# Jamestown-era and later documentary testimony on the fate of the 1587 Roanoke colonists (1607–1625, with the later notices of 1651–1888)

Compiled from complete texts downloaded into `sources/` (inventory in §16). Every quotation below was copied from one of those files; nothing is quoted from memory.

## 0. Conventions

- **VERIFIED** = I read the words in the edition/transcription named, whose complete text is in `sources/`. **UNVERIFIED** = taken from a secondary summary or from a work I could not obtain; the words are given only as the secondary source gives them and are flagged.
- Spelling, capitals and punctuation are those of the edition cited. Long-s (ſ) in the EEBO-TCP transcriptions and in the 1617/1626 Purchas OCR is printed as s; u/v and i/j are left as printed. `[?]` = a letter the TCP transcribers could not read; `[...]` = my omission; other square brackets are editorial (Arber's, Kingsbury's, Major's, Barbour's or mine, as stated).
- "TCP" = EEBO Text Creation Partnership XML transcription (original pagination and marginal notes preserved; margins shown here as *[margin: ...]*). "OCR" = archive.org djvu text; the page numbers I give for OCR editions were established from the running heads in the OCR, not guessed.
- Scenario letters used throughout: **(a)** assimilated at Croatoan/Hatteras; **(b)** moved inland to the Chowan/Roanoke-river country and dispersed; **(c)** some group slaughtered by Powhatan c. 1607; **(d)** tried to sail home; **(e)** went to the Chesapeake (Quinn's thesis).
- Order of documents: chronological by composition, 1607/8 → 1888. Items that turned up in the reading (Hakluyt's 15 April 1609 dedication naming Ritanoe; the Council's *True and Sincere Declaration* of Dec. 1609; Hamor 1615 on Ocanahoen; the Virginia Company records of 1619–1622 on Roanoke; Yeardley 1654) are included in their places.

---

## 1. John Smith, *A True Relation of such occurrences and accidents of noate as hath hapned in Virginia* (written at Jamestown, sent home c. 2 June 1608; printed London, Aug. 1608, STC 22795)

**Editions used.** (i) EEBO-TCP A12470 — `sources/smith_true_relation_1608_TCP_A12470.txt` (from https://raw.githubusercontent.com/textcreationpartnership/A12470/master/A12470.xml); the quarto is unpaginated, so I cite the TCP facsimile image numbers (12, 13, 15). (ii) Edward Arber (ed.), *Travels and Works of Captain John Smith*, Edinburgh 1910, vol. I — `sources/smith_works_arber1910_vol1_djvu.txt` (https://archive.org/download/travelsworksofca0001edwa/travelsworksofca0001edwa_djvu.txt); Arber's page 20 is confirmed by a running head; pages 17 and 23 come from Arber's index (the running heads for those pages were not captured by the OCR). (iii) Philip L. Barbour (ed.), *Complete Works of Captain John Smith* (1986) I, as digitised at Virtual Jamestown — a companion extract `sources/barbour_smith_works_vol1_extracts.txt` (Barbour's printed page numbers not recoverable there).

### 1.1 Opechancanough's report (Dec. 1607) — TCP image 12; Arber I p. 17 — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "the King too[ke] great delight in vnderstanding the manner of our ships and sayling the seas, the earth & skies and of our God: what he knew of the dominious he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me, the course of our riuer, and that within 4 or 5 daies iourney of the falles, was a great turning of salt water: I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh, with a letter I would write, by which they shold vnderstand, how kindly they vsed me, and that I was well least they should reuenge my death: [...] their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deuerted, in describing the ordinance & the mines in the fields, as also the reuenge Captain Newport would take of them at his returne, their intent, I incerted the fort, the people of Ocanahonum and the back sea, this report they after found diuers Indians that c[?]nfirmed"

Arber I p. 17 prints the key clause "as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me: the course of our riuer" (VERIFIED, OCR line 10909).

Barbour's textual note (Complete Works I, note w to ll. 15-16) — VERIFIED in the Virtual Jamestown extract: "'Ocanahonan'; in margin, '[Oc]onahawan'; and in ll. 26-27, below, 'Ocanahonum.' The phrase 'as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan' has been corrected to read, 'as of certaine men at a place 6 dayes jorny beyond Ocanahonan.' See the Generall Historie, 110: 'five daies journey from us'". Barbour 1975 (p. 4, VERIFIED) says the correction is "in pen and ink by an anonymous annotator" in a copy of the 1608 quarto. Barbour n. 111 (VERIFIED): "Ocanahonan (Ocanahowan) seems to have been a Mangoak (non-Powhatan) town near the modern Virginia-North Carolina boundary, west of the Chowan River".

*Informant:* Opechancanough, "the King" of Pamunkey, while Smith was his prisoner (c. 16–29 Dec. 1607), before Smith was carried to Powhatan. *Implications:* the earliest datable Jamestown intelligence of Europeans ("cloathed like me") in the interior, at a place called Ocanahonan; nothing about a killing. The contemporary manuscript correction moves the clothed men "6 dayes jorny beyond Ocanahonan". Supports (b); says nothing for or against (c); irrelevant to (a)/(d)/(e) except that the direction is inland/south.

### 1.2 Powhatan's report (c. 30 Dec. 1607 – 1 Jan. 1608, Werowocomoco) — TCP image 13; Arber I p. 20 — VERIFIED (TCP and Arber)

> "Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeues to the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie Riuer, issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt the two Seas, the people cloathed at Ocamahowan. He also confirmed, and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest, that reported vs to be within a day & a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6. from Roo[?]ock, to the south part of the backe sea: he described a countrie called Anone, where they haue abundance of Brasse, and houses walled as outs. I required his discourse, seeing what pride hee had in his great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe were vnder his Territories."

Arber I p. 20 repunctuates: "The people cloathed at Ocamahowan, he also confirmed; and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest that reported vs to be within a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6. from Roonock, to the south part of the backe sea: He described a countrie called Anone, where they haue abundance of Brasse, and houses walled as ours." (VERIFIED, OCR lines 11119-11124; Arber reads "Roonock", "ours", "requited"). Barbour n. 134 (VERIFIED): "see Strachey, Historie, 56-57, for a parallel, with 'Anoeg' for Smith's 'Anone'".

*Informant:* Powhatan (Wahunsenacawh) himself; "the rest" = Opechancanough and "an Indian which had been prisoner to Powhatan" (Smith's own words as quoted by Brown, Genesis I p. 186). *Implications:* Powhatan "confirmed" clothed people at Ocamahowan and located Mangoge, Chawwonock and "Roonock" to the south, and a brass-rich "Anone" with "houses walled as ours" (cf. Strachey's Anoeg "whose howses are built as ours", §5.4, and the stone-walled houses at Peccarecamek/Ochanahoen "so taught them by those Englishe", §5.2). Powhatan volunteers this in Dec. 1607/Jan. 1608 without any hint of a massacre — which is either evidence against (c) as of that date, or (if the Council of 1609 and Strachey are right that the killing happened "vppon the first arrivall of our Colonie") evidence that he was pointing the English away from his own doings. Supports (b). The short-coated people "in Shippes like ours" beyond the head of the Bay are a different report (northern/European ships), not Roanoke.

### 1.3 The Paspahegh king and Panawicke (Jan.–Feb. 1608) — TCP image 15; Arber I p. 23 — VERIFIED (TCP and Arber)

> "We had agreed with y<sup>t</sup> king of Paspahegh to conduct two of our men to a place called Panawicke beyond R[?]onok, where he reported many men to be apparelled. Wee lended him at Warraskoyack, where playing the villaine, and deluding vs for rewards, returned within three or foure dayes after without going further."

Arber I p. 23 reads "Panawicke beyond Roonok" and "Wee landed him at Warraskoyack, where [he] playing the villaine" (VERIFIED, OCR line 11316 for the first clause; the bracket is Arber's). Barbour n. 154 (VERIFIED): "Panawick ('Panawaioc,' etc.) appears on Theodore de Bry's map of North Carolina (based on John White's map), but its location is uncertain (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 849, 872). The incident is not mentioned in the Proceedings or the Generall Historie, though there is reference to it in the Smith/Zúñiga map (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 240). Strachey gives further information (Historie, 34). Note that some such phrase as 'like me' is missing at the end of the sentence."

*Informant:* Wowinchopunck, weroance of Paspahegh (the tribe on whose land Jamestown stood). *Implications:* a second, independent Powhatan-confederacy report of "many men ... apparelled" at a named place "beyond Roonok", i.e. south of Roanoke; the guide pocketed the reward and turned back; the Zúñiga chart (§2) records both the landing and that he "reported our men to be and went to se[e]". Supports (b) (Panawiock is placed by Barbour between the Pamlico and the Roanoke, by the First Colony Foundation near the Cashie River or Salmon Creek in Bertie County) and is at least compatible with (a) if "beyond Roonok" is read loosely.

---

## 2. The "Zúñiga chart" (drawn at Jamestown, sent to England June 1608) and Don Pedro de Zúñiga's covering letter (Highgate, 10 Sept. 1608)

**What it is.** A manuscript chart of Virginia sent by the Spanish ambassador Zúñiga to Philip III with his letter of 10 Sept. 1608, now in the Archivo General de Simancas (the modern call number MPD 19-163 is UNVERIFIED — none of the texts I read gives it; Brown cites the letter as "Dept. of State vol. 2586 fol. 145"). Encyclopedia Virginia: "likely Smith's" and "written on four sheets of paper adhered together"; Barbour calls it "the Smith/Zuniga map"; Brown: "This chart must have been sent to England by Captain Francis Nelson, who left Virginia June 2, 1608 ... It illustrates Captain John Smith's 'True Relation' (LIV.), and was sent from Virginia with it."

**Editions used.** Alexander Brown, *The Genesis of the United States* (1890) I, no. LVI (letter, pp. 183-184) and no. LVII "Chart of Virginia" (pp. 184-190) — `sources/brown_genesis_united_states_vol1_1890_djvu.txt` (https://archive.org/download/genesisofuniteds0001alex/genesisofuniteds0001alex_djvu.txt); Philip L. Barbour, "Ocanahowan and Recently Discovered Linguistic Fragments from Southern Virginia, c. 1650", *Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference* (1975) pp. 2-17 — `sources/barbour_1975_ocanahowan_algonquian_conference.txt` (a pypdf extraction of the Carleton PDF); Encyclopedia Virginia, "Zúñiga Chart" — `sources/encyclopediavirginia_zuniga_chart_extract.txt` (web-page extraction, 2026-09-14); First Colony Foundation, "English in Chowan country" — `sources/FCF_news_english_in_chowan_country.txt` (modernised readings after Cumming). **Not reached:** Barbour, *The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter* (Hakluyt Society 1969) I pp. 238-240 (the standard diplomatic transcription and reproduction) — archive.org lending copy refused download; D. B. Quinn's discussions — same. Readings from those two are therefore UNVERIFIED.

### 2.1 Zúñiga to Philip III, 10 Sept. 1608 — Brown I pp. 183-184 (Brown's English translation) — VERIFIED

> "SIRE: — I have thought proper to send Y. M. a plan of Virginia (LVII.) and another of the Fort (LVIII.) which the English have erected there, together with a report (LIX.) given me by a person who has been there. Still, I am trying to learn more and I shall report about it. I received just now, by way of Flanders, the letter which Y. M. was pleased to command to be written to me on the 16th of last month, with the Report which contains the reasons then existing for sending to the galleys the English, who in 1606 were found in our waters, and I shall make such use of it as I am commanded by Y. M. Whose Catholic and Royal person God preserve as all Christendom requires it. At Higuete [Highgate ?] September 10. 1608. Don PEDRO DE ZUNIGA."

The letter itself says nothing about Roanoke or lost Englishmen; all of Zúñiga's letters printed by Brown in vol. I (nos. IV, X, XIV, XVII, XXIV, XXVIII-XXXI, XXXV, XXXVII, XLII, L, LVI, LXI, LXII and later) were searched for "Roanoke/Roonock/lost colony/men left/left by Sir" and none mentions the colonists (VERIFIED negative for Brown's translations; Spanish originals UNVERIFIED).

### 2.2 The legends on the chart — three transcribers compared

| Legend | Brown 1890 (I p. 185) — VERIFIED | Barbour 1975 (pp. 4-5) — VERIFIED | Encyclopedia Virginia — VERIFIED (web-page extraction) | FCF (after Cumming) — VERIFIED |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| The four men | "Here remayneth 4 men clothed that came from Roonock to Ocanahawan." | "Here remayne the 4 men clothed that came from Roonock to Okanahowan;" — "next to" the town "Pakerikanick on the second important river to the south" | "here remayneth 4 men clothes to came fro roonock to oconohowan" — "On the left side of the map, at Pakranick on the Neuse River" | "here remain the 4 men clothed that came from roonock to okanahowan" |
| Paspahegh's report | "Here the King of Paspahege reported our men to be and wants to go." | "here the king of Paspaheygh reported our men to be and went to se[e]" — "north of this river (the modern Neuse) a larger river is shown (the Pamlico) and between that and the Roanoke there is another note" | — | "here the king of the paspahegh reported our men to be and went to see" |
| The landing | "Here Paspahege and 2 of our own men landed to go to Pananiock." | "here Paspanegn and two of our men landed to go to Panawiock" — "still more to the north, at Warraskoyack (on the modern Pagan River)" | — | "here paspahegh and 2 of our men landed to go to panawiock" — "on the south shore of the James River at or near the modern Pagan River" |
| Others | "'Amongst high rocks,' etc. I am unable to decipher this legend." / "Monacan 2 days Jorney." / "20 miles above this C. S. was taken." / "Pocaughtawonaucks, a salvage people dwelling upon the bay beyond this mayne that eat of men and women." | — | "here the salt water beatethe into the rier amonts these rocks being the south sea" / "Pocoughtawonauck. A Salvage people Dwelling upon this seay beyond this mayne that eate the men and women" | — |

Note the disagreements: Brown and EV read "remayneth", Barbour "remayne the"; EV's "clothes to came fro" is evidently a mis-transcription of "clothed that came fro[m]"; Brown reads the town as "Pananiock" ("This is the Pananaioc of Smith's Map of Ould Virginia"), Barbour and FCF "Panawiock"; the Ocanahowan spelling is read three ways. Only Barbour's 1969 diplomatic transcription (unreached) or the original can settle these.

### 2.3 Brown's commentary (I pp. 185-186, 190) — VERIFIED

> "[Mem. — The three rivers given on the chart, south of the James, were probably intended for the Neuse, the Tar, and the Roanoke rivers. Ocanahowan was probably supposed to be on the Neuse.]" — on the Paspahegh legend: "This is possibly in the present Sampson County, North Carolina." — on the landing: "[Mem. — The landing from the chart was probably in Pagan Creek, Isle of Wight County.]" — and (p. 190, after quoting McMillan 1888): "It will be noted that the Croatan tradition is not at variance with the chart, from which it seems the Indians and lost colonists went from Roanoke westward up the present Roanoke River to Ocanohowan, and from thence to Pakrakanick (or Peccarecamek, Strachey), probably on the Neuse River, near Sampson County, where it seems they were reported to be in 1608."

Brown also notes (p. 186) that Smith "does not mention this incident [the Panawicke attempt] at this time in his General History; but in referring to an expedition of December, 1608, under his own command, he says, that he sent from Warraskoyack, Master Sicklemore and two guides 'to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleigh's.'"

### 2.4 Barbour's placing of the names (1975, pp. 4-5, 10-13) — VERIFIED

> "It shows Ocanahowan on the south side of a river which must be the Roanoke some distance above its confluence with the river now called the Chowan." — "between Lane's comments and the Smith/Zuniga map it can readily be deduced that Ocahanowan was a Mangoak town" — "we shall perhaps not be far wrong if we place Ocanahowan west of the Chowan River, and west of the Algonquian tribes of the coastal region, but within the territory occupied by Iroquoians." — "it is possible that Hocomowananck is identifiable with Ocanahowan (John Lawson's Unanauhan, a Tuscarora village)" — "Hocomowananck was almost certainly at or near modern Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina" — "Tentatively we can place it at or near Hocomowananck."

*Informants behind the chart:* the same as §1 — Opechancanough/Powhatan (the four clothed men who "came from Roonock to Ocanahowan") and Wowinchopunck (the landing and the "went to see"). The chart adds what the *True Relation* text does not: the **number four**, and the direction of movement "from Roonock to Ocanahowan". *Implications:* the number "4 men" reappears in the Council's instructions of May 1609 ("foure of the englishe aliue", §4) and in Strachey ("fower men, two boyes, and one yonge mayde", §5.2): the 1608 chart is the root of that tradition. Strong support for (b); nothing about a slaughter; it locates the survivors well south of Powhatan's country, which tells against (e) as the survivors' final position and is neutral on (a) except that Roonock is treated as the point of departure.

---

## 3. George Percy, *Observations gathered out of a Discourse of the Plantation of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the English, 1606* (written 1607-08; printed, abridged, by Purchas 1625)

**Editions used.** Purchas, *Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes* (1625) part IV, lib. 9 cap. 2, p. 1689 — TCP A71306 `sources/purchas_pilgrimes_1625_part4_TCP_A71306.txt` (https://raw.githubusercontent.com/textcreationpartnership/A71306/master/A71306.xml) and OCR `sources/purchas_pilgrimes_1625_part4_djvu.txt`; MacLehose (Glasgow) reprint vol. XVIII (1906) p. 413 — `sources/purchas_pilgrimes_glasgow1906_vol18_djvu.txt`.

### 3.1 The yellow-haired boy (May 1607) — Purchas 1625 IV p. 1689; Glasgow XVIII p. 413 — VERIFIED (TCP and Glasgow)

> "At Port Cotage in our Voyage vp the Riuer, we saw a Sauage Boy about the age of ten yeeres, *[margin: Yellow haired Virginian.]* which had a head of haire of a perfect yellow and a reasonable white skinne, which is a Miracle amongst all Sauages."

*Informant:* Percy's own eyes, during the first exploration up the James (the passage sits in his account of the voyage with Newport in May 1607; "Port Cotage" is not identified by Purchas). *Implications:* a child born c. 1597 with European colouring on the James River. It is compatible with (e) (Englishmen living among the Chesapeake/James tribes before 1607) but equally with earlier European contact (the Spanish Ajacán mission 1570-72, Lane's men on the Chesapeake 1585-86, or unrecorded visits); Percy makes no link to Roanoke. It is the only physical-appearance evidence in the Jamestown corpus, and Strachey never mentions it. Weak on its own.

---

## 4. The Council of the Virginia Company, *Instruccons orders and constitucons ... to Sir Thomas Gates knight Governor of Virginia* (London, May 1609)

**What it is.** The Company's instructions to the first Lieutenant-Governor under the second charter; Gates sailed 2 June 1609 in the *Sea Venture*, was wrecked on Bermuda, and the instructions reached Virginia only in May 1610. Manuscript: Bodleian Library, Ashmolean MS 1147 ff. 175-190a. **Edition used.** Susan M. Kingsbury (ed.), *The Records of the Virginia Company of London* III (Washington 1933), document V, pp. 12-24 — `sources/kingsbury_records_virginia_company_vol3_1933_djvu.txt` (https://archive.org/download/recordsofvirgini03virg/recordsofvirgini03virg_djvu.txt; page numbers confirmed by the running heads "MAY, 1609 15" and "MAY, 1609 17"); a companion extract of §§15-16 is `sources/kingsbury_vol3_1609_instructions_extract.txt`; Barbour 1975 p. 7 prints §15 in a lightly modernised form (VERIFIED, and used to control the OCR). Kingsbury's sigla are kept: "§ ... §" encloses words she marks as interlined or altered in the MS (her apparatus not re-read: the meaning of the sigla is UNVERIFIED), "[178]", "[181]" are folio numbers; the OCR loses her superscript abbreviations (yo<sup>r</sup> = your, w<sup>ch</sup> = which, p̄ = pro/pre etc.).

### 4.1 §7 — the priests — pp. 14-15 — VERIFIED (OCR, page confirmed)

> "7 You shall, with all propenseues and diligence, endeavour the conversion of the natiues to the knowledge and worship of the true §god§ and their redeemer Christ Jesus, as the most pious and noble end of this [178] plantacon, wch the better to effect you must procure from them some convenient nomber of their Children to be brought vp in yor language, and manners, and if you finde it convenient, we thinke it reasonable you first remoue from them their Iniocasockes or Priestes by a surprise of them all and detayninge them prisoners, for they are so wrapped vp in the fogge and miserie of their iniquity, and so tirrified with their continuall tirrany Chayned vnder the bond of Deathe vnto the Divell that while they liue amounge them to poyson and infecte them their mindes, you shall neuer make any greate progres into this glorious worke, nor haue any Civill peace or concurre with them. And in case of necessity, [p. 15] or conveniency, we pronounce it not crueltie nor breache of Charity to deale more sharpely with them and to proceede even to dea[th]e with these murtherers of Soules and sacrificers of gods images to the Divill referringe the consideracon of this as a waighty matter of important consequence to the Circumstances of the busines and place in yor discrecon"

(Kingsbury's side-heads on p. 14: "Conversion of Virginians", "Education of children", "Iniocasock preestes".)

### 4.2 §15 — Ohonahorn, Ritanoc, Peccarecamicke and the four Englishmen — p. 17 — VERIFIED (OCR, page confirmed; controlled against Barbour 1975)

> "15 Foure dayes Journey from yor forte Southewards is a towne called Ohonahorn seated where the Riuer of Choanocki devideth it self into three braunches and falleth into the sea of Rawnocke in thirtie fiue degrees this place if you seeke by Indian guides from James forte to Winocke by water, from thence to Manqueocke, some twenty miles from thence to Caththega, as much and from thence to Oconahoen you shall finde a braue and [181] fruiteful seate euery way vnaccessable by a straunger enemy, much more abundant in Pochon and in the grasse silke called Cour del Cherva and in vines, then any parte of this land knowne vnto vs Here we suppose, if you make yor principall and cheife seate, you shall doe most safely and Richely because you are in the part of §the§ land inclined to the southe, and two of the best riuers will supply you, besides you are neere to Riche Copper mines of Ritanoc and may passe them by one braunche of this Riuer, and by another Peccarecamicke where you shall finde foure of the englishe aliue, left by Sr Walter Rawely wch escaped from the slaughter of Powhaton of Roanocke, vppon the first arrivall of our Colonie, and liue vnder the proteccon of a wiroane called Gepanocon enemy to Powhaton, by whose consent you shall neuer recouer them, one of these were worth much labour, and if you finde them not, yet seach into this Countrey it is more probable then towards the north."

Kingsbury's side-heads (OCR garbled): "Ohonahoen, chief [seat]", "Rawnocke", "Winocke", "Oconahoen", "Pochon", "Ritanoc", "Peccarecamicke", "Powhaton", "Gepanocon a wi[roance]". Barbour reads the third station as "Gaththega" (OCR "Caththega"); he glosses "in thirtie five degrees [correctly, 36° N lat.]". §16 begins: "These three habitacons seeme enoughe for the nomber of the people nowe transported".

*Informant:* the Council in London. Its sources can only have been (i) Newport, who reached England in Jan. 1609 with Smith's letters and the *Map of Virginia* material, and (ii) the two Powhatan Indians he brought, Namontack and Machumps (see §4a and §5.2). *Implications:* this is the **first written statement of a Powhatan slaughter of the Roanoke colonists**, dated May 1609 — a year before Strachey set foot in Virginia. It is explicit for (c) ("the slaughter of Powhaton of Roanocke, vppon the first arrivall of our Colonie" — i.e. c. April-May 1607) and equally explicit for (b) (four survivors at Peccarecamicke under Gepanocon, "enemy to Powhaton", with copper mines at Ritanoc). The closing "it is more probable then towards the north" shows the Council thought the survivors lay south of the James, not in the Chesapeake, which weighs against (e) as a *surviving* location. Grammar: "the slaughter of Powhaton of Roanocke" reads most naturally as "the slaughter made by Powhatan of [the colony of] Roanoke"; it is not a statement that the killing took place on Roanoke Island. The order to seize the "Iniocasockes or Priestes" (§7) is justified in the text by conversion, not by the slaughter; the connection between priests and slaughter is made only by Strachey (§5.7).

---

## 4a. Richard Hakluyt, Epistle Dedicatorie to *Virginia richly valued* (dated Westminster, 15 April 1609; printed London 1609)

**Editions used.** The companion file `sources/hakluyt1609_virginia_richly_valued_dedication.txt`, which contains (a) W. B. Rye's Hakluyt Society reprint (1851) pp. 1-7 and (b) the OCR of the 1609 original (John Carter Brown copy); both from archive.org (URLs in the file header). Both OCRs garble the italic type of the passage; the wording below is what the two readings agree on, with the 1609 OCR's letter-forms corrected (its raw line is: "Befides, our owne Indians hane lately renealed either this or another rich mine of copperor gold in atowne called Ritanoe, neere certaine mountaines hing Weft of Reanoat."). VERIFIED as to substance and the name Ritanoe; individual garbled letters reconstructed.

> "But what neede I stand vpon forren testimonies, since Master Thomas Heriot, a man of much iudgement in these causes, signified vnto you all, at your late solemne meeting at the house of the right honourable the Earle of Exeter, how to the Southwest of our old fort in Virginia, the Indians often informed him, that there was a great melting of red mettall, reporting the manner in working of the same. Besides, our owne Indians haue lately reuealed either this or another rich mine of copper or gold in a towne called Ritanoe, neere certaine mountaines lying West of Roanoac."

*Informant:* "our owne Indians" = the Powhatan men then in London, Namontack and Machumps (in England from Jan. 1609); Harriot's testimony at a Company meeting at Exeter House. *Implications:* **Ritanoe was already known in London as a copper/gold town "West of Roanoac" a month before the Gates instructions** and three years before Strachey wrote. It supports the reading that the whole Ritanoe/Eyanoco story came from Machumps in London in the winter of 1608-09 (so Strachey, §5.2: "by the relation of Machumps"), and that the Council's §15 and Strachey's p. 26 are two redactions of the same informant's report, not independent testimonies. Hakluyt puts Ritanoe "neere certaine mountaines lying West of Roanoac"; the Council reaches it "by one braunche of this Riuer" (the Chowan/Roanoke system). Neutral on (a)-(e) except as a marker of copper-country (b).

---

## 4b. The Council of Virginia, *A True and Sincere declaration of the purpose and ends of the Plantation begun in Virginia* (London, Dec. 1609; printed 1610)

**Edition used.** Brown, *Genesis* I, no. CXIV, pp. 337-353; the passage is on p. 349 (running head "A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 349") — VERIFIED (OCR).

> "in the intelligence of some of our Nation planted by Sir Walter Raleigh, yet a live, within fifty mile of our fort, who can open the womb and bowels of this country; as is testified by two of our colony sent out to seek them, who, (though denied by the savages speech with them) found crosses and Letters the Characters and assured Testimonies of Christians newly cut in the barks of trees:"

*Informant:* the Council, writing after the return of the 1609 ships (autumn 1609), on the strength of letters from Virginia; "two of our colony sent out to seek them" can only be Sicklemore (to Chowanoke, Dec. 1608–Jan. 1609) and/or Nathaniel Powell and Anas Todkill (to the Mangoags, 1609) — see §6.3, §7.5. *Implications:* the only Jamestown-era claim of physical evidence of survivors ("crosses and Letters ... newly cut in the barks of trees"), and a claim that the savages "denied ... speech with them". It flatly contradicts Smith's own summary of the same journeys ("found little hope and lesse certainetie"; "nothing could we learne but they were all dead"). "Within fifty mile of our fort" points to the Nottoway/Meherrin/Chowan zone — (b). The Company had every motive, after the loss of the *Sea Venture*, to print the most hopeful gloss. Smith never repeats the tree-carvings claim.

---

## 5. William Strachey, *The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia* (written 1610-1612; first printed 1849)

**What it is.** Strachey sailed with Gates in June 1609, was wrecked on Bermuda, reached Jamestown May 1610, served as secretary of the colony until autumn 1611, and finished the *Historie* in England in 1612 (three presentation MSS: Princeton — dedicated to Bacon; BL Sloane 1622 — to Northumberland; Bodleian Ashmole 1758). **Editions used.** R. H. Major (ed.), Hakluyt Society 1st ser. 6 (1849), printed from Sloane 1622: BSB scan OCR `sources/strachey_historie_major1849_bsb_djvu.txt` (https://archive.org/download/10465826bsb/10465826bsb_djvu.txt; every page number below verified from the running heads "NN HISTORIE OF TRAVAILE" / "INTO VIRGINIA. NN") and Google scan OCR `sources/strachey_historie_major1849_google_djvu.txt` (used only to check garbled words). Brown, *Genesis* I p. 185 (no. CCXVII) reprints the p. 26 passage with its side-note. **Not reached:** L. B. Wright and V. Freund (eds.), Hakluyt Society 2nd ser. 103 (1953), from the Princeton MS; its readings appear here only as quoted by Barbour 1975 (marked so) — the MS variants are therefore UNVERIFIED. Companion extract: `sources/strachey_1849_extracts.txt`.

### 5.1 *Praemonition to the Reader*, p. 20 — VERIFIED

> "and thus we will commune and entreate with them, truck, and barter, our commodityes for theires, and theires for ours (of which they seeme more faine) in all love and freindship, untill, for our good purposes towards them, we shall finde them practize violence or treason against us (as they have done to our other colony at Roanoak) : when then, I would gladly knowe (of such who presume to knowe all things), whether we maye stand upon our owne innocency or no, or hold yt a scruple in humanitye, or any breach of charity (to prevent our owne throats from the cutting), to drawe our swordes, et vim vi repellere ?"

*Informant:* Strachey's own argument (no source named). *Implication:* "treason ... to our other colony at Roanoak" — the Roanoke colony is treated as a known case of Indian treachery; "Roanoak" here is the colony's name, not necessarily the island. (c).

### 5.2 Book I cap. 2, p. 26 — the stone houses, Machumps, Ritanoe, Eyanoco — VERIFIED (BSB OCR; Brown's transcription agrees)

> "This high land is, in all likelyhoodes, a pleasant tract, and the mowld fruictfull, especially what may lye to the so-ward ; where, at Peccarecamek and Ochanahoen, by the relation of Machumps,<sup>1</sup> the people have howses built with stone walles, and one story above another, so taught them by those Englishe whoe escaped the slaughter at Roanoak, at what tyme this our colony, under the conduct of Capt. Newport,<sup>2</sup> landed within the Chesapeake Bay, where the people breed up tame turkeis about their howses, and take apes in the mountaines, and where, at Ritanoe, the Weroance Eyanoco preserved seven of the English alive—fower men, two boyes, and one yonge mayde (who escaped and fled up the river of Chanoke), to beat his copper, of which he hath certaine mynes at the said Ritanoe, as also at Pamawauk are said to be store of salt stones."

Major's notes: "<sup>1</sup> An Indian subsequently mentioned." "<sup>2</sup> In 1607, Captain Newport sailed in command of a squadron of three vessels, with one hundred and ten settlers, and reached Chesapeake Bay ..." (VERIFIED). Side-note of the Sloane MS as printed by Major and transcribed by Brown (I p. 185): "Howses of stone, tame Turkyes, and Monkyes, supposed at Peccartcanick." (VERIFIED in Brown; the BSB OCR of the margin reads "Howses of ... turkyes and ... yes, suppose at Peccart-canick", consistent).

Princeton-MS text as printed by Wright & Freund p. 34 and quoted by Barbour 1975 p. 8 — UNVERIFIED against Wright & Freund, VERIFIED as Barbour's quotation: "This highland is in all likelyhoodes a pleasant Tract, and the Mould fruictfull, especially what may lye to the Southward, where at Peccarecanicke and Ochanahoen, by the Relation of Machumps [brother of one of Powhatan's wives], the People have howses built with stone walls, and one story above another, so taught them by those English who ascaped the slaughter at Roanoak, at what tyme this our Colony under the Conduct of Captain Newport) landed within the Chesapeack Bay, and where the people breed up tame Turkeis about their howses, and take Apes in the Mountayns, and where at Ritanoe, the Weroance Eyanoco [cf. the instructions to Gates, above] preserved 7. of the English alive, fower men, twoo Boyes, and one young Maid, who escaped and fled up the River of Chaonoke, to beat his Copper, of which he hath certayn Mynes at the said Ritanoe, as also at Pannawaick are said to be store of salt stones." Its side-notes (Barbour, same page): "Peccarecanick between 35. and 36. degrees of the Line: and in her warme Vallyes may be planted, Sugar-Canes, Oranges, Lemons, and all sortes of Southren fruites, and whatsoever, the South-Spaine, Italy, Barbary, Greece, Judea, and Syria bring forth being answerable to the same height." and "Likewise Silk of the grass: and habundaunce of the dying Roote." — note that these side-notes differ entirely from the Sloane side-note printed by Major: an MS variant worth checking in Wright & Freund.

*Informant:* Machumps — named by Strachey here and only here as the source. Strachey describes him at p. 54 (§5.6) as an Indian "who was sometyme in England" — he went to England with Newport in Dec. 1608 and the First Colony Foundation states (its article, VERIFIED as its statement) that "During the winter of 1609 Machumps spoke with William Strachey ... in London"; he returned to Virginia in the Gates fleet of 1609-10. *Implications:* (c) — a "slaughter at Roanoak" dated to Newport's landing (April-May 1607); (b) — survivors ("those Englishe whoe escaped") teaching stone building at Peccarecamek and Ochanahoen, and seven (4 men, 2 boys, 1 girl) at Ritanoe under Eyanoco beating copper, having "fled up the river of Chanoke" (Chowan). The two boys and a girl imply children born in the colony (cf. Purchas's "some children were borne to them there", §8.6). Note that the Council's §15 has *four* at Peccarecamicke under Gepanocon, Strachey *seven* at Ritanoe under Eyanoco: the same informant's report (see §4a) filtered twice, or two reports conflated. "Pamawauk"/"Pannawaick" with "store of salt stones" is the Panawicke/Panawiock of Smith and the chart. Neither Sloane nor (per Barbour) Princeton says where "Roanoak" was.

### 5.3 Book I cap. 2, pp. 27-28 — South Virginia and Roanoke not under Powhatan — VERIFIED

Side-note (foot of p. 27): "Ronoak not under the commaund of Powhatan." Text (p. 28):

> "South Virginia is a very low, sandy soyle, without rocks, or any stones at all; yt is thick sett with woodes of divers kindes, and in all things resembleth North Virginia, excepted the lownesse of the land and want of stones; yt hath divers rivers in yt, but none navigable to our knowledge; yt hath many islands, which lie into the sea before the firme land, but the water is not deepe for shippinge betweene them and the mayne. Yt is said to have of the same silke whereof the Chynoes make their damaske, called by the Portugalls sone del cherua, in great aboundaunce, and sondry apothecary druggs, which are nowe found likewise as frequent in our north parte; it is a fruitfull countrey, and not much subject to cold ; in this country it was that Sir Walter Raleigh planted his two colonies, in the islande aforesaid, called Roanoack. No parte of this sowth country is supposed to be under Powhatan, but under an absolute Weroance, as powerfull and great as Powhatan."

*Implications:* Strachey's "Roanoack" is the island, in a South Virginia "not ... under Powhatan"; he therefore did not think Powhatan ruled Roanoke — the slaughter he alleges (§5.7) is of people "out of his territory". ("sone del cherua" = the Council's "Cour del Cherva", the silk-grass: the two texts share a source.)

### 5.4 Book I cap. 5, pp. 48-49 — Powhatan's bounds: the Mangoages, Chawonoaks, Anoeg, and Weinock — VERIFIED

> "The greatnes and boundes of whose empire, by reason of his powerfulnes and ambition in his youth, hath larger lymitts then ever had any of his predicessors in former tymes, for he seemes to comaund south and north from the Mangoages and Chawonoaks bordering upon Roanoake, and the Old Virginia, to Tockwogh, a towne pallisadode, standing at the north end of the bay, in forty degrees or thereabouts; south-west to Anoeg (not expressed in the mappe), whose howses are built as ours, ten daies distant from us, from whence those Weroances sent unto him of their comodityes ; as Weinock, a servant, in whom Powhatan reposed much trust, would tell our elder planters, and could repeat many wordes of their language he had learned among them in his ymployment thither for his kinge, and whence he often returned, full of presents, to Powhatan, west to Monahassanugh, ..."

*Informant:* "Weinock, a servant" of Powhatan who had travelled to Anoeg, as reported by "our elder planters" (the 1607 men, i.e. Smith's circle). *Implications:* Anoeg = Smith's Anone ("houses walled as ours", §1.2); Strachey again puts Powhatan's southern frontier at "the Mangoages and Chawonoaks bordering upon Roanoake". If the Anoeg/Anone houses "built as ours" are English-taught, this is (b) again; but Strachey does not say so here.

### 5.5 Book I cap. 5, p. 50 — "the same cuppe ... at Ronoak" — VERIFIED

> "he doth often send unto us to temporize with us, awayting perhapps a fit opportunity (inflamed by his furious and bloudy priests) to offer us a tast of the same cuppe which he made our poore countrymen drinck of at Ronoak,<sup>1</sup> not yet seeming willing to hold any open quarrell or hostility with us;"

Major's note 1: "The colony planted by Sir Walter Raleigh, which Powhatan destroyed." (VERIFIED). *Implication:* (c); priests again the instigators; "at Ronoak" = the colony, unlocated.

### 5.6 Book I cap. 6, p. 54 — who Machumps was — VERIFIED

> "He was reported by the said Kemps, as also by the Indian Machumps, who was sometyme in England, and comes to and fro amongst us as he dares, and as Powhatan gives him leave, for yt is not otherwise safe for him, no more then yt was for one Amarice, who had his braynes knockt out for selling but a baskett of corne, and lying in the English fort two or three daies without Powhatan's leave; I say they often reported unto us that Powhatan had then lyving twenty sonnes and ten daughters, besyde a young one by Winganuske, ..."

(Side-notes: "His ..." / "Twenty ... daughters.") *Implication:* Machumps was a Powhatan insider with limited freedom to talk to the English; Strachey's information from him was gathered "amongst us" in Virginia (1610-11) as well as, per FCF, in London (1609). The Barbour gloss "brother of one of Powhatan's wives" (Winganuske) is Barbour's, not Strachey's here.

### 5.7 Book I cap. 9, pp. 85-86 — the slaughter, "twenty and od yeares", the priests — VERIFIED

> "declaring (in the attempt thereof) unto the several weroances, and making the comon people likewise to understand, how that his majestie hath bene acquainted, that the men, women, and childrene of the first plantation at Roanoak were by practize and comaundement of Powhatan (he himself perswaded therunto by his priests) miserably slaughtered, without any offence given him either by the first planted (who twenty and od yeares had peaceably lyved intermixt with those salvages, and were out of his territory) or by those who nowe are come to inhabite some parte of his desarte lands, and to trade with him for some comodityes of ours, which he and his people stand in want of; notwithstanding, because his majestie is, of all the world, the most just and the most mercifull prince, he hath given order that Powhatan himself, with the weroances and all the people, shalbe spared, and revenge only taken upon his Quiyoughquisocks, by whose advise and perswasions was exercised that bloudy cruelty, and only how that Powhatan himself and the weroances must depend on his majestie, both acknowledging him for their superiall lord ; [...] the true God, and his governour king James, comaunding that the childrene of men be preserved and not slaughtered without offence given, as the devill and his Quiyoughquisocks have ordeyned. Against which Sathanicall invention, maye yt please his majestie to make an ordinaunce, that the fathers of those childrene, and all that consent unto the sacrifices hereafter, shalbe put to death as traytors to God and his majestie."

*Informant:* none named. The framing — "his majestie hath bene acquainted ... he hath given order ... revenge only taken upon his Quiyoughquisocks" — is a policy statement matching the Council's instruction to seize the priests (§4.1) and its slaughter statement (§4.2); Strachey was in London when both were drafted (May 1609) and almost certainly writes from Company doctrine, not from a Virginia informant. *Implications:* (c) in its fullest form: "the men, women, and childrene of the first plantation at Roanoak" (note: "first plantation" — Strachey elsewhere counts Raleigh's "two colonies"; here the 1587 colony is meant, since Lane's men left alive) killed "by practize and comaundement of Powhatan", at the priests' persuasion. **"who twenty and od yeares had peaceably lyved intermixt with those salvages, and were out of his territory"** — 1587 + "twenty and od" = c. 1607-1610; read with p. 26 ("at what tyme this our colony ... landed") and Kingsbury §15 ("vppon the first arrivall of our Colonie"), it dates the killing to c. 1607 and describes the victims as having lived *intermixed with Indians* (assimilation — (a)/(b)/(e)) and *outside Powhatan's territory* — which on Strachey's own geography (§5.3, §5.4) means south of the Mangoags/Chowanokes line, not on the Chesapeake. Quinn's (e) requires reading "out of his territory" as the Chesapeake tribe's land (which Strachey does treat as a "province" Powhatan destroyed, §5.9), but Strachey never says the Roanoke people were among the Chesapeakes.

### 5.8 Book I cap. 7, p. 94 — Machumps at Sir Thomas Dale's table — VERIFIED

> "I have heard Machumps, at Sir Thos. Dale's table, once or twice (upon our request) repeat the said grace as yt were, howbeit I forgot to take yt from him in writinge."

*Implication:* fixes Strachey's personal acquaintance with Machumps in Virginia in 1611 (Dale arrived May 1611).

### 5.9 Book I cap. 8, p. 101 — the prophecy and the extinction of the Chesapeakes — VERIFIED

> "[It is] not long since that his priests told him how that from the Chesapeack Bay a nation should arise which should dissolve and give end to his empire, for which, not many yeares since (perplext with this divelish oracle, and divers understanding thereof), according to the ancyent and gentile customs, he destroyed and put to sword all such who might lye under any doubtful construccion of the said prophesie, as all the inhabitants, the weroance and his subjects of that province, and so remaine all the Chessiopeians at this daye, and for this cause, extinct. Some of the inhabitants, againe, have not spared to give us to understand, how they have a second prophesie likewise amongst them, that twice they should give overthrow and dishearten the attempters, and such straungers as should invade their territories or labour to settle a plantation among them, but the third tyme they themselves should fall into their subjection, and under their conquest ;"

*Informant:* "Some of the inhabitants" (unnamed Indians). *Implications:* this is the passage on which Quinn built (e): the Chesapeake tribe "extinct", killed "not many yeares since" for a prophecy about a nation arising "from the Chesapeack Bay". Strachey does **not** connect this to the Roanoke colonists in the text; the connection (that the English living with the Chesapeakes were the "nation" foreseen) is an inference. The "second prophesie" ("twice they should give overthrow ... to such straungers as should ... settle a plantation") is a separate tradition in which the two overthrown attempts could be read as Roanoke and Jamestown.

### 5.10 Book I cap. 8, p. 103 — "slaughtered so many of our nation ... seated far from him" — VERIFIED

> "There is no man among themselves so savage, or not capable of so much sence, but that he will approve our cause, when he shalbe made to understand that Powhatan hath slaughtered so many of our nation without offence given, and such as were seated far from him, and in the territory of those weroances which did in no sort depend on him or acknowledg him ; but yt hath ben Powhatan's great care to keepe us, by all meanes, from the acquaintance of those nations that border and confront him, for besides his knowledge how easely and willingly his enemies wilbe drawne upon him by the least countenance and encouragement from us, he doth, by keeping us from trading with them, monoplize all the copper brought into Virginia by the English."

*Implications:* the clearest statement of *where* Strachey placed the victims: "seated far from him, and in the territory of those weroances which did in no sort depend on him" — i.e. beyond the confederacy, consistent with the Chowan/Roanoke-river country (b)+(c), and hard to square with a Chesapeake location (e), since the Chesapeakes were Powhatan's near neighbours. The copper-monopoly motive ties to the Ritanoe copper mines and Eyanoco's English copper-beaters (§5.2).

### 5.11 Book I cap. 8, p. 105 — the Chesapeake re-peopled — VERIFIED

> "I graunt that such the new inhabitants who now people Chesapeak againe (the old extinguished, as you have heard, upon the conceipt of a prophesie), togither with the weroances of Nandsamund, Warraskoyak, and Weanock, are now at peace with him;"

*Implication:* by 1611 the Chesapeake district had been re-peopled by Powhatan's own people — relevant to any archaeology of the "Chesapeake" site (e).

### 5.12 Book I cap. 10, p. 124 — "in their discoveryes to the Mangoagues" — VERIFIED

> "Lyons I will not posetively affirme that the country hath, since our people never yet saw any; howbeit, in their discoveryes to the Mangoagues, they did light once upon twoo skynns, which, by all the judgements in the fort, were supposed to be lyons' skinnes; and this last yeare, myself being at the falls with Sir Thomas Dale, I found in an Indian howse certaine clawes tyed up in a string, ..."

*Implication:* an incidental confirmation, independent of Smith, that English "discoveryes to the Mangoagues" (Powell and Todkill's journey, §6.3) did take place and brought things back to the fort.

### 5.13 Book II caps. 1-5, pp. 141-153 — Strachey's narrative of the Roanoke voyages — VERIFIED (pp. 152-153)

p. 152 (White's 1590 search): "untill they came to the place where the colony was left 1586. Some tracts of feeting they found, and upon a sandy banck, on a tree, curiously carved, these romaine letters, 'Cro', which gave them hope they might be removed to Croatan, for their agreement was, indeed, to remove when Captaine White left them. Howbeit, Captaine White sought them no further, but missing them there, and his company havinge other practizes, and which those tymes afforded, they returned covetous of some good successe upon the Spanish fleete to returne that yeare from Mexico and the Indies,— neglecting thus these unfortunate and betrayed people, of whose end you shall yet hereafter read in due place in this decade."

p. 153, Caput V, "The unfaithfulnes of such who were imployed miscarried the colony": "Thus Sir W. Raleigh, weried with so great an expence, and abused with the unfaithfulnes of the ymployed, after he had sent (as you maye see by these five severall tymes) collonies and supplies at his owne charges, and nowe at length both himself and his successors thus betrayed, he was even nowe content to submit the fortune of the poore men's lives, and lief of the holy accion ytself, into the favour and proteccion of the God of all mercy, ... By which meanes, for seventeen or eighteen yeares togeather, yt lay neglected, untill yt pleased God at length to move againe the heart of a great and right noble earle amongst us, Earle of [Southampton] ..."

*Implications:* Strachey knew the "Cro"/Croatoan clue (a) and misdates the colony to 1586; "unfortunate and betrayed people, of whose end you shall yet hereafter read in due place in this decade" promises a fuller account of their "end" that the surviving *Historie* never gives — the second "decade" was never written or is lost. "Seventeen or eighteen yeares" of neglect (1590 → 1607/08) is his reckoning of the interval, consistent with "twenty and od yeares" of survival from 1587.

---

## 6. John Smith, *A Map of Virginia. With a Description of the Countrey* and *The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia* (Oxford, 1612, STC 22791)

**Editions used.** EEBO-TCP A12466 — `sources/smith_map_of_virginia_and_proceedings_1612_TCP_A12466.txt` (https://raw.githubusercontent.com/textcreationpartnership/A12466/master/A12466.xml; original page numbers preserved — the *Map* and the *Proceedings* are separately paginated); Arber I (1910) — `sources/smith_works_arber1910_vol1_djvu.txt` (Arber's pages 55, 132 and 158 confirmed from running heads; Arber prints the 1612 page numbers in square brackets in his text, e.g. "[57]").

### 6.1 *Map of Virginia* p. 9 (Arber I p. 55) — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and *[margin: Chawonock.]* the Mangoags to search them there left by Sr Walter Raleigh; for those parts to the Towne of Chisapeack hath formerly been discovered by Mr Heriots and Sr Raph Layne. Amongst those people are thus many severall nations of sundry languages, that environ Powhatans Territories. *[margin: The seueral languages.]* The Chawonokes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, ..."

*Implication:* Smith's summary, written 1608-11, of the two southern searches (Sicklemore; Powell and Todkill). "Them there left by Sr Walter Raleigh" — the searchers went to Chawonock and the Mangoags, i.e. (b) country, not to Croatoan or the Chesapeake.

### 6.2 *Proceedings* p. 57 (Arber I p. 132) — Sicklemore sent (Dec. 1608) — VERIFIED (TCP and Arber)

> "This kind Salvage did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiuing he could not prevaile, he advised in this maner *[margin: The good counsell of Weraskoyack.]* Captaine Smith, you shall finde Powhatan to vse you kindly, but trust him not, and bee sure hee haue no opportunitie to seaze on your armes, for hee hath sent for you only to cut your throats; the Captaine thanked him for his good counsell, yet the better to try his loue, desired guides to Chowanoke, for he would send a present to that king to bind him his friend. To performe this iourney, was sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest, valiant, and painefull souldier, with him two guids, and directions howe to search for the lost company of Sr Walter Rawley, and silke grasse: then wee departed thence, the President assuring the king his perpetuall loue, and left with him Samuell Collier his page to learne the language."

*Informant/context:* the weroance of Warraskoyack (the same district where the Paspahegh king had been landed in 1608 and where the chart places "here Paspahegh and 2 of our men landed"), 29-30 Dec. 1608. *Implication:* the search was directed to Chowanoke — (b); silk grass is the co-objective (as in the Council's §15).

### 6.3 *Proceedings* p. 90 (Arber I p. 158) — Sicklemore's return; Powell and Todkill to the Mangoags — VERIFIED (TCP and Arber)

> "Mr Sicklemore well returned from chawonock, but *[margin: Search so them sent by Sir Walter Rawley.]* found little hope and lesse certainetie of them were left by Sir Walter Rawley. So that Nathaniell Powell & Anas Todkill, were also, by the Quiyoughquohanocks, conducted to the Mangoages to search thē there. But nothing could we learne but they were all dead, this honest, proper, good promis-keeping king, of all the rest did ever best affect vs, & though to his false Gods he was yet very zealous, yet he would confesse, our God as much exceeded his, as our guns did his bowe and arrowes, often sending our President manie presents to praie to his God for raine, or his corne would perish, for his Gods were angrie all this time. to reclaime the Dutchmen, and one Bentley an other fugitiue, we imploied one Williā Volda (a Switzer by birth) with pardons and promises to regaine them."

(The TCP margin reads "Search so them"; Arber and Purchas read "for".) *Informants:* the Chowanokes (via Sicklemore) and the Mangoags (via Powell and Todkill, guided by the Quiyoughquohanocks, the south-bank tribe whose "honest, proper, good promis-keeping king" is praised; the sentence runs on without a full stop, so "they were all dead" is what the Mangoags said). *Implications:* **the only first-hand report from the ground, and it is negative**: "little hope and lesse certainetie" at Chowanoke, "they were all dead" among the Mangoags (early 1609). This is the Jamestown text that most directly contradicts Strachey's survivors at Peccarecamek/Ochanahoen/Ritanoe (which Barbour and FCF place in or beside Mangoak country) and the Council's four men at Peccarecamicke; it supports (c) (dead) but says nothing of Powhatan or a slaughter, and it was written by Smith, who in 1612 and 1624 never mentions Powhatan's "confession" (see §8.4). Neither text says the search reached Ocanahowan.

---

## 7. John Smith, *The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles* (London, 1624, STC 22790)

**Editions used.** EEBO-TCP A12461 — `sources/smith_generall_historie_1624_TCP_A12461.txt` (https://raw.githubusercontent.com/textcreationpartnership/A12461/master/A12461.xml; original pagination); Arber II (1910) — `sources/smith_works_arber1910_vol2_djvu.txt` (Arber's pp. 474 and 508 confirmed from running heads; the others not visible in the OCR, so the 1624 page is the primary citation).

### 7.1 Book 2 p. 25 (Arber I p. 351) — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for them left by Mr White. *[margin: Chawonock.]* Amongst those people are thus many severall Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans Territories."

*Implication:* in 1624 Smith rewrote "left by Sr Walter Raleigh" (1612) as "left by Mr White" — the 1587 colony specifically.

### 7.2 Book 2 p. 40 — Cape Henry and Roanoke — VERIFIED (TCP; OCR-type errors in the transcription)

> "The Countrey wee now call Virginia beginneth at Cape Henry aistant [distant] from Roanoack 60 miles, where was Sr. Walter Raleigh's psantation [plantation]."

### 7.3 Book 3 p. 66 (Arber II p. 434) — Newport's private commission (Sept. 1608) — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "How or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private Commission, as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certaintie of the South sea, or one of the lost company sent out by Sir Water Raleigh, I know not; nor why he brought such a fiue peeced Barge, not to beare vs to that South sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines, which how farre they extend is yet vnknowne."

And p. 71 (Arber II p. 443): "And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of gold; or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh: at our Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest." (VERIFIED.)

*Implication:* the Company in London (summer 1608, after receiving the *True Relation* and the chart) formally ordered a search for "one of the lost company" — showing how seriously the 1608 reports were taken; Newport's expedition went instead to the Monacans (west), not south.

### 7.4 Book 3 p. 74 (Arber II p. 449) — Sicklemore sent — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "To performe this iourney was sent Master Sicklemore, a very valiant, honest, and a painefull Souldier: with him two guides, and directions how to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse. Then we departed thence, the President assuring the King perpetuall loue; and left with him Samu[?]l Collier his Page to learne the Language."

### 7.5 Book 3 pp. 87-88 (Arber II pp. 474-475) — the returns, with the 1624 additions — VERIFIED (TCP and Arber p. 474)

> "Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke; *[margin: Master Sicklemores Iourney to Chawwonoke]* but found little hope and lesse certaintie of them were left by Sir Walter Raleigh. The riuer, he saw was not great, the people few, the countrey most over growne with pynes, where there did grow here and there straglingly Pemminaw, we call silke grasse. But by the riuer the ground was good, and exceeding furtill; *[margin: Master Powels iorney to the Mangoags.]* Master Nathanael powell and Anas Todkill were also by the Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to search them there: but nothing could they learne but they were all dead. This honest proper good promise keeping king, of all the rest did euer best affect vs, and though to his false Gods he was very zealous, yet he would confesse our God as much exceeded his as our Gunns did his Bow and Arrowes, often sending our President may presents, to pray to his God for raine or his corne would perish, for his Gods were angry. Three dayes iorney they conducted [p. 88] them through the wood[?], into a high country towards the S[?]thwest: [?]here they saw here and there a little c[?]rne fi[?]d, by some little spring or smal brooke, but no riuer they could see: the pe[?]le in all re[?]pects like the rest, except there language: they liue most vpon rootes, fruites and wilde beast[?]; and trade with them towards the sea and the fatter countryes for dryed fish and corne, for sk[?]ns."

*Additions in 1624 not in 1612:* (i) Sicklemore's description of the Chowan ("The riuer, he saw was not great, the people few, the countrey most over growne with pynes ... Pemminaw, we call silke grasse"); (ii) the Powell–Todkill itinerary ("Three dayes iorney ... into a high country towards the Southwest ... no riuer they could see: the people in all respects like the rest, except there language") — three days' walk south-west from the Quiyoughquohanocks (south bank of the James opposite Jamestown), into a riverless upland of a different language: the Nottoway/Meherrin (Iroquoian) country, which is where Barbour places the Mangoaks. *Implications:* the searchers never reached the Roanoke River, Ocanahowan or the Chowan's Roanoke-side towns; "they were all dead" is Mangoak hearsay. Note "may presents" = "many presents" (compositor's error).

### 7.6 Book 4 p. 110 (Arber II p. 508) — Cole and Kitchins run for Ocanahowan (1611) — VERIFIED (TCP and Arber)

> "And euen this Summer Cole and Kitchins plot with three more, *[margin: Diuers mutinie suppressed.]* bending their course to Ocanahowan, fiue daies iourney from vs, where they report are Spaniards inhabiting. These were cut off by the Saluages, hired by vs to hunt them home to receiue their deserts: So as Sir Thomas Dale hath not beene so tyrannous nor seuere by the halfe, as there was occasion, and iust cause for it,"

*Source:* Smith condenses Hamor 1615 p. 27 (§10a), changing "a Spanish Plantation, reported to be there" into "where they report are Spaniards inhabiting" and "hired by vs to hunt them home" is Hamor's. *Implication:* by 1611 "Ocanahowan, fiue daies iourney" from Jamestown was thought to hold *Spaniards* — the "men cloathed" of 1608 have become Spaniards in the colonists' rumour; a warning that "cloathed men" need not mean Roanoke English. (Barbour 1975 p. 9: "no Englishman had in the meantime crossed the watershed between the James River and the Roanoke".)

### 7.7 Book 4 p. 143 (Arber II p. 570) — John Pory's journey to Chawonock (Feb. 1622) — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "In February also he trauelled to the South Riuer Chawonock, some sixtie miles ouer land, which he found to be a very fruitfull and pleasant Country, yeelding two haruests in a yeare, and found much of the Silke grasse formerly spoken of, was kindly vsed by the people, and so returned."

*Implication:* the last Jamestown-era visit to the Chowan; Smith reports no enquiry after the colonists and no result. Pory's own account (Powell, *John Pory* 1977) not reached — UNVERIFIED.

### 7.8 Negative findings in the *Generall Historie* — VERIFIED by search of the whole TCP text

- No passage says that Powhatan confessed to killing the colonists or showed Smith a musket barrel, brass mortar or iron; the words "confessed", "Morter", "Musket barrell" do not occur in connection with Roanoke.
- The phrase "where the men were that were left by Sir Walter Raleigh" does not occur; the nearest forms are those in §§7.1, 7.3, 7.4, 7.5.
- Book 1 (pp. 1-16) reprints Lane's 1586 discourse (Chawonock, Mangoaks, Chaunis Temoatan copper, pp. 6-7) and White's voyages (Croatoan) — Hakluyt material, not Jamestown testimony, and therefore not quoted here.

---

## 8. Samuel Purchas — *Purchas his Pilgrimage* (1613, 1614, 1617, 1626) and *Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes* (1625)

**Editions used.** *Pilgrimes* 1625 part IV: TCP A71306 (`sources/purchas_pilgrimes_1625_part4_TCP_A71306.txt`; margins preserved, original pagination) and OCR (`sources/purchas_pilgrimes_1625_part4_djvu.txt`); MacLehose reprint vols. XVIII and XIX (1906) (`sources/purchas_pilgrimes_glasgow1906_vol18_djvu.txt`, `..._vol19_djvu.txt`). *Pilgrimage* 1613: TCP A10228 (`sources/purchas_pilgrimage_1613_TCP_A10228.txt`, original pagination); 1614: OCR `sources/purchas_pilgrimage_1614_djvu.txt`; 1617 and 1626: OCR `sources/purchas_pilgrimage_1617_djvu.txt`, `sources/purchas_pilgrimage_1626_djvu.txt` (British Library microfilm scans; heavily garbled).

### 8.1 *Pilgrimes* IV lib. 9 cap. 1, p. 1646 — Purchas's own summary of White's 1590 voyage — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "Anno 1590. the said Master Iohn White put to Sea with Ships, and two Pinnaces, with purpose for Virginia, where they anchored at Hatorask in 36. 20. Aug. 15. They found some of the goods *[margin: Si[?] Voyage.]* (such as the Sauages could not make vse of) and tokens as if they were at Croatoan; but the winds violence permitted no further search, and they returned to the Azores, and after to England, arriuing at Plimmouth, Octob. 24."

### 8.2 *Pilgrimes* IV lib. 9 cap. 3, p. 1694 (Smith's *Map* as reprinted) — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for the men *[margin: Chawonock.]* there left by Sir Walter Raleigh; for those parts to the Towne of Chisapeack haue formerly beene discouered by Master Hariots and Sir Ralph Lane."

### 8.3 *Pilgrimes* IV lib. 9 cap. 4, p. 1717 and p. 1720 (the *Proceedings* as reprinted) — VERIFIED (TCP)

p. 1717: "How, or why, Captaine Newport obtained such a priuate Commission as not to returne without a lumpe of Gold, a certainty of the South-Sea or one of the lost Company of Sir Walter Rawley I know not, ..." — p. 1720: "To performe this Iourney, was sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest valiant, and painfull Souldier, with him two Guides, and directions how to search for the lost company of Sir Walter Rawleigh, and Silke Grasse:"

### 8.4 *Pilgrimes* IV lib. 9 cap. 4, p. 1728 — THE MARGINAL NOTE: Powhatan's confession — VERIFIED (TCP; the note is absent from every archive.org OCR because margins were not captured)

Text (Smith's *Proceedings* p. 90 as reprinted) with Purchas's marginal note at the exact point of attachment:

> "Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawonock, but found little hope and lesse certaintie of *[margin: Search for them sent by Sir W. Rawlew. Powhatan confessed that hee had bin at the murther of that Colon[?]e: and shewed to Cap. Smith a Musket barrell and a brasse Morter, and certaine peeces of Iron wh[?]ch had bin theirs. The Dutchmens trayt[?]rous proiects.]* them which had beene left by Sir Walter Rawley. So that Nathaniell Powell and Anas Todkill, were also, by the Quiyough quohanocks, conducted to the Mangoages to search them there. But nothing could we learne but they were all dead. This honest, proper, good promise-keeping King, of all the rest did euer best affect vs, ..."

(Barbour 1975 p. 6 prints the note as: "Search for them sent by Sir W. Rawlew. Powhatan confessed that hee had bin at the murther of that Colonie: and shewed to Captaine Smith a Musket barrell and a brasse Morter, and certaine peeces of Iron which had bin theirs." — VERIFIED as Barbour's reading; he expands "Cap." to "Captaine".) Location: part IV, book 9, chapter 4 ("The proceedings and accidents, with the second supply" section), page 1728, outer margin, beside the Sicklemore/Powell sentence; MacLehose XVIII pp. 494-495 region (not separately verified).

*Informant:* Purchas himself, who knew Smith personally (Smith supplied material for the *Pilgrimes*); the note is not in Smith's 1612 or 1624 texts (§7.8) and can only rest on Smith's oral or manuscript communication to Purchas — or on Purchas's own inference from the Council/Strachey tradition dressed with objects. *Implications:* the sole source for the "musket barrel, brass mortar, pieces of iron" and for Powhatan's "confession", and it is a 1625 editorial side-note, not Smith's narrative. (c). Note the word "murther" and "that Colonie" — the Roanoke colony, unlocated.

### 8.5 *Pilgrimes* IV lib. 9 cap. 10, p. 1767 (Hamor's *True Discourse* as reprinted) — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "and euen in this Summer, Coles and Kitchins Plot, with three more, bending their course towards the Southward, to a Spanish plantation reported to be there, who had trauelled (it being now a time of peace) some fiue daies iourney to Ocanahoen, there cut off by certaine Indians, hired by vs to hunt them home to receiue their deserts."

### 8.6 *Pilgrimes* IV lib. 9 cap. 20, "Virginia's Verger", p. 1813 (MacLehose XIX p. 227) — VERIFIED (TCP and Glasgow)

> "A. 1606. a Colony went from hence, set forth by the Virginia Company, which haue euer since maintained their Plantation in differing fortunes. As for the former Plantations of Sir Walter Raleigh, some children were borne to them there: and whether they liue, they continued the *[margin: Two former Colonies wholly, &c.]* possession; or if the Sauages dealt perfidiously with them (as Powhatan confessed to Cap. Smith, that hee had beene at their slaughter, and had diuers vtensills of theirs to shew) their carkasses, the dispersed bones of their and their Countrey mens since murthered carkasses, haue taken a mortall immortall possession, and being dead, speake, proclaime and cry, This our earth is truly English, and therefore this Land is iustly yours O English."

*Implications:* Purchas repeats the confession in his own essay (1625) with "diuers vtensills of theirs to shew" and "hee had beene at their slaughter" — the two Purchas passages are the whole documentary basis of the "confession"; the location "p. 1728 marginal note" holds for the objects, while the "at their slaughter" wording is at p. 1813. "Some children were borne to them there" and "whether they liue" — Purchas leaves survival open (a)/(b).

### 8.7 *Pilgrimage* 1613 lib. 8 cap. 6, p. 632 — VERIFIED (TCP); the same sentence stands unchanged in 1617 (OCR line 115506) and 1626 (OCR line 119167) — VERIFIED; the 1614 edition (p. 755 in the OCR, which is too garbled to confirm the page)

> "In the yeare 1587. a second Colonie were sent vnder the gouernement of Master Iohn White. To their succour Sir Walter Raleigh hath sent fiue seuerall times, the last *[margin: Briefe Note of a Barke, &c. printed 1602.]* by Samuel Mace of Weymouth, in March one thousand six hundred and two, but hee and the former performed nothing, but returned with friuolous allegations."

*Implications:* Purchas's *Pilgrimage* (1613 through 1626) never says what became of the colonists and never adds the Powhatan confession even in 1626, a year after he had printed it in the *Pilgrimes* — the confession lived in his Smith-derived Virginia chapters only. The "Briefe Note of a Barke" margin refers to the lost 1602 tract on Mace's voyage.

---

## 9. Francis Maguel (Magnel), *Relation of what Francis Maguel, an Irishman, learned in the land of Virginia during the eight months he was there* (certified at Madrid, 1 July 1610)

**Edition used.** Brown, *Genesis* I no. CXXXI, pp. 393-399 (English translation of Simancas, Estado 2587 fol. 98; certified by Florence Conry, archbishop of Tuam) — `sources/brown_genesis_united_states_vol1_1890_djvu.txt`; the passage is on p. 398. Spanish original UNVERIFIED.

> "The English are much encouraged to make this march to the South Sea by the report of the Natives of Virginia that on the other side of Virginia, close to the South Sea, there is a country, the inhabitants of which wear wide silk dresses for their clothing, and bright colored buskins, that they have much gold and that ships are in the habit of coming to that country, who deal with the natives and get from them both silk and gold. As a proof of this the Virginians showed the English a few knives and other things which they had gotten from those who came in these aforesaid ships, & the English believe these vessels must be Spanish." — VERIFIED

*Informant:* Maguel, an Irish sailor who was at Jamestown for eight months in 1607-08 (so contemporary with Smith's captivity), reporting Indian talk as the English understood it. *Implications:* the only Spanish-side document of 1607-10 that reflects the "clothed people in the interior" theme — but Maguel's version is of silk-clad, gold-rich people visited by (Spanish) ships beyond the mountains: the same rumour-complex as Powhatan's "people with short Coates ... in Shippes like ours" (§1.2) and Cole and Kitchins' "Spaniards" at Ocanahowan (§7.6). No mention of Raleigh, Roanoke or lost Englishmen anywhere in the relation (VERIFIED negative). It shows how quickly "clothed men" reports became "Spaniards" in the colonists' minds.

---

## 10. The Velasco map (1611) and Diego de Molina's letter (28 May 1613)

**Editions used.** Brown, *Genesis* I no. CLVIII "Map of America" pp. 457-461 (the map sent by Velasco to Philip III, 22 March 1611, with Brown's list of its place-names) — VERIFIED (OCR); Brown, *Genesis* II no. CCLXXVIII, Molina to Velasco, pp. 646-652 — VERIFIED (OCR; running heads "MOLINA TO VELASCO. 647/649/651").

### 10.1 Velasco map — Brown's reading of the Carolina names and legend

Brown's list of names on the map, Carolina section: "C. Kenrick. Near Chicamicomico ? / Hatarask. Near New Inlet? / Po. Fernando. Oregon Inlet ? / Po. Lane. Near Nag's Head ? / Roanoack. Roanoke I. / Trinitie Harbor. Caffey Inlet ? now closed." — and: "The legend, 'All the blue is dunne by the relations of the Indians,' probably refers most especially to this part of the map [the coast from Cape Charles to 41°]." (VERIFIED). Brown records **no legend about the Roanoke English** on the Velasco map; the interior south of the James is not discussed by him. UNVERIFIED whether the original carries any such note (Quinn's and Barbour's discussions not reached).

### 10.2 Molina to Velasco, Jamestown, 28 May 1613 — pp. 648-649 — VERIFIED

> "Last year there were seven hundred people here, and only three hundred and fifty remain, because the hard work and the scanty food, on public works kills them, and increases the discontent in which they live, seeing themselves treated like slaves, with great cruelty. Hence a good many have gone to the Indians, of whom, some have died at their hands, and others have gone out to sea, being sent out to fish, and those who remain do so by force and are anxious to see a fleet come from Spain [p. 649] to release them from this misery,"

*Implication:* nothing on Roanoke (VERIFIED negative for the whole letter); relevant only as Spanish testimony that English colonists did run to the Indians and that some "died at their hands" — the same dynamic (runaways, hired Indian man-hunters) that Hamor describes for the Ocanahoen fugitives.

---

## 10a. Ralph Hamor, *A True Discourse of the Present Estate of Virginia* (London, 1615, STC 12736)

**Editions used.** EEBO-TCP A02606 — `sources/hamor_true_discourse_1615_TCP_A02606.txt` (original pagination); 1860 Albany reprint OCR — `sources/hamor_true_discourse_1615_reprint1860_djvu.txt`.

### 10a.1 p. 27 — Cole and Kitchins, "fiue daies iorney to Ocanahoen" (summer 1611) — VERIFIED (TCP; the 1860 reprint confirms "Ocana-hoen")

> "so as if the law should not haue restrained by execution, I see not how the vtter subuersion and ruine of the Colony should haue bin preuented, witnesse Webbes and Prises designe the first yeere, since that Abbots and others more daungerous then the former, and euen this summer, Coles and Kitchins Plot, with three more, bending their course towards the Southward, to a Spanish Plantation, reported to be there, who had trauelled (it being now a time of peace) some fiue daies iorney to Ocanahoe[?], there cut off by certaine Indians, hired by vs to hunt them home to receiue their deserts."

*Informant:* Hamor, secretary of the colony after Strachey, writing of Dale's regime in 1611. *Implications:* five colonists actually travelled "some fiue daies iorney" south to Ocanahoen and were brought back by hired Indians — the only Englishmen recorded as reaching the place; they expected a "Spanish Plantation", not Roanoke survivors; Hamor says nothing of what they found. (Barbour 1975: this is the last mention of Ocanahowan until Bland 1650.)

### 10a.2 pp. 41-42 — "Roanoake" as a word for beads — VERIFIED (TCP A02606)

Hamor uses "Roanoake (a small kinde of beades)" for shell money; the same use recurs in Bland 1651 ("a great heape of Roanoake middle high") and Lawson 1709 ("Beads, Ronoak, Peak"). Relevance: in Virginia usage after 1610 "Roanoke" is also a common noun; only context tells whether an author means the island, the colony, the river or the beads.

---

## 10b. The Virginia Company and colony records, 1619-1622

**Editions used.** Kingsbury, *Records* III (`sources/kingsbury_records_virginia_company_vol3_1933_djvu.txt`) and I (`sources/kingsbury_records_virginia_company_vol1_1906_djvu.txt`, https://archive.org/download/recordsofvirgini01virg/recordsofvirgini01virg_djvu.txt). Page numbers verified from running heads.

### 10b.1 Governor and Council in Virginia to the Company, Nov. 1619 — Kingsbury III p. 228 — VERIFIED

> "lastly this Course at least for the present might wine amity and Confidence from Itoyatin the great Kinge from Opachancano his brother and lickwisse from their subiects of these thre riuers of Ronoake Powsatan and Pamunky:"

*Implication:* in 1619 Yeardley's council speaks of Opechancanough's "subiects of these thre riuers of Ronoake Powsatan and Pamunky" — the Roanoke River's people (the Mangoak/Nottoway–Meherrin zone) are counted as subjects of the Powhatan paramountcy (Barbour 1975 pp. 11-13 makes the same point from Bland). This cuts against Strachey's "Ronoak not under the commaund of Powhatan" (§5.3) — or shows the paramountcy's reach had grown since 1607.

### 10b.2 Extraordinary Court, 20 March 1620[/21] — Kingsbury I p. 330 — VERIFIED

> "[Marmaduk Rayner ...] also signified that Sr George Yeardley desyreth of them for the good of the Colony that a nauigacon might be sent vpp wch would produce good benefitt to the Plantacon, and to that end nomynateth vnto them One Marmaduke Rayner who is willinge to goe if they pleaso to give him his passage, wch man beinge allso well knowne vnto Sr Tho: Roe, hee gave very good comendacons of him, whervppon itt was agreed vppon the tearms menconed hee shovld be sent."

### 10b.3 Court held for Virginia, 10 July 1621 — Kingsbury I p. 504 — VERIFIED

> "Ther was also read vnto the Company a Relacon of three seuerall Voyadges made this last Sumer one to the Southward to Roanocke made by mr Marmaduk Rayner. A Second by Ensigne Sauadge in the great Bay wherin is a relacon of a great Trade of Furrs by Frenchmen : A Third mr Dirmers Discoueries from Cape Charles to Cape Codd vp Delawarr Riuer, and Hudsons Riuer ..."

*Implications:* a written "Relacon" of a voyage "to the Southward to Roanocke" by Marmaduke Rayner was read to the Company in July 1621 and is **lost**; Kingsbury prints no copy. It is the only recorded English return to Roanoke between 1603 and 1653 and the Company's minute says nothing of its findings — an open question (see §17).

### 10b.4 Edward Waterhouse, *A Declaration of the State of the Colony ... in Virginia* (1622) — Kingsbury III p. 543 — VERIFIED

> "and of which Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow tooke againe possession to the vse of the late Queene Elizabeth: and after them, [3] Sir Richard Greenfield, Sir Ralph Lane, and Sir Walter Rawleigh; at what time seuerall Colonies were there placed."

*Implication:* the Company's 1622 public statement recalls Raleigh's colonies only as a title of possession and says nothing of their fate (VERIFIED negative for the rest of the Declaration by search for "Raleigh/Rawleigh/Ronoake"). John Pory's Chowan journey of Feb. 1622 is recorded only through Smith (§7.7).

---

## 11. John Lawson, *A New Voyage to Carolina* (London, 1709)

**Editions used.** Documenting the American South transcription of the 1709 edition, with the 1709 page numbers embedded ("Page 62") — `sources/lawson_new_voyage_1709_docsouth.txt` (fetched through web.archive.org from https://docsouth.unc.edu/nc/lawson/lawson.html); archive.org scan OCR — `sources/lawson_new_voyage_1709_archive_scan_djvu.txt`.

### 11.1 "A Description of North-Carolina", 1709 p. 62 — VERIFIED (docsouth; the three side-heads are Lawson's)

> *[side-head: First Colony of Carolina.]* "The first Discovery and Settlement of this Country was by the Procurement of Sir Walter Raleigh, in Conjunction with some Publick-spirited Gentlemen of that Age, under the Protection of Queen Elizabeth; for which Reason it was then named Virginia, being begun on that Part called Ronoak-Island, where the Ruins of a Fort are to be seen at this day, as well as some old English Coins which have been lately found; and a Brass-Gun, a Powder-Horn, and one small Quarter deck-Gun, made of Iron Staves, and hoop'd with the same Metal; which Method of making Guns might very probably be made use of in those Days, for the Convenience of Infant-Colonies."
>
> *[side-head: Hatteras Indians.]* "A farther Confirmation of this we have from the Hatteras Indians, who either then lived on Ronoak-Island, or much frequented it. These tell us, that several of their Ancestors were white People, and could talk in a Book, as we do; the Truth of which is confirm'd by gray Eyes being found frequently amongst these Indians, and no others. They value themselves extremely for their Affinity to the English, and are ready to do them all friendly Offices. It is probable, that this Settlement miscarry'd for want of timely Supplies from England; or thro' the Treachery of the Natives, for we may reasonably suppose that the English were forced to cohabit with them, for Relief and Conversation; and that in process of Time, they conform'd themselves to the Manners of their Indian Relations. And thus we see, how apt Humane Nature is to degenerate."
>
> *[side-head: Sir Walter Raleigh's ship.]* "I cannot forbear inserting here, a pleasant Story that passes for an uncontested Truth amongst the Inhabitants of this Place; which is, that the Ship which brought the first Colonies, does often appear amongst them, under Sail, in a gallant Posture, which they call Sir Walter Raleigh's Ship; And the truth of this has been affirm'd to me, by Men of the best Credit in the Country."

### 11.2 Lawson's census of the coastal nations, 1709 p. 234 — VERIFIED

> "Hatteras. Town 1, Sand Banks, Fighting Men 16."

(Same list: "Chuwon Indians, Town 1, Bennets Creek, Fighting Men 15. ... Nottaway Indians, Town 1, Winoack Creek, Fighting Men 30.")

*Informants:* the Hatteras Indians themselves (c. 1701-1708) and the Roanoke Island settlers ("Men of the best Credit in the Country"). *Implications:* the classic text for (a): white ancestors who "could talk in a Book", gray eyes, self-identification with the English; the fort ruins and the guns/coins are Lane's or the 1587 colony's material remains. Lawson's own explanation — supplies failed, the English "were forced to cohabit with them ... and ... conform'd themselves to the Manners of their Indian Relations" — is the earliest printed assimilation thesis. Note that by 1709 the Hatteras were 16 fighting men on the Sand Banks, and that Lawson says they "either then lived on Ronoak-Island, or much frequented it" — he does not say Croatoan.

---

## 12. Edward Bland, *The Discovery of New Brittaine* (London, 1651; the journey of 27 Aug.–4 Sept. 1650)

**Editions used.** EEBO-TCP A28352 — `sources/bland_discovery_of_new_brittaine_1651_TCP_A28352.txt` (original pagination; the TCP page marker "21" is a mis-tag for 12); Sabin reprint 1873 OCR — `sources/bland_discovery_new_brittaine_1651_sabin1873_djvu.txt`.

### 12.1 p. 3 — the Englishman among the Tuscarora and the English woman "cast away long since" — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "There was a Wainoake Indian told him that there was an Englishman a Cockarous hard by Captaine Floods, gave this Indian Bells, and other petty truck to lay downe to the Tuskarood King, and would have hired him to have gone with him, but the Wainoakes being doubtfull what to doe, went to Captaine Flood for advice, who advised them not to go, for that the Governour would give no licence to go thither; heereupon Chounterounte was by us questioned, when and who it was that had told him so, & if he did know that Wainoake Indian, to which he answered doubtfully, and demanded of us whither we did intend to go; we told him the Tuskarood King had envited us to trade, and our Governour had ordered us to go, and speake with an Englishman amongst them, and to enquire for an English woman cast away long since, and was amongst those Nations. Chounterounte perswaded us to go no further, alleadging there was no English there,"

### 12.2 pp. 5-6 — the letter in five languages — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "August 30. Being wearied with our last dayes travell, we continued at Maharineck, and this day spake with a Tuskarood Indian, who told us that the Englishman was a great way off at the further Tuskarood Towne, and wee hired this Turkarood Indian to run before, and tell his Werrowance wee intended to lay him downe a present at Hocomowananck, and desired to have him meete us there, and also wrote to that [p. 6] effect to the Englishman in English, Latine, Spanish, French and Dutch, the Tuskarood promised in three dayes to meete us at Hocomawananck."

### 12.3 pp. 8-9 — Appachancano's war on the Tuscarora at Hocomawananck, and the Chawan–Pawhatan feud — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "and told us that many yeares since their late great Emperour Appachancano came thither to make a War upon the Tuskarood, in revenge of three of his men killed, and one wounded, who escaped, and brought him word of the other three murthered by the Hocomawananck Indians for lucre of the Roanoake they brought with them to trade for Otter skins. There accompanyed Appachancano severall petty Kings that were under him, amongst which there was one King of a Towne called Pawhatan, which had long time harboured a grudge against the King of Chawan, about a yong woman that the King of Chawan had detayned of the King of Pawhatan: Now it hapned that the King of Chawan was invited by the King of Pawhatan to this place under pretence to present him with a Guift of ..." [the Chawan king is strangled at the two trees; p. 9: a Chawan great man's grave still kept green]

p. 12: "Appachancano ... one morning with 400. men treacherously slew 240. of the Blandina River Indians in revenge of three great men slaine by them, and the place we named Golgotha;"

### 12.4 p. 13 — "the English man would be at his house" — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "September 2. In the morning about eight of the clocke, as every one was mounted, came to our quarters Occonnosquay, sonne to the Tuskarood King, and another Indian whom he told was a Werrowance, and his Kinseman, with the Runner which wee had sent to the Tuskarood King, who was to meet us at Blandina River that night; the Kings sonne told us that the English man would be at his house that night, a great way off; and would have had us gone backe with him, but we would not,"

### 12.5 p. 15 — "other English amongst the Indians" — VERIFIED (TCP)

> "and we had information that at that time there were other English amongst the Indians."

*Informants:* the Weyanoke chief Chounterounte, a Tuscarora, the Tuscarora king's son Occonnosquay, the Appamattuck guide Pyancha and the Nottoway guide Oyeocker. *Implications:* in 1650 the Virginia government believed an Englishman ("a Cockarous" = a notable) was living among the Tuscarora and ordered Bland to "enquire for an English woman cast away long since, and was amongst those Nations" — sixty-three years after 1587 a woman "cast away long since" among the Tuscarora is at least as likely a shipwreck survivor as a Roanoke colonist, but the government's interest shows the tradition of English among the southern nations was alive. Bland never met the Englishman. Barbour 1975 (pp. 11-13, VERIFIED) identifies Hocomawananck with the falls of the Roanoke at Roanoke Rapids and tentatively with Ocanahowan, and reads the Appachancano stories as showing Powhatan power reaching the Roanoke River. (b).

---

## 13. Other seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century notices

### 13.1 Francis Yeardley to John Ferrar, Lynnhaven, 8 May 1654 — Salley, *Narratives of Early Carolina* (1911) pp. 25-26 — VERIFIED (OCR; running heads "25" / "26 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1653")

> "In September last, a young man, a trader for beavers, being bound out to the adjacent parts to trade, by accident his sloop left him; and he, supposing she had been gone to Rhoanoke, hired a small boat, and with one of his company left with him came to crave my licence to go to look after his sloop, and sought some relief of provisions of me; the which granting, he set forth with three more in company, one being of my family, the others were my neighbours. They entered in at Caratoke, ten leagues to the southward of Cape Henry, and so went to Rhoanoke island; where, or near thereabouts, they found the great commander of those parts with his Indians a [p. 26] hunting, who received them civilly, and shewed them the ruins of Sir Walter Ralegh's fort, from whence I received a sure token of their being there. After some days spent to and fro in the country, the young man the interpreter prevailed with the great man, and his war-captains, and a great man of another province, and some other Indians, to come in and make their peace with the English, which they willingly condescended unto;"

*Implication:* in Sept. 1653 the Roanoke Island Indians ("the great commander of those parts") showed English visitors "the ruins of Sir Walter Ralegh's fort" and — as McMillan later stressed — no tradition of the colonists is recorded; the chief asks Yeardley to teach his son "to speak out of the book" (cf. Lawson's "talk in a Book"). Neutral; slightly against a living English-descended community on the island in 1653.

### 13.2 Nicholas Comberford's map of "The South Part of Virginia" (1657) — NOT REACHED — UNVERIFIED

No reproduction or transcription was obtainable through the permitted hosts; nothing is asserted about it here.

### 13.3 Robert Beverley, *The History and Present State of Virginia* (London, 1705), Book I §9, pp. 10-11 — VERIFIED (OCR of the 1705 edition, `sources/beverley_history_present_state_virginia_1705_djvu.txt`; running head "10 The HISTORY and")

> "Towards the Middle of August, 1590. they arriv'd upon the Coast, at Cape Hattoras, and went to search upon Roenoke for the People; but found, by Letters on the Trees, that they were remov'd to Croatan, one of the Islands forming the Sound, and Southward of Roenoke about Twenty Leagues, but no Sign of Distress. Thither they design'd to sail to them in their Ships; but a Storm arising in the mean while, lay so hard upon them, that their Cables broke; they lost Three of their Anchors, were forced to Sea; and so return'd Home, without ever going near those poor People again for Sixteen Years following: And it is suppos'd, that the Indians seeing them forsaken by their Country, and unfurnish'd of their expected Supplies, cut them off: For to this Day they were never more heard of."

*Implication:* the received Virginian view in 1705 — removal to Croatoan (a) followed by extermination; Beverley knows nothing of Lawson's Hatteras tradition (published four years later) nor of the Powhatan-confession tradition; "Sixteen Years" = 1590-1606.

### 13.4 William Byrd II, *The History of the Dividing Line* (written after 1728; first printed 1841) — Boyd's edition (1929) p. 2 — VERIFIED (OCR, `sources/byrd_histories_dividing_line_boyd1929_djvu.txt`)

> "These Wretches were set Ashoar not far from Roanoak Inlet, but by some fatal disagreement, or Laziness, were either Starved or cut to Pieces by the Indians."

*Implication:* Byrd's dismissive summary (starvation or massacre) of Raleigh's colonists; he adds nothing about Hatteras or Croatan and is not independent evidence.

---

## 14. Hamilton McMillan, *Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony: an historical sketch of the attempts of Sir Walter Raleigh to establish a colony in Virginia, with the traditions of an Indian tribe in North Carolina, indicating the fate of the colony of Englishmen left on Roanoke Island in 1587* (Wilson, N.C., 1888) — a NINETEENTH-CENTURY WORK, flagged as such

**Edition used.** OCR of the 1888 pamphlet — `sources/mcmillan_sir_walter_raleighs_lost_colony_1888_djvu.txt` (https://archive.org/download/sirwalterraleigh00mcmi/sirwalterraleigh00mcmi_djvu.txt; page numbers from running heads "LOST COLONY. NN" / "NN SIR WALTER RALEIGH'S"); a companion copy `sources/McMillan1888_fulltext.txt`. Brown, *Genesis* I pp. 189-190 (1890) already reprints the Lowrie speech and the tradition summary from it (VERIFIED).

### 14.1 George Lowrie's speech, 1864 — pp. 16-17 — VERIFIED

> "During the late war between the States, an incident occurred which caused the writer to investigate the traditions of this tribe. Three young men of the Lowrie family were drafted, according to military law, to work on the fortifications at Fort Fisher in Eastern North Carolina, and while on the road to the nearest depot in Robeson County, they were killed, it is supposed, by a white man who had them in custody. An inquest was held, and at its conclusion, an old Indian, named George Lowrie, addressed the people assembled, in substance as follows: 'We have always been the friends of white men. We were a free people long before the white men came to our land. Our tribe was always free. They lived in Roanoke in Virginia. When the English [p. 17] came to Roanoke, our tribe treated them kindly. One of our tribe went to England in an English ship and saw that great country. When English people landed in Roanoke we were friendly, for our tribe was always friendly to white men. We took the English to live with us. There is the white man's blood in these veins as well as that of the Indian. In order to be great like the English, we took the white man's language and religion, for our people were told they would prosper if they would take white men's laws. In the wars between white men and Indians we always fought on the side of white men. We moved to this land and fought for liberty for white men, yet white men have treated us as negroes. Here are our young men shot down by a white man and we get no justice, and that in a land where our people were always free.'"

McMillan adds (p. 17): "The incident above related occurred in the latter part of 1864, and owing to the troubled state of the country at that time, and for several years afterwards, no investigation could be made till the year 1875, when the writer became a citizen and had opportunity of interviewing leading persons of the tribe."

### 14.2 The "summary of traditions" — pp. 17-19 — VERIFIED

> "The tribe once lived in Roanoke in Virginia, as they persist in calling Eastern North Carolina. The name Roanoke is applied to the country around Pamlico Sound, embracing Hyde, Tyrell and Dare counties on the North, with the series of islands as far South as Carteret county and embracing that county with Craven and Jones Croatoan or Croatan was a locality far to the South, off the coast of Carteret, and was the principal seat of the tribe. Their leading man was made Lord of Roanoke. The name [p. 18] Manteo they do not recognize, but are familiar with Mayna, a name very common among them and representing a very quiet, law abiding people. At an early period after the English colony became incorporated with the tribe, they began to emigrate westward. The first settlement made was probably in what is now Sampson county on several small rivers, tributary to Black river. A portion located on the Cape Fear, near a place now bearing the name of 'Indian Wells' and at Heart's Creek in Cumberland county, now Fayetteville. It is impossible to ascertain at what date the tribe located in Robeson but it is probable that they have resided there for 200 years. According to their universal tradition they were located there long before the troubles with the Tuscaroras began in 1711. [...] The name Dare was not recognized by them in our first investigations but we afterwards discovered that they pronounce the name variously as Darr, Durr and Dorr. This discovery was made when we related to an old chronicler of the tribe the story of Virginia Dare, the first white child born on American soil. This name Dorr or Durr has disappeared on the Lumber river since the war of 1812. [...] These chroniclers affirm that the Dares, Coopers, Harvies and others retained their purity of blood and were generally the pioneers in emigration."

p. 19: "The name Manteo is not familiar to them. While they have a tradition of their leader or chief who went to England, yet they have preserved no name for him. The nearest approach to the name Manteo, is Maino or Mainor. An old woman, whom we interviewed, spoke of their great man as Wonoke. This name may be a corruption of Roanoke, for we must remember Manteo was made Lord of Roanoke." — "They have no tradition as to any river named Roanoke. This name is invariably applied by them to the territory previously described as occupied by their tribe on the Eastern coast."

### 14.3 The 1732 grant and the Berry descent — pp. 14-15 — VERIFIED

> "The first grant of land to any of this tribe, of which there is written evidence in existence, was made by King George the Second in 1732, to Henry Berry and James Lowrie, two leading men of the tribe, and was located on the Lowrie Swamp, East of Lumber River in present county of Robeson in North Carolina. A subsequent grant was made to James Lowrie in 1738. According to tradition there were deeds of land of older date, described as 'White' deeds and 'Smith' deeds, but no trace of their existence can be found at this date." — p. 15: "James Lowrie, was a descendant of James Lowrie of Chesapeake, who married a Croatan woman in Virginia, (as Eastern North Carolina is still designated by the tribe) and became the progenitor of all the Lowries belonging to this tribe. [...] Henry Berry, the grantee previously mentioned, was a lineal descendant of the English colonist, Henry Berry, who was left on Roanoke Island in 1587. (See list of names of Lost Colony.)"

### 14.4 Language — p. 20 — VERIFIED

> "The language spoken is almost pure Anglo Saxon, a fact which we think affords corroborative evidence of their relation to the lost colony of White. Mon (Saxon) is used for man, father is pronounced fayther, and a tradition is usually begun as follows: 'Mon, my fayther told me that his fayther told him,' &c. Mension is used for measurement, aks for ask, hit for it, hosen for hose, lovend for loving, housen for houses. They seem to have but two sounds for the letter a, one like short o. Many of the words in common use among them have long been obsolete in English speaking countries."

### 14.5 The surnames — pp. 22-24 — VERIFIED (the italics that mark the "Robeson" names are lost in the OCR, so which names McMillan italicised cannot be recovered from this text)

p. 22: "In investigating the traditions prevalent among this singular people, we found many family names identical with those of the lost colony of 1587. For the information of the reader, we give a list of the names of all the men, women and children of Raleigh's colony, which arrived in Virginia and remained to inhabit there. This list is found in 1st Volume of Hawk's History of North Carolina and copied from Hakluyt, Vol. III, page 280." [then the 1587 list, Hakluyt's spellings] — p. 24: "The names in the foregoing list in italics, are those which are found at this time among the Indians residing in Robeson county and in other counties of North Carolina. The traditions of every family bearing the name of one of the lost colonists, point to Roanoke as the country of their ancestors. If we accept their traditions they held communication with the Eastern coast long after their exodus, and it is not improbable that it was a party of this tribe which Lawson describes in 1714, as visiting their old hunting grounds and who described their ancestors as people who 'could talk in a book.'"

### 14.6 McMillan's use of the older sources — pp. 12-13 — VERIFIED

He cites Lawson (misdated "1714"), Yeardley's 1654 letter via Hawks ("So that at that early day the island was occupied by Indians who knew nothing of the lost Englishmen and who pointed out Raleigh's fort as an object of curiosity, without any tradition as to the fate of those who built it."), and the Rev. Mr Blair's 1703 letter to Lord Weymouth on "a great nation of Indians ... computed to be no less than 100,000. many of which live among the English, and all as far as I can understand, a very civilized people." He says (p. 12) of the Chowan/Mangoak searches: "The Mangoacks were seated northwest from Albemarle and it is not surprising that the messengers returned without definite information".

### 14.7 Conclusion — p. 27 — VERIFIED

> "The number of family names to be found among them, identical with those of the colonists of Roanoke is further corroborative of their traditional descent. The line of emigration from their original seat on the coast was westward, and can be traced as far west as the French Broad, in Buncombe county. [...] The writer has been much interested in investigating the traditions prevalent among the Croatans and expresses his firm conviction that they are descended from the friendly tribe found on our eastern coast in 1587, and also descended from the lost colonists of Roanoke who were amalgamated with this tribe."

*Assessment (as required, flagged 19th-century):* McMillan's evidence is (i) an 1864 speech reported "in substance" twenty-four years later; (ii) traditions gathered 1875-1888 from a community already labelled "Croatan" by the 1885 statute he himself procured; (iii) the surname coincidences (common English names) and the "Darr/Durr/Dorr" pronunciation elicited *after* he told the Virginia Dare story; (iv) archaic dialect features found in many isolated Anglophone communities. Nothing in it is independent of Lawson 1709 (which McMillan explicitly builds on) and it stands or falls with (a). Brown's 1890 endorsement (§2.3) shows how quickly it entered the scholarly literature.

---

## 15. Place-names: every spelling, its source, and the modern identifications

Abbreviations: TR = True Relation 1608 (§1); ZC = Zúñiga chart 1608 (§2; reading by Brown/Barbour/EV/FCF as noted); GI = Gates instructions May 1609 (§4); HK = Hakluyt 15 Apr. 1609 (§4a); TSD = True and Sincere Declaration 1609 (§4b); ST = Strachey (Major 1849 pages; W&F = Princeton-MS readings via Barbour 1975) (§5); MV/PR = Smith 1612 Map / Proceedings (§6); GH = Generall Historie 1624 (§7); PP = Purchas Pilgrimes 1625 (§8); HM = Hamor 1615 (§10a); BL = Bland 1651 (§12); LW = Lawson 1709 (§11). "Verified-from" names the text in which I actually read the identification.

| Place (conventional) | Spellings as they occur (source, page) | What the sources say about it | Modern identifications | Status of identification |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| **Ocanahowan** | Ocanahonan, Ocanahonum (TR img. 12; margin "[Oc]onahawan" per Barbour); Ocamahowan (TR img. 13); Ocanahawan (ZC, Brown); Okanahowan (ZC, Barbour 1975 & FCF); oconohowan (ZC, EV); Ohonahorn / Ohonahoen [side-head] / Oconahoen (GI p. 17); Ochanahoen (ST p. 26; W&F same); Ocanahoen (HM p. 27; PP p. 1767); Ocanahowan (GH p. 110; Barbour's chosen form); Ocanohowan (Brown p. 190) | Men "cloathed like me" there (Opechancanough); "the people cloathed" confirmed by Powhatan; 4 men clothed "came from Roonock to Ocanahowan" (ZC); "Foure dayes Journey from yor forte Southewards ... seated where the Riuer of Choanocki devideth it self into three braunches and falleth into the sea of Rawnocke in thirtie fiue degrees" (GI); stone-walled two-storey houses "so taught them by those Englishe" (ST); "fiue daies iourney" with reported Spaniards (HM/GH 1611) | Brown 1890: "probably supposed to be on the Neuse" (verified-from Brown). Barbour 1975/1986: "on the south side of a river which must be the Roanoke some distance above its confluence with the ... Chowan"; "a Mangoak (non-Powhatan) town near the modern Virginia-North Carolina boundary, west of the Chowan River"; tentatively "at or near Hocomowananck" = Roanoke Rapids; possibly Lawson's Tuscarora "Unanauhan" (verified-from Barbour 1975 and Barbour n. 111). FCF: "somewhere on the lower Roanoke River ... between modern Roanoke Rapids and the Albemarle Sound" (verified-from FCF). Horn: "on the Roanoke River" (UNVERIFIED — search-snippet only). Quinn, Lawler: UNVERIFIED. | Consensus since Barbour: Roanoke River, Mangoak/Tuscarora country. Brown's Neuse is superseded. |
| **Peccarecamek / Pakerakanick** | Peccarecamicke (GI p. 17); Peccarecamek (ST p. 26 Sloane/Major; Brown "Pecearecamek" OCR); Peccartcanick (Sloane side-note per Brown/Major); Peccarecanicke, Peccarecanick (W&F per Barbour); Pakerikanick (ZC, Barbour 1975); Pakrakanick (ZC, Brown p. 190); Pakranick (ZC, EV); pakerakanick (ZC, FCF) | "by another [branch] Peccarecamicke where you shall finde foure of the englishe aliue" (GI); houses of stone, tame turkeys, apes taken in the mountains (ST); side-note (W&F) "between 35. and 36. degrees of the Line" | Brown: on the Neuse "near Sampson County". Barbour 1975: "on the second important river to the south" = the Neuse (verified-from Barbour). EV: "at Pakranick on the Neuse River" (verified-from EV). FCF: "likely somewhere on the modern Tar River between Tarboro and Chocowinity" (verified-from FCF). Horn: Tar River (UNVERIFIED snippet). | Neuse (Brown, Barbour, EV) vs Tar (FCF, Horn) — unresolved; depends on which chart river is which. |
| **Ritanoe** | Ritanoe (HK 1609; ST p. 26; W&F); Ritanoc (GI p. 17); Rittanoe (FCF) | "rich mine of copper or gold in a towne called Ritanoe, neere certaine mountaines lying West of Roanoac" (HK); "Riche Copper mines of Ritanoc" reached "by one braunche of this Riuer" (GI); Eyanoco "preserved seven of the English alive ... to beat his copper, of which he hath certaine mynes at the said Ritanoe" (ST) | Brown: none. Barbour 1975: not located (he speaks only of "the rumored copper-mines of Chaunis Temoatan, up the Roanoke River, above Ocanahowan"). FCF: "somewhere well south of the James River and likely south of the Roanoke River". Horn (Amer. Heritage 2010): "deep in the mountains at a place called Ritanoe" (verified-from that article). Quinn/Lawler: UNVERIFIED. | Unlocated; copper country west/south-west of the Roanoke (cf. Lane's Chaunis Temoatan). |
| **Panawiock** | Panawicke (TR img. 15); Panawiock (ZC, Barbour & FCF); Pananiock (ZC, Brown); Pananaioc (Smith's "Ould Virginia" map per Brown); Panawaioc (De Bry/White map per Barbour n. 154); Pamawauk (ST p. 26 Major); Pannawaick (W&F per Barbour) | "beyond Roonok, where he reported many men to be apparelled" (TR); "here Paspahegh and 2 of our men landed to go to Panawiock" (ZC); "store of salt stones" (ST) | Barbour: the chart's note sits between the Pamlico and the Roanoke; location "uncertain (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 849, 872)" (verified-from Barbour n. 154). FCF: "either the later Cashie River or Salmon Creek in Bertie County" (verified-from FCF — i.e. FCF's "Site X/Y" area). Brown: none. | Bertie County/lower Roanoke side of Albemarle Sound is FCF's working hypothesis; the White/De Bry "Panawaioc" is the same name. |
| **Anone / Anoeg** | Anone (TR img. 13); Anoeg (ST p. 48 "not expressed in the mappe") | "abundance of Brasse, and houses walled as ours" (TR); "whose howses are built as ours, ten daies distant from us" south-west, visited by Powhatan's servant Weinock (ST) | Barbour n. 134 equates the two (verified-from Barbour). No modern location in the texts read. | Unlocated; possibly a southern piedmont/Siouan town; may be another echo of English-style houses. |
| **Chowanoke** | Chawwonock (TR); Chawonock (MV p. 9; PR p. 90; GH pp. 25, 143; PP pp. 1694, 1728); Chowanoke (PR p. 57); Chawwonoke (GH p. 87); Chawonoaks (ST p. 48); river of Chanoke (ST p. 26; W&F "Chaonoke"); Choanocki (GI p. 17); Chawan (BL); Chuwon (LW p. 234: "Bennets Creek ... Fighting Men 15") | Two days from Powhatan's (TR); Sicklemore's goal: "found little hope and lesse certainetie" (PR); "The riuer, he saw was not great, the people few, the countrey most over growne with pynes" (GH); Pory 1622 "the South Riuer Chawonock, some sixtie miles ouer land" (GH) | Chowan River, N.C.; principal town near the Chowan–Meherrin confluence (standard; not contested in any text read). | Secure. |
| **Mangoags** | Mangoge (TR); Mangoags (MV p. 9; GH pp. 25, 87); Mangoages (PR p. 90; ST p. 48); Mangoagues (ST p. 124); Manqueocke (GI p. 17, as a station on the road south — probably the same name); Mangoaks (Lane 1586 as reprinted in GH bk 1) | A day and a half from Powhatan's (TR); Powell and Todkill "conducted to the Mangoags ... nothing could they learne but they were all dead" (PR/GH); three days' journey SW "into a high country ... except there language" (GH p. 88) | Barbour 1975: "definitely Iroquoian, although the name ... was Algonquian, and meant 'rattlesnakes' or 'adders'"; = the Nottoway (verified-from Barbour). | Nottoway/Meherrin (Iroquoian) of the Virginia–N.C. line — secure as a group. |
| **Roanoke** | Roonock / Roo[?]ock, R[?]onok (TR; Arber "Roonock", "Roonok"); Roonock (ZC); Roanoac (HK); Rawnocke, Roanocke (GI); Roanoak (ST pp. 20, 26, 85; ZC per Barbour; Byrd); Ronoak (ST p. 50 and margin p. 27; LW); Roanoack (ST p. 28; GH p. 40); Roanoake (ST p. 48); Ronoake (Kingsbury III p. 228, a river); Roanocke (Kingsbury I p. 504, Rayner's voyage); Rhoanoke (Yeardley 1654); Roenoke (Beverley); Roanoake = beads (HM, BL, LW "Ronoak") | "6. from Roonock" days (TR); "the sea of Rawnocke" (GI); "the islande aforesaid, called Roanoack" and "Ronoak not under the commaund of Powhatan" (ST); "the slaughter at Roanoak"/"our other colony at Roanoak"/"the first plantation at Roanoak" (ST) | Roanoke Island / the 1587 colony; also the Roanoke (Moratuc) River and Albemarle Sound region; also shell-bead money. | The word's four senses (island, colony, river/district, beads) must be disambiguated case by case — see §17. |
| **Gepanocon / Eyanoco** | Gepanocon (GI p. 17, "a wiroane ... enemy to Powhaton"); Eyanoco (ST p. 26; W&F) | Protects 4 (GI) / 7 (ST) English; has copper mines at Ritanoe (ST) | FCF: "likely these are two versions of the same name" (verified-from FCF); Barbour 1975 cross-refers them (verified-from Barbour). | Same person, two spellings — probable. |
| **Ochanahoen's road: Winocke, Manqueocke, Caththega** | Winocke, Manqueocke, Caththega/Gaththega (GI p. 17) | "from James forte to Winocke by water, from thence to Manqueocke, some twenty miles from thence to Caththega, as much and from thence to Oconahoen" | Winocke = Weyanoke (on the James); Manqueocke = Mangoak town(s); Caththega unidentified — my identifications, from the texts read; no modern author read on them. | Only Winocke is secure. |
| **Hocomawananck** | Hocomowananck, Hocomawananck (BL pp. 5-6, 8-9); Woodford River (Bland's name for the Meherrin), Blandina River (his name for the Roanoke) | Tuscarora meeting place with "Falls" and a sturgeon fishery; site of Appachancano's massacre of 240 ("Golgotha") | Barbour 1975: "almost certainly at or near modern Roanoke Rapids"; tentatively = Ocanahowan (verified-from Barbour). | Roanoke Rapids: strong. |
| **Croatoan / Hatteras** | Croatoan (PP p. 1646); "Cro" and Croatan (ST p. 152); Croatan (Beverley p. 10); Hatteras (LW pp. 62, 234); Croatoan or Croatan "off the coast of Carteret" (McMillan p. 17) | White's 1590 clue; Lawson's Hatteras "who either then lived on Ronoak-Island, or much frequented it" | Hatteras Island (Cape Creek/Buxton) — standard; McMillan's placement "off the coast of Carteret" is his tribe's tradition, not the 1590 geography. | Secure as Hatteras; McMillan's Carteret is a 19th-c. relocation. |
| **Chesapeake** | Chesapeack, Chessiopeians (ST p. 101); Chisapeack (MV p. 9: "the Towne of Chisapeack hath formerly been discovered by Mr Heriots and Sr Raph Layne"); Chesapeak (ST p. 105) | Tribe "extinct" by Powhatan's order for a prophecy (ST); re-peopled by 1611 (ST) | Lynnhaven/Elizabeth River, Virginia Beach (standard). | Secure as a place; its link to the colonists is Quinn's inference only. |

---

## 16a. Who told whom: the informant chain

| Informant | Date | Reached the record through | What he/they said |
|---|---|---|---|
| Opechancanough (Pamunkey) | Dec. 1607 | Smith, TR (§1.1) | men "cloathed like me" at Ocanahonan (or "6 dayes jorny beyond" it) |
| Powhatan (Wahunsenacawh) | c. 30 Dec. 1607–1 Jan. 1608 | Smith, TR (§1.2) | "confirmed" the clothed people at Ocamahowan; Mangoge, Chawwonock, Roonock to the south; Anone with brass and walled houses |
| "an Indian which had been prisoner to Powhatan" | Dec. 1607 | Smith, TR as quoted by Brown | confirmed the southern countries |
| Wowinchopunck (Paspahegh) | Jan.–Feb. 1608 | Smith, TR (§1.3); Zúñiga chart | "many men ... apparelled" at Panawicke beyond Roonok; landed at Warraskoyack, "went to see", came back |
| the chart's compiler (Smith?) | by June 1608 | Zúñiga chart (§2) | "4 men clothed that came from Roonock to Ocanahowan" at Pakerakanick |
| Namontack and Machumps ("our owne Indians") | London, Jan.–May 1609 | Hakluyt (§4a); Council instructions (§4); Strachey (§5.2, "by the relation of Machumps") | Ritanoe copper; four/seven English alive under Gepanocon/Eyanoco; slaughter by Powhatan at the English arrival; stone houses at Peccarecamek/Ochanahoen |
| Weinock, Powhatan's servant | before 1610 | "our elder planters" → Strachey (§5.4) | Anoeg, ten days SW, "howses ... built as ours" |
| the Chowanokes | Dec. 1608–Jan. 1609 | Sicklemore → Smith (§6.3, §7.5) | "little hope and lesse certainetie" |
| the Mangoags (via Quiyoughquohanock guides) | 1609 | Powell and Todkill → Smith (§6.3, §7.5); Strachey p. 124 | "they were all dead" |
| unnamed colonists' letters | 1609 | Council, True and Sincere Declaration (§4b) | survivors "within fifty mile", "crosses and Letters ... newly cut in the barks of trees" |
| Powhatan (alleged confession) | 1608-09? | Purchas's side-note and Verger (§8.4, §8.6) only | "hee had bin at the murther of that Colonie"; musket barrel, brass mortar, iron |
| "Some of the inhabitants" | 1610-11 | Strachey (§5.9) | prophecy; Chesapeakes destroyed |
| Coles, Kitchins and three others | summer 1611 | Hamor (§10a) → Smith (§7.6) | went five days toward Ocanahoen expecting Spaniards |
| Chounterounte (Weyanoke), a Tuscarora, Occonnosquay | Aug.–Sept. 1650 | Bland (§12) | an Englishman among the Tuscarora; an English woman "cast away long since"; "other English amongst the Indians" |
| the Roanoke Island "great commander" | Sept. 1653 | Yeardley (§13.1) | showed "the ruins of Sir Walter Ralegh's fort" |
| the Hatteras Indians | c. 1701-08 | Lawson (§11) | ancestors "white People, and could talk in a Book"; gray eyes |
| George Lowrie and Robeson County "chroniclers" | 1864; 1875-88 | McMillan (§14) | tribe from "Roanoke in Virginia"; took the English in; Darr/Durr/Dorr |

## 16b. Scenario matrix — what each document supports

| Document | (a) Croatoan/Hatteras | (b) inland Chowan/Roanoke | (c) slaughter by Powhatan c. 1607 | (d) sailed home | (e) Chesapeake |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Smith TR 1608 | — | clothed men at Ocanahonan/Panawicke; Roonock 6 days S | silent (Powhatan volunteers information) | — | — |
| Zúñiga chart 1608 | departure point "Roonock" | "4 men clothed ... from Roonock to Ocanahowan" at Pakerakanick | silent | — | — |
| Percy 1607 (Purchas 1625) | — | — | — | — | yellow-haired boy on the James (weak) |
| Hakluyt Apr. 1609 | — | Ritanoe copper "West of Roanoac" | — | — | — |
| Gates instructions May 1609 | — | four English alive at Peccarecamicke under Gepanocon; search south "more probable then towards the north" | explicit: "escaped from the slaughter of Powhaton of Roanocke, vppon the first arrivall of our Colonie" | — | against (as a surviving location) |
| True and Sincere Declaration 1609 | — | survivors "within fifty mile of our fort"; tree carvings | against (survivors alive) | — | — |
| Strachey 1612 | knows the "Cro" clue (p. 152) | stone houses at Peccarecamek/Ochanahoen; seven at Ritanoe; fled up the Chowan | explicit and repeated (pp. 20, 26, 50, 85-86, 103); victims "twenty and od yeares ... intermixt", "out of his territory", "seated far from him" | — | Chesapeakes "extinct" for a prophecy (p. 101) — the link to the colonists is not stated |
| Smith 1612 / 1624 | — | searches to Chowanoke and the Mangoags | "they were all dead" (no killer named); no confession | — | — |
| Purchas 1625 (side-note, Verger) | "some children were borne to them there: and whether they liue" | — | "Powhatan confessed ... murther ... Musket barrell ... brasse Morter" | — | — |
| Hamor 1615 / Smith 1624 p. 110 | — | Ocanahoen five days south, with "Spaniards" | — | — | — |
| Maguel 1610; Molina 1613 | — | silk-clad people beyond the mountains (not English) | — | — | — |
| Virginia Company 1619-22 | — | "thre riuers of Ronoake Powsatan and Pamunky"; Rayner's lost 1620/21 relation "to Roanocke" | — | — | — |
| Bland 1651 | — | Englishman and an English woman "cast away long since" among the Tuscarora | — | — | — |
| Yeardley 1654 | ruins of the fort shown; no tradition | — | — | — | — |
| Beverley 1705 | "remov'd to Croatan" then "cut them off" | — | — | — | — |
| Lawson 1709 | white ancestors, gray eyes, "talk in a Book"; fort ruins and guns | — | "or thro' the Treachery of the Natives" (generic) | — | — |
| McMillan 1888 | tribe took the English in; moved to Sampson/Robeson | — | — | — | — |

---

## 17. Open questions and surprises

1. **The "confession" is Purchas's, not Smith's.** The musket barrel, brass mortar and pieces of iron exist only in a marginal note Purchas set beside Smith's Sicklemore sentence in 1625 (p. 1728), and the "hee had beene at their slaughter" sentence is in Purchas's own essay *Virginia's Verger* (p. 1813), not at p. 1728. Smith's 1608, 1612 and 1624 texts never mention it (§7.8). Every modern statement that "Powhatan confessed to Smith" rests on these two Purchas passages. Whether Purchas had it from Smith in conversation, from a lost paper, or built it out of the Council/Strachey tradition cannot be decided from the texts; the objects are the only element with no other source.

2. **The slaughter story is a year older than Strachey.** The Council's instructions of May 1609 already state "the slaughter of Powhaton of Roanocke, vppon the first arrivall of our Colonie" (§4.2), and Hakluyt already knows Ritanoe in April 1609 (§4a). Strachey (in London until June 1609, in Virginia from May 1610) reproduces the Council's doctrine almost clause by clause (§5.7: "his majestie hath bene acquainted ... revenge only taken upon his Quiyoughquisocks" ↔ the Council's §7 on the priests). The independent witness behind both is Machumps in London, winter 1608-09 — a single Powhatan informant, not two traditions.

3. **Where was "Roanoak"?** In Strachey "Roanoak/Ronoak" is the colony ("our other colony at Roanoak", "the first plantation at Roanoak", "our poore countrymen ... at Ronoak") and, separately, the island ("the islande aforesaid, called Roanoack", p. 28). He nowhere says the killing happened on the island; on the contrary he says the victims "were out of his territory" (p. 86), "seated far from him, and in the territory of those weroances which did in no sort depend on him" (p. 103), and that "No parte of this sowth country is supposed to be under Powhatan" (p. 28). Read on its own terms, Strachey places the massacred colonists *south of Powhatan's reach*, i.e. in the Chowan/Roanoke country — not in the Chesapeake. Quinn's (e) has to override Strachey's own geography with the Chesapeake-prophecy passage (p. 101), which never mentions the English.

4. **Does "twenty and od yeares" refer to the colonists?** Yes: "the first planted (who twenty and od yeares had peaceably lyved intermixt with those salvages, and were out of his territory)" — the antecedent is the 1587 planters. 1587 + 20-odd = 1607-1610, which matches "at what tyme this our colony, under the conduct of Capt. Newport, landed" (p. 26) and "vppon the first arrivall of our Colonie" (Council). Strachey's "seventeen or eighteen yeares togeather, yt lay neglected" (p. 153) counts 1590 → 1607/08 from the other end. So both the Council and Strachey put the killing in spring 1607, twenty years after the landing — and describe the victims as having lived "intermixt with those salvages" throughout: the slaughter tradition itself presupposes twenty years of assimilation.

5. **Does Smith 1624 contradict Strachey?** In substance yes: Smith's only fieldwork report is "they were all dead" from the Mangoags and "little hope and lesse certainetie" from the Chowanokes (1609), and he never records a killer, a confession, or survivors; Strachey (1612) has seven survivors under Eyanoco and a Powhatan massacre. Smith's 1624 additions (§7.5) even show that Powell and Todkill walked only three days south-west into a riverless upland — they never reached the Roanoke River where Barbour and FCF place Ocanahowan — so "all dead" is second-hand from a people who were themselves the neighbours of the alleged survivors. Neither Smith nor Strachey ever claims an Englishman saw a survivor.

6. **Four or seven?** The chart (1608) and the Council (1609) say four men at Pakerakanick/Peccarecamicke; Strachey says "seven ... fower men, two boyes, and one yonge mayde" at Ritanoe, having "fled up the river of Chanoke". Same four men plus three children, or two different groups? The children imply births in the colony (Purchas: "some children were borne to them there").

7. **Roanoke = beads.** After 1610 "Roanoke" in Virginia is also shell money (Hamor, Bland, Lawson). The 1619 council letter's "thre riuers of Ronoake Powsatan and Pamunky" (§10b.1) is the river; Rayner's 1621 "Voyadge ... to the Southward to Roanocke" is the island/sound. No text after 1612 uses "Roanoke" for the colony.

8. **A lost 1621 relation.** Marmaduke Rayner's written "Relacon" of a voyage "to the Southward to Roanocke" (summer 1620/21) was read to the Company on 10 July 1621 and is not printed by Kingsbury (§10b.3). It is the only recorded English return to Roanoke between Mace (1602/03) and Yeardley's men (1653). Its whereabouts (Ferrar Papers? Manchester Papers?) is a research lead.

9. **The Spaniards at Ocanahowan.** By 1611 the colonists thought Ocanahoen held a "Spanish Plantation" (Hamor, Smith) and Maguel reports silk-clad people visited by Spanish ships (§9). "Men cloathed" in 1608 need not have meant Roanoke English to the Indians who reported them; the identification is the English listeners'.

10. **Percy's yellow-haired boy** (May 1607) is the only physical observation of European descent among the Virginia Indians and no later writer connects it to Roanoke; it is at least as consistent with Spanish (1570-72) or 1585-86 English contact on the Chesapeake as with (e).

11. **Bland's English woman.** In 1650 the governor of Virginia ordered Bland "to enquire for an English woman cast away long since, and was amongst those Nations" (Tuscarora) and to speak with "an Englishman amongst them" (§12) — a living tradition of English among the southern Iroquoians, sixty years on, that no modern account I read discusses.

12. **The Strachey side-notes differ between manuscripts.** Sloane 1622 (Major): "Howses of stone, tame Turkyes, and Monkyes, supposed at Peccartcanick"; Princeton (Wright & Freund p. 34, per Barbour): "Peccarecanick between 35. and 36. degrees of the Line: and in her warme Vallyes may be planted, Sugar-Canes, Oranges, Lemons ..." — the latitude note supports a location between the Roanoke and the Pamlico/Tar (the Neuse mouth is nearer 35°). Needs checking in Wright & Freund.

13. **Strachey p. 124** ("in their discoveryes to the Mangoagues, they did light once upon twoo skynns") is an unnoticed corroboration that the 1609 Mangoag journey happened and brought objects back to the fort.

14. **The Council thought south, not north.** "if you finde them not, yet seach into this Countrey it is more probable then towards the north" (May 1609): whatever the Company had heard, it did not expect survivors in the Chesapeake or north of the James.

15. **Purchas's Pilgrimage editions (1613-1626) never adopt the confession**, even in 1626 after it had appeared in the 1625 Pilgrimes; the story belonged to the Smith-derived Virginia chapters only.

16. **Beverley (1705) and Lawson (1709)** are independent of each other and of the Jamestown tradition: Beverley = Croatoan then "cut them off"; Lawson = assimilation at Hatteras from the Hatteras Indians' own mouths. Neither knows Strachey (unprinted until 1849) or Purchas's note.

17. **McMillan (1888)** is downstream of Lawson and Hawks; his only independent data are the Robeson County traditions and surnames, and the "Darr/Durr/Dorr" pronunciation was elicited after he had told the Virginia Dare story. Brown printed it in 1890 as compatible with the Zúñiga chart — the origin of the Lumbee–Zúñiga linkage in the scholarly literature.

## 18. Editions and documents NOT reached (everything from them is UNVERIFIED here)

- Barbour, *The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609* (1969), I pp. 238-240: the standard transcription and facsimile of the Zúñiga chart (archive.org lending copy refused).
- Quinn, *The Roanoke Voyages* (1955) II pp. 849, 872 (Panawaioc) and *Set Fair for Roanoke* (1985) pp. 358-360 etc. — his identifications and his Chesapeake thesis are cited only at second hand (Barbour n. 154; FCF).
- Wright & Freund, Strachey (1953): Princeton-MS readings (quoted only via Barbour 1975); Ashmole 1758 variants: nothing read.
- Horn, *A Kingdom Strange* (2010) and Lawler, *The Secret Token* (2018): their identifications appear here only as reported by the American Heritage 2010 article (Horn) and not at all (Lawler).
- Spanish originals of Zúñiga's letters and of Maguel's relation (Simancas); Velasco's own letters; the Velasco map itself.
- Comberford's 1657 map; John Pory's own 1622 letters (Powell 1977); Marmaduke Rayner's 1621 relation (lost); Blair's 1703 letter (known only through McMillan).
- Purchas *Pilgrimage* 1614 p. 755: located in a very poor OCR; the page could not be re-confirmed (the 1613 TCP text is the verified witness).
- Modern secondary summaries were not used for any quotation.

## 19. Inventory of raw texts saved to `sources/` (each file begins with a "SOURCE HEADER" line giving URL, edition and fetch date)

| File | Contents |
|---|---|
| smith_true_relation_1608_TCP_A12470.txt | True Relation 1608, EEBO-TCP, converted to text with [[PAGE]] and [[MARGIN]] markers |
| smith_map_of_virginia_and_proceedings_1612_TCP_A12466.txt | Map of Virginia + Proceedings 1612, TCP |
| smith_generall_historie_1624_TCP_A12461.txt | Generall Historie 1624, TCP |
| smith_works_arber1910_vol1_djvu.txt / _vol2_djvu.txt | Arber, Travels and Works, 1910, vols. I-II, OCR |
| strachey_historie_major1849_bsb_djvu.txt / _google_djvu.txt | Strachey, ed. Major 1849, two OCR scans |
| kingsbury_records_virginia_company_vol1_1906_djvu.txt / _vol3_1933_djvu.txt | Records of the Virginia Company I and III, OCR |
| brown_genesis_united_states_vol1_1890_djvu.txt / _vol2_1890_djvu.txt | Brown, Genesis of the United States I-II, OCR |
| purchas_pilgrimes_1625_part4_TCP_A71306.txt / purchas_pilgrimes_1625_part4_djvu.txt | Pilgrimes 1625 part IV, TCP (with margins) and OCR |
| purchas_pilgrimes_glasgow1906_vol18_djvu.txt / _vol19_djvu.txt | MacLehose reprint vols. XVIII-XIX, OCR |
| purchas_pilgrimage_1613_TCP_A10228.txt; purchas_pilgrimage_1614_djvu.txt; purchas_pilgrimage_1617_djvu.txt; purchas_pilgrimage_1626_djvu.txt | Pilgrimage, four editions |
| hamor_true_discourse_1615_TCP_A02606.txt / hamor_true_discourse_1615_reprint1860_djvu.txt | Hamor 1615, TCP and 1860 reprint OCR |
| bland_discovery_of_new_brittaine_1651_TCP_A28352.txt / bland_discovery_new_brittaine_1651_sabin1873_djvu.txt | Bland 1651, TCP and Sabin reprint |
| lawson_new_voyage_1709_docsouth.txt / lawson_new_voyage_1709_archive_scan_djvu.txt | Lawson 1709, docsouth transcription (with 1709 page numbers) and scan OCR |
| salley_narratives_early_carolina_1911_djvu.txt | Salley, Narratives of Early Carolina (Yeardley 1654) |
| beverley_history_present_state_virginia_1705_djvu.txt | Beverley 1705, OCR |
| byrd_histories_dividing_line_boyd1929_djvu.txt | Byrd, ed. Boyd 1929, OCR |
| mcmillan_sir_walter_raleighs_lost_colony_1888_djvu.txt | McMillan 1888, OCR |
| encyclopediavirginia_zuniga_chart_extract.txt | EV "Zúñiga Chart" entry, web-page extraction (legend readings) |

Other files in `sources/` that this dossier also relies on: barbour_1975_ocanahowan_algonquian_conference.txt; barbour_smith_works_vol1_extracts.txt; hakluyt1609_virginia_richly_valued_dedication.txt; FCF_news_english_in_chowan_country.txt; strachey_1849_extracts.txt; kingsbury_vol3_1609_instructions_extract.txt; AmericanHeritage_2010_found.txt; McMillan1888_fulltext.txt.

Working copies of the raw downloads (including the refused or empty downloads of Barbour 1969, Quinn 1955/1985, Powell's Pory, Wright & Freund) are not included in this folder.