : the other if your supply of more men, and some other necessaries had come to us in any convenient sufficiencie. For this river of Moratico promiseth great things, and by the opinion of M. Hariots the head of it by the description of the Countrey, either riseth from the bay of Mexico, or els from very neere unto the same, that openeth out into the South sea. And touching the Minerall, thus doeth M. Youghan affirme, that though it be but copper, seeing the Savages are able to melt it, it is one of the richest Minerals in the world. Wherefore a good harborough found to the North- ward, as before is saide, and from thence foure dayes overland, to the River of Choanoak sconses being raised, from whence againe overland through the province of Choanoak one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks up the river of Moratico by the way, as also upon the said River for the defence of our boats like sconses being set, in this course of proceeding you shall [III. 260.] cleare your selfe from al those dangers and broad shallow sounds before mentioned, and gaine within foure dayes travell into the heart of the maine 200. miles at the least, and so passe your discovery into that most notable 332 RALPH LANE countrey, and to the likeliest parts of the maine, with farre greater felicitie then otherwise can bee performed. Thus Sir, I have though simply, yet truely set downe unto you, what my labour with the rest of the gentlemen, and poore men of our company (not without both paine and perill, which the Lord in his mercy many wayes delivered us from) could yeeld unto you, which might have bene performed in some more perfection, if the Lord had bene pleased that onely that which you had provided for us had at the first bene left with us, or that hee had not in his eternall providence now at the last set some other course in these things, than the wisedome of man coulde looke into, which truely the carying away by a most strange & unlooked for storme of all our pro- vision, with Barks, Master, JVIariners, and sundry also of mine owne company, al having bene so courteously supplied by the generall Sir Francis Drake, the same having bene most sufficient to have performed the greatest part of the premisses, must ever make me to thinke the hand of God onely (for some his good purpose to my selfe yet unknowen) to have bene in the matter. The second part touching the conspiracie of Pemisapan, the discovery of the same, and at the last, of our request to depart with Sir Francis Drake for England. Nsenore a Savage father to Pemisapan being the onely friend to our nation that we had amongst them, and about the King, died the 20. of April 1586. He alone had before opposed himselfe in their consultations against all matters proposed against us, which both the King and all the rest of them after Grangemoes death, were very willing to have preferred. And he was not onely by the meere providence of God during his life, a meane to save us from hurt, as poysonings and such like, 333 A.D. 1585-86. AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. but also to doe us very great good, and singularly in this. The King was advised and of himselfe disposed, as a ready meane to have assuredly brought us to ruine in the moneth of March 1586. himselfe also with all his Savages to have runne away from us, and to have left his ground in the Hand unsowed : which if hee had done, there had bene no possibilitie in common reason, (but by the immediate hande of God) that wee coulde have bene preserved from starving out of hande. For at that This skill time wee had no weares for fish, neither coulde our men oj ma ing g]^--|| ^^ ^j^^ making- of them, neither had wee one Sfraine ZV£C?'£S would O -' O be learned. ^^ Corne for seede to put into the ground. In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against the Chaonists, and Mangoaks, they had raised a brute among themselves, that I and my company were part slaine, and part starved by the Chaonists, and Mangoaks. One part of this tale was too true, that I and mine were like to be starved, but the other false. Neverthelesse untill my returne it tooke such effect in Pemisapans breast, and in those against us, that they grew not onely into contempt of us, but also (contrary to their former reverend opinion in shew, of the Almightie God of heaven, and Jesus Christ whom wee serve and worship, whom before they would acknowledge and con- fesse the only God) now they began to blaspheme, and flatly to say, that our Lorde God was not God, since hee suffered us to sustaine much hunger, and also to be killed of the Renapoaks, for so they call by that generall name all the inhabitants of the whole maine, of what province soever. Insomuch as olde Ensenore, neither any of his fellowes, could for his sake have no more credite for us : and it came so farre that the king was resolved to have presently gone away as is aforesaid. But even in the beginning of this bruite I returned, which when hee sawe contrary to his expectation, and the advertisement that hee had received : that not onely my selfe, and my company were all safe, but also by report of 334 RALPH LANE ad. 1585-86. his owne 3. Savages which had bene with mee besides Manteo in that voyage, that is to say, Tetepano, his sisters husband Eracano, and Cossine, that the Chanoists and Mangoaks (whose name and multitude besides their valour is terrible to all the rest of the provinces) durst not for the most part of them abide us, and that those that did abide us were killed, and that we had taken Menatonon prisoner, and brought his sonne that he best loved to Roanoak with mee, it did not a little asswage all devises against us : on the other side, it made Ensenores opinions to bee received againe with greater respects. For he had often before tolde them, and then renewed those his former speeches, both to the king and the rest, that wee were the servants of God, and that wee were not subject to bee destroyed by them : but contrary wise, that they amongst them that sought our destruction, should finde their owne, and not bee able to worke ours, and [III. 261.] that we being dead men were able to doe them more hurt, then now we could do being alive : an opinion very confidently at this day holden by the wisest amongst them, and of their old men, as also, that they have bene in the night, being 100. miles from any of us, in the aire shot at, and stroken by some men of ours, that by sick- nesse had died among them : and many of them holde opinion, that we be dead men returned into the world againe, and that wee doe not remaine dead but for a certaine time, and that then we returne againe. All these speeches then againe grewe in ful credite with them, the King, and all, touching us, when hee sawe the small troupe returned again, and in that sort from those whose very names were terrible unto them : But that which made up the matter on our side for that time was an accident, yea rather (as all the rest was) the good providence of the Almightie for the saving of us, which was this. Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd journey, JMenatonon sent a messenger to visite his Sonne the prisoner with me, and sent me certaine pearle 335 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. for a present, or rather, as Pemisapan tolde mee, for the ransome of his sonne, and therefore I refused them : but the greatest cause of his sending then, was to signifie unto mee, that hee had commaunded Okisko King of Weo- pomiok, to yeelde himselfe servant, and homager, to the great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir Walter Raleigh : to perfourme which commandement received from Menatonon, the sayde Okisko joyntly with this Menatonons messenger sent foure and twentie of his principallest men to Roanoak to Pemisapan, to signifie that they were ready to perfourme the same, and so had sent those his men to let mee knowe that from that time forwarde, hee, and his successours were to acknowledge her Majestie their onely Soveraigne, and next unto her, as is aforesayd. All which being done, and acknowledged by them all, in the presence of Pemisapan his father, and all his Savages in counsell then with him, it did for the time thorowly (as it seemed) change him in disposition toward us : Insomuch as foorthwith Ensenore wanne this resolu- tion of him, that out of hand he should goe about, and withall, to cause his men to set up weares foorthwith for us : both which he at that present went in hande withall, and did so labour the expedition of it, that in the end of April he had sowed a good quantitie of ground, so much as had bene sufficient, to have fed our whole company (God blessing the grouth) and that by the belly, for a whole yere : besides that he gave us a certaine plot of ground for our selves to sowe. All which put us in marveilous comfort, if we could passe from Aprill untill The beginning the beginning of July, (which was to have bene the begin- of their har- j^-^^g ^^ ^j^^jj. harvest,) that then a newe supply out of " England or els our owne store would well ynough main- taine us : All our feare was of the two moneths betwixt, in which meane space if the Savages should not helpe us with Cassavi, and Chyna, and that our weares should faile us, (as often they did,) we might very well starve, notwithstanding the growing corne, like the starving 336 •(Tin' f'pxojc Xi,hcrn, . he 77-^^^ ,//^ ,^ J^ , g^^^ ^^ECOTO]:i.v 4: LCrcinffiv m the. r y,ryr/-j u- fi-riinje tcihmj an .■(_f^>':rj' i^n jtuf THE VILLAGE OF SECOTON RALPH LANE ad. 1585-86. horse in the stable, with the growing grasse, as the pro- verbe is : which wee very hardly had escaped but onely by the hand of God, as it pleased him to try us. For within few dayes after, as before is saide, Ensenore our friend died, who was no sooner dead, but certaine of our great enemies about Pemisapan, as Osacan a Wero- ance, Tanaquiny and Wanchese most principally, were in hand againe to put their old practises in ure against us, which were readily imbraced, and all their former devises against us, reneued, and new brought in ques- tion. But that of starving us, by their forbearing to sow, was broken by Ensenore in his life, by having made the King all at one instant to sow his ground, not onely in the Hand, but also at Dasamonquepeio in the maine, within two leagues over against us. Neverthelesse there wanted no store of mischievous practises among them, and of all they resolved principally of this following. First that Okisko king of Weopomeiok with the Man- ^^-^^ conspira- doages should bee mooved, and with great quantitie of "^ ^ remtsa- copper intertained to the number of 7. or 8. hundreth bowes, to enterprise the matter thus to be ordered. They of Weopomeiok should be invited to a certaine kind of moneths minde which they doe use to solemnise in their Savage maner for any great personage dead, and should have bene for Ensenore. At this instant also should the Mandoaks, who were a great people, with the Chesepians & their friends to the number of 700. of them, be armed at a day appointed to the maine of Dasamonquepeio, and there lying close at the signe of fiers, which should inter- changeably be made on both sides, when Pemisapan with his troupe above named should have executed me, and some of our Weroances (as they called all our principall officers,) the maine forces of the rest should have come over into the Hand, where they ment to have dispatched the rest of the company, whom they did imagine to finde both dismayed and dispersed abroad in the Island, seeking of crabs and fish to live withall. The maner of their enterprise was this. VIII 337 Y AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. Tarraquine and Andacon two principall men about [III. 262.] Pemisapan, and very lustie fellowes, with twentie more appointed to them had the charge of my person to see an order taken for the same, which they ment should in this The forme of sort have been executed. In the dead time of the night the treason. ^^^ would have beset my house, and put fire in the reedes that the same was covered with : meaning (as it was likely) that my selfe would have come running out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without armes, upon the instant whereof they would have knocked out my braines. The same order was given to certaine of his fellowes, for M. Heriots : so for all the rest of our better sort, all our houses at one instant being set on fire as afore is saide, and that as well for them of the fort, as for us at the towne. Now to the ende that we might be the fewer in number together, and so bee the more easily The sufficien- dealt withall (for in deed tenne of us with our armes aeofour men pj-gpared, were a terrour to a hundred of the best sort of to deale aminst -S ^ ^ / i , ,. , . ,.1 • • the Savages, them,) they agreed ana did immediatly put it in practise, \o.toanhun- that they should not for any copper sell us any victuals dreth. whatsoever : besides that in the night they should sende to have our weares robbed, and also to cause them to bee broken, and once being broken never to be repaired againe by them. By this meanes the King stood assured, that I must bee enforced for lacke of sustenance there, to disband my company into sundry places to live upon shell fish, for so the Savages themselves doe, going to The lavages Hatorask, Croatoan, and other places, fishing and hunting, live b^ fishing, ^^\{^Q_ their grounds be in sowing, and their corne grow- ^till harvest' ^"S * which failed not his expectation. For the famine grew so extreeme among us, or weares failing us of fish, that I was enforced to sende Captaine Stafford with 20. with him to Croatoan my Lord Admirals Hand to serve two turnes in one, that is to say, to feede himselfe and his company, and also to keepe watch if any shipping came upon the coast to warne us of the same. I sent M. Pridiox with the pinnesse to Hatorask, and ten with him, with the Provost Marshal to live there, and also to wait 338 RALPH LANE ad. 1585-86. for shipping : also I sent every weeke 1 6. or 20. of the rest of the company to the maine over against us, to live of Casada and oysters. In the meane while Pemisapan went of purpose to Dasamonquepeio for three causes : The one to see his grounds there broken up, and sowed for a second crop : the other to withdrawe himselfe from my dayly sending to him for supply of victuall for my company, for hee was afraid to deny me any thing, neither durst hee in my presence but by colour and with excuses, which T was content to accept for the time, meaning in the ende as I had reason, to give him the jumpe once for all : but in the meane whiles, as I had ever done before, I and mine bare all wrongs, and accepted of all excuses. My purpose was to have relied my selfe with Mena- tonon, and the Chaonists, who in trueth as they are more valiant people and in greater number then the rest, so are they more faithfull in their promises, and since my late being there had given many tokens of earnest desire they had to joyne in perfect league with us, and therefore were greatly offended with Pemisapan and Weopomeiok for making him beleeve such tales of us. The third cause of this going to Dasamonquepeio was to dispatch his messengers to Weopomeiok, and to the Mandoages as aforesaid : all which he did with great imprest of copper in hand, making large promises to them of greater spoile. The answere within few dayes after came from Weo- pomeiok, which was devided into two parts. First for the King Okisko, who denied to be of the partie for him- selfe, or any of his especiall followers, and therefore did immediatly retire himselfe with his force into the maine : the other was concerning the rest of the said province who accepted of it : and in like sort the Mandoags received the imprest. The day of their assembly aforesaid at Roanoak was appointed the 10. of June : all which the premises were discovered by Skyco, the King Menatonon his sonne my 339 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. prisoner, who having once attempted to run away, I laid him in the bylboes, threatning to cut off his head, whom I remitted at Pemisapans request : whereupon hee being perswaded that hee was our enemie to the death, he did not onely feed him with himselfe, but also made him acquainted with all his practises. On the other side, the yong man finding himselfe as well used at my hande, as I had meanes to shew, and that all my company made much of him, he flatly discovered al unto me, which also after- wards was reveiled unto me by one of Pemisapans owne men, that night before he was slaine. These mischiefes being all instantly upon me and my company to be put in execution, it stood mee in hand to study how to prevent them, and also to save all others, which were at that time as aforesaid so farre from me: whereupon I sent to Pemisapan to put suspition out of his head, that 1 meant presently to go to Croatoan, for that I had heard of the arrivall of our fleete, (though I in trueth had neither heard nor hoped for so good adven- ture,) and that I meant to come by him, to borrow of his men to fish for my company, & to hunt for me at Croatoan, as also to buy some foure dayes provision to serve for my voyage. [III. 263.] He sent me word that he would himselfe come over to Roanoak, but from day to day he deferred, onely to bring the Weopomeioks with him & the Mandoags, whose time appointed was within eight dayes after. It was the last of May 1586 when all his owne Savages began to make their assembly at Roanoak, at his commandement sent abroad unto them, and I resolved not to stay longer upon his comming over, since he meant to come with so good company, but thought good to go and visit him with such as I had, which I resolved to do the next day : but that night I meant by the way to give them in the Island a canvisado, and at the instant to seize upon all the canoas about the Island, to keepe him from advertisements. But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to 340 RALPH LANE ad. 1585.86. them : the occasion was this. I had sent the Master of the light horseman, with a few with him, to gather up all the canoas in the setting of the Sun, & to take as many as were going from us to Dasamonquepeio, but to suffer any that came from thence, to land. He met with a Canoa going from the shore, and overthrew the Canoa, and cut off ^-^J slaughter two Savages heads: this was not done so secretly but he ^^y^^^vam was discovered from the shore ; wherupon the cry arose : for in trueth they, privy to their owne villanous purposes against us, held as good espiall upon us, both day and night, as we did upon them. The allarme given, they tooke themselves to their bowes, and we to our armes : some three or foure of them at the first were slaine with our shot : the rest fled into the woods. The next morning with the light horsman & one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant major, I went to Dasamonquepeio : and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by one of his owne Savages that met me at the shore, that I was going to Croatoan, and meant to take him in the way to complaine unto him of Osocon, who the night past was conveying away my prisoner, whom I had there present tied in an handlocke. Heere- upon the king did abide my comming to him, and find- ing my selfe amidst seven or eight of his principall Weroances and followers, (not regarding any of the common sort) I gave the watch-word agreed upon, (which was, Christ our victory) and immediatly those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for our deliverance, that which they had purposed for us. The king himselfe being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll, lying on the ground for dead, & I looking as watchfully for the saving of Manteos friends, as others were busie that none of the rest should escape, suddenly he started up, and ran away as though he had not bene touched, insomuch as he overran all the company, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks by mine Irish boy with my petronell. In the end an 341 A.D. 1585-86. Pemisapan slaine. A letter from Sir Francis Drake. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES Irish man serving me, one Nugent, and the deputy provost, undertooke him ; and following him in the woods, overtooke him : and I in some doubt least we had lost both the king & my man by our owne negligence to have beene intercepted by the Savages, wee met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in his hand. This fell out the first of June 1586, and the eight of the same came advertisement to me from captaine Stafford, lying at my lord Admirals Island, that he had discovered a great fleet of three and twenty sailes : but whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet discerne. He advised me to stand upon as good guard as I could. The ninth of the sayd moneth he himselfe came unto me, having that night before, & that same day travelled by land twenty miles : and I must truely report of him from the first to the last ; hee was the gentleman that never spared labour or perill either by land or water, faire weather or foule, to performe any service committed unto him. He brought me a letter from the Generall Sir Francis Drake, with a most bountifuU and honourable offer for the supply of our necessities to the performance of the action wee were entred into ; and that not only of victuals, munition, and clothing, but also of barks, pin- nesses, and boats ; they also by him to be victualled, manned, and furnished to my contentation. The tenth day he arrived in the road of our bad har- borow : and comming there to an anker, the eleventh day I came to him, whom I found in deeds most honour- ably to performe that which in writing and message he had most curteously offered, he having aforehand pro- pounded the matter to all the captaines of his fleet, and got their liking and consent thereto. With such thanks unto him and his captaines for his care both of us and of our action, not as the matter deserved, but as I could both for my company and my 342 RALPH LANE a.d. 1585-86. selfe, I (being aforehand prepared what I would desire) craved at his hands that it would please him to take with him into England a number of weake and unfit men for my good action, which I would deliver to him ; and in place of them to supply me of his company with oare-men, artificers, and others. That he would leave us so much shipping and victual!, as about August then next following would cary me and all my company into England, when we had discovered somewhat, that for lacke of needful! provision in time left with us as yet remained undone. That it woulde please him withal! to leave some suf- [HI. 264.] ficient Masters not onely to cary us into England, when time should be, but also to search the coast for some better harborow, if there were any, and especially to helpe us to some small boats and oare-men. Also for a supply of calievers, hand weapons, match and lead, tooles, apparel!, and such like. He having received these my requests, according to his usual! commendable maner of government (as it was told me) calling his captaines to counsel! ; the resolution was that I should send such of my officers of my com- pany as I used in such matters, with their notes, to goe aboord with him ; which were the Master of the victuals. The Keeper of the store, and the Vicetreasurer : to whom he appointed forthwith for me The Francis, being a very proper barke of 70 tun, and tooke present order for bringing of victual aboord her for 100 men for foure moneths, with all my other demands whatsoever, to the uttermost. And further, he appointed for me two pinnesses, and foure small boats : and that which was to performe all his former liberality towards us, was that he had gotten the full assents of two of as sufficient experimented Masters as were any in his fleet, by judgement of them that knew them, with very sufficient gings to tary with me, and to imploy themselves most earnestly in the action, as 1 should appoint them, untill the terme which 343 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1585-86. 1 promised of our returne into England againe. The names of one of those Masters was Abraham Kendall, the other Griffith Heme. While these things were in hand, the provision afore- sayd being brought, and in bringing aboord, my sayd Masters being also gone aboord, my sayd barks having accepted of their charge, and mine owne officers, with others in like sort of my company with them (all which was dispatched by the sayd Generall the 12 of the sayde moneth) the 13 of the same there arose such an un- woonted storme, and continued foure dayes, that had like to have driven all on shore, if the Lord had not held his holy hand over them, and the Generall very providently foreseene the woorst himselfe, then about my dispatch putting himselfe aboord : but in the end having driven sundry of the fleet to put to Sea the Francis also with all my provisions, my two Masters, and my company aboord, she was seene to be free from the same, and to put cleere to Sea. This storme having continued from the 13 to the 16 of the moneth, and thus my barke put away as afore- sayd, the Generall comming ashore made a new proffer unto me; which was a ship of 170 tunne, called The Barke Bonner, with a sufficient Master and guide to tary with me the time appointed, and victualled suffi- ciently to cary me and my company into England, with all provisions as before : but he tolde me that he would not for any thing undertake to have her brought into our harbour, and therefore he was to leave her in the road, and to leave the care of the rest unto my selfe, and advised me to consider with my company of our case, and to deliver presently unto him in writing what I would require him to doe for us : which being within his power, he did assure me aswell for his Captaines as for himselfe, should be most willingly performed. Heereupon calling such Captaines and gentlemen of my company as then were at hand, who were all as privy as my selfe to the Generals offer : their whole re- 344 RALPH LANE a.d. 1585-86. quest was to me, that considering the case that we stood in, the weaknesse of our company, the small number of the same, the carying away of our first appointed barke, with those two especiall Masters, with our principall provisions in the same, by the very hand of God as it seemed, stretched out to take us from thence ; consider- ing also, that his second offer, though most honourable of his part, yet of ours not to be taken, insomuch as there was no possibility for her with any safety to be brought into the harbour : seeing furthermore, our hope for supply with Sir Richard Greenvill, so undoubtedly promised us before Easter, not yet come, neither then likely to come this yeere, considering the doings in England for Flanders, and also for America, that there- fore I would resolve my selfe with my company to goe into England in that fleet, and accordingly to make re- quest to the Generall in all our names, that he would be pleased to give us present passage with him. Which request of ours by my selfe delivered unto him, hee most readily assented unto : and so he sending immedi- atly his pinnesses unto our Island for the fetching away of a few that there were left with our baggage, the weather was so boisterous, & the pinnesses so often on ground, that the most of all we had, with all our Cards, Books and writings were by the Sailers cast overboord, the greater number of the fleet being much agrieved with their long and dangerous abode in that miserable road. From whence the Generall in the name of the Al- mighty, weying his ankers (having bestowed us among his fleet) for the reliefe of whom hee had in that storme susteined more perill of wracke then in all his former most honourable actions against the Spanyards, with praises unto God for all, set saile the nineteenth of June 1586, and arrived in Portsmouth the seven and twentieth of July the same yeere. [The third 345 A.D. 1586. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES [III. 265.] The third voyage made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586, to the reHefe of the Colony planted in Virginia, at the sole charges of Sir Walter Ralegh. N the yeere of our Lord 1586 Sir Walter Ralegh at his owne charge prepared a ship of an hundred tunne, fraighted with all maner of things in most plentifuU maner, for the supply and reliefe of his Colony then remaining in Virginia : but ^ before they set saile from England it was after Easter, so that our Colony halfe despaired of the comming of any supply : wherefore every man prepared for himselfe, determining resolutely to spend the residue of their life time in that countrey. And for the better performance of this their determination, they sowed, planted, and set such things as were necessary for their reliefe in so plentifull a maner as might have sufficed them two yeeres without any further labour. Thus trusting to their owne harvest, they passed the Summer till the tenth of June : at which time their corne which they had sowed was within one fortnight of reaping : but then it happened that Sir Francis Drake in his prosperous returne from the sacking of Sant Domingo, Cartagena, and Saint Augustine, determined in his way homeward to visit his countreymen the English Colony then remaining in Virginia. So passing along the coasts of Florida, he fell with the parts where our English Colony inhabited : and having espied some of that company, there he ankered and went aland, where hee conferred with them of their state and welfare, and how things had past with them. They answered him that they lived all ; but hitherto in some scarsity : and as yet could heare of no supply out of England : therefore they requested him that hee would leave with them some two or three ships, that if in some reasonable time they heard not out of 346 THE THIRD VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1586. England, they might then returne themselves. Which hee agreed to. Whilest some were then writing their letters to send into England, and some others making reports of the accidents of their travels ech to other, some on land, some on boord, a great storme arose, and drove the most of their fleet from their ankers to Sea, in which ships at that instant were the chiefest of the English Colony : the rest on land perceiving this, hasted to those three sailes which were appointed to be left there ; and for feare they should be left behinde they left all things confusedly, as if they had bene chased from thence by a mighty army : and no doubt so they were ; for the hand of God came upon them for the cruelty and outrages committed by some of them against the native inhabitants of that countrey. Immediatly after the departing of our English Colony This ship out of this paradise of the world, the ship abovemen- ^f^^f^^'^ tioned sent and set forth at the charges of Sir Walter "'S^^^^- Ralegh and his direction, arrived at Hatorask ; who after some time spent in seeking our Colony up in the countrey, and not finding them, returned with all the aforesayd provision into England. About foureteene or fifteene dayes after the departure Sir Richard of the aforesayd shippe, Sir Richard Grinvile Generall of ^^'^"'^^^^ ^^^^^ Virginia, accompanied with three shippes well appointed for the same voyage, arrived there ; who not finding the aforesayd shippe according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of our English Colony there seated, and left by him anno 1585, himselfe travelling up into divers places of the countrey, aswell to see if he could heare any newes of the Colony left there by him the yeere before, under the charge of Master Lane his deputy, as also to discover some places of the countrey : but after some time spent therein, not hearing any newes of them, and finding the places which they inhabited desolate, yet unwilling to loose the possession of the countrey which Englishmen had so long held : after good deliberation, hee determined to leave some men behinde to reteine 347 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. Fifteene men possession of the Countrey : whereupon he landed more left tn fifteene men in the Isle of Roanoak, furnished plentifully * ■ with all maner of provision for two yeeres, and so departed for England. Not long after he fell with the Isles of A9ores, on some of which Islands he landed, and spoiled the townes of aU such things as were woorth cariage, where also he tooke divers Spanyards. With these and many other exploits done by him in this voyage, aswell outward as homeward, he returned into England. [III. 266.] A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia : of the commodities there found, and to be raised, aswell merchantable as others: Written by Thomas Heriot, servant to Sir Walter Ralegh, a member of the Colony, and there imployed in discovering a full twelvemoneth. Rafe Lane one of her Majesties Esquiers, and Governour of the Colony in Virginia, above mentioned, for the time there resident, to the gentle Reader wisheth all happinesse in the Lord. Lbeit (gentle Reader) the credit of the reports in this Treatise contained can little be furthered by the testimony of one as my selfe, through ajffection j udged partiall, though without desert : neverthe- lesse, forsomuch as I have bene requested by some my particular friends, who conceive more rightly of me, to deliver freely my knowledge of the same, not onely for the satisfying of them, but also for the true information of any other whosoever, that comes not with a prejudicate minde to the reading thereof: thus much upon my credit I am to affirme, that things universally are so truely set downe 348 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1587- in this Treatise by the authour thereof, an actor in the Colony, and a man no lesse for his honesty then learning commendable, as that I dare boldly avouch, it may very well passe with the credit of trueth even amongst the most true relations of this age. Which as for mine owne part I am ready any way with my word to acknowledge, so also (of the certaintie thereof assured by mine owne experience) with this my publique assertion I doe affirme the same. Farewell in the Lord. To the Adventurers, Favourers, and Welv^illers of the enterprise for the inhabiting and planting in Virginia. Ince the first undertaking by Sir Walter Ralegh to deale in the action of dis- covering of that countrey which is now called and knowen by the name of Vir- ginia, many voyages having beene thither made at sundry times to his great charge; as first in the yere 1584, and afterwards in the yeres 1585, 1586, and now of late this last yeere 1587: there have bene divers and vari- able reports, with some slanderous and shamefull speeches bruted abroad by many that returned from thence : especially of that discovery which was made by the Colony transported by Sir Richard Grinvile in the yere 1585, being of all others the most principall, and as yet of most effect, the time of their abode in the countrey being a whole yere, when as in the other voyage before they stayed but sixe weeks, and the others after were onely for supply and transportation, nothing more being discovered then had bene before. Which reports have not done a little wrong to many that other- wise would have also favoured and adventured in the action, to the honour and benefit of our nation, besides the particular profit and credit which would redound to themselves the dealers therein, as I hope by the sequel of 349 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. events, to the shame of those that have avouched the contrary, shall be manifest, if you the adventurers, favourers and welwillers doe but either increase in number, or in opinion continue, or having beene doubt- full, renew your good liking and furtherance to deale therein according to the woorthinesse thereof already found, and as you shall understand hereafter to be requisit. Touching which woorthinesse through cause of the diversity of relations and reports, many of your opinions could not be firme, nor the minds of some that are well disposed be setled in any certaintie. I have therefore thought it good, being one that have beene in the discoverie, and in dealing with the naturall inhabitants specially imployed : and having therefore seene and knowen more then the ordinary, to impart so much unto you of the fruits of our labours, as that you may know how injuriously the enterprise is slandered, and that in publique maner at this present, chiefly for two respects. First, that some of you which are yet ignorant or doubtfull of the state thereof, may see that there is sufficient cause why the chiefe enterpriser with the favour of her Majesty, notwithstanding such reports, hath not onely since continued the action by sending into the countrey againe, and replanting this last yeere a new Colony, but is also ready, according as the times and meanes will affoord, to follow and prosecute the same. Secondly, that you seeing and knowing the continuance [III. 267.] of the action, by the view hereof you may generally know and learne what the countrey is, and thereupon consider how your dealing therein, if it proceed, may returne you profit and gaine, be it either by inhabiting and planting, or otherwise in furthering thereof. And least that the substance of my relation should be doubtfull unto you, as of others by reason of their diversitie, I will first open the cause in a few words, wherefore they are so different, referring my selfe to 350 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. 1587. your favourable constructions, and to be adjudged of, as by good consideration you shall finde cause. Of our company that returned, some for their mis- demeanour and ill dealing in the countrey have bene there worthily punished, who by reason of their bad natures, have maliciously not onely spoken ill of their Governours, but for their sakes slandered the countrey it selfe. The like also have those done which were of their consort. Some being ignorant of the state thereof, notwith- standing since their returne amongst their friends & acquaintance, and also others, especially if they were in company where they might not be gainsayd, would seeme to know so much as no men more, and make no men so great travellers as themselves. They stood so much, as it may seeme, upon their credit and re- putation, that having bene a twelvemoneth in the countrey, it would have bene a great disgrace unto them, as they thought, if they could not have sayd much, whether it were true or false. Of which some have spoken of more then ever they saw, or otherwise knew to be there. Other some have not bene ashamed to make absolute deniall of that, which although not by them, yet by others is most certainly and there plentifully knowen, & other some make difficulties of those things they have no skill of. The cause of their ignorance was, in that they were of that many that were never out of the Island where we were seated, or not farre, or at the least wise in few places els, during the time of our abode in the country : or of that many, that after gold & silver was not so soone found, as it was by them looked for, had litle or no care of any other thing but to pamper their bellies : or of that many which had litle understanding, lesse discretion, and more tongue then was needfuU or requisite. Some also were of a nice bringing up, only in cities or townes, or such as never (as I may say) had seene 351 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. the world before. Because there were not to be found any EngHsh cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wish any of their old accustomed dainty food, nor any soft beds of downe or feathers, the countrey was to them miserable, and their reports thereof ac- cording. Because my purpose was but in briefe to open the cause of the variety of such speeches, the particularities of them, and of many envious, malicious, and slanderous reports and devices els, by our owne countreymen be- sides, as trifles that are not worthy of wise men to be thought upon, I meane not to trouble you withall, but will passe to the commodities, the substance of that which I have to make relation of unto you. The Treatise whereof, for your more ready view and easier understanding, I will divide into three speciall parts. In the first I will make declaration of such commodities there already found or to be raised, which will not onely serve the ordinary turnes of you which are and shall be the planters and inhabitants, but such - /an overplus sufficiently to be yeelded, or by men of skill to be provided, as by way of trafiique and exchange with our owne nation of England, will inrich your selves the providers : those that shall deale with you, the enterprisers in generall, and greatly profit our owne countreymen, to supply them with most things which heretofore they have bene faine to provide either of strangers or of our enemies, which commodities, for distinction sake, I call Merchantable. In the second I will set downe all the commodities which we know the countrey by our experience doth yeeld of it selfe for victuall and sustenance of mans life, such as are usually fed upon by the inhabitants of the countrey, as also by us during the time we were there. In the last part I will make mention generally of such other commodities besides, as I am able to remember, and as I shall thinke behoovefull for those that shall 352 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. 1586. inhabit, and plant there, to know of, which specially concerne building, as also some other necessary uses : with a briefe description of the nature and maners of the people of the countrey. The first part of Merchantable commodities. like of grasse, or Grasse silke. There is a kind of grasse in the country, upon the blades whereof there groweth very good silke in forme of a thin glittering skin to be stript off. It groweth two foot & an halfe high or better : the blades are about two foot in length, and halfe an inch broad. The like groweth in Persia, which is in the selfe same climate as Virginia, of which very many of the Silke works that come from thence into Europe are made. Hereof if it be planted and ordered [HI. 268.] as in Persia, it cannot in reason be otherwise, but that there will rise in short time great profit to the dealers therein, seeing there is so great use and vent thereof aswel in our countrey as elsewhere. And by the meanes of sowing and planting it in good ground, it will be farre greater, better, and more plentifull then it is. Although notwithstanding there is great store thereof in many places of the countrey growing naturally and wild, which also by proofe here in England, in making a piece of Silke grogran, we found to be excellent good. Worme silke. In many of our journeys we found Silke-wormes faire and great, as bigge as our ordinary Walnuts. Although it hath not bene our hap to have found such plenty, as elswhere to be in the countrey we have heard of, yet seeing that the countrey doth naturally breed and nourish them, there is no doubt but if arte be added in planting of Mulberie trees, and others, fit for them in commodious places, for their feeding & nourishing, and some of them carefully gathered & husbanded in that sort, as by men of skil vni 353 z A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. is knowen to be necessary : there wil rise as great profit in time to the Virginians, as thereof doth now to the Persians, Turks, Italians and Spanyards. —> Flaxe and Hempe. The trueth is, that of Hempe and Flaxe there is no great store in any one place to- gether, by reason it is not planted but as the soile doth yeeld of it selfe: and howsoever the leafe and stemme or stalke do differ from ours, the stuffe by judgement of men of skill is altogether as good as ours : and if not, as further proofe should finde otherwise, we have that experience of the soile, as that there cannot be shewed any reason to the contrary, but that it will grow there excellent well, and by planting will be yeelded plentifully, seeing there is so much ground whereof some may well be applied to such purposes. What benefit heereof may grow in cordage and linnens who cannot easily understand ? Allum. There is a veine of earth along the sea coast for the space of forty or fifty miles, whereof by the judgement of some that have made triall here in Eng- land, is made good Allum, of that kind which is called Roch allum. The richnesse of such a commodity is so well knowen, that I need not to say any thing thereof. The same earth doth also yeeld White coprasse, Nitrum, and Alumen plumeum, but nothing so plentifully as the common Allum, which be also of price, and pro- fitable. Wapeih. A kind of earth so called by the naturall inhabitants, very like to Terra sigillata, and having bene refined, it hath bene found by some of our Physicians and Chyrurgians, to be of the same kind of vertue, and more effectuall. The inhabitants use it very much for the cure of sores and wounds : there is in divers places great plenty, and in some places of a blew sort. Pitch, Tarre, Rozen and Turpentine. There are those kinds of trees which yeeld them abundantly and great store. In the very same Island where we were seated, being fifteene miles of length, and five or sixe 354 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. miles in breadth, there are few trees els but of the same kinde, the whole Island being full. Sassafras, called by the inhabitants Winauk, a kind of ^ ' wood of most pleasant and sweet smell, and of most rare vertues in physicke for the cure of many diseases. It is found by experience to be far better and of more uses then the wood which is called Guaiacum, or Lig- num vitas. For the description, the maner of using, and the manifold vertues therof, I refer you to the booke of Monardes, translated and entituled in English, The joyfull newes from the West Indies. Cedar. A very sweet wood, and fine timber, whereof ^- if nests of chests be there made, or timber thereof fitted for sweet and fine bedsteds, tables, desks, lutes, virginals, and many things els, (of which there hath bene . proofe made already) to make up fraight with other principall commodities, will yeeld profit. Wine. There are two kindes of grapes that the soile doth yeeld naturally, the one is small and sowre, of the ordinary bignesse as ours in England, the other farre greater and of himselfe lushious sweet. When they are planted and husbanded as they ought, a principall commodity of wines by them may be raised. Oile. There are two sorts of Walnuts, both holding oile ; but the one farre more plentifuU then the other. When there are mils and other devices for the purpose, a commodity of them may be raised, because there are infinite store. There are also three severall kindes of berries in the forme of Oke-akornes, which also by the experience and use of the inhabitants, we find to yeeld very good and sweet oile. Furthermore, the beares of the countrey are commonly very fat, and in some places there are many. Their fatnesse, because it is so liquid, may well be termed oile, and hath many speciall uses. Furres. All along the Sea coast there are great store of Otters, which being taken by weares and other engines made for the purpose, wil yeeld good profit. We hope 355 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. also of Marterne furres, and make no doubt by the relation of the people, but that in some places of the [III. 269.] countrey there are store, although there were but two skinnes that came to our hands. Luzernes also we have understanding of, although for the time we saw none. —} Deers skinnes dressed after the maner of Chamoes, or undressed, are to be had of the naturall inhabitants thousands yerely by way of traffike for trifles, and no more waste or spoile of Deere then is and hath bene ordinarily in time before. Civet-cats. In our travels there was found one to have bin killed by a Savage or inhabitant, & in another place the smel where one or more had lately bene before, whereby we gather, besides then by the relation of the people, that there are some in the country : good profit will rise by them. Iron. In two places of the countrey specially, one about fourescore, & the other six score miles from the fort or place where we dwelt, we found nere the water side the ground to be rocky, which by the triall of a Minerall man was found to holde iron richly. It is found in many places of the country els : I know nothing to the contrary, but that it may be allowed for a good merchantable commodity, considering there the small charge for the labour & feeding of men, the infinite store of wood, the want of wood & deerenesse thereof in England, and the necessity of ballasting of ships. Copper. An hundred and fifty miles into the maine in two townes we found with the inhabitants divers small plates of Copper, that had bene made as we understood by the inhabitants that dwell further into the country, where as they say are mountaines and rivers that yeeld also white graines of mettall, which is to be deemed Silver. For confirmation whereof, at the time of our first arrivall in the countrey, I saw, with some others with me, two small pieces of Silver grosly beaten, about the weight of a testron, hanging in the eares of a 356 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. Wiroans or chiefe lord that dwelt about fourescore miles from us : of whom through inquiry, by the number of dayes and the way, I learned that it had come to his hands from the same place or neere, where I after un- derstood the Copper was made, and the white graines of metall found. The aforesayd Copper we also found by triall to holde Silver. Pearle. Sometimes in feeding on Muscles we found some Pearle : but it was our happe to meet with ragges, or of a pide colour: not having yet discovered those places where we heard of better and more plenty. One of our company, a man of skill in such matters, had gathered together from among the Savage people about five thousand : of which number he chose so many as Five thousand made a faire chaine, which for their likenesse and P^^''^^^ uniformity in roundnesse, orientnesse, and pidenesse of many excellent colours, with equality in greatnesse, were very faire and rare : and had therefore beene presented to her Majesty, had we not by casualty, and through extremity of a storme lost them, with many things els in comming away from the countrey. Sweet gummes of divers kinds, and many other Apothecary drugges, of which we will make speciall mention, when we shall receive it from such men of skill in that kinde, that in taking reasonable paines shal discover them more particularly then we have done, and then now I can make relation of, for want of the examples I had provided and gathered, and are now lost, with other things by casualty before mentioned. Dies of divers kinds : There is Shoemake well C- knowen, and used in England for blacke : the seed of an herbe called Wasebur, little small roots called Chap- pacor, and the barke of the tree called by the inhabitants Tangomockonomindge : which dies are for divers sorts of red : their goddnesse for our English clothes remaine yet to be prooved. The inhabitants use them only for the dying of haire, and colouring of their faces, and mantles made of Deere skinnes : and also for the dying 357 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. of rushes to make artificiall works withall in their mats and baskets : having no other thing besides that they account of, apt to use them for. If they will not proove merchantable, there is no doubt but the planters there shall finde apt uses for them, as also for other colours which we know to be there. ^-> Woad : a thing of so great vent and uses amongst English Diers, which can not be yeelded sufficiently in our owne countrey for spare of ground, may be planted in Virginia, there being ground enough. The growth thereof need not to be doubted, when as in the Islands of the A9ores it groweth plentifully, which are in the same climate. So likewise of Madder. We caried thither Suger-canes to plant, which being not so well preserved as was requisite, and besides the time of the yeere being past for their setting when we arrived, we could not make that proofe of them as we desired. Notwithstanding, seeing that they grow in the same climate, in the South part of Spaine, and in Barbary, our hope in reason may yet continue. So likewise for Orenges and Limmons. There may be planted also Quinses. Whereby may grow in reasonable time, if the action be diligently prosecuted, no small commodities in Sugars, Suckets, and Marmelades. Many other commodities by planting may there also [III. 270.] be raised, which I leave to your discreet and gentle considerations : and many also may be there, which yet we have not discovered. Two more commodities of great value, one of certeinty, and the other in hope, not to be planted, but there to be raised and in short time to be provided, and prepared, I might have specified. So likewise of those commodities already set downe I might have sayd more : as of the particular places where they are found, and best to be planted and prepared : by what meanes, and in what reasonable space of time they might be raised to profit, and in what proportion : but because others then welwillers might be there withall acquainted, not to the good of the action, I have wittingly omitted 358 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. 1586. them : knowing that to those that are well disposed, I have uttered, according to my promise and purpose, for this part sufficient. The second part of such commodities as Virginia is knowen to yeeld for victual! and sustenance of mans life, usually fed upon by the naturall inhabitants ; as also by us, during the time of our abode : and first of such as are sowed and husbanded. Agatowr, a kinde of graine so called by the inhabitants : the same in the West Indies is called Mayz : English men call it Guiny-wheat or Turkey-wheat, according to the names of the countreys from whence the like hath beene brought. The graine is about the bignesse of our ordinary English peaze, and not much different in forme and shape : but of divers colours : some white, some red, some yellow, and some blew. All of them yeeld a very white and sweet flowre : being used according to his kinde, it maketh a very good bread. We made of the same in the countrey some Mault, whereof was brewed as good Ale as was to be desired. So likewise by the helpe of Hops, therof may be made as good Beere. It is a graine of marvellous great increase : of a thousand, fifteene hundred, and some two thousand folde. There are three sorts, of which two are ripe in eleven & twelve weeks at the most, sometimes in tenne, after the time they are set, and are then of height in stalke about sixe or seven foot. The other sort is ripe in foureteene, and is about tenne foot high, of the stalks some beare foure heads, some three, some one, and some two : every head conteining five, sixe, or seven hundred graines, within a few more or lesse. Of these graines, besides bread, the inhabitants make victuall, either by parching them, or seething them whole untill they 359 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. be broken : or boiling the flowre with water into a pap. Okindgier, called by us Beanes, because in greatnesse and partly in shape they are like to the beanes in Eng- land, saving that they are flatter, of more divers colours, and some pide. The leafe also of the stemme is much different. In taste they are altogether as good as our English peaze. Wickonzowr, called by us Peaze, in respect of the Beanes, for distinction sake, because they are much lesse, although in forme they litle differ : but in goodnesse of taste much like, and are far better then our English Peaze. Both the beanes and peaze are ripe in ten weeks after they are set. They make them victuall either by boiling them all to pieces into a broth, or boiling them whole untill they be soft, and beginne to breake, as is used in England, either by themselves, or mixtly together : sometime they mingle of the Wheat with them : sometime also, being whole sodden, they bruse or punne them in a morter, and therof make loaves or lumps of doughish bread, which they use to eat for variety. Macocquer, according to their several formes, called by us Pompions, Melons, and Gourds, because they are of the like formes as those kinds in England. In Virginia such of severall formes are of one taste, and very good, and do also spring from one seed. There are of two sorts : one is ripe in the space of a moneth, and the other in two moneths. There is an herbe which in Dutch is called Melden. Some of those that I describe it unto take it to be a kinde of Orage : it groweth about foure or five foot high : of the seed thereof they make a thicke broth, and pottage of a very good taste : of the stalke by burning into ashes they make a kinde of salt earth, wherewithall many use sometimes to season their broths : other salt they know not. We our selves used the leaves also for pot-herbs. 360 , A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. There is also another great herbe, in forme of a Mari- golde, about sixe foot in height, the head with the floure is a spanne in breadth. Some take it to be Planta Solis : of the seeds hereof they make both a kinde of bread and broth. All the aforesayd commodities for victuall are set or sowed, sometimes in grounds apart and severally by themselves, but for the most part together in one ground mixtly : the maner thereof, with the dressing and preparing of the ground, because I will note unto you the fertility of the soile, I thinke good briefly to describe. The ground they never fatten with mucke, dung, or [III. 271.] any other thing, neither plow nor digge it as we in England, but onely prepare it in sort as foUoweth. A few dayes before they sowe or set, the men with woodden instruments made almost in forme of mattocks or hoes with long handles : the women with short peckers or parers, because they use them sitting, of a foot long, and about five inches in breadth, doe onely breake the upper part of the ground to raise up the weeds, grasse, and olde stubbes of corne stalks with their roots. The which after a day or two dayes dry- ing in the Sunne, being scrapt up into many small heaps, to save them labour for carying them away, they burne into ashes. And whereas some may thinke that they use the ashes for to better the ground, I say that then they would either disperse the ashes abroad, which wee observed they do not, except the heaps be too great, or els would take speciall care to set their corne where the ashes lie, which also wee finde they are carelesse of. And this is all the husbanding of their ground that they use. Then their setting or sowing is after this maner. First for their corne, beginning in one corner of the plot, with a pecker they make a hole, wherein they put foure graines, with care that they touch not one another (about an inch asunder) & cover them with the molde X 361 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. againe : and so thorowout the whole plot making such holes, and using them after such maner, but with this regard, that they be made in ranks, every ranke differing from other halfe a fadome or a yard, and the holes also in every ranke as much. By this meanes there is a yard spare ground betweene every hole : where accord- ing to discretion here and there, they set as many Beanes and Peaze ; in divers places also among the seeds of Macocquer, Melden, and Planta solis. The ground being thus set according to the rate by us experimented, an English acre conteining forty pearches in length, and foure in breadth, doth there yeeld in croppe or ofcome of corne, Beanes and Peaze, at the least two hundred London bushels, besides the Macocquer, Melden, and Planta solis ; when as in England forty bushels of our Wheat yeelded out of such an acre is thought to be much. I thought also good to note this unto you, that you which shall inhabit, and plant there, may know how specially that countrey corne is there to be preferred before ours : besides, the manifold wayes in applying it to victual, the increase is so much, that small labor & paines is needful in respect of that which must be used for ours. For this I can assure you that according to the rate we have made proofe of, one man may pre- pare and husband so much ground (having once borne corne before) with lesse then foure and twenty houres labour, as shall yeeld him victual in a large proportion for a twelvemoneth, if he have nothing els but that which the same ground will yeeld, and of that kinde onely which I have before spoken of: the sayd ground being also but of five and twenty yards square. And if need require, but that there is ground enough, there might be raised out of one and the selfesame ground two harvests or ofcomes: for they sow or set, and may at any time when they thinke good, from the midst of March untill the end of June : so that they also set when they have eaten of their first croppe. In some 362 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. places of the countrey notwithstanding they have two harvests, as we have heard, out of one and the same ground. For English corne neverthelesse, whether to use or not to use it, you that inhabit may doe as you shall have further cause to thinke best. Of the growth you need not to doubt : for Barley, Oats, and Peaze, we have seene proofe of, not being purposely sowen, but fallen casually in the woorst sort of ground, and yet to be as faire as any we have ever seene heere in England. But of Wheat, because it was musty, and had taken salt water, we could make no triall : and of Rie we had none. Thus much have I digressed, and I hope not unnecessarily : now will I returne againe to my course, and intreat of that which yet remaineth, apperteining to this chapter. There is an herbe which is sowed apart by it selfe, and is called by the inhabitants Uppowoc : in the West Indies it hath divers names, according to the severall places and countreys where it groweth and is used : the Spanyards generally call it Tabacco. The leaves thereof Tabacco. being dried and brought into pouder, they use to take the fume or smoake thereof, by sucking it thorow pipes made of clay, into their stomacke and head ; from whence it purgeth superfluous fleame and other grosse humours, and openeth all the pores and passages of the body : by which meanes the use thereof not onely preserveth the body from obstructions, but also (if any be, so that they have not bene of too long continuance) in short time breaketh them : whereby their bodies are notably pre- served in health, and know not many grievous diseases, wherewithall we in England are often times afflicted. This Uppowoc is of so precious estimation amongst them, that they thinke their gods are marvellously delighted therewith : whereupon sometime they make hallowed fires, and cast some of the pouder therin for a sacrifice : being in a storme upon the waters, to pacific their gods, they cast some up into the aire and into the [III. 272.] 363 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. water : so a weare for fish being newly set up, they cast some therein and into the aire : also after an escape of danger, they cast some into the aire likewise : but all done with strange gestures, stamping, sometime dancing, clapping of hands, holding up of hands, and staring up into the heavens, uttering therewithall, and chattering strano-e words and noises. o We our selves, during the time we were there, used to sucke it after their maner, as also since our returne, and have found many rare and woonderfull experiments of the vertues thereof: of which the relation would require a volume by it selfe : the use of it by so many of late men and women of great calling, as els, and some learned Physicians also, is sufficient witnesse. And these are all the commodities for sustenance of life, that I know and can remember, they use to husband : all els that follow, are found growing naturally or wilde. Of Roots. ^Penauk are a kinde of roots of round forme, some of the bignesse of Walnuts, some farre greater, which are found in moist and marish grounds growing many together one by another in ropes, as though they were fastened with a string. Being boiled or sodden, Monardes they are very good meat. Monardes calleth these roots, parte 2. lib. \. gg^ds or Pater nostri of Santa Helena. cap. 4. Qkeepenauk are also of round shape, found in dry grounds : some are of the bignesse of a mans head. They are to be eaten as they are taken out of the ground : for by reason of their drinesse they will neither rost nor seethe. Their taste is not so good as of the former roots : notwithstanding for want of bread, and sometimes for variety the inhabitants use to eat them with fish or flesh, and in my judgement they do as well as the housholde bread made of Rie here in England. Kaishucpenauk, a white kinde of roots about the big- nesse of hennes egges, and neere of that forme : their taste was not so good to our seeming as of the other, and 364 O' A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. therefore their place and maner of growing not so much cared for by us : the inhabitants notwithstanding used to boile and eat many. Tsinaw, a kind of root much like unto that which in England is called the China root brought from the East Indies. And we know not any thing to the contrary but that it may be of the same kinde. These roots grow many together in great clusters, and do bring foorth a brier stalke, but the leafe in shape farre unlike : which being supported by the trees it groweth neerest unto, will reach or climbe to the top of the highest. From these roots while they be new or fresh, being chopt into small pieces, and stampt, is strained with water a juice that maketh bread, and also being boiled, a very good spoonmeat in maner of a gelly, and is much better in taste, if it be tempered with oile. This Tsinaw is not of that sort, which by some was caused to be brought into England for the China root ; for it was discovered since, and is in use as is aforesayd : but that which was brought hither is not yet knowen, neither by us nor by the inhabitants to serve for any use or purpose, although the roots in shape are very like. Coscushaw some of our company tooke to be that kinde of root which the Spanyards in the West Indies call Cassavy, whereupon also many called it by that name : it groweth in very muddy pooles, and moist grounds. Being dressed according to the countrey maner, it maketh a good bread, and also a good spoonmeat, and is used very much by the inhabitants. The juice of this root is The juice of poison, & therefore heed must be taken before any thing Coscushaw is be made therewithall : either the roots must be first ^°"°'^- sliced and dried in the Sunne, or by the fire, and then being punned into floure, will make good bread : or els while they are greene they are to be pared, cut in pieces, and stampt : loaves of the same to be layd nere or over the fire untill it be sowre ; and then being well punned againe, bread or spoonmeat very good in taste and hole- some may be made thereof. 365 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. Habascon is a root of hote taste, almost of the forme and bignesse of a Parsnip : of it selfe it is no victuall, but onely a helpe, being boiled together with other meats. There are also Leeks, differing little from ours in Eng- land, that grow in many places of the countrey ; of which, when we came in places where they were, we gathered and eat many, but the naturall inhabitants to"- never. G Of Fruits. (Hestnuts there are in divers places great store : some they use to eat raw, some they stampe and boile to make spoonmeat, and with some being sodden, they make such a maner of dough bread as they use of their beanes before mentioned, [III. 273.] Walnuts. There are two kinds of Walnuts, and of them infinite store : in many places, where are very great woods for many miles together, the third part of trees are Walnut trees. The one kinde is of the same taste and forme, or little differing from ours of England, but that they are harder and thicker shelled : the other is greater, and hath a very ragged and hard shell : but the kernel great, very oily and sweet. Besides their eating of them after our ordinary maner, they breake them with stones, and punne them in morters with water, to make a milke which they use to put into some sorts of their spoonemeat : also among their sodde wheat, peaze, beanes and pompions, which maketh them have a farre more pleasant taste. Medlars, a kinde of very good fruit : so called by us chiefly for these respects : first in that they are not good untill they be rotten, then in that they open at the head as our Medlars, and are about the same bignesse : other- wise in taste and colour they are farre different ; for they are as red as cheries, and very sweet : but whereas the chery is sharpe sweet, they are lushious sweet. Mutaquesunnauk, a kinde of pleasant fruit almost of the shape and bignesse of English peares, but that they are 366 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. ' 1586. of a perfect red colour aswell within as without. They There are Hi. grow on a plant whose leaves are very thicke, and full of i^^^ds ofTums prickles as sharpe as needles. Some that have beene in "^kick heareth the Indies, where they have scene that kind of red die of nofruithhing- great price, which is called Cochinile, to grow, doe de- ethfoorth the scribe his plant right like unto this of Metaquesunnauk ; Cochinilk. but whether it be the true Cochinile, or a bastard or wilde kinde, it cannot yet be certified, seeing that also, as I heard, Cochinile is not of the fruit, but found on the leaves of the plant : which leaves for such matter we have not so specially observed. Grapes there are of two sorts, which I mentioned in the merchantable commodities. Strawberies there are as good and as great as those which we have in our English gardens. Mulberies, Applecrabs, Hurts or Hurtleberies, such as we have in England. Sacquenummener, a kinde of berries almost like unto Capers, but somewhat greater, which grow together in clusters upon a plant or hearbe that is found in shallow waters : being boiled eight or nine houres according to their kinde, are very good meat and holesome ; otherwise if they be eaten they will make a man for the time fran- tike or extremely sicke. There is a kinde of Reed which beareth a seed almost like unto our Rie or Wheat ; and being boiled is good meat. In our travels in some places we found Wilde peaze like unto ours in England, but that they were lesse, which are also good meat. Of a kinde of fruit or berry in forme of Acornes. THere is a kinde of berry or acorne, of which there are five sorts that grow on severall kindes of trees : the one is called Sagatemener, the second Osamener, the third Pummuckoner. These kinde of acornes they use to drie upon hurdles made of reeds, with fire underneath, almost after the maner as we dry Malt in England. When they 367 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. are to be used, they first water them untill they be soft, and then being sod, they make a good victuall, either to eat so simply, or els being also punned to makes loaves or lumps of bread. These be also the three kinds, of which I sayd before the inhabitants used to make sweet oile. Another sort is called Sapummener, which being boiled or parched, doth eat and taste like unto Chesnuts. They sometime also make bread of this sort. The fift sort is called Mangummenauk, and is the acorne of their kinde of Oake, the which being dried after the maner of the first sorts, and afterward watered, they boile them, and their servants, or sometime the chiefe themselves, either for variety or for want of bread, do eat them with their fish or flesh. Of Beasts. DEere, in some places there are great store: neere unto the Sea coast they are of the ordinary bignesse of ours in England, and some lesse : but further up into the countrey, where there is better food, they are greater : they differ from ours onely in this, their tailes are longer, and the snags of their homes looke backward. Conies. Those that we have scene, and all that we can heare of are of a gray colour like unto Hares : in some places there are such plenty that all the people of some townes make them mantles of the furre or flue of the skinnes of those which they usually take. Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinds of small beasts greater then Conies, which are very good meat. We never tooke any of them our selves but sometime eat of such as the inhabitants had taken and brought unto us. [III. 274.] Squirels, which are of a grey colour, we have taken and eaten. Beares, which are of blacke colour. The beares of this countrey are good meat. The inhabitants in time of Winter do use to take & eat many : so also sometime did we. They are taken commonly in this sort : In 368 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. 1586. some Islands or places where they are, being hunted for, assoone as they have spiall of a man, they presently run away, and then being chased, they clime and get up the next tree they can : from whence with arrowes they are shot downe starke dead, or with those wounds that they may after easily be killed. We sometime shot them downe with our calievers. I have the names of eight and twenty severall sorts of beasts, which I have heard of to be here and there dispersed in the countrey, especially in the maine : of which there are only twelve kinds that we have yet discovered ; and of those that be good meat we know only them before mentioned. The inhabitants sometime kill the Lion, and eat him : and we sometime as they came to our hands of their Woolves or Woolvish dogs, which I have not set downe for good meat, least that some would understand my judgement therein to be more simple then needeth, although I could alleage the difference in taste of those kinds from ours, which by some of our company have bene experimented in both. Of Fov^le. TUrkie cocks and Turkie hennes. Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hemes, and in Winter great store of Swannes and Geese. Of all sorts of fowle I have the names in the countrey language of fourescore and sixe, of which number, besides those that be named, we have taken, eaten, & have the pictures as they were there drawen, with the names of the inhabitants, of severall strange sorts of water fowle eight, and seven- teene kinds more of land fowle, although we have scene and eaten of many more, which for want of leasure there for the purpose, could not be pictured : and after we are better furnished and stored upon further discovery with their strange beasts, fish, trees, plants, and herbs, they shalbe also published. There are also Parrots, Faulcons, and Marlin hauks, VIII 369 2 A F A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. which although with us they be not used for meat, yet for other causes I thought good to mention. Of Fish. ^Or foure moneths of the yeere, February, March, Aprill and May, there are plenty of Sturgeons. And also in the same moneths of Herrings, some of the ordinary bignesse of ours in England, but the most part farre greater, of eighteene, twenty inches, and some two foot in length and better : both these kinds of fish in those moneths are most plentifull, and in best season, which we found to be most delicate and pleasant meat. There are also Trouts, Porpoises, Rayes, Oldwives, Mullets, Plaice, and very many other sorts of excellent good fish, which we have taken and eaten, whose names I know not but in the countrey language : we have the pictures of twelve sorts more, as they were drawen in the countrey, with their names. In the gulfe The inhabitants use to take them two maner of of Califormta ^^ayes ; the one is by a kinde of weare made of reeds, like Min? which in that country are very strong : the other way, which is more strange, is with poles made sharpe at one end, by shooting them into the fish after the maner as Irish men cast darts, either as they are rowing in their boats, or els as they are wading in the shallowes for the purpose. There are also in many places plenty of these kinds which follow : Sea-crabs, such as we have in England. Oisters, some very great, and some small, some round, and some of a long shape : they are found both in salt water and brackish, and those that we had out of salt water are farre better then the other, as in our countrey. Also Muscles, Scalops, Periwinkles, and Crevises. Seekanauk, a kinde of crusty shel-fish, which is good meat, about a foot in bredth, having a crusty taile many legges like a crab, and her eyes in her backe. They 370 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA are found in shallowes of waters, and sometime on the shore. There are many Tortoises both of land and sea kinde, their backs and bellies are shelled very thicke ; their head, feet, and taile, which are in appearance, seeme ougly, as though they were members of a serpent or venimous beasts ; but notwithstanding they are very good meat, as also their eggs. Some have bene found of a yard in bredth and better. And thus have I made relation of all sorts of victuall that we fed upon for the time we were in Virginia, as also the inhabitants themselves, as farre forth as I know and can remember, or that are specially woorthy to be remembred. A.D. 1586. The third and last part of such other things as are [HI. 275. behovefull for those which shall plant and in- habite to know of, with a description of the nature and maners of the people of the Coun- trey. Of commodities for building and other necessary uses. Hose other things which I am more to make rehearsal of, are such as concerne building, & other mechanicall necessary uses, as divers sorts of trees for house and ship-timber, and other uses else : Also lime, stone, and bricke, least that being not mentioned some might have bene doubted of, or by some that are malitious the contrary reported. Okes there are as faire, straight, tall, and as good timber as any can be, and also great store, and in some places very great. Walnut trees, as I have said before very many, some have bene seene excellent faire timber of foure and five 371 AD THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. fadome, and above fourescore foote straight without bough. Firre trees fit for masts of ships, some very tall and great. Rakiock, a kinde of trees so called that are sweete wood, of which the inhabitants that were neere unto us doe commonly make their boates or Canoas of the forme of trowes, onely with the helpe of fire, hatchets of stones, and shels : we have knowen some so great being made in that sort of one tree, that they have caried well 20. men at once, besides much baggage : the timber being great, tall, streight, soft, light, and yet tough ynough I thinke (besides other uses) to be fit also for masts of ships. Cedar, a sweete wood good for seelings, chests, boxes, bedsteads, lutes, virginals, and many things els, as I have also said before. Some of our company which have wandered in some places where I have not bene, have made certaine affirmation of Cyprus, which for such and other excellent uses is also a wood of price and no small estimation. Maple, and also Wich-hazle, whereof the inhabitants use to make their bowes. Holly, a necessary thing for the making of birdlime. Willowes good for the making of weares and weeles to take fish after the English maner, although the inhabitants use onely reedes, which because they are so strong as also flexible, doe serve for that turne very well and sufficiently. Beech and Ashe, good for caske-hoopes, and if neede require, plowe worke, as also for many things els. Elme.} {Sassafras trees. Ascopo a kinde of tree very like unto Lawrell, the barke is hot in taste and spicie, it is very like to that tree which Monardes describeth to be Cassia Lignea of the West Indies. There are many other strange trees whose names I know not but in the Virginian language, of which I am 372 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. not now able, neither is it so convenient for the present to trouble you with particular relation : seeing that for timber and other necessary uses, I have named sufficient. And of many of the rest, but that they may be applied to good use, I know no cause to doubt. Now for stone, bricke, and lime, thus it is. Neere unto the Sea coast where wee dwelt, there are no kinde of stones to be found (except a few small pebbles about foure miles off) but such as have bene brought from further out of the maine. In some of our voyages we have seene divers hard raggie stones, great pebbles, and a kinde of gray stone like unto marble of which the inhabitants make their hatchets to cleave wood. Upon inquirie wee heard that a little further up into the Countrey were of all sorts very many, although of quarries they are ignorant, neither have they use of any store whereupon they should have occasion to seeke any. For if every housholde have one or two to cracke nuts, grinde shels, whet copper, and sometimes other stones for hatchets, they have ynough : neither use they any digging, but onely for graves about three foote deepe : and therefore no marveile that they know neither quarries, nor lime-stones, which both may be in places neerer then they wot of. In the meane time until there be discovery of sufficient store in some place or other convenient, the want of you which are & shalbe the planters therein may be as well supplied by bricke : for the making whereof in divers places of the Countrey there is clay both excellent good, and plentie, and also by lime made of oyster shels, and of others burnt, after the maner as they use in the Isles of Tenet and Shepy, and also in divers other places of England : Which kinde of lime is well knowen to be as good as any other. And of oyster shels there is plentie ynough : for besides divers other particular places where [III. 276.] are abundance, there is one shallow Sound along the coast, where for the space of many miles together in length, and two or three miles in breadth, the ground is 373 A.D. 1586. Jaques Car- tier, voyage 2. chap. 8. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES nothing els, being but halfe a foote or a foote under water for the most part. Thus much can I say furthermore of stones, that about 120. miles from our fort neere the water in the side of a hill, was found by a Gentleman of our com- pany, a great veine of hard ragge stones, which I thought good to remember unto you. Of the nature and maners of the people. T resteth I speake a word or two of the naturall inhabitants, their natures and maners, leaving large discourse thereof until time more convenient hereafter : nowe onely so farre foorth, as that you may know, how that they in respect of troubling our inhabiting and planting, are not to be feared, but that they shall have cause both to feare and love us, that shall inhabite with them. They are a people clothed with loose mantles made of deere skinnes, and aprons of the same round about their middles, all els naked, of such a difference of statures onely as wee in England, having no edge tooles or weapons of yron or Steele to offend us withall, neither knowe they how to make any : those weapons that they have, are onely bowes made of Witch-hazle, and arrowes of reedes, flat edged truncheons also of wood about a yard long, neither have they any thing to defend them- selves but targets made of barkes, and some armours made of sticks wickered together with thread. Their townes are but small, and neere the Sea coast but fewe, some contayning but tenne or twelve houses ; some 20. the greatest that we have seene hath bene but of 30. houses : if they bee walled, it is onely done with barkes of trees made fast to stakes, or els with poles onely fixed upright, and close one by another. Their houses are made of small poles, made fast at the tops in round forme after the maner as is used in many arbories in our gardens of England, in most 374 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. townes covered with barkes, and in some with artificiall mats made of long rushes, from the tops of the houses downe to the ground. The length of them is commonly double to the breadth, in some places they are but 12. and 16. yards long, and in other some we have scene of foure and twentie. In some places of the Countrey, one onely towne belongeth to the government of a Wiroans or chiefe Lord, in other some two or three, in some sixe, eight, and more : the greatest Wiroans that yet wee had dealing with, had but eighteene townes in his govern- ment, and able to make not above seven or eight hundreth fighting men at the most. The language of every government is different from any other, and the further they are distant, the greater is the difference. Their maner of warres amongst themselves is either by sudden surprising one an other most commonly about the dawning of the day, or moone-light, or els by am- bushes, or some subtile devises. Set battels are very rare, except it fall out where there are many trees, where either part may have some hope of defence, after the delivery of every arrow, in leaping behind some or other. If there fall out any warres betweene us and them, what their fight is likely to bee, wee having advantages against them so many maner of wayes, as by our discipline, our strange weapons and devises else, especially Ordinance great and small, it may easily bee imagined : by the experience wee have had in some places, the turning Up of their heeles against us in running away was their best defence. In respect of us they are a people poore, and for want of skill and judgement in the knowledge and use of our things, doe esteeme our trifles before things of greater value : Notwithstanding, in their proper maner (considering the want of such meanes as we have), they seeme very ingenious. For although they have no such tooles, nor any such crafts. Sciences and Artes as 375 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. wee, yet in those things they doe, they shew excellencie of wit. And by how much they upon due consideration shall finde our maner of knowledges and crafts to exceede theirs in perfection, and speede for doing or execution, by so much the more is it probable that they should desire our friendship and love, and have the greater respect for pleasing and obeying us. Whereby may bee hoped, if meanes of good government be used, that they may in short time bee brought to civilitie, and the imbracing of true Religion. Some religion they have already, which although it be farre from the trueth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may be the easier and sooner reformed. They beleeve that there are many gods, which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts & degrees, one onely chiefe and great God, which hath bene from all [III. 277,] eternitie. Who, as they affirme, when hee purposed to make the world, made first other gods of a principal] order, to be as meanes and instruments to be used in the creation and government to follow, and after the Sunne, moone, and starres as pettie gods, and the instruments of the other order more principal. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods was made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible. For mankinde they say a woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods, conceived and brought foorth children : And in such sort they say they had their beginning. But how many yeeres or ages have passed since, they say they can make no re- lation, having no letters nor other such meanes as we to keepe Records of the particularities of times past, but onely tradition from father to sonne. They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore they represent them by images in the formes of men, which they call Kewasowok, one alone is called Kewas : them they place in houses appropriate or temples, which they call Machicomuck, where they 376 A VIRGINIAN PRIEST A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. worship, pray, sing, and make many times offring unto them. In some Machicomuck we have scene but one Kewas, in some two, and in other some three. The common sort thinke them to be also gods. They beleeve also the immortalitie of the soule, that after this life as soone as the soule is departed from the body, according to the workes it hath done, it is either caried to heaven the habitacle of gods, there to enjoy perpetuall blisse and happinesse, or els to a great pitte or hole, which they thinke to be in the furthest parts of their part of the world toward the Sunne set, there to burne continually : the place they call Popogusso. For the confirmation of this opinion, they tolde me two stories of two men that had bene lately dead and revived againe, the one happened but few yeeres before our comming into the Countrey of a wicked man, which having bene dead and buried, the next day the earth of the grave being scene to move, was taken up againe, who made declaration where his soule had bene, that is to say, very neere entring into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him, and gave him leave to returne againe, and teach his friends what they should do to avoyd that terrible place of torment. The other happened in the same yecre we were there, but in a towne that was 60. miles from us, and it was told me for strange newes, that one being dead, buried, and taken up againe as the first, shewed that although his body had lien dead in the grave, yet his soule was alive, & had travailed farre in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew most delicate and pleasant trees, bearing more rare and excellent fruits, then ever hee had scene before, or was able to expresse, and at length came to most brave and faire houses, neere which he met his father that had bene dead before, who gave him great charge to goe backe againe, and shew his friendes what good they were to doe to en- joy the pleasures of that place, which when he had done he should after come againe. 377 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. What subtiltie soever be In the Wiroances and priestes, this opinion worketh so much in many of the common and simple sort of people, that it maketh them have great respect to their Governours, and also great care what they doe, to avoyd torment after death, and to enjoy blisse, although notwithstanding there is punishment ordeined for malefactours, as stealers, whoremongers, and other sorts of wicked doers, some punished with death, some with forfeitures, some with beating, according to the greatnesse of the facts. And this is the summe of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with some of their priests. Wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credite to their traditions and stories, but through conversing with us they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours, with earnest desire in many, to learne more then wee had meanes for want of perfect utterance in their language to expresse. Most things they sawe with us, as Mathematical! instruments, sea Compasses, the vertue of the load-stone in drawing yron, a perspective glasse whereby was shewed many strange sights, burning glasses, wilde firewoorkes, gunnes, hookes, writing and reading, spring- clockes that seeme to goe of themselves and many other things that wee had were so strange unto them, and so farre exceeded their capacities to comprehend the reason and meanes how they should be made and done, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then of men, or at the leastwise they had bene given and taught us of the gods. Which made many of them to have such opinion of us, as that if they knew not the trueth of God and Religion already, it was rather to bee had from us whom God so specially loved, then from a people that were so simple, as they found themselves to be in comparison of us. Where- upon greater credite was given unto that wee spake of, concerning such matters. 378 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. 1586. Many times and in every towne where 1 came, according as I was able, I made declaration of the con- tents of the Bible, that therein was set foorth the true and onely God, and his mightie workes, that therein [HI. 278.] was conteined the true doctrine of salvation through Christ, with many particularities of Miracles and chiefe points of Religion, as I was able then to utter, and thought fit for the time. And although I told them the booke materially and of it selfe was not of any such vertue, as I thought they did conceive, but onely the doctrine therein conteined : yet would many be glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kisse it, to holde it to their breastes and heads, and stroke over all their body with it, to shew their hungry desire of that knowledge which was spoken of. The Wiroans with whom we dwelt called Wingina, and many of his people would bee glad many times to be with us at our Prayers, and many times call upon us both in his owne towne, as also in others whither hee sometimes accompanied us, to pray and sing Psalmes, hoping thereby to be partaker of the same effects which we by that meanes also expected. Twise this "Wiroans was so grievously sicke that he was like to die, and as he lay languishing, doubting of any helpe by his owne priestes, and thinking hee was in such danger for offending us and thereby our God, sent for some of us to pray and bee a meanes to our God that it would please him either that he might live, or after death dwell with him in blisse, so likewise were the requests of many others in the like case. On a time also when their corne began to wither by reason of a drought which happened extraordinarily, fearing that it had come to passe by reason that in some thing they had displeased us, many would come to us and desire us to pray to our God of England, that he would preserve their Corne, promising that when it was ripe we also should be partakers of the fruit. 379 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. There could at no time happen any strange sick- nesse, losses, hurts, or any other crosse unto them, but that they would impute to us the cause or meanes thereof, for offending or not pleasing us. One other rare and strange accident, leaving others, wil I mention before I end, which moved the whole Countrey that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfuU admiration. There was no towne where wee had any subtile devise practised against us, wee leaving it unpunished or not revenged (because we sought by all meanes possible to win them by gentlenesse) but that within a few dayes after our departure from every such Towne, the people began to die very fast, and many in short space, in some Townes about twentie, in some fourtie, and in one sixe score, which in trueth was very many in respect of their numbers. This happened in no place that we could learne, but where we had bin, where they used some practise against us, & after such time. The disease also was so strange, that they neither knewe what it was, nor how to cure it, the like by report of the oldest men in the Countrey never happened before, time out of minde. A thing specially observed by us, as also by the naturall inhabitants themselves. Inso- much that when some of the inhabitants which were our friends, and especially the Wiroans Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes to followe their wicked practises, they were perswaded that it was the worke of our God through our meanes, and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would without weapons, and not come neere them. And thereupon when it had happened that they had under- standing that any of their enemies had abused us in our journeys, hearing that we had wrought no revenge with our weapons, and fearing upon some cause the matter should so rest : did come and intreate us that we would be a meanes to our God that they as others that had dealt ill with us might in like sort die, 380 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. 1586. alleadging how much it would bee for our credite and profile, as also theirs, and hoping furthermore that we would doe so much at their requests in respect of the friendship we professed them. Whose entreaties although wee shewed that they were ungodly, affirming that our God would not subject himselfe to any such prayers and requests of men : that indeede all things have bene and were to be done according to his good pleasure as he had ordeined : and that we to shewe our selves his true servants ought rather- to make petition for the contrary, that they with them might live together with us, be made partakers of his trueth, and serve him in righteous- nesse, but notwithstanding in such sort, that wee referre that, as all other things, to bee done according to his divine will and pleasure, and as by his wisedome he had ordeined to be best. Yet because the effect fell out so suddenly and shortly after according to their desires, they thought neverthelesse it came to passe by our meanes, & that we in using such speeches unto them, did but dissemble the matter, and therefore came unto us to give us thankes in their maner, that although we satisfied them not in promise, yet in deedes and eifect we had fulfilled their desires. This marveilous accident in all the Countrey wrought so strange opinions of us, that some people could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men, and the rather because that all the space of their sicknes, there was no man of ours knowen to die, or that was specially sicke : they noted also that we had no women amongst us, neither that we did care for any of theirs. Some therefore were of opinion that we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortal, but that we [III. 279.] were men of an old generation many yeeres past, then risen againe to immortalitie. Some would likewise seeme to prophecie that there were more of our generation yet to come to kill theirs 381 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. and take their places, as some thought the purpose was, by that which was already done. Those that were immediatly to come after us they imagined to be in the aire, yet invisible and without bodies, and that they by our intreatie and for the love of us, did make the people to die in that sort as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them. To confirme this opinion, their Phisitions (to excuse their ignorance in curing the disease) would not be ashamed to say, but earnestly make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of blood that they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherewithall the invisible bullets were tied and cast. Some also thought that wee shot them our selves out of our pieces, from the place where wee dwelt, and killed the people in any Towne that had offended us, as wee listed, howe farre distant from us soever it were. And other some said, that it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we our selves have cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary, specially some Astrologers, knowing of the Eclipse of the Sunne which we saw the same yeere before in our voyage thitherward, which unto them appeared very terrible. And also of a Comet which began to appeare but a fewe dayes before the beginning of the saide sicknesse. But to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an accident, there are further reasons then I thinke fit at this present to be alleadged. These their opinions I have set downe the more at large, that it may appeare unto you that there is good hope they may be brought through discreete dealing and government to the im- bracing of the trueth, and consequently to honour, obey, feare and love us. And although some of our company towards the end of the yeere, shewed themselves too fierce in slaying some of the people in some Townes, upon causes that on our part might easily ynough have bene borne 382 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1586. withall : yet notwithstanding, because it was on their part justly deserved, the alteration of their opinions generally and for the most part concerning us is the lesse to be doubted. And whatsoever els they may be, by carefulnesse of our selves neede nothing at all to be feared. The conclusion. Ow I have (as I hope) made relation not of so few and small things, but that the Countrey (of men that are indifferent and well disposed) may bee sufficiently liked : If there were no more knowen then I have mentioned, which doubtlesse and in great reason is nothing to that which remaineth to be dis- covered, neither the soyle, nor commodities. As we have reason so to gather by the difference we found in our travailes, for although al which I have before spoken of, have bene discovered and experimented not farre from the Sea coast, where was our abode and most of our travailing : yet sometimes as we made our journeys further into the maine and Countrey ; we found the soile to be fatter, the trees greater and to grow thinner, the ground more firme and deeper mould, more and larger champions, finer grasse, and as good as ever we saw any in England ; in some places rockie and farre more high and hilly ground, more plentie of their fruites, more abundance of beastes, the more inhabited with people, and of greater poUicie and larger dominions, with greater townes and houses. Why may wee not then looke for in good hope from the inner parts of more and greater plentie, as well of other things, as of those which wee have already dis- covered ? Unto the Spaniards happened the like in discovering the maine of the West Indies. The maine also of this Countrey of Virginia, extending some wayes so many hundreds of leagues, as otherwise then by the relation of the inhabitants wee have most cer- taine knowledge of, where yet no Christian prince hath 383 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. any possession or dealing, cannot but yeelde many kinds of excellent commodities, which we in our dis- covery have not yet seene. What hope there is els to bee gathered of the nature of the Climate, being answerable to the Hand of Japan, the land of China, Persia, Jury, the Hands of Cyprus and Candy, the South parts of Greece, Italy and Spaine, and of many other notable and famous Countreys, because I meane not to be tedious, I leave to your owne consideration. Whereby also the excellent temperature of the aire there at all seasons, much warmer then in England, and never so vehemently hot, as sometimes is under and betweene the Tropikes, or neere them, cannot be knowen unto you without further relation. For the holsomnesse thereof I neede to say but thus [III. 280.] much : that for all the want of provision, as first of English victuall, excepting for twentie dayes, we lived onely by drinking water, and by the victuall of the Countrey, of which some sorts were very strange unto us, and might have bene thought to have altered our temperatures in such sort, as to have brought us into some grievous and dangerous This want Is diseases : Secondly the want of English meanes, hereafter to ^^j. ^^ taking of beastes, fish and foule, which ^ -^W ^ • 1^^ ^i^g helpe onely of the inhabitants and their meanes could not bee so suddenly and easily provided for us, nor in so great number and quantities, nor of that choise as otherwise might have bene to our better satisfaction and contentment. Some want also we had of clothes. Furthermore in al our travailes, which were most specially and often in the time of Winter, our lodging was in the open aire upon the ground. And yet I say for all this, there were but foure of our whole company (being one hundreth and eight) that died all the yeere, and that but at the latter ende thereof, and upon none of the aforesaide causes. For all foure, especially three, were feeble, weake, and 384 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. 1586. sickly persons before ever they came thither, and those that knew them, much marveled that they lived so long being in that case, or had adventured to travaile. Seeing therefore the aire there is so temperate and holsome, the soyle so fertile, and yeelding such commodities, as I have before mentioned, the voyage also thither to and fro being sufficiently experimented to be perfourmed twise a yeere with ease, and at any season thereof: And the dealing of Sir Walter Ralegh so liberall in large giving and granting lande there, as is already knowen, with many helpes and furtherances else : (The least that he hath granted hath bene five hundreth acres to a man onely for the adventure of his person) I hope there remaines no cause whereby the action should be misliked. If that those which shall thither travaile to inhabite and plant bee but reasonably provided for the first yeere, as those are which were transported the last, and being there, doe use but that diligence and care, that is requisit, and as they may with ease : There is no doubt, but for the time following, they may have victuals that are excellent good and plentie ynough, some more English sorts of cattel also hereafter, as some have bene before, and are there yet remayning, may, and shall be (God willing) thither transported. So likewise, our kinde of fruites, rootes, and hearbes, may be there planted and sowed, as some have bene already, and prove well : And in short time also they may raise so much of those sorts of commodities which I have spoken of, as shall both enrich themselves, as also others that shall deale with them. And this is all the fruit of our labours, that I have thought necessary to advertise you of at this present : What else concerneth the nature and maners of the inhabitants of Virginia, the number with the particulari- ties of the voyages thither made, and of the actions of such as have bene by Sir Walter Ralegh therein, and there imployed, many worthy to be remembred, as of vni 385 2B AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1586. the first discoverers of the Countrey, of our Generall for the time Sir Richard Grinvil, and after his depar- ture of our Governour there Master Ralph Lane, with divers other directed and imployed under their govern- ment : Of the Captaines and Masters of the voyages made since for transportation, of the Governour and assistants of those already transported, as of many persons, accidents, and things els, I have ready in a discourse by it selfe in maner of a Chronicle, according to the course of times : which when time shall be thought convenient, shall be also published. Thus referring my relation to your favourable con- structions, expecting good successe of the action, from him which is to be acknowledged the authour and governour, not onely of this, but of all things els, I take my leave of you, this moneth of February 1587. The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in the yere 1587. Wherein was transported the second Colonie. N the yeere of our Lord 1587. Sir Walter Ralegh intending to persevere in the planting of his Countrey of Virginia, prepared a newe Colonie of one hundred and fiftie men to be sent thither, under the charge of John White, whom hee appointed Governour, and also appointed unto him twelve Assistants, unto whom hee gave a Charter, and incorporated them by the name of Governour and Assistants of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia. April. OUr Fleete being in number three saile, viz. the Admirall a shippe of one hundred and twentie Tunnes, a Flie-boate, and a Pinnesse, departed the sixe and twentieth of April from Portesmouth, and the same day came to an ancker at the Cowes in the Isle of Wight, where wee stayed eight dayes. 386 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1587. May. [III. 281.] THe fift of May, at nine of the clocke at night we came to Plimmouth, where we remained the space of two dayes. The 8 we weyed anker at Plimmouth, and departed thence for Virginia. The 16 Simon Ferdinando, Master of our Admiral, lewdly forsooke our Fly-boate, leaving her distressed in the Bay of Portugal. June. THe 1 9 we fell with " Dominica, and the same even- " One of the ing we sayled betweene it, and Guadalupe : the 2 1 j-'^J! "-^/^^ the Fly-boat also fell with Dominica. bltedwith The 22 we came to an anker at an Island called Santa Savages. Cruz, where all the planters were set on land, staying there till the 25 of the same moneth. At our first Clnumspec- landing on this Island, some of our women, and men, by ^^°^ ^° ^^ ^^^'^ eating a small fruit like greene Apples, were fearefuUy ^l/Je^^^^ troubled with a sudden burning in their mouthes, and swelling of their tongues so bigge, that some of them could not speake. Also a child by sucking one of those womens breasts, had at that instant his mouth set on such a burning, that it was strange to see how the infant was tormented for the time : but after 24 houres, it ware away of it selfe. Also the first night of our being on this Island, we tooke five great Torteses, some of them of such bignes, that sixteene of our strongest men were tired with cary- ing of one of them but from the sea side to our cabbins. In this Island we found no watring place, but a standing ponde, the water whereof was so evill, that many of our company fell sicke with drinking thereof: and as many as did but wash their faces with that water, in the morn- ing before the Sunne had drawen away the corruption, their faces did so burne and swell, that their eyes were shut up, and could not see in five or sixe dayes, or longer. 387 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. The second day of our abode there, we sent forth some of our men to search the Island for fresh water, three one way, and two another way. The Governour also, with sixe others, went up to the top of an high hill, to viewe the Island, but could perceive no signe of any men, or beastes, nor any goodnes, but Parots, and trees of Guiacum. Returning backe to our cabbins another way, he found in the discent of a hill, certaine potsheards of savage making, made of the earth of that Island : whereupon it was judged, that this Island was inhabited with Savages, though Fernando had told us for certaine the contrary. The same day at night, the rest of our company very late returned to the Governour. The one company affirmed, that they had scene in a valley eleven Savages, and divers houses halfe a mile distant from the steepe, or toppe of the hill where they stayed. The other company had found running out of a high rocke a very fayre spring of water, whereof they brought three bottels to the company : for before that time, wee drank the stinking water of the pond. The same second day at night Captaine Stafford, with the Pinnesse, departed from our fleete, riding at Santa • Cruz, to an Island, called Beake, lying neere S. John, being so directed by Ferdinando, who assured him he should there find great plenty of sheepe. The next day at night, our planters left Santa Cruz, and came all aboord, and the next morning after, being the 25 of June we weyed anker, and departed from Santa Cruz. The seven and twentieth we came to anker at Cottea, where we found the Pinnesse riding at our comming. The 28 we weyed anker at Cottea, and presently came to anker at S. Johns in Musketos Bay, where we spent three dayes unprofitable in taking in fresh water, spending in the meane time more beere then the quantitie of the water came unto. 388 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1587. Julie. THe first day we weyed anker at " Musketoes Bay, ''^^^ketos where were left behind two Irish men of our com- ^^^iJ^J^"! ^.^^ pany, Darbie Glaven, and Denice Carrell, bearing along the south side the coast of S. Johns till evening, at which time wee fell of S. Johns with Rosse Bay. At this place Ferdinando had promised lsland,where wee should take in sake, and had caused us before, to ^.^^/J^J^. make and provide as many sackes for that purpose, as we could. The Governour also, for that hee understood there was a Towne in the bottome of the Bay, not farre from the salt hils, appointed thirty shot, tenne pikes, and ten targets, to man the Pinnesse, and to goe aland for salt. Ferdinando perceiving them in a readines, sent to the Governour, using great perswasions with him, not to take in salt there, saying that hee knew not well whether the same were the place or not : also, that if the Pinnesse [III. 282.] went into the Bay, she could not without great danger come backe, till the next day at night, and that if in the meane time any storme should rise, the Admirall were in danger to bee cast away. Whilest he was thus perswad- ing, he caused the lead to be cast, and having craftily brought the shippe in three fadome and a halfe water, he suddenly began to sweare, and teare God in pieces, dissembling great danger, crying to him at the helme, beare up hard, beare up hard : so we went off, and were disappointed of our salt, by his meanes. The next day sayling along the West end of S. John, the Governour determined to go aland in S. Germans "Bay, to gather yong plants of Orenges, Pines, Mameas, "■ A pleasant and Plantanos, to set at Virginia, which we knew might ^^dfrmtfull easily be had, for that they grow neere the shore, and the onthewestend places where they grew, well knowen to the Governour, ofS. Johns and some of the planters : but our Simon denied it. Island, where saying: he would come to an anker at Hispaniola, & g>'0'^eth plenty there land the Governour, and some other of the Assis- iifjjg^"^p/a„. tants, with the pinnesse, to see if he could speake with his tans, i^ Pines. friend Alanson, of whom he hoped to be furnished both 389 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. of cattel, and all such things as we would have taken in at S. John : but he meant nothing lesse, as it plainely did appeare to us afterwards. The next day after, being the third of July, we saw Hispaniola, and bare with the coast all that day, looking still when the pinnesse should be prepared to goe for the place where Ferdinando his friend Alanson was : but that day passed, and we saw no preparation for landing in Hispaniola. The 4 of July, sayling along the coast of Hispaniola, untill the next day at noone, and no preparation yet seene for the staying there, we having knowledge that we were past the place where Alanson dwelt, and were come with Isabella : hereupon Ferdinando was asked by the Gover- nor, whether he meant to speake with Alanson, for the taking in of cattell, and other things, according to his promise, or not : but he answered that he was now past the place, and that Sir Walter Ralegh told him, the French Ambassador certified him, that the king of Spaine had sent for Alanson into Spaine : wherefore he thought him dead, and that it was to no purpose to touch there in any place, at this voyage. The next day we left sight of Hispaniola, and haled off for Virginia, about foure of the clocke in the afternoone. The sixt of July we came to the Island Caycos, wherein Ferdinando sayd were two salt pondes, assuring us if they were drie, we might find salt to shift with, untill the next supply : but it prooved as true as finding of sheepe at Baque. In this Island, whilest Ferdinando solaced himselfe ashore, with one of the company, in part of the Island, others spent the latter part of that day in other parts of the Island, some to seeke the salt ponds, some fowling, some hunting Swans, whereof we caught many. The next day early in the morning we weyed anker, leaving Caycos, with good hope, that the first land that we saw next should be Virginia. About the 1 6 of July we fel with the maine of Virginia, which Simon Ferdinando tooke to be the Island of 390 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1587 Croatoan, where we came to anker, and rode there two or three dayes : but finding himselfe deceived, he weyed, and bare along the coast, where in the night, had not Captaine Stafford bene more careful! in looking out, then our Simon Ferdinando, we had bene all cast away upon the breach, called the Cape of Feare, for we were come within two cables length upon it : such was the carelesnes, and ignorance of our Master. The two and twentieth of July wee arrived safe at Hatorask, where our ship and pinnesse ankered : the Governour went aboord the pinnesse, accompanied with fortie of his best men, intending to passe up to Roanoak foorthwith, hoping there to finde those fifteene English- men, which Sir Richard Grinvile had left there the yeere before, with whom hee meant to have conference, con- cerning the state of the Countrey, and Savages, meaning after he had so done, to returne againe to the fleete, and passe along the coast, to the Bay of Chesepiok, where we ^^ ^'«f^«^ ^^ intended to make our seate and forte, according to the ^J''^^ ^^^/ charge given us among other directions in writing, under ^.^^^-^^^ the hande of Sir Walter Ralegh : but assoone as we were put with our pinnesse from the ship, a Gentleman by the meanes of Ferdinando, who was appointed to returne for England, called to the sailers in the pinnesse, charging them not to bring any of the planters backe againe, but to leave them in the Island, except the Governour, & two or three such as he approved, saying that the Summer was farre spent, wherefore hee would land all the planters in no other place. Unto this were all the saylers, both in the pinnesse, and shippe, perswaded by the Master, wherefore it booted not the Governour to contend with them, but passed to Roanoak, and the same night at sunne-set went aland on the Island, in the place where our fifteene men were left, but we found none of them, nor any signe that they had bene there, saving onely wee found the bones of one of those fifteene, which the Savages had slaine long before. The three and twentieth of July the Governour with 391 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. [III. 283.] divers of his company, walked to the North ende of the Island, where Master Ralfe Lane had his forte, with sundry necessary and decent dwelling houses, made by his men about it the yeere before, where wee hoped to find some signes, or certaine knowledge of our fifteene men. When we came thither, we found the fort rased downe, but all the houses standing unhurt, saving that the neather roomes of them, and also of the forte, were overgrowen with Melons of divers sortes, and Deere within them, feeding on those Melons : so wee returned to our company, without hope of ever seeing any of the fifteene men living. The same day order was given, that every man should be employed for the repayring of those houses, which wee found standing, and also to make other newe Cottages, for such as should neede. The 25 our Flyboate and the rest of our planters arrived all safe at Hatoraske, to the great joy and com- fort of the whole company : but the Master of our Admirall Ferdinando grieved greatly at their safe com- ming : for hee purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stole away from them in the night, hoping that the Edward Master thereof, whose name was Edward Spicer, for that Bpicer. i^g never had bene in Virginia, would hardly finde the place, or els being left in so dangerous a place as that was, by meanes of so many men of warre, as at that time were abroad, they should surely be taken, or slaine : but God disappointed his wicked pretenses. The eight and twentieth, George Howe, one of our twelve Assistants was slaine by divers Savages, which were come over to Roanoak, either of purpose to espie our company, and what number we were, or else to hunt Deere, whereof were many in the Island. These Savages being secretly hidden among high reedes, where often- times they find the Deere asleep, and so kill them, espied our man wading in the water alone, almost naked, with- out any weapon, save only a smal forked sticke, catching Crabs therewithall, and also being strayed two miles from 392 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1587. his company, and shot at him in the water, where they gave him sixteen wounds with their arrowes : and after they had slaine him with their woodden swords, they beat his head in pieces, and fled over the water to the maine. On the thirtieth of July Master Stafford and twenty of our men passed by water to the Island of Croatoan, with Manteo, who had his mother, and many of his kinred dwelling in that Island, of whom wee hoped to understand some newes of our fifteene men, but especially to learne the disposition of the people of the countrey towards us, and to renew our old friendship with them. At our first landing they seemed as though they would fight with us : but perceiving us begin to march with our shot towardes them, they turned their backes, and fled. Then Manteo their countrey man called to them in their owne language, whom, assoone as they heard, they returned, and threwe away their bowes and arrowes, and some of them came unto us, embracing and enter- taining us friendly, desiring us not to gather or spill any of their corne, for that they had but little. We answered them, that neither their corne, nor any other thing of theirs, should be diminished by any of us, and that our comming was onely to renew the old love, that was betweene us and them at the first, and to live with them as brethren and friends : which answere seemed to please them well, wherefore they requested us to walke up to their Towne, who there feasted us after their maner, and desired us earnestly, that there might bee some token or badge given them of us, whereby we might know them to be our friends, when we met them any where out of the Towne or Island. They told us further, that for want of some such badge, divers of them were hurt the yeere before, being found out of the Island by Master Lane his company, whereof they shewed us one, which at that very instant lay lame, and had lien of that hurt ever since : but they sayd, they knew our men mistooke them, and hurt them in stead of Winginos men, wherefore they held us excused. 393 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. T August. ^He next day we had conference further with them, concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, & Pomeiok, willing them of Croatoan to certifie the people of those townes, that if they would accept our friendship, we would willingly receive them againe, and that all unfriendly dealings past on both parts, should be utterly forgiven and forgotten. To this the chiefe men of Croatoan answered, that they would gladly doe the best they could, and within seven dayes, bring the Wiroances and chiefe Governours of those townes with them, to our Governour at Roanoak, or their answere. We also understood of the men of Croatoan, that our man Master Howe was slaine by the remnant of Winginos men dwel- ling then at Dasamonguepeuk, with whom Wanchese kept companie : and also we understood by them of Croatoan, how that the 15 Englishmen left at Roanoak the yeere before, by Sir Richard Grinvile, were suddenly [III. 284.] set upon, by 30 of the men of Secota, Aquascogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk, in manner following. They conveyed themselves secretly behind the trees, neere the houses where our men carelesly lived : and having perceived that of those fifteene they could see but eleven only, two of those Savages appeared to the 1 1 Englishmen, calling to them by friendly signes, that but two of their chiefest men should come unarmed to speake with those two Savages, who seemed also to bee unarmed. Wherefore two of the chiefest of our Englishmen went gladly to them : but whilest one of those Savages traiterously imbraced one of our men, the other with his sworde of wood, which he had secretly hidden under his mantell, strooke him on the head and slew him, and presently the other eight and twenty Savages shewed them selves : the other Englishman perceiving this, fled to his company, whom the Savages pursued with their bowes, and arrowes, so fast, that the Englishmen were forced to take the house, wherein all their victuall, and weapons were : but the 394 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ajq. 1587. Savages foorthwith set the same on fire: by meanes wherof our men were forced to take up such weapons as came first to hand, and without order to runne foorth among the Savages, with whom they skirmished above an howre. In this skirmish another of our men was shotte into the mouth with an arrow, where hee died : and also one of the Savages was shot into the side by one of our men, with a wild fire arrow, whereof he died presently. The place where they fought was of great advantage to the Savages, by meanes of the thicke trees, behinde which the Savages through their nimblenes, defended them- selves, and so offended our men with their arrowes, that our men being some of them hurt, retyred fighting to the water side, where their boat lay, with which they fled towards Hatorask. By that time they had rowed but a quarter of a mile, they espied their foure fellowes comming from a creeke thereby, where they had bene to fetch Oysters : these foure they received into their boate, leaving Roanoak, and landed on a little Island on the right hand of our entrance into the harbour of Hatorask, where they remayned a while, but afterward departed, whither as yet we know not. Having nowe sufficiently dispatched our businesse at Croatoan, the same day we departed friendly, taking our leave, and came aboord the fleete at Hatorask. The eight of August, the Governour having long expected the comming of the Wiroanses of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secota, and Dasamonguepeuk, seeing that the seven dayes were past, within which they promised to come in, or to send their answeres by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them heard, being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan, that the remnant of Wingina his men, which were left alive, who dwelt at Dasamonquepeuk, were they which had slaine George Howe, and were also at the driving of our eleven Englishmen from Roanoak, hee thought to deferre the revenge thereof no longer. Wherefore the same night about midnight, he passed over the water, 395 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. accompanied with Captaine Stafford, and 24 men, wherof Manteo was one, whom we tooke with us to be our guide to the place where those Savages dwelt, where he behaved himselfe toward us as a most faith- full Englishman, The next day, being the 9 of August, in the morning so early that it was yet darke, we landed neere the dwelling place of our enemies, & very secretly conveyed our selves through the woods, to that side, where we had their houses betweene us and the water : and having espied their fire, and some sitting about it, we presently set on them : the miserable soules herewith amazed, fled into a place of thicke reedes, growing fast by, where our men per- ceiving them, shot one of them through the bodie with a bullet, and therewith we entred the reedes, among which we hoped to acquite their evill doing towards us, but we were deceived, for those Savages were our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the corne & fruit of that place, because they understood our enemies were fled immediatly after they had slaine George Howe, and for haste had left all their corne. Tobacco, and Pompions standing in such sort, that al had bene devoured of the birds, and Deere, if it had not bene gathered in time : but they had like to have payd deerely for it : for it was so darke, that they being naked, and their men and women apparelled all so like others, wee knew not but that they were al men : and if that one of them which was a Wiroances wife had not had a child at her backe, shee had bene slaine in stead of a man, and as hap was, another Savage knew master Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby hee was saved. Finding our selves thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered al the corne, Pease, Pompions, and Tabacco that we found ripe, leaving the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatoan his wife, with the yong child, and the other Savages with us over the water to Roanoak. 396 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1587. Although the mistaking of these Savages somewhat grieved Manteo, yet he imputed their harme to their owne folly, saying to them, that if their Wiroances had kept their promise in comming to the Governour at the day appointed, they had not knowen that mischance. The 13 of August our Savage Manteo, by the commandement of Sir Walter Ralegh, was christened in [III. 285.] Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Dasamon- guepeukj in reward of his faithfuU service. The 18 Elenor, daughter to the Governour, and wife to Ananias Dare one of the Assistants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak, and the same was christened there the Sonday following, and because this child was the first Christian borne in Virginia, shee was named Virginia. By this time our ships had unladen the goods and victuals of the planters, and began to take in wood, and fresh water, and to new calke and trimme them for England : the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to send backe into England. Our two ships, the Lion and the Flyboat almost ready to depart, the 21 of August, there arose such a tempest at Northeast, that our Admirall then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut his cables, and put to sea, where he lay beating off and on sixe dayes before he could come to us againe, so that we feared he had bene cast away, and the rather for that at the time that the storme tooke them, the most and best of their sailers were left aland. At this time some controversies arose betweene the Governour and Assistants, about choosing two out of the twelve Assistants, which should goe backe as factors for the company into England : for every one of them refused, save onely one, which all other thought not sufficient : but at length by much perswading of the Governour, Christopher Cooper only agreed to goe for England : but the next day, through the perswasion of divers of his familiar friends, hee changed his minde, so that now the matter stood as at the first. 397 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. The next day, the 22 of August, the whole company both of the Assistants and planters came to the Governour, and with one voice requested him to re- turne himselfe into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies, and other necessaries for them : but he refused it, and alleaged many sufficient causes, why he would not : the one was, that he could not so suddenly returne backe againe without his great dis- credite, leaving the action, and so many whome hee partly had procured through his perswasions, to leave their native countrey, and undertake that voyage, and that some enemies to him and the action at his returne into England would not spare to slander falsly both him and the action, by saying, hee went to Virginia, but politikely, and to no other end but to leade so many into a countrey, in which hee never meant to stay himselfe, and there to leave them behind him. The'trmeaning Also he alleaged, that seeing they intended to remove to remove 50 ^q j^jilgs further up into the maine presently, he being ...^/...., then absent, his stuffe and goods might be both countrey. -i i r ^ ^^r ^ • 1 spoiled, & most of them pilfered away in the cariage, so that at his returne he should be either forced to provide himselfe of all such things againe, or else at his comming againe to Virginia find himselfe utterly unfurnished, whereof already he had found some proofe, being but once from them but three dayes. Wherefore he concluded that he would not goe him- selfe. The next day, not onely the Assistants but divers others, as well women as men, began to renew their requests to the Governour againe, to take upon him to returne into England for the supply, and dispatch of all such things as there were to be done, promising to make him their bond under all their handes and scales for the safe preserving of all his goods for him at his returne to Virginia, so that if any part thereof were spoyled or lost, they would see it restored to him, or his Assignes, whensoever the same should be missed 398 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1587. and demanded : which bond, with a testimony under their hands and seales, they foorthwith made, and de- livered into his hands. The copie of the testimony I thought good to set downe. May it please you, her Majesties subjects of England, we your friends and countrey-men, the planters in Virginia, doe by these presents let you and every of you to understand, that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparent lackes and needes, most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of us, or any other in this land of Virginia, wee all of one minde & consent, have most earnestly intreated, and uncessantly requested John White, Governour of the planters in Virginia, to passe into England, for the better and more assured help, and setting forward of the foresayd supplies : and knowing assuredly that he both can best, and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for us all, and he not once, but often refusing it, for our sakes, and for the honour & maintenance of the action, hath at last, though much against his will, through our impor- tunacie, yeelded to leave his governement, and all his goods among us, and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England, of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter, as all others, we doe assure ourselves by these presents, and will you to give all credite thereunto, the 25 of August 1587. The Governour being at the last through their ex- treame intreating constrayned to returne into England, having then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare him- selfe for the same, departed from Roanoak the seven and twentieth of August in the morning, and the same day about midnight, came aboord the Flieboat, who [III. 286.] already had weyed anker, and rode without the barre, the Admirall riding by them, who but the same morn- ing was newly come thither againe. The same day both the ships weyed anker, and set saile for England : at this weying their ankers, twelve of the men which 399 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. were in the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone, which by meanes of a barre and brake, came so fast about upon them, that the other two barres thereof strooke and hurt most of them so sore, that some of them never recovered it : neverthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker, but being so weak- ened with the first fling, they were not able to weye it, but were throwen downe and hurt the second time. Wherefore having in all but fifteene men aboord, and most of them by this unfortunate beginning so bruised, and hurt, they were forced to cut their Cable, and leese their anker. Neverthelesse, they kept company with the Admirall, untill the seventeenth of September, at which time wee fell with Corvo, and sawe Flores. September. THe eighteenth, perceiving of all our fifteene men in the Flyboate there remained but five, which by meanes of the former mischance, were able to stand to their labour : and that the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England, but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase : the Flyboate departed for England with letters, where we hoped by the help of God to arrive shortly: but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty dayes, having had some- times scarse and variable windes, our fresh water also by leaking almost consumed, there arose a storme at North- east, which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so exceed- ing, that we were driven further in those sixe then we could recover in thirteene daies : in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke and two of them dyed, the weather also continued so close, that our Master sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor starre, and all the beverage we could make, with stinking water, dregs of beere, and lees of wine which remayned, was but three gallons, and there- fore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea. 400 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1587. October. THe 1 6 of October we made land, but we knewe not what land it was, bearing in with the same land at that day : about sunne set we put into a harbour, where we found a Hulke of Dublin, and a pinnesse of Hampton riding, but we knew not as yet what place this was, neither had we any boate to goe ashore, untill the pin- nesse sent off their boate to us with 6 or 8 men, of whom we understood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts Smermck in of Ireland: they also releeved us presently with fresh ^^^ ^^^^ V water, wine, and other fresh meate. The 1 8 the Governour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe, 5 miles distant, to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboate for England, and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men, but within foure daies after the Boatswain, the Steward, and the Boatswains mate died aboord the Flieboat, and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefe sailers were brought sicke to Dingen. November. THe first the Governour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie, which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England, leaving the Fly- boat and all his companie in Ireland. The same day we set sayle, and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end, and were shut up the Severne, but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay. The 5 the Governour landed in England at Martasew, neere Saint Michaels mount in Cornewall. The 8 we arrived at Hampton, where we understood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth, and had bene there three weekes before : and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase, but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse, and death of their chiefest men, that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour, but were forced to let fall anker without, which they VIII 401 2 c AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1587. could not wey againe, but might all have perished there, if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them. The names of the chiefe men that died are these, Roger Large, John Mathew, Thomas Smith, and some other saylers, whose names I knew not at the writing hereof. An. Dom. 1587. [III. 287.] The names of all the men, women and children, which safely arrived in Virginia, and remained to inhabite there. 1587. Anno regni Regins Elizabethae. 29. John White. Roger Baily. Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper. Thomas Stevens. John Sampson. Dyonis Harvie. Roger Prat. George How. Simon Fernando. Nicholas Johnson. Thomas Warner. Anthony Cage. John Jones. William WiUes. John Brooke. Cutbert White. John Bright. Clement Tayler. William Sole. John Cotsmur. Humfrey Newton. Thomas Colman. Thomas Gramme. Marke Bennet. John Gibbes. John Stilman. Robert Wilkinson. John Tydway. Ambrose Viccars. Edmond English. Thomas Topan. Henry Berry. Richard Berry. John Spendlove. John Hemmington. Thomas Butler. Edward Powell. John Burden. James Hynde. Thomas Ellis. William Browne. Michael Myllet. Thomas Smith. Richard Kemme. Thomas Harris. Richard Taverner. John Earnest. Henry Johnson. John Starte. Richard Darige. William Lucas. Arnold Archard. John Wright. 402 THE FOURTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA William Button. Mauris Allen. William Waters. Richard Arthur. John Chapman. William Clement. Robert Little. Hugh Tayler. Richard Wildye. Lewes Wotton. Michael Bishop. Henry Browne. Henry Rufoote. Richard Tomkins. Henry Dorrell. Charles Florrie. Henry Mylton. Henry Paine. Thomas Harris. William Nichols. Thomas Phevens. John Borden. Thomas Scot. Peter Little. John Wyles. Brian Wyles. George Martyn. Hugh Pattenson. Martin Sutton. John Farre. John Bridger. GrifFen Jones. Richard Shabedge. James Lasie. John Cheven. Thomas Hewet. William Berde. Women. Elyoner Dare. Margery Harvie. Agnes Wood. Wenefrid Powell. Joyce Ar chard. Jane Jones. Elizabeth Glane. Jane Pierce. Audry Tappan. Alis Chapman. Emme Merrimoth. Colman. Margaret Lawrence. Joan Warren. Jane Mannering. Rose Payne. Elizabeth Viccars. Boyes and children. John Sampson. Robert Ellis. Ambrose Viccars. Thomas Archard. Thomas Humfrey. Thomas Smart. George How. John Prat. William Wythers, Children borne in Virginia. Virginia Dare. Harvie. Savages. IVlanteO. ) That were in England ry-i > and returned home into 1 OWaye. ) Virginia with them. [To the A.D. 1587. 403 A.D. 1593- THE ENGLISH VOYAGES To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt, much happinesse in the Lord. Ir, as well for the satisfying of your earnest request, as the performance of my promise made unto you at my last being with you in England, I have sent you (although in a homely stile, especi- ally for the contentation of a delicate eare) the true discourse of my last voy- age into the West Indies, and partes of America called Virginia, taken in hand about the end of Februarie, in the yeare of our redemption 1590. And what events [III. 288.] happened unto us in this our journey, you shall plainely perceive by the sequele of my discourse. There were at the time aforesaid three ships absolutely determined to goe for the West Indies, at the speciall charges of M. John Wattes of London Marchant. But when they were fully furnished, and in readinesse to make their departure, a generall stay was commanded of all ships thorowout England. Which so soone as I heard, I presently (as 1 thought it most requisite) acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith, desiring him that as I had sundry times afore bene chargeable and trouble- some unto him, for the supplies and reliefes of the planters in Virginia : so likewise, that by his endevour it would please him at that instant to procure license for those three ships to proceede on with their determined voyage, that thereby the people in Virginia (if it were God's pleasure) might speedily be com- forted and relieved without further charges unto him. Whereupon he by his good meanes obtained license of the Queenes Majestic, and order to be taken, that the owner of the 3 ships should be bound unto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assignes, in 3000 pounds, that those 3 ships in consideration of their release- 404 LETTEK FROM JOHN WHITE ad. 1593- ment should take in, & transport a convenient number of passengers, with their furnitures and necessaries to be landed in Virginia. Neverthelesse that order was not observed, neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid. But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order, I was by the owner and Commanders of the ships denied to have any passengers, or any thing els transported in any of the said ships, saving only my selfe & my chest ; no not so much as a boy to attend upon me, although I made great sute, & earnest intreatie aswell to the chiefe Commanders, as to the owner .of the said ships. Which crosse and unkind dealing, although it very much discontented me, notwithstanding the scarsity of time was such, that I could have no opportunity to go unto Sir Walter Ralegh with com- plaint : for the ships being then all in readinesse to goe to the Sea, would have bene departed before I could have made my returne. Thus both Governors, Masters, and sailers, regarding very smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia ; determined nothing lesse then to touch at those places, but wholly disposed themselves to seeke after purchase & spoiles, spending so much time therein, that sommer was spent before we arrived at Virginia. And when we were come thither, the season was so unfit, & weather so foule, that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast, having not scene any of our planters, with losse of one of our ship-boates, and 7 of our chiefest men : and also with losse of 3 of our ankers and cables, and most of our caskes with fresh water left on shore, not possible to be had aboord. Which evils & unfortunate events (as Wei to their owne losse as to the hinderance of the planters in Virginia) had not chanced, if the order set downe by Sir Walter Ralegh had bene observed, or if my dayly & continuall petitions for the performance of the same might have taken any place. Thus may you plainely 405 Ao THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1590. perceive the successe of my fift & last voiage to Virginia, which was no lesse unfortunately ended then frowardly begun, and as lucklesse to many, as sinister to my selfe. But I would to God it had bene as prosperous to all, as noysome to the planters ; & as joyfuU to me, as discomfortable to them. Yet seeing it is not my first crossed voyage, I remaine contented. And wanting my wishes, I leave off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will. Thus committing the reliefe of my discomfortable company the planters in Virginia, to the merciful help of the Almighty, whom I most humbly beseech to helpe & comfort them, according to his most holy will & their good desire, I take my leave : from my house at Newtowne in Kylmore the 4 of February, 1593. Your most welwishing friend, John White. The lift voyage of M. John White into the West Indies and parts of America called Virginia, in the yeere 1590. THe 20 of March the three shippes the Hope- well, the John Evangelist, and the Little John, put to Sea from Plymmouth with two small Shallops. The 25 at midnight both our Shallops were sunke being towed at the ships stearnes by the Boatswaines negligence. On the 30 we saw a head us that part of the coast of Barbary, lying East of Cape Cantyn, and the Bay of Asaphi. The next day we came to the He of Mogador, where rode, at our passing by, a Pinnesse of London called the Mooneshine. [III. 289.] Aprill. |N the first of Aprill we ankored in Santa Cruz rode, where we found two great shippes of London lading in Sugar, of whom we had 2 ship- boats to supply the losse of our Shallops. 406 O' THE FIFTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1590. On the 2 we set sayle from the rode of Santa Cruz, for the Canaries. On Saturday the 4 we saw Alegranza, the East He of the Canaries. On Sunday the 5 of Aprill we gave chase to a double flyboat, the which, we also the same day fought with, and tooke her, with losse of three of their men slaine, and one hurt. On Munday the 6 we saw Grand Canarie, and the next day we landed and tooke in fresh water on the Southside thereof. On the 9 we departed from Grand Canary, and framed our course for Dominica. The last of Aprill we saw Dominica, and the same night we came to an anker on the Southside thereof. May. THe first of May in the morning many of the Salvages came aboord our ships in their Canowes, and did traffique with us ; we also the same day landed and entered their Towne from whence we returned the same day aboord without any resistance of the Salvages ; or any offence done to them. The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leaving the John our Vice- admirall playing off and on about Dominica, hoping to take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies ; the same night we had sight of three smal Hands called Los Santos, leaving Guadalupe and them on our starboord. The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Hand, bearing Northeast and by East off us. On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines, which are many broken Hands, lying at the East ende of S. Johns Hand : and the same day towards evening we landed upon one of them called Blanca, where we killed an incredible number of foules : here we stayed 407 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1590. but three houres, & from thence stood into the shore Northwest, and having brought this Hand Southeast off us, we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch, called The passage, lying betwene the Virgines, and the East end of S. John : here the Pinnesse left us and sayled on the South side of S. John. The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the North- side of S. John, so neere the shore that the Spaniards discerned us to be men of warre ; and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by, for so their custome is, when they see any men of warre on their coasts. The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. John, where we watered in a good river called Yaguana, and the same night following we tooke a Frigate of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger. In this place Pedro a Mollato, who knewe all our state, ranne from us to the Spaniards. On the 9 we departed from Yaguana. The 13 we landed on an Hand called Mona, whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards ; these we burned & took from them a Pinnesse, which they had drawen a ground and sunke, and carried all her sayles, mastes, and rudders into the woods, because we should not take him away ; we also chased the Spaniards over all the Hand ; but they hid them in caves, hollow rockes, and bushes, so that we could not find them. On the 14 we departed from Mona, and the next day after wee came to an Hand called Saona, about 5 leagues distant from Mona, lying on the Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end : betweene these two Hands we lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes, hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete doubling this Hand, as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon, or by Cape S. Anthony. On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall, from whom we departed at Dominica, came to us at Saona, 408 THE FIFTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1590. with whom we left a Spanish Frigate, and appointed him to lie off and on other five daies betweene Saona and Mona to the ende aforesaid ; then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon. Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall, at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Salvages, which were the chiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica, but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Hand, where the Viceadmirall landed to take in ballast. On the 21 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon, where we found the John Evangelist our Pinnesse staying for us : here we tooke in two Spaniards almost starved on the shore, who made a fire to our ships as we passed by. Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and meere [III. 290.] wildernesse, without any habitation of people, and full of wilde Bulles and Bores, and great Serpents. The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at Cape Tyburon. Here we understood of M. Lane, Captaine of the Pinnesse ; how he was set ^- William upon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo ^^^' Domingo, which was manned with 400 men, who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres, gave over the fight & forsooke him, without any great hurt done on eyther part. The 26 the John our Vizadmirall came to us to cape Tyburon, and the Frigat which we left with him at Saona. This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete. On Whitsunday Even at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from us, and at ten dayes end returned to our ships almost starved for want of food. In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carkases of divers men, who had perished (as wee thought) by famine in those woods, being either stragled from their company, or landed there by some men of warre. 409 A.D. 1590. O' THE ENGLISH VOYAGES June. N the 14 of June we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst us so suddenly, as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon, where we road, so that he could not escape us. This Frigat came from Santo Domingo, and had but 3 men in her, the one was an expert Pilot, the other a Mountainer, and the third a Vintener, who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo, purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of His- Spanishfugi- paniola where many fugitive Spaniards are gathered fives. together. The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse and a Frigat to take a shippe, which was there taking in fraight, as we understood by the old Pylot, whom we had taken three dayes before. The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana, and brought us word to cape Tyburon, that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe, with many passengers and Negroes in the same ; which proved not so rich a prize as we hoped for, for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before we came. Neverthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds, being hides, ginger, Cannafistula, Copper- pannes, and Casavi. July- Edward f I ^He second of July Edward Spicer whom we left in Spicer. J_ England came to us at Cape Tyburon, accompanied with a small Pinnesse, whereof one M. Harps was Captaine. And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of Santo Domingo, to whom we presently gave chase, but they upon the first sight of us fled, and separating themselves scattered here and there : Wherefore we were forced to divide our selves and so made after them untill 12 of the clocke at night. 410 THE FIFTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1590. But then by reason of the darkenesse we lost sight of ech other, yet in the end the Admirall and the Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching up of the Vizadmirall of the Spanish fleete, against whom the next morning we fought and This fight tooke him, with losse of one of our men and two ^^-^ ^^ •"<§''^j hurt, and of theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt. But what was ^f-^^^^^^ become of our Viceadmirall, our Pinnesse, and Prize, and two Frigates, in all this time, we were ignorant. The 3 of July we spent about rifling, romaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with us. The 6 of July we saw Jamayca the which we left on our larboord, keeping Cuba in sight on our star- boord. Upon the 8 of July we saw the Hand of Pinos, which lieth on the Southside of Cuba nigh unto the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony. And the same day we gave chase to a Frigat, but at night we lost sight of her, partly by the slow sayling of our Admirall, & lacke of the Moonelight our Pinnesse, whom Captaine Cooke had sent to the Cape the day before. On the 1 1 we came to Cape S. Anthony, where we found our consort the Moonelight and her Pinnesse abiding for our comming, of whom we understood that the day before there passed by them 22 saile, some of them of the burden of 300 and some 400 tunnes loaden with the Kings treasure from the maine, bound for Havana ; from this 1 1 of July untill 22 we were much becalmed : and the winde being very scarse, and the weather exceeding hoat, we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken : wherefore we were driven to land all the Spaniards saving three, but the place where we landed them was of their owne choise on the Southside of Cuba neere unto the Organes and Rio de Puercos. The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida, and the broken Hands therof called the Martires. 411 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1590. [III. 291.] The 25 being S. James day in the morning, we fell with the Matan9as, a head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Havana, where we purposed to take fresh water in, and make our abode two or three dayes. On Sunday the 26 of July plying too and fro betweene the Matan^as and Havana, we were espied of three small Pinnasses of S. John de Ullua bound for Havana, which were exceeding richly loaden. These 3 Pinnasses came very boldly up unto us, and so continued untill they came within musket shot of us. And we supposed them to be Captaine Harps pinnesse, and two small Frigats taken by Captain Harpe : wherefore we shewed our flag. But they presently upon the sight of it turned about & made all the saile they could from us toward the shore, & kept themselves in so shallow water, that we were not able to follow them, and therefore gave them over with expence of shot & pouder to no purpose. But if we had not so rashly set out our flagge, we might have taken them all three, for they would not have knowen us before they had bene in our hands. This chase brought us so far to leeward as Havana : wherfore not finding any of our consorts at ye Matan9as, we put over again to the cape of Florida, & from thence thorow the chanel of Bahama. On the 28 the Cape of Florida bare West of us, 7*^1? state of The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida, and the currents stood to Sea for to gaine the helpe of the current ofFlori/ffo which runneth much swifter a farre ofF then in sight Virginia. of the coast. For from the Cape to Virginia all along the shore are none but eddie currents, setting to the South and Southwest. The 31 our three ships were clearely disbocked, the great prize, the Admirall, and the Mooneshine, but our prize being thus disbocked departed from us without taking leave of our Admirall or consort, and sayled directly for England. 412 THE FIFTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA a.d. 1590. August. ON the first of August the winde scanted, and from thence forward we had very fowle weather with much raine, thundering, and great spouts, which fell round about us nigh unto our ships. The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore, and at midday we tooke the height of the same. The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude. Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Hands West of Wokokon. But the weather Sandie Hands continued so exceeding- foule, that we could not come ^"^f y to an anker nye the coast : wherefore we stood off againe to Sea untill Monday the 9 of August. On munday the storme ceased, and we had very great likelihood of faire weather : therefore we stood in againe for the shore : & came to an anker at 1 1 fadome in 3 5 '^^H ^^^^ ^^ degrees of latitude, within a mile of the shore, where ^^ ^gree^- we went on land on the narrow sandy Hand, being one of the Handes West of Wokokon : in this Hand we tooke in some fresh water and caught great store of fish in the shallow water. Betweene the maine (as we supposed) and that Hand it was but a mile over and three or foure foote deepe in most places. On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the Northeast end of the Hand of Croatoan, by reason of a breach ^ breach ?. which we perceived to lie out two or three leagues into ^.^ ^ ^^^S^^^ the Sea : here we road all that night. The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers, our boates were sent to sound over this breach : our ships riding on the side thereof at 5 fadome ; and a ships length from us we found but 4 and a quarter, and then deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles, so that sometimes we found 5 fadome, and by Great diver- & by 7, and within two casts with the lead 9, & then ^^0'^?^^^^'»^- 8, next cast 5, & then 6, & then 4, & then 9 againe, and deeper; but 3 fadome was the last, 2 leagues off 413 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1590. from the shore. This breach is in 35 degr. & a halfe, & lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan, wheras goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters, which part the Ilandes and the maine land. The 15 of August towards Evening we came to an Hatorask m anker at Hatorask, in 1^6 degr. and one third, in five 3 ^^. a f^(^Qj^ water, three leagues from the shore. At our first comming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the He Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587, which smoake put us in good hope that some of the Colony were there . expecting my returne out of England. The 1 6 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore, & Captaine Cooke, & Cap. Spicer, & their company with me, with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak where our countreymen were left. At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden, and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene every shot, to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people. This was accordingly performed, & our twoe boats put [III. 292.] off unto the shore, in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe untill we came within a mile of the shore nine, eight, and seven fadome : but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes : we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first : but it was much further They land. from the harbour where we landed, then we supposed it to be, so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke. But that which grieved us more was that when we came to the smoke, we found no man nor signe that any had bene there lately, nor yet any fresh water in all this way to drinke. Being thus wearied with this journey we returned to the harbour where we left our boates, who in our absence had brought their caske a shore for fresh water, so we deferred our 414 THE FIFTH VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA ad. 1590. going to Roanoak untill the next morning, and caused some of those saylers to digge in those sandie hills for fresh water whereof we found very sufficient. That ^''^•^'^ water night wee returned aboord with our boates and our j^ii^^ ^" ^^^ -^ whole company in safety. The next morning being the 17 of August, our boates and company were prepared againe to goe up to Roanoak, but Captaine Spicer had then sent his boat ashore for fresh water, by meanes whereof it was ten of the clocke aforenoone before we put from our ships which were then come to an anker within two miles of the shore. The Admirals boat was halfe way toward the shore, when Captaine Spicer put off from his ship. The Admirals boat first passed the breach, but not without some danger of sinking, for we had a sea brake into our boat which filled us halfe full of water, but by the will of God and carefull styrage of Captaine Cooke we came safe ashore, saving onely that our furniture, victuals, match and powder were much wet and spoyled. For at this time the winde blue at Northeast and direct into the harbour so great a gale, that the Sea brake extremely on the barre, and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance. By that time our Admirals boate was hailed ashore, and most of our things taken out to dry, Captaine Spicer came to the entrance of the breach with his mast standing up, and was halfe passed over, but by the rash and undiscreet styrage of Ralph Skinner his Masters mate, a very dangerous Sea brake into their boate and overset them quite, the men kept the boat some in it, and some hanging on it, but the next sea set the boat on ground, where it beat so, that some of them were forced to let goe their hold, hoping to wade ashore ; but the Sea still beat them downe, so that they could neither stand nor swimme, and the boat twise or thrise was turned the keele upward, whereon Captaine Spicer and Captaine Skinner hung untill they sunke, & were seene no more, y"^^ But foure that could swimme a litle kept themselves in deeper water and were saved by Captain Cookes meanes, 415 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1590. who so soone as he saw their oversetting, stripped him- selfe, and foure other that could swimme very well, & with all haste possible rowed unto them, & saved foure. They were a 1 1 in all, & 7 of the chiefest were drowned, whose names were Edward Spicer, Ralph Skinner, Edward Kelley, Thomas Bevis, Hance the Surgion, Edward Kelborne, Robert Coleman. This mischance did so much discomfort the saylers, that they were all of one mind not to goe any further to seeke the planters. But in the end by the commandement & perswasion of me and Captaine Cooke, they prepared the boates : and seeing the Captaine and me so resolute, they seemed much more willing. Our boates and all things fitted againe, we put off from Hatorask, being the number of 1 9 persons in both boates : but before we could get to the place, where our planters were left, it was so exceed- ing darke, that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile : there we espied towards the North end of the Hand ye light of a great fire thorow the woods, to the which we presently rowed : when wee came right over against it, we let fall our Grapnel neere the shore, & sounded with a trumpet a Call, & afterwardes many familiar English tunes of Songs, and called to them friendly ; but we had no answere, we therefore landed at day-breake, and com- ming to the fire, we found the grasse & sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went thorow the woods to that part of the Hand directly over against Dasamongwepeuk, & from thence we returned by the water side, round about the North point of the Hand, untill we came to the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586. In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the Salvages feet of 2 or 3 sorts troaden ye night, and as we entred up the sandy banke upon a tree, in the very browe thereof were curiously carved these faire Romane letters C R O : which letters presently we knew to signifie the place, where I should find the planters seated, according to a secret token agreed upon betweene them & me at my last departure 416 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1590. from them, which was, that In any wayes they should not faile to write or carve on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the place where they should be seated ; for at my comming away they were prepared to remove from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine. Therefore at my departure from them in An. 1587 I willed them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carve over the letters or name, a Crosse »J< in this forme, but we found no such signe of distresse. And having well considered of this, we passed toward the place where they were left in [III. 293.] sundry houses, but we found the houses taken downe, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fort-like, and one of the chiefe trees or postes at the right side of the entrance had the barke taken off, and 5 foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was graven CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of distresse ; this done, we entred into the palisado, where we found many barres of Iron, two pigges of Lead, foure yron fowlers. Iron sacker-shotte, and such like heavie things, throwen here and there, almost overgrowen with grasse and weedes. From thence wee went along by the water side, towards the poynt of the Creeke to see if we could find any of their botes or Pinnisse, but we could perceive no signe of them, nor any of the last Falkons and small Ordinance which were left with them, at my departure from them. At our returne from the Creeke, some of our Saylers meeting us, tolde us that they had found where divers chests had bene hidden, and long sithence digged up againe and broken up, and much of the goods in them spoyled and scattered about, but nothing left, of such things as the Savages knew any use of, undefaced. Pre- sently Captaine Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the ende of an olde trench, made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas : wheere wee found five Chests, that had bene carefully hidden of the Planters, and of the same chests three were my owne, and about the place VIII 417 2D A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1590. many of my things spoyled and broken, and my bookes torne from the covers, the frames of some of my pic- tures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne, and my armour almost eaten through with rust ; this could bee no other but the deede of the Savages our enemies at Dasamongwepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men to Croatoan ; and assoone as they were departed, digged up every place where they suspected any thing to be buried : but although it much grieved me to see such spoyle of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly joyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was borne, and the Savages of the Hand our friends. When we had seene in this place so much as we could, we returned to our Boates, and departed from the shoare towards our Shippes, with as much speede as wee could : For the weather began ne to overcast, and very likely that a foule and stormie night would ensue. Therefore the same Evening with much danger and labour, we got our selves aboard, by which time the winde and seas were so greatly risen, that wee doubted our Cables and Anchors would scarcely holde untill Morning : wherefore the Captaine caused the Boate to be manned with five lusty men, who could swimme all well, and sent them to the little Hand on the right hand of the Harbour, to bring aboard sixe of our men, who had filled our caske with fresh water : the Boate the same night returned aboard with our men, but all our Caske ready filled they left behinde, unpossible to bee had aboard without danger of casting away both men and Boates : for this night prooved very stormie and foule. The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe, with the Master and others, to wey anchor, and goe for the place at Croatoan, where our planters were : for that then the winde was good for that place, and also to leave that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Hand untill our returne. So then they brought 418 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA ad. 1590. the cable to the Capston, but when the anchor was almost apecke, the Cable broke, by meanes whereof we lost another Anchor, wherewith we drove so fast into the shoare, that wee were forced to let fall a third Anchor : which came so fast home that the Shippe was almost aground by Kenricks mounts : so that wee were forced to let slippe the Cable ende for ende. And if it had not chanced that wee had fallen into a chanell of deeper water, closer by the shoare then wee accompted of, wee could never have gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to the Southwardes of Kenricks mounts. Being thus cleare of some dangers, and gotten into deeper waters, but not without some losse : for wee had but one Cable and Anchor left us of foure, and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler ; our victuals scarse, and our caske and fresh water lost : it was therefore deter- mined that we should goe for Saint John or some other Hand to the Southward for fresh water. And it was further purposed, that if wee could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries, either at Hispaniola, Sant John, or Trynidad, that then wee should continue in the Indies all the Winter following, with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one, and at our returne to visit our countreymen at Virginia. The captaine and the whole company in the Admirall (with my earnest petitions) thereunto agreed, so that it rested onely to knowe what the Master of the Moone-light our consort would doe herein. But when we demanded The'^ leave them if they would accompany us in that new deter- ^f '^°^^^ "f mination, they alledged that their weake and leake ^ ^^" Shippe was not able to continue it ; wherefore the same night we parted, leaving the Moone-light to goe directly for England, and the Admirall set his course for Trynidad, which course we kept two dayes. On the 28. the winde changed, and it was sette on [III. 294.] foule weather every way : but this storme brought the winde West and Northwest, and blewe so forcibly, that wee were able to beare no sayle, but our fore-course 419 AD. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1590. halfe mast high, wherewith wee ranne upon the winde perforce, the due course for England, for that wee were driven to change our first determination for Trynidad, and stoode for the Hands of A9ores, where wee purposed to take in fresh water, and also there hoped to meete with some English men of warre about those Hands, at whose hands wee might obtaine some supply of our wants. And thus continuing our course for the A9ores, sometimes with calmes, and sometimes with very scarce windes, on the fifteenth of September the winde came South Southeast, and blew so exceed- ingly, that wee were forced to lye atry all that day. At this time by account we judged our selves to be about twentie leagues to the West of Cuervo and Flores, but about night the storme ceased, and fayre weather ensued. On Thursday the seventeenth wee saw Cuervo and Flores, but we could not come to anker that night, by reason the winde shifted. The next Morning being the eighteenth, standing in againe with Cuervo, we escryed a sayle ahead us, to whom we gave chase : but when wee came neere him, we knew him to be a Spanyard, and hoped to make sure purchase of him : but we understood at our speaking with him, that he was a prize, and of the Domingo fleete already taken by the John our consort, in the Indies. We learned also of this prize, that our Viceadmirall and Pinnesse had fought with the rest of the Domingo fleete, and had forced them with their Admirall to flee unto Jamaica under the Fort for succour, and some of them ran themselves aground, whereof one of them they brought away, and tooke out of some others so much as the time would permit. And further wee understood of them, that in their returne from Jamaica about the Organes neere Cape Saint Anthony, our Viceadmirall mette with two Shippes of the mayne land, come from Mexico, bound for Havana, with whom he fought : in which fight our Viceadmirals Lieutenant was slaine, 420 A REPORT OF VIRGINIA a.d. 1590. and the Captaines right arme strooken off, with foure other of his men slaine, and sixteene hurt. But in the ende he entred, and tooke one of the Spanish shippes, which was so sore shot by us under water, that before they could take out her treasure she sunke ; so that we lost thirteene Pipes of silver which sunke with her, 1 3- P'^P'^ tf besides much other rich marchandize. And in the "'^'^'• meane time the other Spanish shippe being pearced with nine shotte under water, got away ; whom our Viceadmirall intended to pursue: but some of their men in the toppe made certaine rockes, which they saw above water neere the shoare, to be Gallies of Havana and Cartagena, comming from Havana to rescue the two Ships ; Wherefore they gave over their chase, and went for England. After this intelligence was given us by this our prize, he departed from us, and went for England. On Saturday the 19. of September we came to an Ancre neere a small village on the North side of Flores, where we found ryding 5. English men of warre, of whom wee understood that our Viceadmirall and Prize were gone thence for England. One of these five was the Moonelight our consort, who upon the first sight of our comming into Flores, set sayle and went for England, not taking any leave of us. On Sunday the 20. the Mary Rose, Admirall of the Queenes fleete, wherein was Generall Sir John Hawkins, stood in with Flores, and divers other of the Queenes ships, namely the Hope, the Nonpareilia, the Rainebow, the Swift-sure, the Foresight, with many other good merchants ships of warre, as the Edward Bonaventure, the Marchant Royal, the Amitie, the Eagle, the Dainty of sir John Hawkins, and many other good ships and pinnesses, all attending to meete with the king of Spaines fleete, comming from Terra firma of the West Indies. The 22. of September we went aboard the Rayne- bow, and towards night we spake with the Swift-sure, and gave him 3. pieces. The captaines desired our 421 A.D. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES 1590. company ; wherefore we willingly attended on them : who at this time with 10. other ships stood for Faial. But the Generall with the rest of the Fleete were separated from us, making two fleetes, for the surer meeting with the Spanish fleete. On Wednesday the 23. we saw Gratiosa, where the Admiral and the rest of the Queens fleete were come together. The Admirall put forth a flag of counsel, in which was determined that the whole fleete should go for the mayne, and spred themselves on the coasts of Spaine and Portugal, so farre as conveniently they might, for the surer meeting of the Spanish fleete in those parts. The 26. we came to Faial, where the Admiral with some other of the fleete ankred, othersome plyed up and downe betweene that and the Pico untill midnight, at which time the Antony shot ofi^ a piece and weyed, shewing his light : after whom the whole fleete stood to the East, the winde at Northeast by East. On Sunday the 27. towards Evening wee tooke our [III. 295.] leave of the Admirall and the whole fleete, who stood to the East. But our shippe accompanied with a Fly- boate stoode in againe with S. George, where we pur- posed to take in more fresh water, and some other fresh victuals. On Wednesday the 30. of September, seeing the winde hang so Northerly, that wee could not atteine the Hand of S. George, we gave over our purpose to water there, and the next day framed our due course for England. October. THe 2. of October in the Morning we saw S. Michaels Hand on our Starre board quarter. The 23. at 10. of the clocke afore noone, we saw Ushant in Britaigne. On Saturday the 24. we came in safetie, God be thanked, to an anker at Plymmouth. 422 JOHN DE VERRAZZANO A.D. 1524. Certaine Voyages to Florida, and the later and more perfect Discoveries thereof, to wit, of all the Seacoasts, Rivers, Bayes, Havens, Isles, and Maine Landes farre up into the Countrey, and a Report of some Colonies and Fortes there planted and displanted, with a Descrip- tion of the Government, Disposition and Qualitie of the Naturall Inhabitants, and a Declaration of the Temperature of the Cli- mate, and of the manifolde good Commodities found in those Regions. To the most Christian King of France, Francis the first. The relation of John de Verrazzano a Florentine, of the land by him discovered in the name of his Majestie. Written in Diepe the eight of July, 1524.' Wrote not to your Majesty, most Christian king, since the time we suf- fered the tempest in the North partes, of the successe of the foure Shippes, which your Majestie sent forth to dis- cover new lands by the Ocean, thinking your Majestie had bene already duely enformed thereof. Now by these presents I will give your Majestie to understand, how by the violence of the windes we were forced with the two ships, the Norman and the Dolphin (in such evill case as they were) to land in Britaine. Where after wee had re- payred them in all poynts as was needefuU, and armed them very well, we tooke our course along by the coast of Spaine, which your Majestie shall understand by the profite that we received thereby. Afterwards with the Dolphin alone we determined to make dis- 423 A.D. 1524. The Isle of Madera. They discover land. [III. 296.] THE ENGLISH VOYAGES coverie of new Countries, to prosecute the navigation we had already begun, which I purpose at this present to recount unto your Majestic to make manifest the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17. of January the yeere 1524. by the grace of God we departed from the dishabited rocke by the isle of Madera, apperteining to the king of Portugal, with 50. men, with victuals, weapons, and other ship- munition very well provided & furnished for 8. moneths : And sayling Westwards with a faire Easterly winde, in 25. dayes we ran 500. leagues, and the 20. of Februarie we were overtaken with as sharpe and terrible a tempest as ever any saylers suffered : whereof with the divine helpe and mercifuU assistance of Al- mighty God, and the goodnesse of our shippe, accom- panied with the good happe of her fortunate name, we were delivered, and with a prosperous winde followed our course West and by North. And in other 25. dayes we made above 400. leagues more, where we discovered a new land, never before scene of any man cither ancient or moderne, and at the first sight it seemed somewhat low, but being within a quarter of a league of it, we perceived by the great fires that we saw by the Sea coast, that it was inhabited : and saw that the landc stretched to the Southwards. In seeking some convenient Harborough wherein to anchor and to have knowledge of the place, we saylcd fiftie leagues in vainc, and seeing the land to runne still to the Southwards, we resolved to returne backe againe towards the North, where wee found our selves troubled with the like difficultie. At length being in despaire to finde any Port, wee cast anchor upon the coast, and sent our Boate to shore, where we saw great store of people which came to the Sea side ; and seeing us approch, they fled away, and sometimes would stand still and looke backe, beholding us with great admiration : but afterwards being animated and assured with signes that we made them, some of them came hard to the Sea 424 JOHN DE VERRAZZANO a.d. 1524. side, seeming to rejoyce very much at the sight of us, and marveiling greatly at our apparel, shape and white- nesse, shewed us by sundry signes where we might most commodiously come aland with our Boat, offering us also of their victuals to eate. Now I wil briefly declare to your Majestie their life and maners, as farre as we could have notice thereof: These people goe altogether naked, except only that they cover their privie parts with certaine skins of beasts like unto Marterns, which they fasten unto a narrow girdle made of grasse very artificially wrought, hanged about with tayles of divers other beastes, which round about their