# A. The Roanoke voyages, 1584–1603: the primary documents, quoted verbatim

All texts below were fetched in full from the editions named, saved under `sources/`, and read end to end unless stated otherwise. Every quotation is copied from the fetched text (original spelling: u/v and i/j as printed; `&` as printed). Nothing is quoted from memory without a **UNVERIFIED** flag.

**Scenario key used in the one-line notes:** [CRO] = assimilation/removal to Croatoan (Hatteras); [CHOWAN] = removal inland to the Chowan/Albemarle interior ("50 miles into the maine"); [POWHATAN] = destruction by Powhatan or other mainland Indians (a Chesapeake massacre); [SAIL] = an attempt to leave by sea in the pinnace/boats; [SPLIT] = the colonists divided; [SPAIN] = Spanish knowledge/interference.

## 0. Editions used, verification standard, what could not be obtained

| Text | Edition actually fetched and read | Original-print location | Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| Barlowe 1584; Tiger journal 1585; Lane's letter 1585; Lane's account 1585–86; relief voyage 1586; Harriot 1588; White 1587; names of 1587 colonists; White's letter 1593; White 1590 | Hakluyt, *Principal Navigations*, ed. E. Goldsmid, vol. XIII *America Part II* (1889) = Project Gutenberg #25645 (clean proof-read transcription of the 1600 text, original spelling; Hakluyt's marginal notes as "(Mnnn)"). Cross-checked throughout against the OCR of the MacLehose edition (Glasgow 1904, vol. VIII, archive.org `principalnavigat08hakl`), which carries the 1600 pagination as "[III. nnn.]" markers, and spot-checked against the OCR of the 1600 original itself (archive.org `cihm_94220`). | Hakluyt, *The third and last volume of the voyages, navigations, traffiques, and discoueries of the English nation* (London: George Bishop, Ralph Newberie & Robert Barker, 1600), pp. 246–295. Page numbers below are these 1600 pages, taken from the MacLehose markers and confirmed by the 1600 volume's own "Catalogue" (which gives 246, 251, 265, 280, 288 for the five voyages; 276 for the "description of the nature and maners"). | **VERIFIED** (whole texts read) |
| White, narrative of the 1588 voyage (the *Brave* and the *Roe*) | OCR of two microform scans of the 1589 first edition (archive.org `cihm_35668` and the EEBO microfilm item). Blackletter OCR, garbled; both witnesses collated; my cleaned reading is given in §8 with doubtful words marked "[?]". This text is **not** in the 1600 edition. | Hakluyt, *The Principall Navigations* (London 1589), pp. 771–773. | **VERIFIED, with OCR caveats** |
| Hakluyt's own statements (1589 preface "To the favourable Reader"; 1599 and 1600 epistles to Sir Robert Cecil) | MacLehose vol. I (archive.org `principalnavigat01hakl`), which reprints all the prefatory matter. | 1589, sig. *3; 1599 vol. II sig. *2–*4 (dated 24 Oct. 1599); 1600 vol. III sig. A2–A3 (dated 1 Sept. 1600). | **VERIFIED** |
| Hakluyt, dedication of *Virginia richly valued* (1609) | Rye's Hakluyt Society reprint (1851, archive.org `discoveryconques00ryewrich`) checked against the OCR of the 1609 JCB copy (`virginiarichlyva00knig`) for the key sentence. | London 1609, sig. A2–A4 (dated 15 April 1609). | **VERIFIED** |
| Oré, *Relación de los mártires* (c. 1617–19): the Vicente González voyage of May–July 1588 | Maynard Geiger's translation, *The Martyrs of Florida (1513–1616)* (Franciscan Studies 18, 1936), pp. 41–52 and notes (archive.org `martyrsofflorida00orel`). | Oré's text; Geiger pp. 44–49. | **VERIFIED** (Geiger's translation; Quinn's differing translation is from memory, flagged) |
| Spanish letters: Quiñones (Sept. 1586), Pedro Menéndez Marqués (22 June 1587), Pedro de Arana (22 July 1588), examination of the pilot Pedro Díaz (21 March 1589) | Irene A. Wright, *Further English Voyages to Spanish America 1583–1594* (Hakluyt Society 1951), Docs. 54, 61, 62, 65 (archive.org `FutherEnglishVoyagesToSpanishAmerica15831594`, OCR). | AGI Santo Domingo 126 and 118; Contratación 5108. | **VERIFIED** (Wright's translation) |
| The Mace voyage note (1602) | 1903 facsimile of Brereton's 1602 tract, first edition p. 14 (archive.org `briefetruerelati00breriala`, blackletter OCR) collated with the modernised reprint in MHS *Collections* 3rd ser. VIII (1843), pp. 94–95. | Brereton, *A Briefe and true Relation of the Discouerie of the North part of Virginia* (London 1602), p. 14. | **VERIFIED** (two witnesses) |
| Ralegh to Cecil, 21 Aug. 1602 | Edwards, *Life of Sir Walter Ralegh*, vol. II *Letters* (1868), no. CX, pp. 251–253 (archive.org OCR). | Cecil Papers (Hatfield) vol. xciv, no. 160. | **VERIFIED** |
| Canner's relation of Bartholomew Gilbert's voyage, 1603 | Purchas, *Pilgrimes* (1625) in the MacLehose reprint vol. XVIII (1906), pp. 329–335 (archive.org OCR). | Purchas 1625, IV. viii. 12, pp. 1656–1658. | **VERIFIED** |
| D. B. Quinn, *The Roanoke Voyages 1584–1590* (Hakluyt Society 1955), 2 vols. | archive.org has it (ids `roanokevoyages150002davi`, `bwb_KU-995-553` [vol. I], `bwb_KU-995-547` [vol. II]) but **borrow-only**: the text files return HTTP 302 to a login page and the in-book search endpoint returned no JSON. Not read. Quinn's translations of the Spanish documents and his notes are therefore cited only as pointers. | — | **NOT OBTAINED** |
| Quinn, *Set Fair for Roanoke* (1985) | archive.org `setfairforroanok00quin`, borrow-only. Not read. | — | **NOT OBTAINED** |

Other things tried and not found: the Wisconsin "American Journeys" transcriptions and docsouth (blocked; not attempted through wayback once the archive.org texts proved sufficient); ECU's "Roanoke Colonies Illuminated" Hakluyt page (404). Encyclopedia Virginia hosts only *excerpts* (of the 1587 and 1590 voyages), so it was not used.

**Files saved** (`sources/`): `hakluyt1600_barlowe_1584.txt`, `hakluyt1600_grenville_tiger_journal_1585.txt`, `hakluyt1600_lane_letter_1585.txt`, `hakluyt1600_lane_account_1585-86.txt`, `hakluyt1600_grenville_relief_voyage_1586.txt`, `hakluyt1600_harriot_briefe_and_true_report_1588.txt`, `hakluyt1600_white_1587.txt`, `hakluyt1600_colonists_names_1587.txt`, `hakluyt1600_white_letter_to_hakluyt_1593.txt`, `hakluyt1600_white_1590.txt`, `maclehose1904_vol8_virginia_section.txt` (the whole Virginia section with 1600 page markers), `hakluyt1589_white_1588_voyage_brave_and_roe_OCR.txt`, `hakluyt_prefaces_1589_1599_1600_extracts.txt`, `hakluyt1609_virginia_richly_valued_dedication.txt`, `harriot1590_briefe_and_true_report_debry_gutenberg4247.txt`, `ore_geiger1936_martyrs_of_florida_jacan_1588.txt`, `wright1951_spanish_documents_jacan_1586-1589.txt`, `brereton1602_mace_voyage_note.txt`, `purchas1625_canner_gilbert_voyage_1603.txt`, `ralegh_letter_to_cecil_1602-08-21_edwards1868.txt`; and the complete unedited downloads (with URL headers) in `sources/raw_downloads/`. Each file has a header giving the URL fetched, the edition, and the fetch date.

---

## 1. Arthur Barlowe, discourse of the first voyage, 1584

**Author / date:** "Written by one of the said Captaines" (Barlowe), addressed to Ralegh; voyage 27 April–mid-September 1584. **Edition:** Hakluyt 1600, III, pp. 246–251 (Goldsmid XXIV; Gutenberg #25645 lines 10325–10744). **Status: VERIFIED** (read in full).

**Hakluyt's 1600 headnote (verbatim):** "The first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks, wherein were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who discouered part of the Countrey now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written by one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at whose charge and direction, the said voyage was set forth."

Croatoan is **not** named anywhere in Barlowe. The places and people that matter later:

> "The next day there came vnto vs diuers boates, and in one of them the Kings brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their behauiour as mannerly and ciuill as any of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the countrey Wingandacoa, and now by her Maiestie Virginia."

— First naming of Wingina (later Pemisapan) and of the country. [Context]

> "After they had bene diuers times aboord our shippes, my selfe, with seuen more went twentie mile into the Riuer, that runneth towarde the Citie of Skicoak, which Riuer they call Occam: and the euening following, wee came to an Island which they call Raonoak, distant from the harbour by which we entered, seuen leagues: and at the north end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of Cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees, to keepe out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turne pike very artificially"

— Roanoke as a palisaded village of nine houses at the north end; "Skicoak" (the Chesapeake town) already a known name in 1584. [CHOWAN]/[POWHATAN] background.

> "Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, and ouer against this Island falleth into this spacious water, the great riuer called Occam by the inhabitants on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock; and sixe dayes journey from the same is situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak, which this people affirme to be very greate: but the Sauages were neuer at it, only they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men, whom they have heard affirme it to bee aboue one houres iourney about. Into this riuer falleth another great riuer, called Cipo, in which there is found great store of Muskles in which there are pearles: likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another riuer, called Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook, and the Lord of that towne and countrey is called Pooneno: this Pooneho is not subject to the king of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord: beyond this country is there another king, whom they call Menatonon, and these three kings are in league with each other. Towards the Southwest, foure dayes iourney is situate a towne called Sequotan, which is the Southermost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto which, sixe and twentie yeres past there was a ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saued, and those were white people, whom the countrey people preserued."

— Chawanook (Chowanoke) and Menatonon are known to the English from 1584; Chowanoke is "not subject to" Wingina. Note the tradition of shipwrecked white men preserved by the Secotan c. 1558. [CHOWAN] [CRO]

> "And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island vninhabited, called Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan, fastened two boates of the countrey together and made mastes vnto them and sailes of their shirtes, and hauing taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded, they departed after they had remained in this out Island 3 weekes: but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates were found vpon the coast cast a land in another Island adioyning: other then these, there was neuer any people apparelled, or white of colour, either seene or heard of amongst these people"

— A pre-1584 precedent for Europeans trying to sail away from the Outer Banks in improvised boats and being lost. [SAIL] (as a precedent only)

> "these kings haue mortall warre with Wingina king of Wingandacoa: but about two yeeres past there was a peace made betweene the King Piemacum, and the Lord of Secotan, as these men which we haue brought with vs to England, haue giuen vs to vnderstand ... their warres are very cruell and bloody, by reason whereof, and of their ciuill dissentions which haue happened of late yeeres amongst them, the people are maruelously wasted, and in some places the countrey left desolate."

— The coastal polities were at war and depopulated before the English came. [Context for all scenarios]

> "We brought home also two of the Sauages being lustie men, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo."

— The two men later central to 1585–87 (Manteo of Croatoan; Wanchese, later an enemy). Barlowe does not say which town either came from. [CRO]

The witnesses named for the taking of possession: "Master Philip Amadas, Master Arthur Barlow ... William Greeneuile, Iohn Wood, Iames Browewich, Henry Greene, Beniamin Wood, Simon Ferdinando, Nicholas Petman, Iohn Hewes". (Simon Fernandes was thus on the 1584, 1585 and 1587 voyages.)

## 2. The "Tiger journal": Grenville's voyage of 1585 (anonymous)

**Edition:** Hakluyt 1600, III, pp. 251–254 (Goldsmid XXV). **Status: VERIFIED** (read in full). Headnote: "The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenuile, for Sir Walter Ralegh, to Virginia, in the yeere 1585."

> "The 26. we came to anker at Wocokon. The 29. wee weighed anker to bring the Tyger into the harbour, where through the vnskilfulnesse of the Master whose name was Fernando, the Admirall strooke on ground, and sunke."

> "The 6. M. Iohn Arundel was sent to the maine, and Manteo with him: and Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan, where they found two of our men left there with 30. other by Captaine Reymond, some 20. dayes before. The 8. Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten returned, with two of our men found by them, to vs at Wocokon."

— **The first mention of Croatoan in the record (6 July 1585):** thirty-two men from Raymond's ship (the *Lion*) had been landed at Croatoan about 16 June 1585, before Grenville arrived, and two were still there. English familiarity with Croatoan predates the 1587 colony by two years. [CRO]

> "The 11. day the Generall accompanied in his Tilt boate with Master Iohn Arundell, Master Stukeley, and diuers other Gentlemen, Master Lane, Master Candish, Master Hariot, and twentie others in the new pinnesse, Captaine Amadas, Captaine Clarke, with ten others in a shipboat, Francis Brooke, and Iohn White in another ship-boate, passed ouer the water from Wocokon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes, in which voyage we first discouered the townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc and Secotan, and also the great lake called by the Sauages Paquique ... The 16. wee returned thence, and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok, to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs, and not receiuing it according to his promise, wee burnt, and spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fled."

— John White was on the 1585 voyage; the burning of Aquascogoc (16 July 1585) is the origin of the hostility of the Secotan–Aquascogoc–Dasamonquepeuc group that killed Grenville's men and George Howe in 1586–87. [Context]

The list "The names of those as well Gentlemen as others, that remained one whole yeere in Virginia, vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane" (1600, III, p. 254) has 107 names (Harriot's figure below is 108 men). It includes "Darby Glande" (= Darby Glavin, the Irishman who deserted at Puerto Rico in 1587 and later informed the Spaniards; see §12), "Edward Nugen" (Lane's "Nugent" who beheaded Pemisapan), "Roger Large" (who died on the 1587 voyage home), "Iames Lacie" and "Thomas Smart" (both names recur in the 1587 list: "Iames Lasie", "Thomas Smart"), and "Master Hariot", "Master Edward Stafford", "Master Prideox", "Master Kendall".

## 3. Ralph Lane's letter to Hakluyt, 3 September 1585

**Edition:** Hakluyt 1600, III, pp. 254–255 (Goldsmid XXVI). **Status: VERIFIED.**

> "we haue discouered the maine to be the goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen ... for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse, and very well peopled and towned, though sauagely, and the climate so wholsome, that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here ... From the New Fort in Virginia, this third of September, 1585."

— Promotional; shows only that by September 1585 Lane was writing from "the New Fort" on Roanoke. [Context]


## 4. Ralph Lane, account of the colony, 17 August 1585 – 18 June 1586

**Edition:** Hakluyt 1600, III, pp. 255–264 (Goldsmid XXVII; Gutenberg lines 11143–11952). **Status: VERIFIED** (read in full). Headnote: "An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17. of August 1585. vntil the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey; sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh."

### 4a. The extent of English knowledge of the country

> "our discouerie of the same hath beene extended from the Island of Roanoak, (the same hauing bene the place of our settlement or habitation) into the South, into the North, into the Northwest, and into the West. The vttermost place to the Southward of any discouery was Secotan, being by estimation fourescore miles distant from Roanoak ... we had but one boate with four oares to passe through the same, which boate could not carry aboue fifteene men with their furniture, baggage, and victuall for seuen dayes at the most: and as for our pinesse, besides that she drew too deep water for that shallow sound, she would not stirre for an oare"

> "To the Northward our furthest discouery was to the Chesepians distant from Roanoak about 130. miles, the passage to it was very shallow and most dangerous, by reason of the bredth of the sound, and the little succour that vpon any flawe was there to be had. But the Territorie and soyle of the Chesepians (being distant fifteene miles from the shore) was for pleasantnes of seat, for temperature of Climate, for fertilitie of soyle and for the commoditie of the Sea, besides multitude of Beares (being an excellent good victuall) with great woods of Sassafras, and Wallnut trees, is not to be excelled by any other whatsoeuer. There be sundry Kings, whom they call Weroances, and Countreys of great fertility adioyning to the same, as the Mandoages, Tripanicks, and Opossians, which all came to visite the Colonie of the English, which I had for a time appointed to be resident there."

— **A detachment of Lane's colony wintered among the Chesepians in 1585–86** ("the Colonie of the English, which I had for a time appointed to be resident there"); the Chesapeake was known, admired, and reachable. This is the basis of the 1587 instruction to settle at "the Bay of Chesepiok". Hakluyt's margin: "The excellencie of the seat of Chesepioock." [POWHATAN] [CHOWAN]

> "To the Northwest the farthest place of our discouery was to Chawanook distant from Roanoak about 130. miles. Our passage thither lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the chanell of a great depth, nauigable for good shipping, but out of the chanell full of shoalds. The Townes about the waters side situated by the way are these following: Passaquenoke, The womans Towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Muscamunge, and Metackwem: all these being vnder the iurisdiction of the king of Weopomeiok, called Okisco: From Muscamunge we enter into the Riuer, and iurisdiction of Chawanook: There the Riuer beginneth to straighten vntil it come to Chawanook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames betweene Westminster and Lambeth. Betwene Muscamunge and Chawanook vpon the left hand as wee passe thither, is a goodly high land, and there is a Towne which we called The blinde Towne, but the Sauages called it Ohanoak, and hath a very goodly corne field belonging vnto it: it is subiect to Chawanook. Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Prouince and Seigniorie lying vpon that Riuer, and that the Towne it selfe is able to put 700. fighting men into the fielde, besides the force of the Prouince it selfe."

— The Albemarle/Chowan geography as the English knew it: Weapemeoc towns along the north shore of Albemarle Sound; "the blinde Towne" Ohanoak on the high left bank of the Chowan (the neighbourhood of the modern "Site X"/Salmon Creek); Chowanoke the greatest province. [CHOWAN]

### 4b. Menatonon, and Lane's own plan to abandon Roanoke

> "The king of the sayd Prouince is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his lims, but otherwise for a Sauage, a very graue and wise man, and of a very singular good discourse in matters concerning the state, not onely of his owne Countrey, and the disposition of his owne men, but also of his neighbours round about him as well farre as neere, and of the commodities that eache Countrey yeeldeth. When I had him prisoner with me, for two dayes that we were together, he gaue mee more vnderstanding and light of the Countrey then I had receiued by all the searches and Sauages that before I or any of my companie had had conference with: it was in March last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me, that going three dayes iourney in a Canoe vp his Riuer of Chawanook, and then descending to the land, you are within foure dayes iourney to passe ouer land Northeast to a certaine kings countrey, whose Prouince lyeth vpon the Sea, but his place of greatest strength is an Island situate, as he described vnto mee, in a Bay, the water round about the Island very deepe."

> "It seemed to me by his speach, that the sayd King had traffique with white men that had clothes as we haue, for these white Pearle"

> "Hereupon I resumed with my selfe, that if your supplie had come before the ende of Aprill, and that you had sent any store of boates or men ... I would haue sent a small barke with two pinnesses about by Sea to the Northward to haue found out the Bay he spake of, and to haue sounded the barre if there were any, which should haue ridden there in the sayd Bay about that Iland, while I with all the small boates I could make, and with two hundred men would haue gone vp to the head of the riuer of Chawanook with the guids that Menatonon would haue giuen me ... And so I would haue holden this course of insconsing euery two dayes march, vntill I had bene arriued at the Bay or Port hee spake of: which finding to bee worth the possession, I would there haue raised a maine fort, both for the defence of the harborough, and our shipping also, and would haue reduced our whole habitation from Roanoak and from the harborough and port there (which by proofe is very naught) vnto this other before mentioned"

— Hakluyt's marginal note here: **"Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue."** Lane in 1586 already intended to move the whole colony off Roanoke to a deep-water bay to the north-east (the Chesapeake), reached overland from the head of the Chowan; Roanoke's harbour "by proofe is very naught". The 1587 colonists' plan to go "50 miles further vp into the maine" and Ralegh's order to seat at Chesapeake both descend from this. [CHOWAN] [POWHATAN]

> "Wherefore a good harborough found to the Northward, as before is saide, and from thence foure dayes ouerland, to the Riuer of Choannak sconses being raised, from whence againe ouerland through the prouince of Choanoak one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks vp the riuer of Moratico by the way ... in this course of proceeding you shall cleare your selfe from al those dangers and broad shallow sounds before mentioned, and gaine within foure dayes trauell into the heart of the maine 200. miles at the least"

### 4c. The Mangoaks, Chaunis Temoatan, and the Moratoc (Roanoke River) expedition

> "there is a Prouince to the which the said Mangoaks haue recourse and trafique vp that Riuer of Moratoc, which hath a marueilous and most strange Minerall. This Mine is so notorious amongst them, as not onely to the Sauages dwelling vp the said riuer, and also to the Sauages of Chawanook, and all them to the Westward, but also to all them of the maine: the Countreis name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan. The Minerall they say is Wassador, which is copper ... Of this mettall the Mangoaks haue so great store, by report of all the Sauages adioyning, that they beautify their houses with greate plates of the same: and this to be true, I receiued by report of all the countrey, and particularly by yong Skiko, the King of Chawanooks sonne of my prisoner, who also him selfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks"

> "For Pemisapan, who had changed his name of Wingina vpon the death of his brother Granganimo, had giuen both the Choanists, and Mangoaks worde of my purpose towarde them ... But this confederacie against vs of the Choanists and Mangoaks was altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan himselfe, as Menatonon confessed vnto me"

> "wee could not meete a man, nor finde a graine of Corne in any of their Townes: whereupon considering with my selfe that wee had but two dayes victuall left, and that wee were then 160. miles from home ... In the euening whereof, about three of the clocke wee heard certaine Sauages call as we thought, Manteo, who was also at that time with me in the boat ... but Manteo presently betooke him to his piece, and tolde mee that they meant to fight with vs ... there lighted a vollie of their arrowes amongst them in the boat"

— The "Mangoaks" (Tuscarora/Iroquoian) up the Roanoke River are hostile, numerous and "terrible to all the rest of the prouinces"; the copper country Chaunis Temoatan lies twenty days beyond them. The 1609 "Ritanoe" copper report (§11) and the later Strachey tradition belong to this same western copper-frontier. [CHOWAN] (as a danger)

### 4d. Croatoan, Hatorask and the dispersal of the colony in spring 1586

> "By this meanes the King stood assured, that I must bee enforced for lacke of sustenance there, to disband my company into sundry places to liue vpon shell fish, for so the Sauages themselues doe, going to Hatorask, Croatoan, and other places, fishing and hunting, while their grounds be in sowing, and their corne growing: which failed not his expectation. For the famine grew so extreeme among vs, our weares failing vs of fish, that I was enforced to sende Captaine Stafford with 20. with him to Croatoan my Lord Admirals Iland to serue two turnes in one, that is to say, to feede himselfe and his company, and also to keepe watch if any shipping came vpon the coast to warne vs of the same. I sent M. Pridiox with the pinnesse to Hatorask, and ten with him, with the Prouost Marshal to liue there, and also to wait for shipping: also I sent every weeke 16. or 20. of the rest of the company to the maine ouer against vs, to liue of Casada and oysters."

— **Croatoan ("my Lord Admirals Iland") was used in 1586 as the colony's lookout and subsistence station**, with Stafford and twenty men living there; the Indians themselves seasonally dispersed to "Hatorask, Croatoan, and other places". The 1587 colonists therefore had a tested precedent for going to Croatoan both to eat and to watch for ships. [CRO] [SPLIT]

> "My purpose was to haue relied my selfe with Menatonon, and the Chaonists, who in trueth as they are more valiant people and in greater number then the rest, so are they more faithfull in their promises, and since my late being there had giuen many tokens of earnest desire they had to ioyne in perfect league with vs"

— Lane's fallback in a crisis was **the Chowanokes**, whom he judged the most faithful. [CHOWAN]

> "the yong man [Skiko] finding himselfe as well vsed at my hande ... he flatly discouered al vnto me ... whereupon I sent to Pemisapan to put suspition out of his head, that I meant presently to go to Croatoan, for that I had heard of the arriual of our fleete ... The next morning with the light horsemen and one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant maior, I went to Dasamonquepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by one of his owne Sauages that met me at the shore, that I was going to Croatoan ... I gaue the watch-word agreed vpon, (which was, Christ our victory) and immediatly those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for our deliuerance, that which they had purposed for vs. The king himselfe being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll ... In the end an Irish man seruing me, one Nugent, and the deputy prouost, vndertooke him; and following him in the woods, ouertooke him; and I in some doubt least we had lost both the king and my man by our owne negligence to haue beene intercepted by the Sauages, wee met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in his hand. This fell out the first of Iune 1586"

— Wingina/Pemisapan was killed and beheaded at Dasamonquepeuc on 1 June 1586 — the direct cause of the enmity of "the remnant of Winginos men dwelling then at Dasamonguepeuk" whom White blames in 1587 and 1590. Note "the Colonel of the Chesepians" (the officer who had commanded the Chesapeake detachment). [POWHATAN]/[Context]

> "At this instant also should the Mandoaks, who were a great people, with the Chesepians and their friends to the number of 700. of them, be armed at a day appointed to the maine of Dasamonquepeio"

— The Chesepians were reported to be part of Pemisapan's 1586 conspiracy. [POWHATAN] (the Chesapeake was not a safe neighbourhood)

### 4e. The departure with Drake, June 1586

> "he appointed for me two pinnesses, and foure small boats ... the 13 of the same there arose such an vnwoonted storme, and continued foure dayes ... the Francis also with all my provisions, my two Masters, and my company aboord, she was seene to be free from the same, and to put cleere to Sea ... so he sending immediatly his pinnesses vnto our Island for the fetching away of a few that there were left with our baggage, the weather was so boisterous, and the pinnesses so often on ground, that the most of all we had, with all our Cards, Books and writings were by the Sailers cast ouerboard ... set saile the nineteenth of Iune 1596 [sic, for 1586], and arriued in Portsmouth the seuen and twentieth of Iuly the same yeere."

— (Goldsmid prints "1596"; the 1600 original has "1586".) Lane's whole colony left on 19 June 1586. [Context]

## 5. The relief voyage of 1586 and Grenville's fifteen men

**Edition:** Hakluyt 1600, III, p. 265 (Goldsmid XXVIII). **Status: VERIFIED.** Headnote: "The third voyage made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586, to the reliefe of the Colony planted in Virginia at the sole charges of Sir Walter Ralegh."

> "some on land, some on boord, a great storme arose, and droue the most of their fleet from their ankers to Sea, in which ships at that instant were the chiefest of the English Colony: the rest on land perceiuing this, hasted to those three sailes which were appointed to be left there; and for feare they should be left behinde they left all things confusedly, as if they had bene chased from thence by a mighty army: and no doubt so they were; for the hand of God came vpon them for the cruelty and outrages committed by some of them against the natiue inhabitants of that countrey."

— Hakluyt (or his informant) explicitly blames the 1586 evacuation on English "cruelty and outrages" against the Indians. [Context]

> "Immediatly after the departing of our English Colony out of this paradise of the world, the ship abouementioned sent and set forth at the charges of Sir Walter Ralegh and his direction, arriued at Hatorask; who after some time spent in seeking our Colony vp in the countrey, and not finding them, returned with all the aforesayd prouision into England. About foureteene or fifteene dayes after the departure of the aforesayd shippe, Sir Richard Grinuile Generall of Virginia, accompanied with three shippes well appointed for the same voyage, arriued there; who not finding the aforesaid shippe according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of our English Colony there seated, and left by him anno 1585, himselfe travelling vp into diuers places of the countrey, aswell to see if he could heare any newes of the Colony left there by him the yeere before, vnder the charge of Master Lane his deputy, as also to discouer some places of the countrey; but after some time spent therein, not hearing any of them, and finding the places which they inhabited desolate, yet vnwilling to loose the possesion of the countrey which Englishmen had so long held: after good deliberation, hee determined to leaue some men behinde to reteine possession of the Countrey: whereupon he landed fifteene men in the Isle of Roanoak, furnished plentifully with all maner of prouisions for two yeeres, and so departed for England."

— Hakluyt's margin: "Fifteen men more left in Virginia." The Spanish prisoner Pedro Díaz, who was there, says eighteen men, four iron guns, and supplies for a year (§12). The fate of these men is told by the Croatoans in 1587 (§7). [Context] [SPLIT]

## 6. Thomas Harriot, *A briefe and true report* (February 1588)

**Edition:** the 1600 reprint, Hakluyt III, pp. 266–280 (Goldsmid XXIX; complete text saved). Also the 1590 De Bry text (Gutenberg #4247, saved). **Status: VERIFIED** for the passages quoted; the natural-history body was skimmed, not analysed. Headnote (1600): "A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia: of the commodities there found, and to be raised, aswell merchantable as others: Written by Thomas Heriot, seruant to Sir Walter Ralegh, a member of the Colony, and there imployed in discouering a full tweluemonth." Dated at the end: "I take my leaue of you, this moneth of February 1587" (i.e. 1587/8 Old Style).

**Croatoan does not occur in Harriot's text** (searched in both the 1600 reprint and the 1590 De Bry text; the only tribal name in the body is "Wingina"). The Croatoan name reached print through the De Bry map and plate captions of 1590, not through Harriot's prose. What Harriot does give on the coast and the interior:

> "Since the first vndertaking by Sir Walter Ralegh to deale in the action of discouering of that countrey which is now called and knowen by the name of Virginia, many voyages hauing beene thither made at sundry times to his great charge; as first in the yere 1584, and afterwards in the yeres 1585, 1586, and now of late this yeere 1587: there haue bene diuers and variable reports with some slanderous and shameful speeches bruted abroad by many that returned from thence"

> "Copper. An hundred and fifty miles into the maine in two townes we found with the inhabitants diuers small plates of Copper, that had bene made as we vnderstood by the inhabitants that dwell further into the countrey, where as they say are mountaines and riuers that yeeld also white graines of mettal, which is to be deemed Siluer. For confirmation whereof, at the time of our first arriuall in the countrey, I saw, with some others with me, two small pieces of Siluer grosly beaten, about the weight of a testron, hanging in the eares of a Wiroans or chiefe lord that dwelt about fourescore miles from vs"

> "Their townes are but small, and neere the Sea coast but fewe, some contayning but tenne or twelue houses: some 20. the greatest that we haue seene hath bene but of 30. houses ... the greatest Wiroans that yet wee had dealing with, had but eighteene townes in his gouernment, and able to make not aboue seuen or eight hundred fighting men at the most. The language of euery gouernment is different from any other, and the further they are distant, the greater is the difference."

> "although al which I haue before spoken of, haue bene discouered and experimented not farre from the Sea coast, where was our abode and most of our trauailing: yet sometimes as we made our iourneys further into the maine and Countrey; we found the soile to be fatter, the trees greater and to grow thinner, the ground more firme and deeper mould, more and larger champions, finer grasse, and as good as euer we saw any in England; in some places rockie and farre more high and hilly ground, more plentie of their fruites, more abundance of beastes, the more inhabited with people, and of greater pollicie and larger dominions, with greater townes and houses."

— The interior was thought richer and more populous; the colonists of 1587 had this in print before they sailed. [CHOWAN]

> "there were but foure of our whole company (being one hundred and eight) that died all the yeere"

> "What else concerneth the nature and maners of the inhabitants of Virginia, the number with the particularities of the voyages thither made, and of the actions of such as haue beene by Sir Walter Ralegh therein, and there imployed ... I haue ready in a discourse by it selfe in maner of a Chronicle, according to the course of times: which when time shall be thought conuenient, shall be also published."

— Harriot's "Chronicle" of the voyages was never published and is lost; its loss is the reason the 1585–86 record depends on Lane alone. [Open question]


## 7. John White, narrative of the 1587 voyage

**Edition:** Hakluyt 1600, III, pp. 280–287 (Goldsmid XXX; Gutenberg lines 13283–13802). Also printed in 1589, pp. 764–771. **Status: VERIFIED** (read in full; the whole text is in `hakluyt1600_white_1587.txt`). The narrative is anonymous and speaks of White as "the Gouernour" in the third person, but is universally attributed to White.

**Hakluyt's 1600 headnote:** "The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in yere 1587. Wherein was transported the second Colonie."

### 7a. The plan, the ships, the Assistants

> "In the yeere of our Lord 1587. Sir Walter Ralegh intending to perseuere in the planting of his Countrey of Virginia, prepared a newe Colonie of one hundred and fiftie men to be sent thither, vnder the charge of Iohn White, whom hee appointed Gouernour, and also appointed vnto him twelue Assistants, vnto whom he gaue a Charter, and incorporated them by the name of Gouernour and Assistants of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia."

> "Our Fleete being in number three saile, viz. the Admirall a shippe of one hundred and twentie Tunnes, a Flie-boate, and a Pinnesse, departed the sixe and twentieth of April from Portsmouth"

— The names of the twelve Assistants are not given as a list in the narrative; they are the first twelve names of the printed list (§7g): Roger Baily, Ananias Dare, Christopher Cooper, Thomas Steuens, Iohn Sampson, Dyonis Haruie, Roger Prat, George How, Simon Fernando, Nicholas Iohnson, Thomas Warner, Anthony Cage (the last three, and William Fullwood and James Plat who are not in the list, are generally taken from the 7 January 1587 charter — **UNVERIFIED** here; the charter itself was not fetched). Of the Assistants the narrative names Ananias Dare ("one of the Assistants"), George Howe ("one of our twelue Assistants") and Christopher Cooper, and refers to Fernando as "Master of our Admirall".

### 7b. Fernandes and the refusal to go on to the Chesapeake (22 July 1587)

> "About the 16 of Iuly we fel with the maine of Virginia, which Simon Ferdinando tooke to be the Island of Croatoan, where we came to anker, and rode there two or three dayes: but finding himselfe deceiued, he weyed, and bare along the coast, where in the night, had not Captaine Stafford bene more carefull in looking out, then our Simon Ferdinando, we had bene all cast away vpon the breach, called the Cape of Feare"

> "The two and twentieth of Iuly wee arriued safe at Hatorask, where our ship and pinnesse ankered: the Gouernour went aboord the pinnesse accompanied with fortie of his best men, intending to passe vp to Roanoak foorthwith, hoping there to finde those fifteene Englishmen, which Sir Richard Grinuile had left there the yeere before, with whom he meant to haue conference, concerning the state of the Countrey, and Sauages, meaning after he had so done, to returne againe to the fleete, and passe along the coast, to the Bay of Chesepiok where we intended to make our seate and forte, according to the charge giuen us among other directions in writing, vnder the hande of Sir Walter Ralegh: but assoone as we were put with our pinnesse from the ship, a Gentleman by the meanes of Ferdinando, who was appointed to returne for England, called to the sailers in the pinnesse, charging them not to bring any of the planters backe again, but to leaue them in the Island, except the Gouernour, and two or three such as he approued, saying that the Summer was farre spent, wherefore hee would land all the planters in no other place. Vnto this were all the saylers, both in the pinnesse, and shippe, perswaded by the Master, wherefore it booted not the Gouernour to contend with them, but passed to Roanoak, and the same night at sunne-set went aland on the Island, in the place where our fifteene men were left, but we found none of them, nor any signe that they had bene there, sauing onely wee found the bones of one of those fifteene, which the Sauages had slaine long before."

— Hakluyt's margin: "An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok". Ralegh's written orders were for the Chesapeake; Roanoke was forced on the colony by the master and crews. The Chesapeake remained the *intended* seat, which is why the later "removal" clues have been read as pointing north as well as west. [POWHATAN] [CHOWAN]

> "The three and twentieth of Iuly the Gouernour with diuers of his company, walked to the North ende of the Island, where Master Ralfe Lane had his forte, with sundry necessary and decent dwelling houses, made by his men about it the yeere before, where wee hoped to find some signes, or certaine knowledge of our fifteene men. When we came thither, we found the fort rased downe, but all the houses standing vnhurt, sauing that the neather roomes of them, and also of the forte, were ouergrowen with Melons of diuers sortes, and Deere within them, feeding on those Melons: so wee returned to our company, without hope of euer seeing any of the fifteene men liuing. The same day order was giuen, that euery man should be employed for the repayring of those houses, which wee found standing, and also to make other new Cottages, for such as should neede."

— In July 1587 Lane's fort was already "rased downe" (by whom is not said) while the houses stood; the colonists re-occupied Lane's houses and built new cottages. Compare 1590 (§10): the houses "taken downe" and a new palisade built. [Context for 1590]

> "The 25 our Flyboate and the rest of our planters arriued all safe at Hatoraske, to the great ioy and comfort of the whole company: but the Master of our Admirall Ferdinando grieued greatly at their safe comming: for hee purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stole away from them in the night, hoping that the Master thereof, whose name was Edward Spicer, for that he neuer had bene in Virginia, would hardly finde the place"

### 7c. The killing of George Howe (28 July 1587)

> "The eight and twentieth, George Howe, one of our twelue Assistants was slaine by diuers Sauages, which were come ouer to Roanoak, either of purpose to espie our company, and what we were, or else to hunt Deere, whereof were many in the Island. These Sauages being secretly hidden among high reedes, where oftentimes they find the Deere asleep, and so kill them, espied our man wading in the water alone, almost naked, without any weapon, saue only a smal forked sticke, catching Crabs therewithall, and also being strayed two miles from his company, and shot at him in the water, where they gaue him sixteen wounds with their arrowes: and after they had slaine him with their woodden swords, they beat his head in pieces, and fled ouer the water to the maine."

(Goldsmid/Gutenberg prints "George Howie" at this first mention; the 1600 original and MacLehose have "George Howe", as does the list of names, "George How".) [POWHATAN]-type violence from the mainland Secotan/Dasamonquepeuc group, not from Croatoan.

### 7d. The Croatoan visit (30 July – 1 August 1587)

> "On the thirtieth of Iuly Master Stafford and twenty of our men passed by water to the Island of Croatoan, with Manteo, who had his mother, and many of his kindred dwelling in that Island, of whom wee hoped to vnderstand some newes of our fifteene men, but especially to learne the disposition of the people of the countrey toward vs, and to renew our old friendship with them. At our first landing they seemed as though they would fight with vs: but perceiuing vs begin to march with our shot towardes them, they turned their backes, and fled. Then Manteo their countrey man called to them in their owne language, whom, assoone as they heard, they returned, and threwe away their bowes and arrowes, and some of them came vnto vs, embracing and entertaining vs friendly, desiring vs not to gather or spill any of their corne, for that they had but little. We answered them, that neither their corne, nor any other thing of theirs, should be diminished by any of vs, and that our comming was onely to renew the old loue, that was betweene vs and them at the first, and to liue with them as brethren and friends: which answer seemed to please them well, wherefore they requested vs to walke vp to their Towne, who there feasted vs after their maner; and desired vs earnestly, that there might bee some token or badge giuen them of vs, whereby we might know them to be our friends, when we met them any where out of the Towne or Island. They told vs further, that for want of some such badge, diuers of them were hurt the yeere before, being found out of the Island by Master Lane his company, whereof they shewed vs one, which at that very instant lay lame, and had lien of that hurt euer since: but they sayd, they knew our men mistooke them, and hurt them instead of Winginos men, wherefore they held vs excused."

— **The Croatoans are Manteo's own people ("his mother, and many of his kindred"); they explicitly plead shortage of corn ("they had but little"); they ask for a badge to be recognised as friends; they had been shot by Lane's men by mistake in 1586 and forgave it.** This is the whole documentary basis for the Croatoan-assimilation scenario: friendship, kinship through Manteo, but *scarce food on a sand island*. [CRO]

> "The next day we had conference further with them, concerning the peopie of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatoan to certifie the people of those townes, that if they would accept our friendship, we would willingly receiue them againe, and that all vnfriendly dealings past on both parts, should be vtterly forgiuen and forgotten. To this the chiefe men of Croatoan answered, that they would gladly doe the best they could, and within seuen dayes, bring the Wiroances and chiefe Gouernours of those townes with them, to our Gouernour at Roanoak, or their answere. We also vnderstood of the men of Croatoan, that our man Master Howe was slaine by the remnant of Winginos men dwelling then at Dasamonguepeuk, with whom Wanchese kept companie: and also we vnderstood by them of Croatoan, how that the 15 Englishmen left at Roanoak the yeere before, by Sir Richard Grinuile, were suddenly set vpon, by 30 of the men of Secota, Aquascogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk in manner following. They conueyed themselues secretly behind the trees, neere the houses where our men carelesly liued: and hauing perceiued that of those fifteene they could see but eleuen onely, two of those Sauages appeared to the 11 Englishmen calling to them by friendly signes, that but two of their chiefest men should come vnarmed to speake with those two Sauages, who seemed also to be vnarmed. Wherefore two of the chiefest of our Englishmen went gladly to them: but whilest one of those Sauages traiterously imbraced one of our men, the other with his sworde of wood, which he had secretly hidden vnder his mantell, strooke him on the heade and slew him, and presently the other eight and twentie Sauages shewed them selues: the other Englishman perceiuing this, fled to his company, whom the Sauages pursued with their bowes, and arrowes, so fast, that the Englishmen were forced to take the house, wherein all their victuall, and weapons were: but the Sauages foorthwith set the same on fire: by meanes wherof our men were forced to take vp such weapons as came first to hand, and without order to runne forth among the Sauages, with whom they skirmished aboue an howre. In this skirmish another of our men was shotte into the mouth with an arrow, where hee died: and also one of the Sauages was shot into the side by one of our men, with a wild fire arrow, whereof he died presently. The place where they fought was of great aduantage to the Sauages, by meanes of the thicke trees, behinde which the Sauages through their nimblenes, defended themselues, and so offended our men with their arrowes, that our men being some of them hurt, retyred fighting to the water side, where their boat lay, with which they fled towards Hatorask. By that time they had rowed but a quarter of a mile, they espied their foure fellowes coming from a creeke thereby, where they had bene to fetch Oysters: these foure they receiued into their boate, leauing Roanoak, and landed on a little Island on the right hand of our entrance into the harbour of Hatorask, where they remayned a while, but afterward departed, whither as yet we know not."

— Wanchese is now with the enemy at Dasamonquepeuc. **The fate of Grenville's fifteen is itself a "lost colony" in miniature: thirteen survivors rowed to the little island inside Hatorask inlet "and afterward departed, whither as yet we know not."** [SAIL] (precedent) [SPLIT]

> "Hauing nowe sufficiently dispatched our businesse at Croatoan, the same day we departed friendly, taking our leaue, and came aboord the fleete at Hatorask."

### 7e. The attack at Dasamonquepeuc (8–9 August 1587) and its aftermath

> "The eight of August, the Gouernour hauing long expected the comming of the Wiroanses of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secota, and Dasamonguepeuk, seeing that the seuen dayes were past, within which they promised to come in, or to send their answeres by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them heard, being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan, that the remnant of Wingina his men, which were left aliue, who dwelt at Dasamonquepeuk, were they which had slaine George Howe, and were also at the driving of our eleuen Englishmen from Roanoak, hee thought to deferre the reuenge thereof no longer. Wherefore the same night about midnight, he passed ouer the water, accompanied with Captaine Stafford, and 24 men, wherof Manteo was one, whom we tooke with vs to be our guide to the place where those Sauages dwelt, where he behaued himselfe toward vs as a most faithfull Englishman. The next day, being the 9 of August, in the morning so early that it was yet darke, we landed neere the dwelling place of our enemies, and very secretly conueyed our selues through the woods, to that side, where we had their houses betweene vs and the water: and hauing espied their fire, and some sitting about it, we presently set on them: the miserable soules herewith amazed, fled into a place of thicke reedes, growing fast by, where our men perceiuing them, shot one of them through the bodie with a bullet, and therewith we entered the reedes, among which we hoped to acquite their euill doing towards vs, but we were deceiued, for those Sauages were our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the corne and fruit of that place, because they vnderstood our enemies were fled immediatly after they had slaine George Howe, and for haste had left all their corne. Tobacco, and Pompions standing in such sont, that al had bene deuoured of the birds, and Deere, if it had not bene gathered in time: but they had like to haue payd deerely for it: for it was so darke, that they being naked, and their men and women apparelled all so like others, wee knew not but that they were al men: and if that one of them which was a Wiroances wife had not had a child at her backe, shee had bene slaine in stead of a man, and as hap was, another Sauage knew master Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby hee was saued. Finding our selues thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered al the corne, Pease, Pompions, and Tobacco that we found ripe, leauing the rest vnspoyled, and tooke Menatoan his wife, with the yong child, and the other Sauages with vs ouer the water to Roanoak. Although the mistaking of these Sauages somewhat grieued Manteo, yet he imputed their harme to their owne folly, saying to them, that if their Wiroances had kept their promise in comming to the Gouernour at the day appointed, they had not knowen that mischance."

— The English shot at and killed a Croatoan (one "shot ... through the bodie with a bullet") while intending to kill Wingina's remnant; the Croatoans had gone to Dasamonquepeuc to harvest the corn abandoned by Wingina's men, i.e. **Dasamonquepeuc was already empty of its owners after 28 July**. The name "Menatoan" (a Croatoan weroance whose wife and child were taken to Roanoke) is as printed in 1600 and MacLehose; it is not Menatonon of Chowanoke. [CRO] (a strain on the friendship, smoothed by Manteo) [Context]

> "The 13 of August our Sauage Manteo, by the commandement of Sir Walter Ralegh, was christened in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faithfull seruices."

— Manteo made "Lord" of Roanoke and Dasamonquepeuc: Ralegh's intended native ally-ruler. [CRO]

> "The 18 Elenor, daughter to the Gouernour, and wife to Ananias Dare one of the Assistants, was deliuered of a daughter in Roanoak, and the same was christened there the Sonday following, and because this child was the first Christian borne in Virginia, shee was named Virginia. By this time our ships had vnladen the goods and victuals of the planters; and began to take in wood, and fresh water, and to new calke and trimme them for England: the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to send backe into England."

### 7f. The decision to send White home; the "50 miles further vp into the maine"

> "Our two ships, the Lion and the Flyboat almost ready to depart, the 21 of August, there arose such a tempest at Northeast, that our Admirall then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut his cables, and put to sea, where he lay beating off and on sixe dayes before he could come to vs againe"

— **The pinnace:** the fleet came out as "the Admirall ... a Flie-boate, and a Pinnesse"; only "Our two ships, the Lion and the Flyboat" are said to prepare to depart, and only "both ships weyed anker, and set saile for England" on 27 August. The pinnace is never mentioned as leaving; in 1590 White looks for "their botes or Pinnesse" (§10). The natural reading is that **the colonists kept the pinnace and the ships' boats**, giving them the means to move a hundred people and their goods by water — to Croatoan, up the sounds, or (in principle) further. [SAIL] [CRO] [CHOWAN]

> "At this time some controuersies arose betweene the Gouernour and Assistants, about choosing two out of the twelue Assistants, which should goe backe as factors for the company into England: for euery one of them refused, saue onely one, which all other thought not sufficient: but at length by much perswading of the Gouernour, Christopher Cooper only agreed to goe for England: but the next day, through the perswasion of diuers of his familiar friends, hee changed his minde, so that now the matter stood as at the first."

> "The next day, the 22 of August, the whole company both of the Assistants and planters came to the Gouernour, and with one voice requested him to returne himselfe into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies, and other necessaries for them: but he refused it, and alleaged many sufficient causes, why he would not: the one was, that he could not so suddenly returne backe againe without his great discredite, leauing the action, and so many whome hee partly had procured through his perswasions, to leaue their natiue countrey, and vndertake that voyage, and that some enemies to him and the action at his returne into England would not spare to slander falsly both him and the action, by saying, hee went to Virginia, but politikely, and to no other end but to leade so many into a countrey, in which hee neuer meant to stay himselfe, and there to leaue them behind him. Also he alleaged, that seeing they intended to remoue 50 miles further vp into the maine presently, he being then absent, his stuffe and goods might be both spoiled, and most of them pilfered away in the cariage, so that at his returne he should be either forced to prouide himselfe of all suche things againe, or else at his comming againe to Virginia find himselfe vtterly vnfurnished, whereof already he had found some proofe, being but once from them but three dayes. Wherefore he concluded that he would not goe himselfe."

— Hakluyt's margin: **"Their meaning to remoue 50 miles into the countrey."** The removal "50 miles further vp into the maine" was to be "presently" (at once) and was a settled intention *before* White left; it was a move by carriage of goods, i.e. overland or by boat, not a sea voyage. Fifty miles from Roanoke by water reaches the mouth of the Chowan / Salmon Creek area; it does not reach the Chesapeake (Lane: 130 miles). [CHOWAN] (primary) — but see §10 for the Croatoan sign.

> "The next day, not onely the Assistants but diuers others, as well women as men, began to renew their requests to the Gouernour againe, to take vpon him to returne into England for the supply, and dispatch of all such things as there were to be done, promising to make him their bond vnder all their handes and seales for the safe preseruing of all his goods for him at his returne to Virginia ... The copie of the testimony I thought good to set downe. 'May it please you, her Maiesties subjects of England, we your friends and countrey-men, the planters in Virginia, doe by these presents let you and euery of you to vnderstand, that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparent lackes and needes, most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of vs, or any other in this land of Virginia, wee all of one minde and consent, haue most earnestly intreated, and vncessantly requested Iohn White, Gouernour of the planters in Virginia, to passe into England, for the better and more assured help, and setting forward of the foresayd supplies: and knowing assuredly that he both can best, and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs all, and he not once, but often refusing it, for our sakes, and for the honour and maintenance of the action, hath at last, though much against his will, through our importunacie, yeelded to leaue his gouernement, and all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England, of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter, as all others, we doe assure ourselues by these presents, and will you to giue all credite thereunto, the 25 of August 1587.'"

— The colonists' own only surviving words. "Certaine our knowen and apparent lackes and needes" is the nearest they come to saying why: they were short of supplies from the outset. [Context]

> "The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating constrayned to returne into England, hauing then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare himselfe for the same, departed from Roanoak the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight, came aboord the Flieboat, who already had weyed anker, and rode without the barre, the Admirall riding by them, who but the same morning was newly come thither againe. The same day both ships weyed anker, and set saile for England"

— White left Roanoke 27 August 1587 (the *Lion* had only that morning got back from six days at sea). He reached Ireland 16 October and England 5 November 1587; "the Gouernour ... arriued ... at Hampton" 8 November. [Context]

### 7g. The names of the 1587 colonists, as printed (1600, III, p. 287; Goldsmid XXXI)

Headnote (verbatim): "The names of all the men, women and children, which safely arriued in Virginia, and remained to inhabite there. 1587. Anno regni Reginæ Elizabethæ. 29."

**Men (91 names as printed):** Iohn White. Roger Baily. Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper. Thomas Steuens. Iohn Sampson. Dyonis Haruie. Roger Prat. George How. Simon Fernando. Nicholas Iohnson. Thomas Warner. Anthony Cage. Iohn Iones. William Willes. Iohn Brooke. Cutbert White. Iohn Bright. Clement Tayler. William Sole. Iohn Cotsmur. Humfrey Newton. Thomas Colman. Thomas Gramme. Marke Bennet. Iohn Gibbes. Iohn Stilman. Robert Wilkinson. Iohn Tydway. Ambrose Viccars. Edmond English. Thomas Topan. Henry Berry. Richard Berry. Iohn Spendloue. Iohn Hemmington. Thomas Butler. Edward Powell. Iohn Burden. Iames Hynde. Thomas Ellis. William Browne. Michael Myllet. Thomas Smith. Richard Kemme. Thomas Harris. Richard Tauerner. Iohn Earnest. Henry Iohnson. Iohn Starte. Richard Darige. William Lucas. Arnold Archard. Iohn Wright. William Dutton. Mauris Allen. William Waters. Richard Arthur. Iohn Chapman. William Clement. Robert Little. Hugh Tayler. Richard Wildye. Lewes Wotton. Michael Bishop. Henry Browne. Henry Rufoote. Richard Tomkins. Henry Dorrell. Charles Florrie. Henry Mylton. Henry Paine. Thomas Harris. William Nichols. Thomas Pheuens. Iohn Borden. Thomas Scot. Peter Little. Iohn Wyles. Brian Wyles. George Martyn. Hugh Pattenson. Martin Sutton. Iohn Farre. Iohn Bridger. Griffen Iones. Richard Shabedge. Iames Lasie. Iohn Cheuen. Thomas Hewet. William Berde.

**Women (17):** Elyoner Dare. Margery Haruie. Agnes Wood. Wenefrid Powell. Ioyce Archard. Iane Jones. Elizabeth Glane. Iane Pierce. Audry Tappan. Alis Chapman. Emme Merrimoth. Colman. Margaret Lawrence. Ioan Warren. Iane Mannering. Rose Payne. Elizabeth Viccars.

**Boyes and children (9):** Iohn Sampson. Robert Ellis. Ambrose Viccars. Thomas Archard. Thomas Humfrey. Thomas Smart. George How. Iohn Prat. William Wythers.

**Children borne in Virginia (2):** Virginia Dare. Haruie.

**Sauages that were in England and returned home into Virginia with them (2):** Manteo. Towaye.

Arithmetic: 121 names printed (91 + 17 + 9 + 2 + 2). "Iohn Sampson", "George How" and "Ambrose Viccars" each appear once among the men and once among the boys (fathers and sons); "Thomas Harris" appears twice among the men. The list is headed "which safely arriued ... and remained to inhabite there", yet it includes Iohn White (who left 27 August) and Simon Fernando (master of the *Lion*, who left with the ships), and George How (killed 28 July). 91 + 17 + 9 = 117 arrivals less White and Fernando = **115 planters**, the conventional figure; add the two infants and deduct Howe = **116 English souls on Roanoke when White sailed**, plus Manteo and Towaye. The Harvie child is given no forename, and "Colman" no forename. Ten women share surnames with men in the list (Dare, Haruie, Powell, Archard, Jones, Chapman, Colman, Payne, Viccars, and Pierce/none), consistent with the families the narrative implies. "Elizabeth Glane" is the only woman whose surname matches no man; "Iane Pierce" likewise.

## 8. John White, narrative of the 1588 voyage (the *Brave* and the *Roe*) — from the 1589 edition only

**Edition:** Hakluyt, *Principall Navigations* (1589), pp. 771–773; not reprinted in 1600 (Hakluyt replaced it with White's 1593 letter, §9, which alludes to it only as "sundry times afore ... chargeable and troublesome"). **Source used:** two OCR witnesses of the 1589 blackletter (archive.org `cihm_35668` and the EEBO microfilm item), collated. **Status: VERIFIED as to substance; individual words marked [?] are uncertain OCR readings.** The raw OCR is in `hakluyt1589_white_1588_voyage_brave_and_roe_OCR.txt`.

**Headnote (1589):** "The fift voyage intended for the supply of the Colonie planted in Virginia by John VVhite, which being vndertaken in the yeere 1588 by casualtie tooke no effect."

Cleaned reading (spelling as in the OCR where legible; long-s and r-rotunda normalised):

> "After the Gouernours returne out of Virginia the 20. of Nouember 1587. he deliuered his letters and other aduertisements concerning his last voyage and state of the planters to Sir Walter Ralegh: whereupon he forthwith appointed a pinnesse to be sent thither with all such necessaries as he vnderstood they stood in neede of, and also wrote [?] his letters vnto them, wherein among other matters he comforted them with promise, that with all conuenient speede he would prepare a good supply of shipping and men with sufficience of all things needefull, which he intended, God willing, should be with them the Sommer following. Which pinnesse and fleete were accordingly prepared in the West countrey at Bidiforde vnder the charge of Sir Richard Greeneuil. This fleete being now in a readinesse only staying but for a faire wind to put to Sea, at the same time there was spred throughout all England such report of the wonderfull preparation and inuincible fleetes made by the king of Spaine ioyned with the power of the Pope for the inuading of England, that most of the ships of warre then in a readines in any hauen in England were stayed for seruice at home: And sir Richard Greeneuil was personally commanded not to depart out of Cornewall. The voyage for Virginia by these meanes for this yere thus disappointed, the Gouernour notwithstanding labored for the reliefe of the planters so earnestly, that he obtained two small pinnesses the one of them being of 30. tonnes called the Braue, the other of 25. called the Roe, wherein 15. planters and all their prouision, with certaine reliefe for those that wintered in the Countrie was to be transported. Thus the 22. of Aprill 1588. we put ouer the barre at Biddiford in the edge of the Northside of Cornewal, and the same night we came to an anker vnder the Isle of Lundy"

— (The "20. of Nouember 1587" contradicts the 1587 narrative's 5/8 November; one of the two is wrong.) Note **fifteen more planters** were to be added in 1588; the Spanish pilot Díaz (§12) says "seven men and four women". [Context]

> "The next day being S. Georges day and the 23. of Aprill still bearing along the coast we gaue chase to 4. ships, borded them & forced them all to come to anker by vs in a smal bay at the lands end, out of these ships we tooke nothing but 3 men ... The 24. day we gaue chase to 2. ships, the one of them being a Scot the other a Breton, These we borded also & tooke from them whatsoeuer we could find worth the taking, & so let them goe."

— The relief pinnaces themselves went privateering from the first day. [Context]

> "The 29. in the morning we gaue chase to the same ship being then to the wind of vs almost as farre as we could ken. Assoone as our pinnes came vp to them, the pinnes fought with the ship, & it was an Hulke of 200. tonne & more ... The 3. [of May] being friday we gaue chase to another tal ship, but it was night before we spake with her: and the night grew darke sodenly in such sort, that we lost sight both of the great ship & of our consort also, hauing thus in the darke lost our pinnesse, & knowing our barke so bad of saile that we could neither take nor leue, but were rather to be taken or left of euery ship we met, we made our course for the Isle of Madera, hoping there to find our pinnesse abiding for vs."

> "The next morning being Monday and the 6. of May, we escried them in the weather of vs, so that it was in vaine to seeke by flight, but rather by fight to helpe our selues. The same day about 2. of the clocke in the afternoone they were come with vs. We hayled them, but they would not answere. Then we waued them to leewardes of vs, and they waued vs with a sword amayne, fitting their sailes to clappe vs aboord, which we perceiuing gaue them one whole side: with one of our great shot their Master gonners shoolder was stroken away, and our Master gonner with a smal bullet was shot into the head. Being by this time grappled and aboord each of other the fight continued without ceasing one houre and a halfe. In which fight were hurt & slaine on both sides 23. of the chiefest men, hauing most of them some 6, or 8. woundes, and some 10, or 12. woundes. Being thus hurt and spoiled they robbed vs of all our victuals, powder, weapons and prouision, sauing a smal quantity of biskuit to serue vs scarce for England. Our Master and his Mate were deadly wounded, so that they were not able to come forth of their beds. I my selfe was wounded twise in the head, once with a sword, and another time with a pike, and hurt also in the side of the buttoke with a shot. Three of our passengers were hurt also, whereof one had 10. or 12. woundes"

> "Being thus ransacked and vsed as is aforesaid in all sorts, we determined (as our best shift in so hard a case) to returne for England ... By this occasion, God iustly punishing our former theeuerie of our euil disposed mariners, we were of force constrained to break of our voyage intended for the reliefe of our Colony left the yere before in Virginia, and the same night to set our course for England, being then about 50. leagues to the Northeast of Madera."

> "The 22. of May we came to an anker betweene Lunday and Harting point neere vnto Chanell [?] key, where we road vntill the next tyde, and thence we put ouer the barre, and the same day landed at Bideford. Our other pinnesse whose company we had lost before the last cruell fight, returned also home into Cornwall within fewe weekes after our arriual, without performing our entended voyage for the reliefe of the planters in Virginia, which thereby were not a litle distressed."

— The 1588 relief failed on 6 May 1588 to a French man-of-war of La Rochelle; White himself was wounded three times; no supply reached the colony in 1588 or 1589. White's own verdict, "God iustly punishing our former theeuerie", is the sentence Hakluyt dropped in 1600. [Context for every scenario: the colony was on its own from August 1587 to at least August 1590]


## 9. John White to Richard Hakluyt, 4 February 1593 (printed by Hakluyt as the preface to the 1590 voyage)

**Edition:** Hakluyt 1600, III, p. 288 (Goldsmid XXXII). **Status: VERIFIED** (complete). Headnote (1600 Catalogue): "A letter of M. Iohn White to M. Richard Hakluyt written in February 1593"; Goldsmid: "A letter from John White to M. Richard Hakluyt."

> "To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt, much happinesse in the Lord. Sir, as well for the satisfying of your earnest request, as the performance of my promise made vnto you at my last being with you in England, I haue sent you (although in a homely stile, especially for the contestation of a delicate care) the true discourse of my last voyage into the West Indies, and partes of America called Virginia, taken in hand about the end of Februarie in the yeare of our redemption 1590. ... There were at the time aforesaid three ships absolutely determined to goe for the West Indies, at the speciall charges of M. Iohn Wattes of London Marchant. But when they were fully furnished, and in readinesse to make their departure, a generall stay was commanded of all ships thorowout England. Which so soone as I heard, I presently (as I thought it most requisite) acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith, desiring him that as I had sundry times afore bene chargeable and troublesome vnto him, for the supplies and reliefes of the planters in Virginia: so likewise, that by his endeuour it would please him at that instant to procure license for those three ships to proceede on with their determined voyage, that thereby the people in Virginia (if it were Gods pleasure) might speedily be comforted and relieued without further charges vnto him. Whereupon he by his good meanes obtained license of the Queenes Maiestie, and order to be taken, that the owner of the 3 ships should be bound vnto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assignes, in 3000 pounds, that those 3 ships in consideration of their releasement should take in, and transport a conuenient number of passengers, with their furnitures and necessaries to be landed in Virginia. Neuerthelesse that order was not obserued, neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid. But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order, I was by the owner and Commanders of the ships denied to haue any passengers, or any thing els transported in any of the said ships, sauing only my selfe and my chest; no not so much as a boy to attend vpon me"

— In 1590 White went out **alone, with one chest, and no supplies or settlers**: even had he found the colonists he could have brought them nothing. [Context]

> "Thus both Gouernors, Masters, and sailers, regarding very smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia; determined nothing lesse then to touch at those places, but wholly disposed themselues to seeke after purchase and spoiles, spending so much time therein, that sommer was spent before we arriued at Virginia. And when we were come thither, the season was so vnfit, and weather so foule, that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast, hauing not seene any of our planters, with losse of one of our ship-boates, and 7 of our chiefest men: and also with losse of 3 of our ankers and cables, and most of our caskes with fresh water left on shore, not possible to be had aboard. Which euils and vnfortunate euents (as wel to their owne losse as to the hinderance of the planters in Virginia) had not chanced, if the order set downe by Sir Walter Ralegh had bene obserued, or if my dayly and continuall petitions for the performance of the same might haue taken any place. Thus may you plainely perceiue the successe of my fift and last voiage to Virginia, which was no lesse vnfortunately ended then frowardly begun, and as lucklesse to many, as sinister to my selfe. But I would to God it had bene as prosperous to all, as noysome to the planters; and as ioyfull to me, as discomfortable to them. Yet seeing it is not my first crossed voyage, I remaine contented. And wanting my wishes, I leaue off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will. Thus committing the reliefe of my discomfortable company the planters in Virginia, to the merciful help of the Almighty, whom I most humbly beseech to helpe and comfort them, according to his most holy will and their good desire, I take my leaue: from my house at Newtowne in Kylmore the 4 of February, 1593. Your most welwishing friend, IOHN WHITE."

— White counts 1590 as his "fift and last voiage" (1584? no — 1585, 1587, 1588, 1590 plus one other; Hakluyt's 1600 headnote also calls 1590 "the fift voyage", counting the Virginia voyages 1584–1590 as five). He gives up, in Ireland, in February 1593, still speaking of the planters as living people to be "comforted and relieued". Nothing in the letter suggests he believed them dead. [Context: White's own belief]

## 10. John White, narrative of the 1590 voyage

**Edition:** Hakluyt 1600, III, pp. 288–295 (Goldsmid XXXIII; Gutenberg lines 14023–14570); this is its first and only early printing. **Status: VERIFIED** (read in full; whole text in `hakluyt1600_white_1590.txt`). The letters "C R O" and the marginal note "Trynidad" were also spot-checked in the OCR of the 1600 original.

**Hakluyt's 1600 headnote:** "The fift voyage of M. Iohn White into the West Indies and parts of America called Virginia, in the yeere 1590."

### 10a. Timeline of the Virginia part (all dates Old Style, 1590)

- 20 March: *Hopewell* (Abraham Cocke, "Captaine Cooke"), *Iohn Euangelist*, *Little Iohn* leave Plymouth. Five months of privateering in the Caribbean follow; the *Moonelight* (Edward Spicer) joins at Cape Tiburón on 2 July.
- 3 Aug.: "we stoode againe in for the shore, and at midday we tooke the height of the same. The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude. Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Ilands West of Wokokon."
- 9 Aug.: land on "the narrow sandy Island, being one of the Ilandes, West of Wokokon"; water and fish.
- 12 Aug.: "toward night we came to an anker at the Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan, by reason of a breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea: here we road all that night."
- 13 Aug.: sounding the breach; "This breach is in 35. degr. and a halfe, and lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan, whereas goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters, which part the Ilandes and the maine land." **(They anchored a night at the north-east end of Croatoan and did not land there.)**
- 15 Aug.: anchor at Hatorask "in 36 degr. and one third"; the smoke on Roanoke.
- 16 Aug.: boats ashore; second smoke "to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes"; nobody found.
- 17 Aug.: Spicer's boat overset at the bar; seven drowned; that night the boats reach Roanoke in the dark and overshoot; trumpet call and English songs; no answer.
- 18 Aug. (day-break): landing; the fire; C R O; the palisade; CROATOAN; the iron, lead, fowlers, sacker-shot; the chests; back aboard by evening in worsening weather.
- 19 Aug. (morning): decision to go to Croatoan; cable breaks, two anchors lost, near-grounding by "Kenricks mounts"; decision to go to the West Indies instead; the *Moonelight* refuses and goes home; the *Hopewell* sets course for Trinidad.
- 28 Aug.: storm turns them to the Azores; 17–27 Sept. with the Azores fleet; 24 Oct. Plymouth.

### 10b. The passages

> "The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore ... Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Ilands West of Wokokon. But the weather continued so exceeding foule, that we could not come to an anker nye the coast: wherefore we stood off againe to Sea vntill Monday the 9 of August."

> "On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan, by reason of a breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea: here we road all that night. The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers, our boates were sent to sound ouer this breach ... This breach is in 35. degr. and a halfe, and lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan, whereas goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters, which part the Ilandes and the maine land."

— On 12–13 August the ships lay a night off the north-east end of Croatoan — where they would later learn the colonists had gone — and saw and sought nothing there. [CRO] (a missed chance, unremarked by White)

> "The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask, in 36 degr. and one third, in fiue fadom water, three leagues from the shore. At our first comming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the Ile Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587, which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England."

> "The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore, and Captaine Cooke, and Cap. Spicer, and their company with me, with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak where our countrymen were left. At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden, and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot, to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people. This was accordingly performed, and twoe boats put off vnto the shore, in the Admirals boat, we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine, eight, and seuen fadome: but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes: we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first, but it was much further from the harbour where we landed, then we supposed it to be, so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke. But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke, we found no man nor signe that any had bene there lately, nor yet any fresh water in all this waye to drinke."

— Two smokes (Roanoke; the banks south-west of Kenricks Mounts), guns fired as a signal: nobody came. Whatever the fires were, no one on Roanoke or the banks answered English guns on 15–16 August. [All scenarios]

> "The next morning being the 17 of August, our boates and company were prepared againe to goe vp to Roanoak, but Captaine Spicer had then sent his boat ashore for fresh water ... The Admirals boat first passed the breach, but not without some danger of sinking, for we had a sea brake in our boat which filled vs halfe full of water, but by the will of God and carefull styrage of Captaine Cooke we came safe ashore, sauing onely that our furniture, victuals, match and powder were much wet and spoyled. For at this time the winde blue at Northeast and direct into the harbour so great a gale, that the Sea brake extremely on the barre, and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance. By that time our Admirals boat was halled ashore, and most of our things taken out to dry, Captaine Spicer came to the entrance of the breach, with his mast standing vp, and was halfe passed ouer, but by the rash and vndiscreet styrage of Ralph Skinner his Masters mate, a very dangerous sea brake into their boate and ouerset them quite, the men kept the boat some in it, and some hanging on it, but the next sea set the boat on ground, where it beat so, that some of them were forced to let goe their hold, hoping to wade ashore: but the Sea still beat them downe, so that they could neither stand nor swimme, and the boat twise or thrice was turned the keele vpward, whereon Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung vntill they sunke, and were seene no more. But foure that could swimme a little kept themselues in deeper water and were saued by Captaine Cookes meanes, who so soone as he saw their ouersetting, stripped himselfe, and four other that could swimme very well, and with all haste possible rowed vnto them, and saued foure. There were 11 in all and 7 of the chiefest were drowned, whose names were Edward Spicer, Ralph Skinner, Edward Kelly, Thomas Beuis, Hance the Surgion, Edward Kelborne, Robert Coleman. This mischance did so much discomfort the saylers, that they were all of one mind not to goe any further to seeke the planters. But in the end by the commandement and perswasion of me and Captaine Cooke, they prepared the boates: and seeing the Captaine and me so resolute, they seemed much more willing."

— Seven drowned at Hatorask bar on 17 August; the sailors then wanted to abandon the search. [Context for why they left]

> "Our boates and all things fitted againe, we put off from Hatorask, being the number of 19 persons in both boates: but before we could get to the place where our planters were left, it was so exceeding darke, that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile: there we espied towards the North ende of the Island the light of a great fire thorow the woods, to which we presently rowed: when wee came right ouer against it, we let fall our Grapnel neere the shore and sounded with a trumpet a Call, and afterwardes many familiar English tunes and Songs, and called to them friendly; but we had no answere, we therefore landed at day-breake, and comming to the fire, we found the grasse and sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went thorow the woods to that part of the Island directly ouer aguinst Dasamongwepeuk, and from thence we returned by the water side, round about the North point of the Iland, vntill we came to the place, where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586. In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the Saluages feet of 2 or 3 sorts troaden the night, and as we entered vp the sandy banke vpon a tree, in the very browe thereof were curiously carued these faire Romane letters C R O: which letters presently we knew to signifie the place, where I should find the planters seated, according to a secret token agreed vpon betweene them and me at my last departure from them, which was, that in any wayes they should not faile to write or carue on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the place where they should be seated; for at my comming alway they were prepared to remoue from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine. Therefore at my departure from them in An. 1587 I willed them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carue ouer the letters or name, a Crosse + in this forme, but we found no such signe of distresse."

— **The key passage.** (i) "in the yeere 1586" is as printed in 1600 (checked in the original's OCR: "in the yere 1586"), an error for 1587 by White or the printer. (ii) The fire was "grasse and sundry rotten trees burning" — an ordinary brush fire, not a signal. (iii) Fresh footprints "of 2 or 3 sorts" the night before. (iv) The agreement was to carve *the name of the place where they should be seated* — any place — because "alway they were prepared to remoue from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine"; the cross was to mean distress. **The sign therefore tells White where they went, and the absence of the cross that they did not leave in distress; it does not say whether all went, or when.** [CRO] [CHOWAN] [SPLIT]

> "And hauing well considered of this, we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken downe, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fortlike, and one of the chiefe trees or postes at the right side of the entrance had the barke taken off, and 5 foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was grauen CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of distresse; this done, we entered into the palisado, where we found many barres of iron, two pigges of lead, foure yron fowlers, Iron sacker-shotte, and such like heauie thinges, throwen here and there, almost ouergrowen with grasse and weedes. From thence wee went along by the water side, towards the poynt of the Creeke to see if we could find any of their botes or Pinnesse, but we could perceiue no signe of them, nor any of the last Falkons and small Ordinance which were left with them, at my departure from them."

— **Houses "taken downe"** (dismantled, not burnt); a new palisade with curtains and flankers, "very Fortlike", built after August 1587; the heavy things left "throwen here and there" and overgrown — abandonment some time before; **the boats, the pinnace, and the falcons and small ordnance all gone**. An orderly, unhurried removal by water of everything portable and valuable, leaving iron bars, lead pigs and fowlers (too heavy). CROATOAN carved on the entrance post, no cross. [CRO] [SAIL] (they had the vessels) [SPLIT] (the fortification suggests a rearguard or a period of defence before departure)

> "At our returne from the Creeke, some of our Saylers meeting vs, told vs that they had found where diuers chests had bene hidden, and long sithence digged vp againe and broken vp, and much of the goods in them spoyled and scattered about, but nothing left, of such things as the Sauages knew any vse of, vndefaced. Presently Captaine Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the ende of an olde trench, made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas: wheere wee found fiue Chests, that had bene carefully hidden of the Planters, and of the same chests three were my owne, and about the place many of my things spoyled and broken, and my bookes torne from the couers, the frames of some of my pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne, and my armour almost eaten through with rust; this could bee no other but the deede of the Sauages our enemies at Dasamongwepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men to Croatoan; and assoone as they were departed digged vp euery place where they suspected any thing to be buried: but although it much grieued me to see such spoyle of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly ioyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was borne, and the Sauages of the Iland our friends."

— "long sithence digged vp": the plundering was not recent; White blames Dasamonquepeuc, whose people "had watched the departure of our men to Croatoan" — this is **White's inference, not information**. "made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas": Amadas's trench dates from 1585–86, so "two yeeres past" is reckoned from 1587, another sign the narrative was drafted from 1587-based notes. White's conclusion: "a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan". [CRO]

> "When we had seene in this place so much as we could, we returned to our Boates, and departed from the shoare towards our shippes, with as much speede as we could: For the weather beganne to ouercast, and very likely that a foule and stormie night would ensue ... The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe, with the Master and others, to way anchor, and goe for the place at Croatoan, where our planters were: for that then the winde was good for that place, and also to leaue that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Iland vntill our returne. So then they brought the cable to the Capston, but when the anchor was almost apecke, the Cable broke, by meanes whereof we lost another Anchor, wherewith we droue so fast into the shoare, that wee were forced to let fall a third Anchor: which came so fast home that the Shippe was almost aground by Kenricks mounts: so that we were forced to let slippe the Cable ende for ende. And if it had not chanced that wee had fallen into a chanell of deeper water, closer by the shoare then wee accompted of, wee could neuer haue gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to the Southwardes of Kenricks mount. Being thus cleare of some dangers, and gotten into deeper waters, but not without some losse: for wee had but one Cable and Anchor left vs of foure, and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler; our victuals scarse, and our caske and fresh water lost: it was therefore determined that we should goe for Saint Iohn or some other Iland to the Southward for fresh water. And it was further purposed, that if wee could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries, either at Hispaniola, Sant Iohn, or Trynidad, that then we should continue in the Indies all the Winter following, with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one, and at our returne to visit our countreymen at Virginia. The captaine and the whole company in the Admirall (with my earnest petitions) thereunto agreed, so that it rested onely to knowe what the Master of the Moone-light our consort would doe herein. But when we demanded them if they would accompany vs in that new determination, they alleaged that their weake and leake Shippe was not able to continue it; wherefore the same night we parted, leauing the Moone-light to goe directly for England, and the Admirall set his course for Trynidad, which course we kept two dayes. On the 28. the winde changed, and it was sette on foule weather euery way: but this storme brought the winde West and Northwest, and blewe so forcibly, that wee were able to beare no sayle, but our fore-course halfe mast high, wherewith wee ranne vpon the winde perforce, the due course for England, for that wee were driuen to change our first determination for Trynidad, and stoode for the Ilands of Açores"

— Hakluyt's margin: "They leaue the coast of Virginia." **Why they never reached Croatoan:** one cable/anchor left of four, "our victuals scarse, and our caske and fresh water lost", worsening weather; so the plan became to water and winter in the Indies and "at our returne to visit our countreymen" — a plan White says he himself pressed ("with my earnest petitions") — then a storm on 28 August drove the *Hopewell* to the Azores and home. Croatoan, sixty-odd miles south, was never visited. [CRO] (the confirmation was never made)

> "On Saturday the 24. we came in safetie, God be thanked, to an anker at Plymmouth."


## 11. Hakluyt's headnotes and Hakluyt's own words on the colony

### 11a. The 1600 headnotes and the 1600 volume's own "Catalogue"

The 1600 edition's "A catalogue of the voyages and nauigations of the English nation to Virginia, and of the seuerall discoueries thereof, chiefly at the charges of the honourable sir Walter Ralegh knight" (front matter of vol. III; read in the OCR of the original, garbled but legible) lists: "The first voyage made to the coast of Virginia by M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlow, 1584. pag. 246 / The second voyage made to Virginia by sir Richard Grinuile for sir Walter Ralegh, Anno 1585: at what time the first colonie of English was there left vnder the gouernment of M. Ralfe Lane, now knight. pag. 251 / The third voyage to Virginia made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586. for the reliefe of the colonie planted in Virginia, at the sole charges of sir Walter Ralegh. pag. 265 / The fourth voyage made to Virginia with 3. ships, Anno 1587. wherein was transported the second colonie. pag. 280 / The fifth voyage to Virginia made by master Iohn White in the yeere 1590. pag. 288", followed by "The letters patents, discourses, obseruations, and aduertisements belonging to the foresaid voyages made vnto Virginia" (the letters patents p. 245; Lane's names p. 254; Lane's letter p. 254; Lane's account p. 255; Harriot p. 266; "A description of the nature and maners of the people of Virginia, pag. 276"; the 1587 names p. 287; "A letter of M. Iohn White to M. Richard Hakluyt written in February 1593. pag. 288"). **VERIFIED** (OCR). The headnotes over the texts themselves are quoted at the head of §§1–10 above. Note that the 1600 headnotes are neutral: none of them says the colony was lost.

**The 1589 edition's own headings for the 1587 voyage** (OCR of the 1589 original, cihm_35668, table of contents lines 1813–14 and text p. 764; long-s normalised) — **VERIFIED**: table of contents: "The voyage of Edward Stafford, and Iohn White, set out by the aforesaid Sir Walter Raleigh the fourth time to Virginia. An. 1587. 764."; heading of the text: "The fourth voyage made to Virginia, with three shippes, in the yeere, 1587. Wherein was transported the second Colonie." Note that in 1589 Hakluyt's table of contents credits the voyage to "Edward Stafford, and Iohn White" jointly (Stafford commanded the pinnace), whereas the 1600 heading names White alone: "The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in the yere 1587. Wherein was transported the second Colonie." The 1589 text also carries the 1588 voyage (pp. 771–773), which the 1600 edition drops (see §8). [Context]

### 11b. Hakluyt, "To the favourable Reader", 1589 (MacLehose I, p. xxvii) — **VERIFIED**

> "The continuance of the historie, produceth the beginnings, and proceedings of the two English Colonies planted in Virginia at the charges of sir Walter Raleigh, whose entrance upon those newe inhabitations had bene happie, if it had ben as seriously followed, as it was cheerefully undertaken."

— Written in late 1589, after the 1588 failure: Hakluyt already blames want of follow-up, while the colony is assumed alive. [Context]

### 11c. Hakluyt, Epistle Dedicatorie to Sir Robert Cecil, second volume, dated "From London this 24. of October. 1599" (MacLehose I, pp. lxv–lxvi) — **VERIFIED**

> "there is under our noses the great & ample countrey of Virginia; the In-land whereof is found of late to bee so sweete and holesome a climate, so rich and abundant in silver mines, so apt and capable of all commodities, which Italy, Spaine, and France can affoord, that the Spaniards themselves in their owne writings printed in Madrid 1586, and within few moneths afterward reprinted by me in Paris, and in a secret mappe of those partes made in Mexico the yeere before for the king of Spaine, (which originall with many others is in the custodie of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas Hariot) as also in their intercepted letters come unto my hand, bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the In-land to be a better and richer countrey then Mexico and Nueva Spania it selfe. And on the other side their chiefest writers ... acknowledge with one consent, that all that mightie tract of land from 67. degrees Northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discovered out of England, by the commaundement of king Henry the seventh, and the South part thereof before any other Christian people of late hath bene planted with divers English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred Majestie under the broad seale of England, **whereof one as yet remaineth, for ought we know, alive in the countrey.**"

— **October 1599: the 1587 colony "as yet remaineth, for ought we know, alive in the countrey."** This is the strongest contemporary statement that in 1599 the colony was presumed alive, twelve years after White left. (Emphasis added.) [All scenarios: no news of destruction had reached England by 1599]

### 11d. Hakluyt, Epistle Dedicatorie to Cecil, third volume, dated 1 September 1600 (MacLehose I, pp. lxxi–lxxviii) — **VERIFIED**

Read in full: it mentions "the late & rich discovery of 15. provinces on the backside of Florida and Virginia, the chiefest wherof is called the kingdome of New Mexico" but says nothing about the fate of the Roanoke colonists. The 1600 volume thus prints White's 1590 narrative without editorial comment on the outcome.

### 11e. Hakluyt, dedication of *Virginia richly valued* to the Virginia Company adventurers, "From my lodging in the Colledge of Westminster, this 15 of Aprill, 1609" — **VERIFIED** (Rye 1851, pp. 1–7; key sentence checked in the OCR of the 1609 original)

> "But what neede I to stand upon forren testimonies, since Master Thomas Heriot, a man of much judgement in these causes, signified unto you all, at your late solemne meeting at the house of the right honourable the Earle of Exeter, how to the southwest of our old fort in Virginia, the Indians often informed him, that there was a great melting of red mettall, reporting the manner in working of the same. Besides, our owne Indians have lately revealed either this or another rich mine of copper or gold, in a towne called Ritanoe, neere certaine mountaines lying west of Roanoac."

— 1609 original (OCR): "Besides, our owne Indians haue lately reuealed either this or another rich mine of copper or gold in a towne called Ritanoe, neere certaine mountaines lying West of Roanoac." **Hakluyt in April 1609 names "Ritanoe ... west of Roanoac"** as a copper/gold town revealed by "our owne Indians" (the Jamestown colony's informants). Ritanoe is the place where, in William Strachey's *Historie of Travaile* (1612), the weroance Eyanoco is said to keep seven survivors of the Roanoke colony ("fower men, twoo boyes, and one younge maide") to beat his copper — **UNVERIFIED here** (Strachey not fetched; quoted from memory; check Strachey ed. Major 1849 p. 26 / Wright & Freund 1953 pp. 34, 89). Hakluyt's sentence shows the Ritanoe name reached London by 1609 as a *mining* report, not as a survivors' report. Hakluyt says nothing in 1609 about the lost colonists' fate. [CHOWAN] (Ritanoe/copper lies inland to the west/south-west)

## 12. The Spanish side, 1586–1589 (and Glavin, 1600)

### 12a. Diego Fernández de Quiñones to the Crown, Havana, September 1586 (Wright Doc. 54, pp. 204–205) — **VERIFIED** (Wright's translation, OCR)

> "Pedro Menendez Marquez writes me that he took the depositions of three negroes who speak Spanish and remained behind when the corsair left. They say he meant to leave all the negroes he had in a fort and settlement established at Jacan by the English who went there a year ago. There he intended to leave the 250 blacks and all the small craft he had, and cross to England with only the larger vessels ... This settlement and fort of theirs at Jacan are directly west of Bermuda, 250 leagues from Santa Elena, from which position they can readily attack the fleets at any season"

— Spain knew by 1586 that England had "a fort and settlement" at "Jacan" (their name for the Chesapeake/Virginia coast) and regarded it as a privateering base to be destroyed. [SPAIN]

### 12b. Pedro Menéndez Marqués, governor of Florida, Havana, 22 June 1587 (Wright Doc. 61, pp. 232–233) — **VERIFIED**

> "In Florida on the 2nd of last May I received a dispatch from His Majesty in which he orders me to discover whether any corsairs have settled on that coast, and whether there is a passage, as they say there is, to the other sea. Within five days after I had received it I sailed from San Agustin in the same frigate which brought the dispatch and with two small boats to execute His Majesty's command. First leaving munitions and reinforcements at Santa Elena, I coasted to latitude 37°, very near Jacan, which is Santa Maria bay. Before one arrives there are three bad shoals which extend far to sea ... Along all the shore that I coasted there is no knowledge of any corsair. I did not go further because the day that I was to enter at Jacan a tremendous storm blew which drove me from the coast and damaged my sail. It drove me to the Lucayos ... Next year I will go better prepared and start a little later. The month of May is too early for that coast."

— A Spanish search along the Carolina coast to 37° in May–June 1587 — two months before White's colonists arrived — found no English; Oré (§12d) says the same ("in the year 1587 he came near the place but encountered a tempest"). [SPAIN]

### 12c. Pedro de Arana to Juan de Ybarra, Havana, 22 July 1588 (Wright Doc. 62, pp. 233–235) — **VERIFIED**

> "In June, 1587, off the entrance to Matanzas, the English captured Alonso Ruiz, seaman, native of Cartagena ... I understand they sailed ... (torn) ... coasting along Florida as far as Santa Maria bay, in 37°, where they took in water. There they found signs of horned cattle and a branded mule. From these indications I infer that this is where the English had their settlement. I am informed that the natives proved poor friends to the English and that Francis Drake carried off those who survived ... This man says that they remained three days in that bay, at the end of which time they made sail ... The captain in command of the said English ships last year was named Irishe native of the Isle of Wight and they were sent out by George Carey, Master of the Wight."

— Not White's fleet (these were Carey's privateers), but it shows English ships watering at the Chesapeake ("Santa Maria bay, in 37°") in the summer of 1587 and Spanish intelligence conflating Roanoke with the Chesapeake. Wright's footnote identifies the vessels as the *Brave* and the *Roe* only for Doc. 65. [SPAIN]

### 12d. The Vicente González voyage, late May – July 1588: Oré's *Relación*, in Geiger's translation (pp. 44–49) — **VERIFIED**

Oré introduces it thus:

> "In the year 1585 it became known that the English came to settle on the coast of Jacan. On receiving orders from His Majesty, General Pedro Menendez left St. Augustine in a frigate and sailed towards Jacan to reconnoitre it and ascertain what he could about the settlement. So in the year 1587 he came near the place but encountered a tempest so dire that he was forced to put into harbor with great risk to himself."

> "In the following year, 1588, at the end of the month of May, Captain Vincente Gonzales left from the port and presidio of St. Augustine. With Gonzales went the sergeant-major, Juan Menendez Marques and thirty soldiers and sailors in a long bark which had come from San Lucar to Havana the year before as a dispatch boat. This boat was bought for the expedition to Jacan. The purpose of this expedition was to run along the coast up to the Bay of Madre de Dios, in order to try to obtain knowledge of and to reconnoitre the English settlement and fortification. After they made the journey along the coast, the party came to Santa Elena and found the Indians at peace; the same was true at the port of Cayagua, which they judged to be a good port. Then they followed the coast, having passed the cape of San Roman. They spoke with the Indians but the interpreters whom they had brought along did not understand their language. They continued their journey, passing the Cape of Trafalgar and that of San Juan; likewise two other ports. Whereupon they arrived at the Bay of Madre de Dios de Jacan, in the month of June, in the year 1588."

— They passed Cape Hatteras ("Trafalgar") and "two other ports" (the Outer Banks inlets) *northbound* without stopping, and explored the whole Chesapeake to its head (latitude taken "at about 40 degrees" on 24 June, the feast of St John; "37 degrees and 37 minutes" at the first port inside the bay), seized two Indians, and left the bay on the evening of 29 June (Sts Peter and Paul) or the day after. Then, southbound:

> "When they departed from the bay, it was evening. All that night they navigated toward the south with the help of a strong west wind. The same was true all the next day till sunset. The wind, however, became too strong, and they were forced to unmast the ship. By rowing they came to the shore and interned at a bar of very shallow depth. Within the bar there was a large cove to the south, which at low tide remained almost dry. The view toward the north showed a great portion of the bay as well as a large arm to the north-west, while the land was thickly wooded. Also, along the coast, to the north, there appeared another mouth which seemed to be better than the one they had entered. That portion of the coast, for about a league, between one bar and another, is low and broken by sand. In the interior of the region where they were, there was a ship-yard, indicated by the presence of sloops, while on the land there were some remains of English barrels. Besides, there were other signs of debris, indicating that people had been there. The next day they again departed. They found the latitude to be 35 [OCR: '85'] degrees. Continuing toward the south, they passed the three capes referred to before."

— **This is the Spanish sighting of the abandoned English harbour, c. 30 June – 1 July 1588 (my calendar inference from the feast-days; Oré gives no day).** In Geiger's rendering: a shallow bar, a large cove to the south drying at low tide, a better inlet visible to the north, the land low and sandy between the two bars, "a ship-yard, indicated by the presence of sloops" and "some remains of English barrels" and "other signs of debris, indicating that people had been there" — **and no people.** Geiger's note 41 identifies the place as the Roanoke Island approaches and note 42 puts 35½° "between Roanoke Island and Cape Hatteras". **UNVERIFIED (from memory):** D. B. Quinn's translation of the same passage (*Roanoke Voyages* II, pp. 806–812, from the Spanish of Oré, ed. López 1931) reads roughly "a slipway for small vessels, and on land a number of wells made with English casks, and other debris indicating that a considerable number of people had been here"; the "wells of English casks" familiar from the secondary literature is Quinn's rendering, not Geiger's, and the Spanish should be checked (the underlying words are probably *varadero* [slipway] and *pozos hechos con pipas inglesas*). Whether the bar they entered was Port Ferdinando (Hatorask) or Port Lane, and whether the "sloops" were English boats left behind, cannot be settled from the translation. [SPAIN] [SAIL] (if boats were seen ashore in July 1588, the colonists had not yet sailed anywhere in them — but see the doubt above) [CRO]/[CHOWAN] (the site looked deserted from the water eleven months after White left, though the Spaniards did not go to the island)

Oré then records what the Spaniards learned at Havana:

> "This same information was obtained from what was learned at Havana, from a pilot, Pedro Diaz Franco, namely, that the port which was referred to above as being at 35 1/2 [OCR '85 1/2'] degrees latitude, and where the remains of the English barrels were seen, was the location of the English settlement. He reported further that they had taken him along on two voyages and that at that time, it had about three hundred men and as many women. To the question why they had not seen the settlement from the bark, since they reached the place where the remains were, he answered that he was not able to see, since it was ten leagues from the port by the arm above the shore of the northern entrance. Another reason was that they tried to conceal their purpose until they should discover good land for settlement and fortification. The same was said by David Glavid who was brought to the city of St. Augustine from Havana where he was forced to serve in the galleys. He said the English had brought him thither by force. But he said more: that they penetrated the interior for many leagues up a river and that a quantity of gold dust was obtained. This David Glavid who gave this information, said he was an Irishman."

— Pedro Díaz's "three hundred men and as many women" is an exaggeration (or a Spanish scribe's); his "ten leagues from the port" up "the arm above the shore of the northern entrance" is a garbled but recognisable description of Roanoke lying up the sound inside the northern inlet. "David Glavid" is Darby Glavin/"Darby Glande" of Lane's 1585–86 colony, who deserted from White's fleet at Puerto Rico on 1 July 1587 ("Darbie Glauen", §7). Geiger's note 49 cites his 1600 deposition to Governor Méndez de Canzo ("Relacion de la Tama y su Tierra, y de la Poblacion de Ingleses", in Serrano y Sanz, *Documentos históricos*, pp. 155–157) — not fetched. [SPAIN]

Oré on the sequel:

> "Having obtained the account of the voyage from the captain and sergeant-major Vincente Gonzales and the one which the pilot Pedro Diaz Franco gave, General Pedro Menendez desired to go to Castille ... He then went to court and gave an account to His Majesty of the discovery spoken of before. He was told to return to Havana with four supply ships, with infantry ... and go to St. Augustine. There he was to station the new troops and take the seasoned ones with him to 35 1/2 degrees ... And after reconnoitering the lay of the land, he was to erect a fort in the place which to him appeared most suitable. He was to leave there the best equipment he could afford with three hundred infantry men ... Nevertheless, this order was not carried out because soon another was issued whereby General Pedro Menendez was instructed to go to Tierra Firme with two lateen-rigged vessels, and in these, he was to bring to Castille the silver, gold and pearls belonging to His Majesty. This he did, leaving the Bay of Cadiz on May 16, 1590."

— **Spain planned in 1589 to send 300 infantry to 35½° to seize the English site; the plan was dropped in 1590 for the treasure run.** No Spanish force ever attacked Roanoke or Croatoan; the Spanish evidence therefore excludes a Spanish destruction of the colony as far as the records go. [SPAIN]

### 12e. The examination of the pilot Pedro Díaz, Havana, 21 March 1589 (Wright Doc. 65, pp. 237–241) — **VERIFIED** (OCR partly garbled on p. 238)

Díaz was taken by Grenville near Bermuda in 1585, held at Bideford, carried on Grenville's 1586 voyage to Roanoke, kept in Grenville's house during 1587, and sent as pilot of one of the 1588 pinnaces; he escaped from the French captors in May 1588 and reached Havana in March 1589.

> "This Englishman's idea of settling there is that on the main there is a great deal of gold and a waterway from the Atlantic to the Pacific, they say. They think it is nearby, and they intend to establish themselves firmly wherever they find wealth."

On Grenville's 1586 visit:

> "Beyond Santa Maria Bay the coast runs to the northeast for about 80 leagues to Cape San Juan; from there the coast runs north and south twelve leagues to where this settlement is on an island close to the main. The island can be crossed on foot. The island was inhabited by Indians who were at war with those of the main, for which reason they admitted the English, of whom the mainland Indians killed some four and Francis Drake took the rest away because he found them dispersed and greatly in need of food supplies. The land produces little to eat. There is only maize and of that little and poor in quality. And so they found the island deserted. They found an Englishman and an Indian who had been hanged. Of the natives they found only three, and as they were conducting these to their ships two escaped. The other was held prisoner, and of him they learned that Francis Drake had taken away what settlers there were in the island. They have there a timber fort of no great strength, which stands in the water. There is an abundance of timber. The soil is sandy and wet and swampy ... In this fort the Englishman left eighteen men. He would not permit Pedro Diaz to land or to go into the fort. The captain remained there fourteen days and in the fort were left four pieces of iron ordnance and supplies for the eighteen men for a year. In command of them he left a master, Englishman, and another called Chapman."

— Independent Spanish confirmation of the 1586 visit, with details Hakluyt lacks: a hanged Englishman and Indian found; **eighteen** men left (Hakluyt: fifteen), with four iron guns and a year's supplies (Hakluyt: two years'); an officer "Chapman" (a "Iohn Chapman" is in the 1587 list). The island "can be crossed on foot" and its Indians "at war with those of the main". [Context]

On 1587 and 1588:

> "He held Pedro Diaz a prisoner, under guard, along with the other Christians he had carried off, about 40 in number. He insisted that only Pedro Diaz knew where that settlement was. The commander then went to London and raised men for that establishment to the number of 210 persons, men and women, whom he sent out on board of three ships in charge of a Portuguese named Simon Fernandez, married in England, a great pilot and the person who induced them to settle there. He left for this place in March of 1587, from London, and Pedro Diaz remained incapacitated in the house of the English commander. These ships reached the settlement and did not find the eighteen men who had been left there, nor any trace of them. They left the settlers there and returned to England where the English commander made ready two small vessels in which seven men and four women embarked for the said settlement with supplies for them of biscuit, meat and vegetables, with which cargo he sent these vessels out in command of Captain — with Pedro Diaz as pilot. They proceeded on their voyage and had reached a point some 30 leagues from the island of Maderia when, having sighted a sail, the faster vessel pursued it and so became separated from the other. The vessel where Pedro Diaz was, continuing on its course, met a French ship which overhauled it, came alongside and sent aboard 30 men with whom the English fought until most of both parties were killed or wounded. The English vessel surrendered to the Frenchman, who looted it, removing what he wanted. He left the vessel to some of the English who on their knees begged him to leave Pedro Diaz with them because without him they could not proceed, and would perish."

> "Pedro Diaz believes that the settlers of the said establishment will have died of hunger or suffered very grievous want and danger ..."

— Díaz (March 1589): 210 persons sailed in 1587 (Hakluyt's list: 117 + Manteo, Towaye — the difference may be crews); Fernandes "the person who induced them to settle there"; **seven men and four women** were the 1588 reinforcement (White: "15. planters"); and Díaz's own guess for the colony's fate, made before anyone else's — starvation. [All scenarios: the Spanish expected famine]

## 13. The searches of 1602–1603 and Ralegh's words

### 13a. The Mace voyage note printed with Brereton (1602) — **VERIFIED** (two witnesses; spelling restored from the blackletter OCR, checked against the 1843 modernised reprint)

Heading: "A briefe Note of the sending another barke this present yeere 1602, by the honourable knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, for the searching out of his Colonie in Virginia."

> "Samuel Mace of Weimouth, a very sufficient mariner, an honest sober man, who had beene at Virginia twise before, was imploied thither by Sir Walter Ralegh, to finde those people which were left there in the yeere 1587. To whose succour he hath sent fiue seuerall times at his owne charges. The parties by him set forth, performed nothing; some of them following their owne profit elsewhere; others returning with friuolous allegations. At this last time, to auoid all excuse, he bought a barke, and hired all the company for wages by the moneth: who departing from Weimouth in March last 1602, fell fortie leagues to the Southwestward of Hatarask, in thirtie foure degrees or thereabout; and hauing there spent a moneth; when they came along the coast to seeke the people, they did it not, pretending that the extremitie of weather and losse of some principall ground-tackle, forced and feared them from searching the port of Hatarask, to which they were sent. From that place where they abode, they brought Sassafras, Radix Chinae or the China root, Beniamin, Cassia lignea, & a rinde of a tree more strong than any spice as yet knowen, with diuers other commodities, which hereafter in a larger discourse may come to light."

— **The source of "sent five several times":** Ralegh's five relief attempts up to 1602 are counted here (1588 *Brave*/*Roe*; 1590 White; and three unrecorded or abortive sendings between 1590 and 1602, "some of them following their owne profit elsewhere" — Mace's own two earlier voyages are probably among them). Mace in 1602 stayed a month at about 34° (forty leagues south-west of Hatteras: the Cape Fear / lower Onslow Bay coast), gathered drugs, and never went to "the port of Hatarask, to which they were sent". No search of Croatoan or the sounds took place. The "larger discourse" of Mace's voyage never appeared. [CRO]/[CHOWAN] (the 1602 search never reached the ground)

### 13b. Sir Walter Ralegh to Sir Robert Cecil, Weymouth, 21 August 1602 (Edwards, *Letters* no. CX) — **VERIFIED** (OCR)

> "Sir, Wheras as I wrate unto yow in my last that I was gonn to Weymouth, to speake with a pinnes of myne arived from Virginia, I found this bearer, Captayne Gilbert, ther also, who went on the same voyage. Butt myne fell 40 leaugs to the west of it, and this bearer as much to the east; so as neather of them spake with the peopell. Butt I do sende both the barks away agayne, having saved the charg in sarsephraze woode; butt this bearer bringing sume 2200 waight to Hampton, his Adventurers have taken away their parts, and brought it to London. I do therfore humblie pray yow to deale withe my Lord Admirall for a letter to make seasure of all that which is cume to London, ether by his Lordships octoritye or by the Judge: because I have a patent that all shipps and goods are confiscate that shall trade ther, without my leve. And wheras sarsephraze was worth 10s., 12s., and 20s. a pound before Gilbert returned, his doying of the market will overthrow all myne, and his owne also ... And it were pitty to overthrow the enterprize; for I shall yet live to see it an Inglishe nation."

— Ralegh's own words in 1602: Mace "fell 40 leaugs to the west of it" (i.e. south-west of Hatteras) and Bartholomew Gilbert (with Gosnold, 1602) "as much to the east ... so as neather of them spake with the peopell" — **"the peopell" are the 1587 colonists, still spoken of in August 1602 as people to be spoken with.** "I do sende both the barks away agayne": a further attempt was intended for 1602–03. "I shall yet live to see it an Inglishe nation." [All scenarios: as of 1602 Ralegh assumed survivors]

### 13c. Thomas Canner's relation of Bartholomew Gilbert's voyage, 1603 (Purchas IV. viii. 12, pp. 1656–1658; MacLehose XVIII, pp. 329–335) — **VERIFIED**

Headnote: "A Relation of the Voyage made to Virginia, in the Elizabeth of London, a Barke of fiftie tunnes by Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert, in the yeere 1603. Written by Master Thomas Canner a Gentleman of Bernards Inne his companion in the same Voyage."

> "Sunday the foure and twentieth [of July], the wind being about the North-east we beat hard to fetch an Head-land, where we thought we saw an Harbour: but when we came up with it, wee perceived it was none, and all our labour lost. And therefore the wind beeing now more full in our teeth at the North-east, wee considered it were better to put roome, so that if the winde should stand, then we should fetch the Bay of Chesepian, which Master Gilbert so much thirsted after, to seeke out the people for Sir Walter Raleigh left neere those parts in the yeere 1587. if not, perhaps we might find some Road or Harbour in the way to take in some fresh water: for now wee had none aboord. On Munday the five and twentieth of July at night wee came neere the mouth of the Bay: but the wind blew so sore, and the Sea was so high, that the Master durst not put in that night into the Sea: and so continued next day. On Wednesday the seven and twentieth, at night the winde came faire againe, and wee bare againe for it all night, and the wind presently turned againe. Thursday the eight and twentieth, considering our extremitie for water and wood, victuals and beere likewise consuming fast, we could no longer beate for it, and therefore ran roomer, determining for this time to seeke it no more. Friday the nine and twentieth, being not farre from the shoare, which appeared unto us exceeding pleasant and full of goodly Trees, and with some shew of the entrance of a River, our Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert accompanied with Master Thomas Canner a Gentleman of Bernards Inne, Richard Hanson the Masters Mate, Henry Kenton our Chirurgion, and one Derricke a Dutchman, went on shore in the Boate from the ship which lay above a mile from the land, and with their weapons marched up into the Countrey, leaving two youths to keepe the Boate: but shortly after the Indians set upon them, and one or two of them fell downe wounded in sight of our yong men that kept the Boat, which had much a doe to save themselves and it. For some of the Indians roming downe to them, would have haled it on shore, which notwithstanding they saved, and with heavie hearts gat unto the ship with the losse of their Captain and foure of their principall men. Thus being but eleven men and Boyes in all in the ship, though our want of water and wood were great, yet wee durst not adventure the losse of any more of our small company in this place; Therefore our Master Henry Sute tooke his course home for England"

— In 1603 the search was directed at **"the Bay of Chesepian ... to seeke out the people for Sir Walter Raleigh left neere those parts in the yeere 1587"** — evidence that by 1603 Ralegh's people looked for the colonists at the Chesapeake, not at Croatoan. Gilbert and four men were killed by Indians on landing somewhere on the Delmarva/Virginia coast on 29 July 1603, and the survivors sailed home. No search of the Carolina sounds took place. (Canner's is the first English narrative to record the *manner* of his own captain's death in that region: an ambush on landing.) [POWHATAN] (as a 1603 expectation) [Context]

## 14. Open questions and things noticed

1. **Two contradictory removal signals in White's own text.** In August 1587 the colonists "intended to remoue 50 miles further vp into the maine presently" (§7f); in 1590 the only name carved was CROATOAN, an island *south* on the banks, not "into the maine" (§10b). White reconciles them only by his statement that "alway they were prepared to remoue from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine" and the agreement to carve *whatever* place they chose. Either the plan changed, or CROATOAN marks a first or partial move (the Croatoans had pleaded they "had but little" corn: §7d), or the two signals refer to two groups. [SPLIT] is not asserted anywhere in the sources but is not excluded by them.

2. **The pinnace, the boats and the ordnance were gone.** White looked for "their botes or Pinnesse" and for "the last Falkons and small Ordinance which were left with them" and found none (§10b); only the heaviest iron and lead remained, "throwen here and there". The colony left by water, deliberately, with its guns. That is compatible with Croatoan (a short passage) or the Chowan (a long one), or with a further voyage; the Spaniards in July 1588 saw "sloops" (Geiger) or "a slipway" (Quinn, unverified) at the harbour, so the small craft may still have been on the banks nearly a year after White left.

3. **The houses were "taken downe" and a fort built** after August 1587 (§10b). Dismantled houses (timber carried off or reused for the palisade) and a "very Fortlike" enclosure imply weeks or months of organised life on Roanoke after White left, and a perceived threat (Dasamonquepeuc/Secotan, or the Spanish, whose search of 1587 the colonists may have heard of from the Croatoans). The fort was rased in 1587 but standing houses were re-used; by 1590 the reverse: a new fort, no houses.

4. **Chronological slips in the 1590 narrative:** "where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586" (for 1587; in the 1600 original), and the trench "made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas" (Amadas's trench was of 1585–86, two years before 1587, not 1590). The 1590 narrative seems to have been written up from, or contaminated by, the 1587 draft. Also "20. of Nouember 1587" for White's return (1588 narrative) against 5/8 November (1587 narrative).

5. **Croatoan was passed twice without a landing** (12–13 August 1590 at its north-east point; and again the intended visit of 19 August that the lost anchors prevented), and the 1602 and 1603 searches never reached it either. No Englishman is recorded as having set foot on Croatoan after 1 August 1587. The documentary chain therefore ends at a carved word.

6. **The Croatoans' food problem.** They asked the English in 1587 "not to gather or spill any of their corne, for that they had but little" (§7d), and Lane in 1586 used Croatoan only as a fishing/lookout station for twenty men (§4d). A hundred and sixteen English mouths on Hatteras for a season is plausible; for years, on the printed evidence of the island's own inhabitants, it is not. The sources thus favour Croatoan as a *station* rather than a permanent home, and make the "into the maine" move the expected sequel.

7. **The intended seat was the Chesapeake** (Ralegh's written orders, §7b; Lane's plan, §4b), and the 1603 search went to the Chesapeake (§13c). Nothing in the 1584–1603 documents connects the colonists with Powhatan; that connection (Strachey, Smith, Purchas) begins after 1607 and is outside this dossier. But Lane's 1586 report that the Chesepians joined Pemisapan's conspiracy (§4d) is a warning that the Chesapeake was not a safe refuge either.

8. **The Chowan/"blinde Towne" geography** — Ohanoak "vpon the left hand as wee passe thither ... a goodly high land ... hath a very goodly corne field" (§4a), the Chowanokes as "more faithfull in their promises" (§4d), Lane's own removal plan (§4b), Menatonon's hostile Mangoaks up the Roanoke River (§4c), and Hakluyt's 1609 "Ritanoe ... west of Roanoac" (§11e) — is the only inland destination the 1584–1609 English sources themselves make plausible for "50 miles further vp into the maine".

9. **Grenville's men are the first "lost" Englishmen of Roanoke:** attacked by thirty men of "Secota, Aquascogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk", two killed, the rest rowed to the little island inside Hatorask inlet "and afterward departed, whither as yet we know not" (§7d). Whether they tried to row for the Chesapeake or Newfoundland, or joined the Croatoans, nobody recorded. It is a precedent for a small English party vanishing from the Outer Banks by boat.

10. **Hakluyt's editorial silence.** In 1599 he wrote that the colony "as yet remaineth, for ought we know, alive"; in 1600 he printed the 1590 narrative under a neutral headnote; in 1609 he mentioned Ritanoe only as a mine. He never printed a word suggesting the colony was dead. Ralegh in 1602 still hoped to "speake with the peopell". The presumption in England, 1590–1603, was survival.

11. **The Spanish never went to the island** and never mounted the 300-man expedition of 1589; Pedro Díaz's guess (March 1589) was death "of hunger". The Spanish record removes Spain as an agent and adds a witness that in July 1588 the harbour was silent.

12. **Numbers:** 117 arrivals + 2 born − 2 departed − 1 killed = 116 English, and Manteo and Towaye; Díaz's "210 persons" (probably including crews) and Díaz Franco's "three hundred men and as many women" are Spanish inflations. The 1588 reinforcement of "15. planters" (White) or "seven men and four women" (Díaz) never arrived; nor did anything else before August 1590, and after that nothing at all.

13. **Not resolved here and worth pursuing:** (a) the Spanish original of Oré's paragraph on the harbour (López's 1931 edition or the Geiger/Quinn originals) to settle "sloops/slipway" and "barrels/wells"; (b) Quinn, *Roanoke Voyages* II, pp. 776–812 (borrow-only on archive.org) for the full run of Spanish documents including the 1600 Glavin deposition; (c) the 7 January 1587 charter of the City of Ralegh for the full list of Assistants; (d) Strachey (1612) for the Ritanoe survivors, and John Smith (1608/1612/1624) for Powhatan's statements — all after 1603 and outside this brief; (e) White's own letter of 1587 to Ralegh and Ralegh's letter to the colonists (1588 narrative: "wrote his letters vnto them") — both lost.