# William Clark to Jonathan Clark, 1809-1810 — EXCERPTS quoted in James J. Holmberg, "'I Wish You to See & Know All': The Recently Discovered Letters of William Clark to Jonathan Clark," We Proceeded On, vol. 18, no. 4 (November 1992), pp. 4-12 CITATION (primary): William Clark to Jonathan Clark, letters of 26 Aug. 1809, 28 Oct. 1809 (Shelbyville, Ky.), 30 Oct. 1809 (Lexington), [ca. 8] Nov. 1809 (Bean Station, Tenn.), 26 Nov. 1809, 8 Jan. 1810, etc., Jonathan Clark Papers–Temple Bodley Collection (JCP-TBC), Filson Historical Society, Louisville; published in full in James J. Holmberg, ed., Dear Brother: Letters of William Clark to Jonathan Clark (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), pp. 210 (26 Aug. 1809), 216-18 (28 Oct. 1809), 228-33 (26 Nov. 1809), etc. CITATION (secondary text used here): Holmberg, WPO 18:4 (Nov. 1992), pp. 8-13 (PDF pages 8-13 of the issue file), with Holmberg's footnotes 40-53. URL fetched: https://lewisandclark.org/wpo/pdf/vol18no4.pdf (text extracted with PyMuPDF) DATE FETCHED: 2026-09-14 TRANSCRIPTION: SECONDARY. Holmberg quotes the letters in Clark's spelling but only in extracts (ellipses are Holmberg's). The full letters in Dear Brother (2002) were NOT reachable (Google Books API quota exhausted; no open scan). The PDF text extraction has OCR-type errors from the 1992 typesetting (e.g. "1Wo" = "Two", "IJi1ys" = "Days", "ofGovr." = "of Govr."); these are NOT corrected below. ---- VERBATIM TEXT of WPO 18:4 pages 8-13 as extracted (the article's own words and its quotations; footnotes at the end of the article) ---- === PDF PAGE 8 === attempt is made by York to run off, or refuse to provonn his duty as a Slave, I wish him Sent to New Orleans and Sold, or hired out to Some Sevare Master untill he thinks better of Such Conduct I do not wish him to know my deter- mination if he conduct]s himself] well (This Choice I must request you to make if his Con- duct deservs Severity)23 Such strong statements leave no doubt that their relationship had deteriorated and was now strict- ly one of displeased master and recalcitrant slave. On November 22, William reiterated his wishes regarding York and his directions to York to return with John Hite Clark's goods, and in the mean- time to work for his nephew if he had ''any thing fer him to do- he does not like to Stay here on ac- count of his wife being there. he is Serviceable to me here and perhaps he will See his Situation there more unfavourable than he expected & will after a while perfur returning to this place.' ' 24 William's troubles with York were still on his mind in mid-December. In a letter dated December 10, York's belief that he should be set free due to his services on the Expedition is mentioned, as well as William's disagreement with this opinion and his refusal to manumit York on those and also financial grounds. William regretted the course of action he was taking, but believed it was necessary, writing: I did wish to do well by him. but as he has got Such a notion about freedom and his emence Services, that I do not expect he will be of much Service to me again; I do not think with him, that his Services has been So great/or my Situa- tion would promit me to liberate him-1 must re- quest you to do for me as Circumstances may to you, appir best, or necessry and will ratify what you may do- he could if he would be of Service to me and Save me money, but I do not expect much from him as long as he has a wife in Kenty. I fi.nd it is necessary to look out a lit- tle and must get in Some way ofmakeing a lit- tle, you will not disaprove of my inclinations on this Score, I have long discovered your wish (even before I went [on] the Western trip) to induce me to believe that there might be rainey day, Clouds Seem to fly thicker than they use to do and I think there will be a rainey day- 25 This situation continued to gnaw at William. Not only did he write Jonathan about his problems and course of action, but he discussed the situa- tion with his good friend Meriwether Lewis. Just a week after last writing his brother about York, he returned to the vexing matter. I do not . . . cear for Yorks being in this Coun- tiy. I have got a little displeased with him and intended to have punished him but Govr. Lewis has insisted on my only hireing him out in Ken- tucky which perhaps will be best,-This I leave entirely to you, perhaps if he has a Severe Master a While he may do Some Service, I do not wish him again in this Country untill he applies himself to Come and give over that wife of his-I wished him to Stay with his family four or flve weeks only, and not 4 or S months- ... Dear Bro. I give you a great deal of'Itouble about my Concerns shall I ever Compensate you26 And York was not the only slave causing William problems. Several of his slaves still in St. Louis also were giving him trouble. He wrote Jonathan that he was often "much vexed & perplex- ed ... with my few negrows." 27 So much so that he had found it necessary to chastise them and was considering selling all but about four; not only to relieve the frustration of dealing with them but to obtain needed money. And he was troubled by his temptation to sell some of his slaves. ''I wish I was near enough to Council with you a little on this Subject will you write a fiew lines about this inclination of mine to turn negrows into goods & c."2s By May 1809, York had returned to St. Louis, "York brought my horse" William wrote on May 28, "he is here but of verry little Service to me, insolent and Sulky, I gave him a Severe trouncing the other Day and he has much mended[?] Sence Could he be hired for any thing at or near Louisville, I think if he was hired there a while to a Severe Master he would See the difference and do better.' ' 29 York's inclination to mend his ways was tem- porary apparently, because on July 22, William informed Jonathan that he had "taken York out of the Cale boos and he has for two or three weeks been the finest Negrow I ever had."30 What trouble York had gotten into that merited him being jailed is not known. Indications are that it was for continued ''insolent and Sulky'' behavior because in writing Jonathan a month later, William stated that "Sence I confined York he has been a gadd fellow to work.' ' 31 Clark seems to contradict himself somewhat by writing that York has been good for two or three weeks and then later writing that he has not done better at all. The facts seem to be that York improved his attitude for short periods of time following punish- 8 WE PROCEEDED ON----- - --- - - -------------- - --NOVEMBER 1992 === PDF PAGE 9 === ment, but then soon returned to openly express- ing his unhappiness and resentment. William, although undoubtedly having genuine affection for York at one time and despite their formerly close relationship was, again, a product of a slave own- ing society, and when slaves disobeyed or misbehaved many an owner took certain steps. William was at the end of his patience with York and he determined to take such a step now. Con- tinuing his August 26 letter, he stated regarding York that ''I have become displeased with him and Shall hire or Sell him, on the 5 of next month I [shall] Set him off in a boat to Wheeling as a hand, on his return to the falls I wish much to hire him or Sell him- I cant sell Negrows here for money- 32 That is the last time that York is mentioned in the letters. The letters date to September 1811 and not another mention is made of him. It is believ- ed that there are other William Clark to Jonathan Clark letters and it is possible that if such letters do exist they may mention York and provide fur- ther information. It is known, from available sources, that York was hired out in Louisville. Clark's family in Louisville all knew York, knew him well, and they may possibly have hoped for a reconciliation between the two men. 'J!'hat might be why he was hired out rather than sold upon his return to Louisville. However, a more likely answer is found in a letter Edmund Clark wrote William on September 3, 1809, in which he started that neither he nor anyone else liked York and that ' it was only their friendship for William that had kept York from being "roughfly used" when he had been in Louisville earlier that year.33 York ap- parently worked on Jonathan's plantation for a time. An entry in the latter's account records lists an expense incurred for ''Welding 1 Staple for York." 34 ·' • A May 13, 1811, letter from John O'Fallon to his Uncle William Clark written from Louisville pro- vides important information regarding York. O'Fallon related that York had been hired to a severe master and that he was very repentent and apparently despaired of ever being able to make amends to William. His situation and the fact that it was believed his wife's owner was going to move to Natchez may have accounted for this attitude.35 He had been separated from Clark for almost two years (except for when they probably saw each other when Clark visited family in Louisville) and the latter apparently preferred it that way. His disgust with York must have been mingled with compassion because York was not sold, but was either hired out or worked for the Clarks in Louisville. If William had wanted to sell him no matter what he could have sent him to New Orleans, as he had once considered doing. More than four years later York was still in Louisville and still a slave. On November 14, 1815, William and John Hite Clark entered into a business agreement to purchase a wagon and team to be operated in and around Louisville. The driver of the wagon: York.36 It is not known how long their business lasted or how long York drove the wagon. However, this document establishes York's whereabouts and activities four years beyond the last previously known source and also that he was experienced in the livelihood he attempted upon being freed. Clark did eventually grant York his freedom and set him up in the drayage business. York reported- ly hauled goods between Nashville, Tennessee and Richmond, Kentucky. According to notes Washington Irving took of a conversation with Clark in September 1832, York did not fare well in his business, lost it, and eventually attempted to return to St. Louis and Clark, but died in Ten- nessee of cholera before doing so.37 Perhaps York was given that very wagon and team he drove around Louisville. There is a rather fantastic tale that York returned to the West, where he became a chief among the Crow Indians. That seems unlikely.38 What really was the fate of York may forever remain unknown, but these recently discovered Clark letters certainly provide much new and important information. The other Expedition member frequently men- tioned in William's letters is Meriwether Lewis. Lewis and Clark were of course great friends and their names are forever linked with one another. The records of the Corps of Discovery and other sources all illustrate how well they worked together and their high regard for each other. Lewis is men- tioned in the Expedition letters, in letters concern- ing publication of an Expedition book, and occa- sionally regarding his activities and plans in let- ters wrj.tten from St. Louis. It has already been noted that Lewis interceded on York's behalf in December 1808 and persuaded Clark not to punish him.39 However, the really significant information concerning the ill-fated Governor of Louisiana oc- curs from August to November 1809 and concerns NOVEMBER 1992 - - ------ ---------------------WE PROCEEDED ON 9 === PDF PAGE 10 === his death and the events leading up to it. Lewis's death at Grinder's Inn in Tennessee was a terri- ble blow to Clark. He had lost his closest friend and afterwards talked little of Lewis's tragic end. There is little doubt among historians that Lewis took his own life. Dawson Phelps's very persuasive article in 1956 issue of the William and Mary Quarterly weighed the suicide or murder evidence and debate and concluded that the facts pointed to the former.40 The contemporary evidence and accounts all supported the great explorer dying by his hand. Those associated with Lewis during his last days pronounced it suicide and Thomas Jef- ferson believed it to be as well, citing not only the accounts but a family history of mental instabili- ty.41 It also must be remembered that Lewis was experiencing considerable difficulty in his personal and official affairs. He had overextended himself financially and his second-in-command, territorial secretary Frederick Bates, was a political enemy.42 The courage, resolve, and leadership Lewis ex- hibited as a leader of the Corps of Discovery did not necessarily serve him well as a territorial ad- ministrator. In addition, the financial ''carte blan- che'' he had enjoyed regarding the Expedition and as a close associate of President Jefferson helped cause him mistakenly to practice in part the same kind of fiscal policy as governor.43 It is believed no malfeasance was intended or necessarily even engaged in, but given the often penurious prac- tices of the government at that time some of Lewis's vouchers for government payment had been protested. Unless he could convince the government differently, he would be personally responsible for those considerable debts. Conse- quently, he was in dire financial straits and his creditors demanding payment exacerbated the situation.44 This was a most unfortunate situation, but a rather common one. Many a government of- ficial was ruined by the government's refusal to pay legitimate bills on it. William Clark's own brother, George Rogers Clark, is a perfect exam- ple. In fact, William and his family started East not long after Lewis with one of William's inten- tions being to go to Washington and settle some of his own protested bills.45 On August 26, 1809, William wrote Jonathan regarding their brother George, personal financial matters, York, the Missouri Fur Company, and Meriwether Lewis. William was very concerned about his friend and firmly believed he had done nothing wrong. Govr. L. I may Say is r{t1ill.e?}d by Some of his Bills being protested for a Considerable Sum which was for Moneys paid for Printing the Laws and Expenses in Carrying the mandan home all of which he has vouchrs for, ... I have not Spent Such a day as yesterday for maney years, ... [I] took my leave ofGovr. Lewis who Set out to Philadelphia to write our Book, (but more perticularly to explain Some Matter between him and the Govt.[).] Several of his Bills have been protested, and his Crediters all flock- ing in near the time of his Setting out distress- ed him much. which he expressed to me in Such terms as to Cause a Cempothy which is not yet off-I do not beleve there was ever an honester man in Louisiana nor one who had pureor motives than Govr. Lewis. if his mind had been at ease I Should have parted Cherefully. he has given all his landed property into the hands of Judge Steward Mr. Carre & myself to pay his debts. . . . I think all will be right and he will return with flying Colours to this Country-prey do not mention this about the Govr. excupt Some unfavourable or wrong Statement is made-I assure you that he has done nothing dishonourable, and all he has done will Come out to be much to his Credit as I am fully purswaded.4° By late October William and his family had visited relatives in Louisville and had departed for Virginia. Their route eastward took them through Shelbyville, Frankfort, and Lexington, Kentucky and then south-southeastward through the Cumberland Gap into Tennessee and then nor- thward up the Great Valley to Finacaste, Virginia, the home of Julia's family. 1Wo days after parting from Jonathan they arrived in Shelbyville. It was October 28, seventeen days since the death of Meriwether Lewis. It was there that William first received news of his friend's possible death. As William related it to Jonathan in a letter dated that day, he had picked up a copy of a Frankfort newspaper (The Argus of Western America) and in it saw a report that gave him ''much concern.' '47 It reported that Lewis had killed himself by cut- ting his throat. Clark was very upset regarding this news and transmitted his reaction to his brother, writing ''I fear this report has too much truth, tho' it may have no foundation-my reason for think- ing it possible is founded on the letter I received from him at your house, ... I fear O' I fear the weight of his mind has overcome him, what will be the Consequence?' ' 48 10 WE PROCEEDED ON -----------------------------NOVEMBER 1992 === PDF PAGE 11 === 1\.vo days later William wrote Jonathan from Lex- ington and reported he had ''herd of the Certain- ty of the death ofGovr. Lewis which givs us much uneasiness ... I wish much to get the letter I recev- ed ofGovr. Lewis from N[ew] Madrid, which you Saw it will be of great Service to me prey send it ... I wish I had Some Conversation with you ... "49 A little more than a week later his party had reached Bean Station, 'Tennessee. William was still shaken by the tragic news, writing Jonathan that ''You have heard of that unfortunate end of Govr. Lewis, ... I am at a loss to know what to be at his death is a turble Stroke to me, in every respect. I wish I could talk a little with you just now." 50 By late November William had received addi- tional information regarding Lewis's death through letters from Captain Gilbert Russell, commander at Chickasaw Bluffs, and apparently from an in- terview with John Pernier, the late governor's ser- vant. The story Pernier apparently related to Clark provides a specific example of Lewis's "derange- ment,'' as they referred to it. I have just receved letters from Capt. Russell who Commands at the Chickasaw Bluffs that Govr. Lewis was there detaind by him 15 IJi1ys in a State of Derangement most of the time and that he had attempted to kill himself before he got there-his servent reports that on his way to Nashville, he would frequently "Conceipt [con- ceive] that he herd me Comeing on, and Said that he was certain [I would] over take him. that I had herd of his Situation and would Come to his releaf" -Capt. Russell sais he made his will at the Bluffs and left Wm. Merriwether& myself Execiters and derected that I Should dispose of his papers & c. as I wished-pore fellow, what a number of Conjecturral reports we hear most- ly unfavourable to him. I have to Contredict maney of them-I do not know,what I Shall do about the publication of the Book, .. .51 Clark obviously believed Lewis was unstable mentally during this period; thought him capable of taking his own life; and believed he had. If he had not, he most assuredly would have written Jonathan voicing his objection to the verdict of suicide. Clark's statement that he must contradict many of the unfavorable reports . that were cir- culating about his friend is believed to refer to rumors of dishonesty and such. The letters Clark received from Lewis and Russell have apparently been lost to history. A survey of published sources and various collections failed to reveal them. Clark occasionally mentioned Lewis in later let- ters, generally regarding the publication of the Ex- pedition book and his difficulties with the govern- ment .52 What he wrote in his letters to Jonathan was hitherto unknown for the most part and is cer- tainly significant. Meriwether Lewis and York were two important individuals in the exploration of the American West. Because of the existence of William Clark's letters and their recent emergence from an attic, significant new information is now known about these men. And they, again, are only two subjects that William's letters shed immense light on. One of the foremost subjects is Clark himself. William was as good as his word when he wrote Jonathan that "I wish you to See & know all."53 He did in- deed write him "without reserve"; communicating his feelings, his activities, and about the people and events around him. It is these letters that pro- vide a window through which the real William Clark and the people and events around him can be seen, and we, and history, are much the richer for it. Address delivered at the banquet of the 23rd Annual Meeting of the Lewis & Clark Trail Heritage Foundation, Louisville, Kentucky on August 7, 1991. -FOOTNOTES- 'Gary E. Moulton and James J. Holmberg, •• 'What We Are About': Recently Discovered Letters of William Clark Shed New Light on the Lewis and Clark Expedition,' ' The Filson Club History Quarterly 65 (July 1991):387-90. The article is intended as an overview and discusses some of the more important revelations. There is additional new Expedition in- formation that was not included. 2The donors of the collection were William A. Stuart, Jr., George Rogers Clark Stuart, James W. Stites, Jr., Ellen Stites Thurber, Dr. 'Iemple Bodley Stites, and William F. Stites. 3Conversations with Gary E. Moulton, November 1990 and June 4, 1991 and James P. Ronda, November 20, 1990. •William Clark to Jonathan Clark, no date (ca. January 1809), Jonathan Oark Papers-'Iemple Bodley Collection, Manuscript Department, The Filson Club, Louisville, Kentucky. This col- lection is hereafter cited as JCP-TBC and William and Jonathan Clark as W.C. and J.C., respectively. 5W.C. to J.C., January 22, 1807, JCP-TBC. 6W.C. to J.C., October 5, 1808, JCP-TBC. 'W.C . to J.C., November 22, 24, 1808, JCP-TBC. •w.c. to J.C., January 31, 1811, JCP!fBC. •w.c. to J .C., July 16, 1810, December 14, 1810, JCP!fBC. 10W.C. to J.C., November 24, 25, 1808, JCP-TBC. uw.c. to J.C., May 28, 1809, JCP-TBC. 12W.C. to John Hite Clark, October 27, 1810, JCP-TBC. 13W.C. to J.C., January 12, 1810, JCP-TBC. NOVEMBER 1992 - - ----- ---- - -----------------WE PROCEEDED ON 11 === PDF PAGE 12 === 14Robert B. Betts, In Search of York: The Slave Who Went to the Pacific with Lewis and Clark, (Boulder: Colorado Associated University Press, 1985); John O'Fallon to Willli!m Clark, May 13, 1811, Clark Papers-E.G. Voorhis Memorial Collection, Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, Missouri. The O'Fallon letter is quoted in part in Betts on pp. 112-13. "Betts, p. 117. 1•w.c. to J .C., April 1805, JCP!fBC. 11W.C. to J .C., December 16, 1803, JCP-TBC. A survey of the journals and known correspondence failed to reveal the actual phrase ''we proceeded on' ' prior to its use in this let- ter. Phrases very similar in wording appear, but not those three famous words in that order. 18York is mentioned or discussed in letters dated April 1805, June 6, 7, 1808, July 21, 1808, November 9, 1808, November 22, 24, 1808, December 10, 1808, December 17, 1808, May 28, 1809, July 22, 1809, August 26, 1809; no date (ca. January 1809). 19George Rogers Clark to Thomas J efferson, December 12, 1802, Donald Jackson, ed. Letters of the Lewis and Clark Expedition with Related Documents 1783-1854 2 vols. (Ur- bana: University of Illinois Press, 1978), 1:7-8; Jonathan Clark, diary, February 7, March 19, May 20, 21, 1803, vol. 15, Jonathan Clark Papers, Clark-Hite Collection, Manuscript Department, The Filson Club. The two sources obviously con- flict regarding when William moved to Clarksville. Jonathan was a meticulous record keeper and l tend to side with his diary, that indicates that William actually settled in Clarksville by May 1803. George Rogers Clark perhaps knew that William planned to move across the river and may have been making final preparations to do so and may therefore -have unintentionally written it as an accomplished fact. It is possible that further research may determine when William actually began residing in Clarksville. 20Jonathan Clark, diary, October 26, 1803, vol. 15, Jonathan Clark Papers, Clark-Hite Collection; W.C. to J.C., June 6, 7, 1808, July 2, 1808, JCP-TBC. 21Jonathan Clark to Isaac Clark, June 2, 1808, Isaac Clark Papers, Clare-Hite Collection Manuscript Department, The Filson Club; Betts, p. 111; W.C. to J.C., June 6, 7, 1808, JCP.!J'BC. 22W.C. to J.C., June 6, 7, 1808, July 21, 1808, JCP-TBC. 23W.C. to J.C., November 9, 1808, JCP-TBC. 2•w.c. to J .C., November 22, 24, 1808, JCP-TBC. 2•w.c. to J .C., December 10, 1808, JCP-TBC. 2•w.c. to J .C., December 17, 1808, JCP-TBC. 27W.C. to J .C., January 2, 1809, JCP-TBC. 28lbid. 29W.C. to J.C., May 28, 1809, J CP-TBC. Although a ques- tion mark was placed after " mended," I believe that that rather than "minded" is the correct word and is used in the sense of having mended his ways. In another letter Clark uses mend in the same sense. I do not believe it in any way is us- ed to mean physically mend. • 0w.c. to J.C., July 22, 1809, JCP-TBC. 31W.C. to J.C., August 26, 1809, J CP-TBC. • 2Jbid. The falls of course means Louisville, where Jonathan would apparently handle the hiring or selling of York. This letter explains why York was not with Clark and his family on their trip east in September. Not only did his fall from favor account for his absence, but the fact that he had been sent to Wheeling on September 5, as a boathand. 33Edmund Clark to William Clark, September 3, 1809, Clark Family Papers-E.G. Voorhis Memorial Collection. ••Jonathan Clark, account records, February 28, 1810, Jonathan Clark Papers, Clark-Hite Collection. Listings for welding yoke staples commonly appear. When this entry re: York was first discovered I questioned whether Jonathan might have mistakenly written York instead of Yoke, but a study of the accounts and knowing the former's meticulous record keeping l concluded that he did indeed mean York and that the latter may well have been working on his plantation. 36John O'Fallon to William Clark, business agreement, November 14, 1815, John Hite Clark Papers, fl. 36a., Clark- Hite Collection. While it is possible that York returned to St. Louis in the interim, it is probable that he either primarily or entirely resided in the Louisville area. 37Betts, pp. 119-32. ""Ibid., pp. 135-43. 39W.C. to J.C., December 17, 1808, JCP-TBC. • 0Dawson A. Phelps, "The 'lragic Death of Meriwether Lewis," The William and Mary Quarterly 13 (July 1956): 305-18. •1Jbid.; Jackson, 2:456-68, 573-75, 591-93, 728, 747-49. • 2Phelps, pp. 210-12; W.C. to J.C., August 26, 1809, July 16, 1810, JCP-TBC. ••Phelps, p. 311. .. W.C. to J.C., August 26, 1809, JCP-TBC; Jackson, pp. 456-63. •sw.c. to J .C., August 26, 1809, September 16, 1809, January 12, 1810, JCP-TBC. ••w.c. to J.C., August 26, 1809, JCP-TBC. •7W.C. to J.C., October 28, 1809, 'Iemple Bodley Collection, 76(2), Manuscript Department, The Filson Club. This letter is a typescript copy. The whereabouts of the original is unknown. There is no doubt that the typescript was made from an original letter. It fits perfectly in time, content, and style with the original Clark letters in JCP-TBC. It is assum- ed that Bodley borrowed the letter from its owner (probably a kinsman), had it copied, and then returned it. No infor- mation indicating who owned the letter has been found. A copy of this typescript is on file at the Missouri Historical Society and is published in Jackson, 2:726-27. 48lbid. • 9W.C. to J.C., October 30, 1809, JCP-TBC. No record of this letter, with its undoubted tremendously significant content, could be found. 60W.C. to J.C., November 8, 1809, JCP-TBC. The letter was mistakenly dated October 8, 1809. However, where it was written from and its contents indicate that November 8 is the correct date. "'W.C. to J .C., November 26, 1809, JCP-TBC. This letter pro- vides important information regarding Lewis's death. Not on- ly does it reveal hitherto unknown details of Lewis's behavior shortly before his death, but it establishes that Russell wrote to Clark soon after the sad event with his account. Russell wrote two letters to Jefferson in January 1810 and a state- ment in November 1811 regarding Lewis's death. The veracity and accuracy of his 1811 statement have been questioned by some, especially since it was written two years after the inci- dent, but what Clark reports to his brother in November 1809 is consistent with Russell's 1811 statement. No other reference to Russell's letters to Clark have been found. See Jackson, 2:573-75 .. 52W.C. to J.C., (March] 8, 1810, July 16, 1810, JCP-TBC. 53W.C. to J.C., December 17, 1808, JCP-TBC. 12 WE PROCEEDED ON - ----- - --- - - --- ---------- - - - NOVEMBER 1992 === PDF PAGE 13 === RETURN TO THE BEGINNING IN 1993 Lewis & Clark Expedition, Site# 1 BY M. JOSEPH HILL GENERAL CHAIRMAN, 1993 MEETING In August 1993 members of the Lewis & Clark 'frail Heritage Foundation return to the beginning. The annual meeting will gather in lliinois not far from the point which marked the beginning of the Lewis & Clark Expedition. The meeting is schedul- ed for August 1, 2, 3 and 4 with organizational meetings on July 31 and optional post meeting ex- cursions on August 5 and 6. You are invited to return to the beginning to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the Foundation and enjoy a great program. Saturday, July 31 is a good day to arrive since • a stay over Saturday evening will likely result in a reduction in air fare which will more than offset the cost of hotel and meals for the extra day. In addition, you will have time on Saturday and Sun- day as free time "on your own." The headquarters hotel, the Holiday Inn in Col- linsville, lliinois, is situated in the Illinois coun- tryside about 15 minutes from the St. Louis Arch. The Holiday features the amenities of a conven- tion hotel, is quite reasonable in cost and is in a central location which tends to minimize travel to planned events. Other hotels are close by. While most of the featured ev~nts are still in the planning stage, your meeting committee is very proud of the expected offering. You should expect full days and a fast pace during your stay in Illinois. The meeting will focus on the beginning of the Lewis & Clark Expedition in lliinois, and the French influence. You will hear more of these plans later, but here are the highlights. Sunday afternoon, August 1, starts with a get- acquainted party of registrants, authors and ar- tists, followed by dinner and theatre at Lewis & Clark Community College in Godfrey, Illinois. We expect to enjoy an original, full length play based on the Expedition with some emphasis on the winter of 1803 at Camp Du Bois. On Monday, August 2, Illinois Native American history is in the spotlight at the new Cahokia Mounds World Heritage Center followed by a visit to the village of Cahokia where the French settled late in the 17th century. That evening we can ex- pect to enjoy a French dinner and to dance the Virginia Reel. Tuesday, August 3, is the day to return to the beginning, Site #1. We will first visit the Lewis & Clark Center in St. Charles, Missouri, and then go aboard a barge for a ride downstream on the Missouri to Site #1 across from the confluence of the Missouri and the Mississippi. Build your ap- petite for the ''buffalo throw'' dinner which will be waiting at Lewis & Clark 'frail Site #1. Wednesday, August 4, is the concluding day of the formal conference. Plans include a visit to the Jefferson Memorial for lectures and viewing arti- facts from the Expedition, and then a trip to the Gateway Arch and its museum which features the Expedition. That evening the annual Awards Ban- quet will be held at the hotel. On Thursday, August 5, French history is again highlighted with an optional post~meeting visit to Kaskaskia, and Fort DeChartres in southern Il- linois and then to the old French village of St. Genevieve, Missouri. On the way home there will be a stop at U.S. Jefferson Barracks Museum. On Friday, August 6, a second optional post- meeting tour features the Lincoln Shrines in and around. Springfield, Illinois. Our plans are preliminary but fairly well established. Stay tuned for final information in the February issue of WPO when we will include specific registration, and post-meeting information, and add additional detail. NOVEMBER 1992 - ----------- ---- ----- ------ WE PROCEEDED ON 13