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THE   MAN   OF   THE   MASK 

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THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 


TRINITY  MANOR,  JERSEY. 

This  house  was  the  home  of  Marguerite  Carte  ret,  the  first 
love,  according  to  local  tradition,  of>  .Charles  II.  Her  son 
James,  whom  she  bore  to  the  King,  and  who  was  afterwards 
known  by  his  mother's  married  name  of  de  la  Cloche,  became 
in  later  life,  it  is  here  maintained,  'ff  he  Man  in  the  Iron  Mask.' 


THE 

MAN  OF  THE  MASK 


A   STUDY   IN   THE   BY-WAYS   OF  HISTORY*:* 


BY 

AKTHUK  STAPYLTON  BAKNES,  M.A. 

UNIVERSITY  COLLEGE,  OXFORD,  AND  TRINITY  COLLEGE,  CAMBRIDGE 
CHAMBERLAIN  OF  HONOUR  TO  H.H.   PIUS  X 


WITH  A  FRONTISPIECE 


LONDON 

SMITH,  ELDER,  &  CO.,  15  WATERLOQ 
1908 

[All    rights    reserved] 


TO 

EAPHAEL 
CARDINAL  MEEBY  DEL  VAL 


CONTENTS 


BOOK   I 

THE  '  MAN  IN  THE  IEON  MASK ' 

CHAPTEB  PAOK 

I.  THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  MYTH  .......      3 

II.  THE  BESEABCHES  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY        .         .         .24 

III.  THE  REAL  WEARER  OF  THE  MASK 40 

IV.  FOUCQUET   AND   LiAUZUN          ........      55 

V.  EXILES        .        .        . 76 

VI.  SAINTE-MARGUERITE  AND  THE  BASTILLE      .        .        .         .        .94 


BOOK  II 
CHAELES  II.  AND  THE  CATHOLIC  CHUECH 

I.  A  CONVERSION  TO  THE  CATHOLIC  EELIGION        ....  117 

II.  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  EOME  .        .        .         .        .        .        .        .  140 

III.  THE  STRANGE  HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE  LA  CLOCHE      .        .        .  160 

IV.  THE  GREAT  SECRET    .  .        .        .        .        ...  189 

V.  VIOLENT  STORMS  AND  A  HAPPY  ENDING  .  208 


viii  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 


BOOK   III 
THE   MYSTERY   SOLVED 

CHAPTER  PA<J« 

I.  THE  MOCK  ASTROLOGER      .        .        .        .        ,        .        .        .  229 
II.  OBJECTIONS  AND  EXPLANATIONS  .  .  246 


APPENDIX  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

BOOK 

I.  DOCUMENTS  CONCERNING  '  THE  MAN  IN  THE  IRON  MASK  '  .        .  269 

II.  DOCUMENTS  CONCERNING  JAMES  DE  LA  CLOCHE   .        .        .        .  301 

HI.  DOCUMENTS  CONCERNING  THE  ABBE  PREGNANI     ....  323 

INDEX  .  343 


TRINITY  MANOR,  JERSEY Frontispiece 


BOOK  I 

THE  'MAN   IN    THE    IEON   MASK' 

CHAPTEB 

I.  THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  MYTH 

II.  THE  RESEARCHES  OP  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY 

in.  THE  REAL  WEARER  OF  THE  MASK 

IV.  FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN 

V.  EXILES 

VI.  SAINTE-MARGUERITE  AND  THE  BASTILLE 


B 


CHAPTEK   I 

THE   BEGINNINGS   OF   THE   MYTH 

To  write  a  new  book  on  so  well-worn  a  subject  as  that 
of  '  The  Man  in  the  Iron  Mask '  is  an  undertaking 
which  requires  a  certain  amount  of  courage.  For  the 
greater  part  of  two  hundred  years  the  problem  has 
been  discussed  almost  ad  nauseam ;  one  hypothesis 
after  another  has  been  brought  forward  with  the  utmost 
confidence  as  giving  the  final  solution,  only  to  be  shown 
to  be  just  as  impossible  as  all  those  that  have  gone 
before.  It  is  true,  no  doubt,  that  during  the  last  few 
years  the  flow  of  books  and  articles  dealing  with  the 
subject  has  been  less  constant  than  of  old.  The  matter 
to  some  extent  has  lost  its  interest,  because,  since  the 
connection  with  the  royal  house  of  Bourbon  has  been 
given  up,  men  have  found  themselves  unable  to  accept 
the  alternative  solution,  which  in-  no  way  really  satisfies 
the  conditions  of  the  problem,  that  the  Mask  covered 
the  features  of  Mattioli,  the  Minister  of  the  Duke  of 
Mantua.  Yet,  if  they  rejected  that,  no  other  candidate 
was  possible  except  one  whose  life  seemed  to  offer  no 
possibility  of  interest  or  romance — a  poor  valet  im- 
prisoned apparently  because  of  his  knowledge  of  some 
great  political  secret,  whose  real  name  and  antecedents 
it  seemed  impossible  to  trace. 

Yet  all  the  time  the  real  solution  lay  open,  covered 
only  by  a  veil  that  could  easily  be  lifted,  were  it  not 


4  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

that  nobody  thought  of  lifting  it.  The  original  sin 
which  has  infected  almost  all  those  who  have  investi- 
gated this  question  has  been,  as  M.  Lair  has  said,  the 
love  of  the  wonderful :  the  assumption  that  a  prisoner 
so  closely  guarded  must  be  a  personage  of  importance  ; 
and,  consequently,  the  neglect  of  evidence  that  lay  close 
under  the  eyes  of  all.  The  very  first  mention  of  this 
celebrated  prisoner  that  appeared  in  print  contained 
already  the  clue  which  leads  direct  to  the  recovery  of 
his  story.  The  later  writings  of  the  eighteenth  century 
are  more  calculated  to  mislead  than  to  help  us  in  our 
inquiry. 

In  1715  one  Const antine  de  Eenneville,  who  had 
been  a  prisoner  in  the  Bastille  for  eleven  years,  but  had 
at  that  time  recovered  his  liberty,  published  a  book  in 
which  he  violently  attacked  his  recent  gaolers  and  the 
way  in  which  the  prison  was  conducted.  In  this  book 
he  tells  a  story  of  a  certain  fellow-prisoner  whom  he 
had  seen  once  by  accident,  but  whose  name  he  had, 
never  been  able  to  ascertain.  He  had  questioned  his 
turnkey  Eu  upon  the  subject,  and  had  learnt  from  him 
that  this  man  had  been  a  prisoner  for  one-and-thirty 
years.  He  had  been  brought  to  the  Bastille,  he  was 
told,  by  the  Governor,  M.  de  Saint-Mars,  from  the  lies 
Sainte-Marguerite,  where  he  had  been  condemned  to 
lifelong  captivity  for  having,  when  a  boy  of  twelve  or 
thirteen  years  of  age,  composed  certain  objectionable 
verses  against  the  Jesuits. 

The  latter  part  of  this  story  we  may  dismiss  at 
once.  It  is  of  a  piece  with  sundry  other  '  fairy  tales  ' 
composed  by  Saint-Mars  and  his  underlings  to  throw 
too  inquisitive  inquirers  off  the  track.  But  the  earlier 
piece  of  information  seems  likely  to  be  true,  at  least 
approximately.  Eu  would  know  nothing  definite  about 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  MYTH  5 

the  crimes  of  any  of  the  prisoners  committed  to  his 
charge,  but  he  would  be  a  first-class  witness  on  the 
length  of  time  that  they  had  spent  in  prison,  and  most 
especially  in  the  case  before  us.  For  Eu  himself  had 
come  to  the  Bastille  in  company  with  Saint-Mars  from 
the  lies  Sainte-Marguerite,  and  therefore  knew  as  much 
as  any  man  could  know  of  the  history  of  the  myste- 
rious prisoner. 

Eenneville  himself  thought  that  this  conversation 
had  taken  place  in  1705  or  at  the  end  of  1704,  and  that 
the  prisoner  had  left  the  Bastille  about  three  months 
afterwards.  If  we  count  back  thirty-one  years  from 
that  date  it  will  bring  us  to  1674,  in  which  year  a  very 
mysterious  and  important  prisoner  was  brought  to 
Saint-Mars  at  Pignerol.  But  this  prisoner  was  set  at 
liberty  the  next  year,  and  cannot  be  the  Man  in  the 
Mask.  Moreover,  we  know  that  the  masked  prisoner 
died  in  1704,  so  Eenneville  must  have  been  mistaken 
in  the  date  of  the  conversation.  Assuming  that  it  took 
place  three  months  before  the  death  of  the  prisoner,  it 
gives  us  1671-72,  as  the  date  of  his  entry  into  Pignerol. 
That  date  is  too  early  for  Mattioli,  who  only  came  there 
in  1679,  and  can  only  apply  to  the  man  known  at 
Pignerol  as  '  Eustache  Dauger,'  a  prisoner  sent  there 
in  August  1669  under  very  mysterious  circumstances. 
He  had  been  arrested  at  Dunkirk,  and  had  been  brought 
thence  by  the  town-major  M.  de  Vauroy,  across  the 
whole  length  and  breadth  of  France,  to  be  kept  in  the 
utmost  secrecy  at  Pignerol — not  apparently  for  the 
commission  of  any  crime — but  lest  he  should  tell  to 
any  living  soul  on  what  business  it  was  that  '  he  had 
been  employed '  before  he  came  to  that  place.  Now 
it  can  hardly  have  been  at  Dunkirk  itself  that  any 
great  political  secret  can  have  been  worked  out.  But 


6  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Dunkirk  suggests  England;  it  was  a  port  between 
which  and  Dover  communications  from  England  to 
France  were  constantly  passing.  It  is  to  England, 
therefore,  rather  than  to  the  town  of  Dunkirk,  that  we 
must  look  if  we  want  to  find  out  Danger's  secret. 
What  secret  was  there  between  England  and  France 
just  at  this  period  of  1669  ?  Why,  '  the  great  secret,' 
so-called  by  Charles  himself  in  his  letter  to  Madame, 
dated  June  6,  1669 ;  '  the  greatest  secret  of  his  life,' 
as  he  called  it  to  Colbert  de  Croissy,  the  French 
Ambassador,  in  October ;  '  the  most  important  affair 
that  is  now  existing  in  all  the  world,'  as  that  same 
ambassador  described  it  on  November  14  to  Lionne, 
the  French  secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs.  It  was  a 
secret  the  premature  disclosure  of  which  might  well 
have  cost  Charles  his  throne  and  Louis  his  ally — a 
secret  which  therefore  it  was  necessary  should  be  kept 
at  all  hazards,  and  even  at  the  cost  of  individual 
suffering.  That  doubtless  was  the  secret  that '  Eustache , 
Dauger'  knew,  and  the  knowledge  of  which  led 
to  his  lifelong  imprisonment.  How  it  was  that  he 
came  to  know  it,  and  why  his  imprisonment  had  the 
added  feature  of  the  '  Iron  Mask,'  it  will  be  the  purpose 
of  this  volume  to  reveal.  To  do  so  at  present  would  be 
premature,  until  we  have  first  traced  in  detail  the 
history  of  the  Masked  Man,  and,  in  the  second  place, 
told  the  story  of  '  the  great  secret '  which  underlay  and 
influenced  so  much  of  the  political  action  of  the  earlier 
part  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 

It  was  the  afternoon  of  September  18,  1698,  some 
little  time  before  sunset,  when  there  arrived  at  the 
great  gate  of  the  Bastille  a  party  of  armed  horsemen. 
They  were  in  attendance  on  M.  de  Saint-Mars,  the 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE   MYTH  7 

newly  appointed  governor  of  the  Chateau,  who  was  now 
come  from  his  former  post  in  the  lies  Sainte-Marguerite, 
opposite  Cannes,  to  take  up  the  duties  of  his  new 
post. 

He  had  brought  with  him  from  Provence  a  prisoner, 
who  had  been  guarded  with  extraordinary  vigilance 
all  the  way,  and  who  wore  over  his  face,  so  that  no 
man  might  see  his  features,  a  black  mask.  The  name 
of  this  mysterious  prisoner  was  known  to  no  one  of 
those  who  brought  him,  unless  indeed  to  Saint-Mars 
himself.  He  had  been,  so  men  said  who  were  in  a 
position  to  know,  under  the  special  charge  of  the 
Governor  for  many  long  years,  having  been  committed 
to  his  care  so  far  back  as  the  time  when  he  was 
Governor  of  Pignerol,  near  Turin,  many  years  before 
he  got  the  command  of  the  lies  Sainte-Marguerite. 

No  one  knew  what  his  crime  had  been  or  whether 
he  had  ever  committed  any  crime  at  all.  Only  the 
extraordinary  precautions  of  which  he  was  the  centre, 
and  which  had  continued  for  so  many  years,  had  led 
men  at  the  lies,  as  also  long  before  at  Pignerol  itself, 
to  form  wild  surmises  as  to  his  identity  and  as  to  the 
reason  of  his  long  incarceration.  Down  there  men  had 
said  he  was  no  other  than  the  Due  de  Beaufort,  who 
had  disappeared  in  1669  after  a  sea  fight  in  Candia, 
when  his  body  had  never  been  found.  Others,  again, 
had  connected  him  with  England,  and  had  said  he  was 
a  son  of  Cromwell,  the  late  Lord  Protector,  and  that 
he  was  kept  in  confinement  lest  he  should  give  trouble 
by  pretending  to  the  throne  of  Charles  II. 

But  by  this  time  wiser  men  had  come  to  see  that 
both  these  stones  were  impossible.  M.  de  Beaufort 
would  have  been  in  1698  no  less  than  eighty-three  years 
of  age,  whereas  this  was  a  man  comparatively  young, 


8  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

still  tall  and  upright.  Nor  was  there  any  son  of  Oliver 
Cromwell  the  events  of  whose  life  were  not  well 
known.  These  stories,  then,  were  evidently  false,  and 
very  possibly  had  been  set  in  circulation  by  Saint-Mars 
himself  to  draw  off  suspicion  from  the  real  state  of  the 
case.  None  the  less,  men  said,  even  if  he  is  not  some 
great  one,  and  it  is  hard  to  suggest  any  great  name 
which  might  be  his,  he  must  at  the  least  be  of  great 
political  importance.  Never  before  in  the  history  of 
the  State  prisons  of  France  had  anyone  been  guarded 
with  such  infinite  precaution  and  such  evident  fear  of 
his  story  becoming  known,  as  was  the  case  with  this 
man. 

The  party  was  received  by  Du  Jonca,  the 
'  Lieutenant  of  the  King,'  who  was  the  acting  Com- 
mandant of  the  Chateau  until  the  new  Governor 
arrived.  He  took  over  the  prisoner  from  Saint-Mars, 
placed  him  temporarily  in  a  room  near  the  entrance, 
and,  when  night  had  come,  conducted  him  to  the  room 
which  had  already  been  furnished  for  him  on  the  third 
floor  of  the  Tower  Bertaudiere,  where  he  shut  him  in 
alone.  From  that  time  onwards  the  charge  of  the 
prisoner  was  committed  to  De  Eosarges,  the  new 
'  major '  of  the  Bastille,  who  had  come  with  Saint- 
Mars  from  Sainte-Marguerite.  He  alone  was  allowed 
to  enter  his  cell  or  to  hold  communication  with  him 
in  any  way.  Other  prisoners  of  less  importance  were 
served  by  Ku  or  one  of  the  other  turnkeys,  but  this 
one  was  waited  on  by  the  *  major '  of  the  Bastille,  and 
by  no  one  of  a  more  menial  rank. 

Five  years  passed  away  and  a  little  group  stood  by 
an  open  grave  in  the  churchyard  of  St.  Paul,  the 
parish  church  of  the  Bastille.  It  was  the  funeral, 
quiet  and  undistinguished,  of  one  of  the  secret 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  MYTH  9 

prisoners  who  had  died.  Rosarges  was  there,  and 
Reilh  the  surgeon  of  the  prison,  a  few  men  to  carry 
the  corpse,  and  that  was  all.  It  was  four  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon  of  Tuesday,  November  20,  1703.  They 
were  there  to  bury  the  masked  prisoner,  the  man  of 
the  *  troisieme  Bertaudiere,'  whose  name  no  man  had 
ever  known — the  man  who  had  been  brought  to  the 
Bastille  so  mysteriously  by  M.  de  Saint-Mars — who 
had  passed  away  somewhat  suddenly,  almost  without 
any  previous  illness,  about  ten  o'clock  the  evening 
before.  They  buried  him  under  the  name  of  Marchioly, 
giving  him  no  doubt  a  false  name,  as  the  law  explicitly 
ordered  to  be  done  in  such  cases,  and  giving  him  a 
false  age — about  forty-five. 

The  age  was  no  doubt  suggested  by  the  '  fairy 
tale '  already  quoted,  which  seems  to  have  been  specially 
manufactured  for  telling  to  inquisitive  persons  at  the 
Bastille,  about  the  Jesuits  and  the  scholar  who  wrote 
verses  against  them.  It  may  be  of  value  as  an  addi- 
tional hint  of  the  time  when  the  prisoner  first  came 
into  Saint-Mars'  care,  some  three-and-thirty  years 
before  his  death,  since  the  boy  was  said  in  the  story  to 
have  been  but  twelve  when  the  verse  was  written. 
But  there  its  value  ends,  for  as  a  matter  of  fact  no 
boy  was  ever  a  prisoner  at  Pignerol  or  anywhere  else 
under  Saint-Mars'  care. 

The  name  given  was  Marchioly.  Was  that  the 
mere  invention  of  the  moment,  or  was  it  too  intended 
to  mislead?  Was  it  intended  to  suggest,  in  case 
undesirable  inquiries  should  ever  later  on  be  made, 
that  this  prisoner,  thus  stealthily  laid  to  rest,  was, 
indeed,  no  other  than  Mattioli,  the  most  famous,  if 
the  least  mysterious,  of  all  the  prisoners  whom  Saint- 
Mars  had  recently  had  in  charge,  and  whose  name 


10  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Saint-Mars  himself  had  been  in  the  habit  of  writing 
as  Marthioly.  It  would  at  least  be  like  the  ways  of 
the  Bastille  at  this  period,  and  in  conformity  with  the 
way  in  which  this  particular  prisoner  had  always  been 
treated,  if  this  were  so. 

In  any  case  we  may  be  quite  sure  of  one  thing— 
that  his  name,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  was  not 
Marchioly  or  anything  the  least  like  it,  and  that  his 
age  was  not  forty-five  or  any  number  of  years  closely 
approaching  that  figure.  It  was  not  likely  that,  after 
taking  such  infinite  pains  to  hide  his  identity  for  all 
those  years,  the  authorities  were  going  to  give  them- 
selves away  by  putting  up  a  tombstone  to  his  memory 
on  which  all  who  came  might  read  the  truth. 

It  is  from  the  two  entries  in  Du  Jonca's  '  Journals  ' 
from  which  the  above  particulars  have  been  given,  and 
which  will  be  found  printed  on  pages  296-8,  that  every 
inquiry  about  the  man  in  the  so-called  '  Iron  Mask ' 
must  start.  We  learn  from  them  that  the  mask  was 
not  of  iron  at  all ;  not,  as  fancy  has  generally  depicted 
it,  an  additional  and  horrible  torment  over  and  above 
those  which  are  inseparable  from  so  long  a  confinement 
in  solitude.  It  was  nothing  more  than  a  light  mask 
of  black  velvet,  the  wearing  of  which  would  give 
scarcely  any  inconvenience,  and  was  designed  merely 
to  prevent  any  possibility  of  the  prisoner  being  recog- 
nised if  he  should  chance  to  be  seen  at  any  time 
outside  his  cell. 

Du  Jonca,  we  learn,  had  never  heard  this  prisoner 
called  by  any  name.  He  knew  him  simply  as  I'ancien 
prisonnier,  the  prisoner  of  long  standing,  a  name  which 
was  appropriate  enough  if,  as  seems  probable,  he  had 
been  in  captivity  for  more  than  thirty  years.  Saint- 
Mars  writes  mon  ancien  prisonnier,  and  this,  it  has 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  MYTH  11 

been  urged  by  those  who  think  the  prisoner  to  have 
been  Mattioli,  might  mean  '  my  prisoner  of  old  time,' 
the  prisoner  who  was  with  me  long  ago  and  has  now 
come  back  to  me.  Such  an  interpretation,  however, 
would  leave  no  interpretation  possible  for  Du  Jonca's 
use  of  the  phrase.  He  at  least  had  never  had  the 
prisoner  in  his  charge  at  any  previous  period,  and  it 
will  scarcely  be  contended  that  the  same  word  ancien, 
employed  by  both  men  of  the  same  prisoner,  was  yet 
used  in  two  varying  senses.  It  is  fairly  evident  that 
the  phrase  I' ancien  prisonnier,  '  the  prisoner  of  long 
standing,'  was  the  ordinary  designation  by  which  the 
officials  of  the  Bastille  were  accustomed  to  speak  of  a 
prisoner  whose  name  was  unknown  to  them. 

The  point  is  one  of  some  importance,  for  there  was 
only  one  among  the  many  prisoners  who  at  one  time 
or  another  passed  through  Saint-Mars'  hands  who 
could  fairly  be  described  in  this  way.  This  was  the 
one  who  for  a  short  time  at  Pignerol  had  been  known 
as  '  Eustache  Dauger,'  a  prisoner  who  at  this  period 
had  been  with  Saint-Mars  for  very  many  years  and  had 
accompanied  him  in  all  his  migrations  from  Pignerol 
to  Exiles,  from  Exiles  to  Sainte-Marguerite,  and  who 
was  almost  certainly  the  prisoner  brought  in  1698  from 
Sainte-Marguerite  to  the  Bastille. 

For  this  last  migration  it  is  quite  true  that  there 
are  other  candidates,  and  especially,  of  course,  Mattioli. 
We  shall  go  into  the  matter  in  detail  later  on,  but  for 
the  moment  it  will  be  well  to  note  this  difficulty  which 
is  involved  in. the  use  of  the  phrase  I 'ancien  prisonnier 
by  Du  Jonca  as  well  as  by  Saint-Mars. 

During  his  lifetime  the  mysterious  prisoner  attracted 
little  attention.  Mysterious  prisoners  were,  after  all, 
not  uncommon  at  the  Bastille,  and  generally  turned 


12  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

out  to  be  very  unimportant  persons.  Take,  for  instance, 
the  masked  man  who  arrived  at  the  fortress  in  March 
1695 — three  years  before  our  prisoner,  brought  there 
in  a  litter  by  a  lieutenant  and  twenty  horsemen,  no 
man  knowing  his  name.  The  fact  was  reported  in  the 
'  Gazette  d'Amsterdam  '  of  March  14  of  that  year.  Very 
probably  men  wondered  about  him,  and  asked  what 
great  personage  had  disappeared.  Yet,  after  all,  he  was 
only  one  Gedeon  Philbert,  the  son  of  a  banker  at  Lyons 
who  had  been  getting  into  trouble. 1  The  masked 
prisoner  of  1698  might  perhaps  be  of  no  greater  im- 
portance, and  so  men  at  the  time  thought  little  of  him, 
although  at  the  Bastille  itself  certain  traditions  seem 
to  have  survived. 

After  our  prisoner's  death,  however,  and  when 
sufficient  years  had  passed  away  to  make  the  mystery 
get  more  mysterious,  fancy  began  to  weave  romances 
round  him.  The  legend  was  afloat  as  early  as  1711. 
'  There  lived  for  long  years  in  the  Bastille,'  writes 
Mine.  Palatine,  the  sister-in-law  of  Louis  XIV.,  in 
that  year  to  the  Electress  Sophia  of  Hanover,  '  a  man 
who  was  constantly  masked,  and  masked  he  died  there. 
Two  musketeers  were  at  his  side  to  shoot  him  if  ever 
he  unmasked.  He  ate  and  slept  in  his  mask.  There 
must  doubtless  have  been  some  strong  reason  for  this, 
for  otherwise  he  was  well  treated  in  every  way,  well 
lodged,  and  had  all  his  needs  supplied.  He  was  very 
devout,  received  Holy  Communion  in  his  mask,  and 
read  perpetually.' 2 

Later  on  the  Princess  writes  again  that  she  has  just 
learnt  that  he  was  an  English  nobleman  mixed  up  in 
the  plot  of  the  Duke  of  Berwick  against  William  III., 

1  See  lung,  p.  8,  and  Burgaud,  p.  193. 

2  Quoted  by  M.  Depping  in  the  Revue  Bleue,  July  18,  1896 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  MYTH  13 

and  masked  so  that  the  Dutch  usurper  might  never 
know  what  had  happened  to  him.  Here,  again,  we 
have  to  deal  with  '  fairy  tales,'  told  to  the  Princess 
with  the  direct  object  of  deceiving  her.  The  masked 
prisoner,  as  we  know  from  what  Ku  said  to  Eenneville, 
had  been  in  captivity  for  many  years  before  William 
came  to  England.  Still  it  is  worth  noticing  that  we 
have  the  suggestion,  constantly  recurring  in  all  the 
earlier  notices  of  the  Mask,  that  the  mystery  was  in 
some  way  connected  with  England  and  with  English 
politics.  The  other  details,  that  he  was  devout  and 
fond  of  reading,  -coming  as  they  do  without  any 
apparent  arriere  pensee  and  at  a  period  within  eight 
years  of  his  death,  we  may  take  as  probably  well 
founded,  as  also  that,  at  least  in  the  later  years  of  his 
life,  he  was  well  treated  and  lodged,  and  had  all  his 
wants  supplied.  Accurate  information  on  these  points 
was  still  easily  obtainable  by  those  in  the  Princess's 
position  who  were  interested  and  made  inquiries. 

Thirty  years  went  by  before  myths  began  definitely 
to  form  themselves.  In  1747  there  was  published  at 
Amsterdam  a  volume  entitled  *  Memoires  secrets  pour 
servir  a  1'histoire  de  Persia,'  an  anonymous  book 
dealing  with  sundry  secrets  and  scandals  of  the  Court 
of  Versailles,  veiled  under  a  thin  disguise  of  Eastern 
nomenclature.  An  imaginary  story  of  the  Comte  de 
Vermandois,  the  natural  son  of  Louis  XIV.  and  De  la 
Valliere,  is  told  under  the  name  of  Prince  Giafer.  He 
was  condemned  to  death,  so  the  story  tells,  for  having 
insulted  his  half-brother,  the  Dauphin.  One  of  the 
ministers,  in  pity  for  the  grief  of  the  father,  Cha-Abas 
(Louis  XIV.)  contrives  that  he  should  be  sent  to 
Feldvan  (Flanders)  and  reported  as  having  died  of 
plague.  He  was,  however,  in  reality  taken  by  night 


14  THE   MAN  OF  TBE   MASK 

and  incarcerated  in  the  island  of  Ormus  (Sainte- 
Marguerite),  where  he  remained  until  the  Governor  of 
Ormus,  appointed  by  Cha-Abas  to  be  Governor  of 
Ispahan,  brought  with  him  his  prisoner,  and,  lest  he 
should  be  recognised,  made  him  continually  wear  a 
mask. 

Here  begins  the  myth  which  connects  the  prisoner 
with  the  royal  house  of  Bourbon.  The  actual  facts 
and  dates  had  by  this  time  faded  out  of  memory,  and 
men  did  not  see  at  once  that  a  prisoner  who  died  in 
1703,  after  more  than  thirty  years  of  captivity,  could 
not  be  the  Cornte  de  Vermandois,  who  in  that  year 
would  have  been  but  thirty-five  years  of  age.  Besides, 
the  death  and  burial  of  Vermandois  in  1683  was 
generally  known  and  is  well  attested. 

The  idea,  however,  that  the  prisoner  had  been 
connected  with  the  royal  house  had  sunk  deep  into  the 
public  imagination,  and  was  cleverly  made  use  of  by 
no  less  a  man  than  Voltaire  to  weaken  the  credit  of 
royalty  in  France.  The  Comte  de  Vermandois  was 
but  an  illegitimate  son  of  a  reigning  king,  and  his 
existence  had  no  influence  on  the  true  succession  to  the 
crown.  Voltaire  would  make  of  the  prisoner  a  twin, 
or  even  an  elder  brother  of  the  king  himself — the  true 
heir  to  the  crown  of  France,  hidden  away  from  his 
birth  and  made  to  wear  the  mask  for  fear  that  his  fatal 
likeness  to  the  reigning  monarch  should  cause  the 
secret  to  be  known. 

It  was  Voltaire  also  who  invented  '  the  iron  mask,' 
which  has  done  so  much  to  impress  the  popular  im- 
agination. It  was  as  he  described  it,  and  as  Dumas,  in 
the  *  Vicomte  de  Bragelonne,'  has  repeated  his  descrip- 
tion, an  iron  helmet  covering  the  entire  head,  but  with 
a  chin  piece  which  was  movable,  and  allowed  the 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  MYTH  15 

unfortunate  wearer  to  eat  his  food.  The  real  mask 
was  a  light  one  covering  only  the  upper  part  of  the 
face  and  allowing  the  mouth  and  chin  to  be  freely 
seen.  So  at  least  it  was  described  by  the  peasants 
who  saw  it  when  the  prisoner  was  on  his  way  from 
Sainte-Marguerite  to  the  Bastille.1  So,  again,  it  was 
Voltaire  also  who  was  responsible  for  the  other  details 
of  the  captivity  which  appealed  so  much  to  people's 
minds,  but  had  no  real  foundation.  He  told  of  a 
passion  for  lace  and  the  finest  linen,  always  gratified 
to  the  full ;  of  long  hours  whiled  away  by  playing  upon 
a  lute ;  of  a  message  saying  who  the  prisoner  really 
was,  scratched  with  a  knife  upon  a  silver  dish,  and 
thrown  upon  the  rocks  from  a  prison  window ;  of  the 
governor,  who  addressed  his  captive  always  as  *  Mon- 
seigneur,'  and  served  him  at  table  upon  his  bended 
knee;  of  Louvois,  the  all-powerful  Minister  who 
journeyed  down  to  Sainte-Marguerite  to  see  the 
prisoner,  and  remained  standing  and  bareheaded  before 
him  until  he  was  allowed  to  take  a  seat,  and  other  tales 
of  that  kind,  all  calculated  to  appeal  to  the  imagination 
and  impress  the  mind  with  the  idea  of  the  greatness 
of  this  unknown  prisoner,  and  all,  although  quite 
untrue  in  the  form  in  which  he  gave  them,  evidently 
founded  upon  incidents  which  actually  happened  and 
are  otherwise  on  record.  Louvois,  for  instance,  though 
he  never  came  to  Sainte-Marguerite,  did  actually  visit 
Pignerol  after  the  prisoner  had  come  there.  Saint- 
Mars  did  actually,  for  the  greater  security  of  the  secret, 
himself  serve  the  prisoner  in  the  early  days  of  his 
captivity.  And,  although  the  prisoner  himself  never 
seems  from  first  to  last  to  have  made  the  slightest 
effort  to  break  through  the  conditions  of  his  captivity 
1  Annte  litttraire,  1768. 


16  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

or  to  hold  any  kind  of  communication  with  the  world 
outside,  it  is  on  record  that,  while  he  was  at  Sainte- 
Marguerite,  a  Protestant  minister,  shut  up  in  the  same 
prison  for  his  religion  after  the  Revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,  did  write  upon  the  pewter  vessels 
provided  for  him,  in  order  to  let  the  world  know  how 
he  was  incarcerated  for  the  purity  of  his  faith.  It  is 
clear  that  very  real  interest  must  have  been  created  at 
the  time  by  the  unusual  conditions  of  this  imprison- 
ment for  these  stories  to  have  gathered  round  them, 
half  a  century  later,  when  Voltaire  came  to  collect 
them,  so  much  of  the  wonderful  and  picturesque. 

This  same  main  idea  that  the  prisoner  was  in 
reality  the  true  heir  of  the  Bourbons,  and  that  this 
was  the  reason  of  the  extraordinary  precaution  with 
which  he  was  guarded,  was  put  forth  in  many  forms 
during  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Those 
who  are  curious  in  such  matters  may  easily  follow  the 
successive  developments  in  the  pages  of  M.  Marius 
Topin,1  or  of  several  other  of  the  books  which  deal 
with  the  subject.  For  most  people  they  are  now  of 
but  slight  interest,  since  they  have  long  since  been 
shown  to  be  destitute  of  all  real  foundation.  The 
interest,  however,  which  they  excited  at  the  time,  when 
men  believed  them  to  be  true  and  the  legitimacy  of 
the  reigning  house  was  deeply  involved,  was  naturally 
intense.  Only  from  king  to  king,  so  men  said,  was  the 
true  story  handed  down.  From  the  king  alone,  when 
the  last  of  the  original  Ministers  was  dead,  could  any 
authentic  information  be  obtained.  But  royalty,  if  it 
knew,  was  tiresomely  discreet.  The  Regent,  in  a 
drunken  debauch,  was  said  to  have  admitted  that '  the 
Mask '  was  a  son  of  Anne  of  Austria,  the  mother  of  the 

1  L'hwnme  au  Masque  de  Fer,  Paris,  1870. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF   THE  MYTH  17 

Grand  Monarque.  Louis  XV.,  pressed  by  La  Pompa- 
dour, would  say  nothing  at  all  except  that  he  was  the 
Minister  of  an  Italian  Prince,  but  to  his  own  daughter 
\  he  said  on  one  occasion :  '  Let  them  talk,  no  one  has 
ever  yet  said  the  truth  about  the  Iron  Mask.  What 
you  shall  know  that  others  don't  know  is  just  this— 
that  at  least  his  imprisonment  did  no  injury  to  anyone 
except  himself.' '  Louis  XVI.,  if  he  ever  knew  any- 
thing definite  upon  the  matter,  kept  his  own  counsel 
and  said  nothing  even  upon  the  scaffold.  But  by  that 
time  the  clue  to  the  mystery  was  probably  utterly  lost, 
and  not  even  the  king  himself  knew  the  answer  to  the 
question  so  many  men  were  asking.  The  last  authentic 
voice  was  that  of  M.  de  Chamillart,  who  must  have 
known  something  of  the  truth,  since  he  was  the  Minister 
who  succeeded  Barbezieux.  When  he  was  pressed  to 
say  what  he  knew  before  he  died,  he  replied  that  it 
was  a  secret  of  State  which  he  must  not  reveal,  but 
that  the  Mask  had  been  a  man  who  knew  all  the 
secrets  of  M.  Foucquet.2 

The  last  and  wildest  form  of  the  myth  was  not  the 
least  interesting.  In  1801,  when  the  great  Napoleon  was 
dominating  France,  there  was  circulated  a  story  which 
gave  a  new  development  to  the  old  legend.  The  man 
in  the  mask,  according  to  this  new  version,  was  no 
other  than  the  true  Louis  XIV.  languishing  in  cap- 
tivity, while  a  bastard  usurper,  the  son  of  Anne  of 
Austria  and  of  Mazarin,  sat  in  his  place  upon  the 
throne  of  France.  He  married  in  his  prison  at  Sainte- 
Marguerite,  and  the  child,  carried  away  across  the  sea 
to  Corsica,  the  island  actually  visible  on  a  clear  day 
from  the  prison  of  the  father,  was  brought  up  there  in 

1  Lacroix,  Histoire  de  Vliomme  au  Masque  de  Fer,  p.  89. 

2  Quoted  by  Voltaire  in  his  answer  to  La  Beaumelle. 


18  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

secrecy.  They  gave  him  the  name  of  Buona-Part6  to 
indicate  that  he  came  of  a  goodly  stock,  and  there  he 
grew  up,  married,  and  became  the  grandfather  of  the 
great  Napoleon.  It  was  the  First  Consul,  therefore, 
not  the  king  who  had  died  upon  the  scaffold  in  1793,  or 
the  Dauphin  of  whom  no  man  knew  clearly  whether 
or  no  he  were  yet  alive,  who  gathered  up  into  himself 
the  claims  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty,  and  was  soon, 
perhaps,  to  take  his  place  on  the  throne  of  France,  the 
true  and  undoubted  heir  of  the  ancient  line,  as  being 
the  descendant  of '  the  Man  in  the  Iron  Mask.' 

With  the  nineteenth  century  came  the  opportunity 
of  searching  the  records,  which  till  then  had  been 
jealously  guarded.  Napoleon  himself,  when  he  had 
become  Emperor,  caused  the  most  careful  search  to  be 
made  in  all  the  foreign  correspondence  of  the  period,1 
in  the  hope  of  setting  the  question  at  rest  by  the  dis- 
covery of  the  prisoner's  real  identity.  Nothing  what- 
ever could  be  discovered,  and  the  great  man  had  to 
own  himself  baffled,  so  carefully  had  all  the  traces  of 
the  mystery  been  covered  over.  Enough,  however, 
could  still  be  found  to  make  it  abundantly  clear  that 
there  was  no  truth  in  the  stories  of  a  royal  prisoner, 
nor  even  any  reason  to  suppose  that  the  masked  man 
had  ever  been  a  personage  of  great  importance.  The 
question  had  by  no  means  lost  its  interest,  and  all 
through  the  century  more  and  more  documents  were 
gradually  brought  to  light.  The  surmises  built  upon 
the  indications  which  these  documents  provided  will 
be  the  subject  of  our  next  Chapter.  Meanwhile,  we 
will  bring  this  Chapter  to  an  end  by  setting  down  for 
future  use  the  few  credible  details  which  the  tradition 
of  the  eighteenth  century  has  handed  down. 
1  Lacroix,  Histoire,  tfc.,  p.  141. 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF  THE   MYTH  19 

The  earliest  of  all,  the  story  told  by  Kenneville, 
which  has  been  already  alluded  to,  is  probably  not  very 
trustworthy.  Kenneville  was  a  great  romancer,  and 
it  is  quite  likely  that  he  invented  the  incident.  Still, 
it  is  certainly  evidence  that  the  masked  prisoner  did 
excite  a  certain  curiosity  among  his  fellow  prisoners  at 
the  "Bastille,  little  as  they  were  allowed  to  know  about 
him.  It  is  trustworthy  probably  on  the  point  of  the 
long  captivity — but  hardly  on  the  details  of  the  personal 
appearance  of  the  prisoner.  Kenneville  says  that  he 
could  not  see  his  face,  for  the  man  was  made  to  turn 
away  and  look  towards  the  wall,  but  his  recollections 
were  of  a  man  tall  and  straight,  with  a  quantity  of 
thick  black  hair,  among  which  not  a  single  white  one 
had  as  yet  made  its  appearance. 

In  1767  a  note  was  drawn  up  for  the  use  of  Voltaire 
by  De  Formanoir,  great- nephew  of  the  De  Formanoir 
(afterwards  Blainvilliers),  who  had  been  Saint-Mars' 
lieutenant  at  Sainte-Marguerite  and  at  the  Bastille. 
He  said  that  his  uncle  had  told  him  how,  in  order  to 
get  a  view  of  the  masked  man,  he  had  once  at  Sainte- 
Marguerite  taken  the  place  of  the  sentinel  and  watched 
outside  his  prison.  He  had  seen  him  at  night  through 
the  window,  tall  and  well  made,  a  vigorous  man  in 
spite  of  his  grey  hairs.  At  the  Isles  he  had  passed 
under  the  name  of  '  Latour,'  and  wore  his  mask 
whenever  strangers  could  see  him.  His  dress  was 
brown,  his  linen  very  fine.  He  had  books,  and  every 
indulgence  which  was  not  inconsistent  with  his 
imprisonment.  The  governor  and  the  officers  remained 
standing  and  uncovered  before  him,  until  he  gave 
them  permission  to  be  seated  and  to  put  on  their  hats. 

It  is  very  difficult  to  know  how  much  to  believe  of 
this  story.  It  strikes  one  as  very  much  less  worthy 

02 


20  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

of  credit  than  the  latter  part  of  the  same  document, 
which  seems  authentic  enough  and  will  be  quoted 
later  on.  Still,  the  authority  quoted  is  beyond  criti- 
cism. No  man  knew  more  about  the  masked  prisoner 
than  did  the  elder  De  Formanoir,  who  had  him  in  his 
direct  charge  for  so  many  years.  The  incident  at 
Sainte-Marguerite  must  have  taken  place  before  he 
was  made  lieutenant  in  1693,  while  he  was  still  a  cadet 
of  the  Free  Company,  and  testifies  to  the  seclusion  and 
mystery  in  which  the  prisoner  was  kept,  so  that  the 
curiosity  even  of  his  guards  was  aroused.  In  later 
years  De  Formanoir  must  have  seen  him  to  excess, 
since  he  waited  on  him  daily  at  Sainte-Marguerite, 
just  as  Saint-Mars  himself  had  done  at  Pignerol,  and  as 
Bosarges  did  at  the  Bastille. 

An  old  doctor,  who  in  his  youth  had  often  been 
called  in  to  help  his  father-in-law  in  his  attendance 
upon  the  prisoners,  used  to  tell  how  he  had  often  been 
sent  for  to  treat  this  mysterious  prisoner.  He  had 
never  seen  his  face,  although  he  had  examined  his 
tongue  and  the  rest  of  his  body.  '  He  was  admirably 
made,  his  skin  was  dark,  his  voice  interesting.  He 
never  complained  of  his  lot  or  gave  any  indication  as  to 
who  he  was.' l 

Renneville,  who  occupied  a  room  in  the  Ber- 
taudiere  a  floor  below  the  masked  man,  says  that 
among  those  on  the  floor  above  with  whom  he  com- 
municated by  knocking,  was  an  Italian  abbe  who 
refused  to  give  his  name,  nor  could  he  ever  learn  what 
it  was.2 

Another  prisoner  of  the  Bastille  besides  Renneville 
used  to  tell  how  he  had  held  communication  with  him. 

1  Quoted  by  Voltaire. 

2  L'lnguisitiwi  Fran^aise,  p.  122,  ed.  1715. 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF  THE   MYTH  21 

This  was  one  Dubuisson,  who  claimed  to  have  been 
placed  immediately  above  him — on  the  fourth  floor, 
that  is,  of  the  Bertaudiere — and  to  have  opened 
communications  by  means  of  the  chimney.  But  he 
would  tell  nothing  of  his  name  or  his  adventures, 
saying  that  were  he  to  do  so  it  would  cost  him  his 
life,  and  that  the  same  would  be  the  case  with  those 
to  whom  he  should  be  known  to  have  revealed  his 
secret.1 

Then,  again,  there  was  another  doctor,  one 
Nelaton,  whose  story  is  told  by  Saint-Foix.  Being 
chief  assistant  to  a  surgeon  near  the  Porte  Saint- 
Antoine,  he  was  sent  one  day  to  bleed  a  prisoner  of 
the  Bastille.  The  Governor  took  him  into  the  room 
of  the  prisoner,  whose  head  was  covered  with  a  long 
towel  knotted  on  the  neck.  The  prisoner  complained 
of  great  pains  in  the  head ;  he  wore  a  dressing-gown 
of  black  and  yellow,  ornamented  with  large  flowers  of 
gold,  and  the  surgeon's  assistant,  though  he  could  not 
gee  his  face,  perceived  by  his  accent  that  he  was  an 
Englishman. 

The  testimonies  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries  which  connect  the  story  of  the  mask  with 
Mattioli,  the  only  person  known  to  history  whom  it 
was  possible  to  identify  with  the  mask,  are  somewhat 
numerous.  At  Sainte-Marguerite  itself  an  old  man 
called  Souchon,  whose  father  had  been  of  the  Free 
Company,  used  to  say  that  his  father  had  told  him 
that  the  mysterious  prisoner  was  *  an  envoy  of  the 
Emperor  to  the  Court  of  Turin/  who  had  been  seized 
by  French  agents  and  brought  to  Saint-Mars  from 
Fenestrelle,  and  that  Saint-Mars  had  obliged  him, 
under  pain  of  death,  to  write  to  Turin  for  his 
1  Philippigttes,  by  Lagrange-Ohancel. 


22  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

papers.  Souchon  added  that  he  died  nine  years  after 
his  arrest.1 

All  this  is  accurately  true,  except  that  Souchon  was 
wrong  in  his  identification.  Mattioli  did  die  at  the 
Isles  fifteen  years,  not  nine,  after  his  arrest ;  but  he 
was  not  the  masked  prisoner,  for  he  went  on  to  the 
Bastille.  The  nine  years  were  probably  obtained  by 
taking  1579,  the  year  of  the  arrest,  from  1688,  the 
year  in  which  Saint-Mars  came  with  the  real  man 
from  Exiles.  Mattioli  came  six  years  later.  The 
tradition  in  that  case  would  be  so  far  right  that  it 
would  represent  the  death  as  taking  place  directly  he 
got  to  the  Isles. 

The  most  exact  of  all  who  have  designated  Mattioli 
as  the  man  is,  however,  Mme.  de  Campan.  She  tells 
us  that  the  young  king,  Louis  XVI.,  who  did  not 
know  the  truth,  caused  careful  search  to  be  made  in 
the  State  Papers  by  M.  de  Maurepas.  The  result  was 
that  he  was  told  that  he  was  a  person  of  a  very 
dangerous  character  by  reason  of  his  intriguing  spirit, 
and  a  subject  of  the  Duke  of  Mantua.  He  was  enticed 
to  the  frontier,  arrested,  and  kept  a  prisoner,  first  at 
Pignerol  and  then  at  the  Bastille.2 

Here  the  evidence  would  be  interesting  were  it  in 
any  way  traditional.  It  is,  however,  only  a  guess  on 
the  part  of  M.  de  Maurepas,  based  on  a  study  of  the 
State  Papers  and  other  documents  far  less  complete 
than  that  which  has  since  been  made.  It  is  therefore 
of  no  value,  but  with  it  ends  our  scanty  store  of 
evidence  from  the  writings  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
except  for  a  tradition  which  seems  authentic,  and  which 
lasted  on  for  many  years  at  the  Bastille,  that  after  the 

1  lung,  p.  43. 

2  Meinoires  de  Marie- Antoinette. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  MYTH 


23 


death  of  the  mysterious  prisoner  the  apartment  which 
he  had  occupied  was  carefully  painted  over  and  white- 
washed, while  every  article  he  had  used  was  scru- 
pulously destroyed  lest  any  clue  to  his  identity  should 
in  this  way  be  handed  down  to  a  later  and  inquisitive 
generation. 


24  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 


CHAPTEK  II 

THE   EBSEABCHES   OF   THE   NINETEENTH   CENTURY 

So  soon  as  the  success  of  the  French  Kevolution  threw 
open  the  records  of  the  past  in  France  to  those  who 
desired  to  search  them,  an  essay  was  made  by  a  M. 
Koux-Fazillac  in  1801  to  put  the  matter  of  the  Mask 
on  a  more  satisfactory  basis.  He  was  not,  indeed, 
quite  the  first  to  do  this,  for  that  honour  is  due  rather 
to  one  Pere  Griffet,  a  Jesuit,  chaplain  to  the  Bastille 
in  1745,  whose  official  position  gave  him  access  to  the 
prison  records  and  who  drew  from  them  and  gave  to 
the  world  the  two  famous  extracts  from  Du  Jonca's 
journal.  Pere  Griffet  inclined  to  believe  that  the  Iron 
Mask  was  really  the  Comte  de  Vermandois,  and  his 
researches  did  not  lead  him  any  nearer  to  the  actual 
truth.  Koux-Fazillac,  on  the  other  hand,  rejected  all 
idea  of  a  Bourbon  prince,  whether  legitimate  or  ille- 
gitimate, and  fixed  instead  on  one  who  had  a  real  exist- 
ence, and  who  had  undoubtedly  been  a  prisoner  for 
many  years  in  Saint-Mars'  hands,  Ercole  Mattioli,  the 
Minister  of  the  Duke  of  Mantua.  Here,  again,  he  was 
not  altogether  original.  The  theory  that  Mattioli  was 
the  wearer  of  the  mask  had  been  first  propounded  by 
a  certain  Baron  Heiss  as  far  back  as  1770,  and  it  had 
been  repeated  by  several  writers  after  that  date.  Koux- 
Fazillac,  however,  was  the  first  to  treat  the  matter 
scientifically  and  on  the  basis  of  actual  documentary. 


RESEARCHES  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY      25 

evidence.  He  made  out  a  strong  case;  so  strong, 
indeed,  that  it  has  remained  the  most  popular  solution 
ever  since,  though  a  good  deal  of  the  evidence  which 
he  brings  forward  has  been  invalidated  by  later  dis- 
coveries. It  is  therefore  necessary,  before  we  go  on 
further,  to  turn  aside  and  examine  the  evidence  and  to 
point  out  where  its  cogency  fails. 

Ercole  Antonio  Mattioli  was  born  at  Bologna  on 
December  1,  1640.  He  came  of  a  family  of  lawyers, 
and  had  a  somewhat  distinguished  career  at  the 
University  of  Bologna,  where  he  held  a  readership  in 
civil  and  canon  law.  He  was  married  and  had  two 
sons,  the  elder  of  whom  was  born  in  1663.  After  a 
time  he  left  Bologna  and  established  himself  at  Mantua, 
where  he  gained  the  confidence  of  Charles  III.,  the 
then  reigning  duke,  and  was  made  by  him  his  Secretary 
of  State  and  Senator,  a  post  that  carried  with  it  the 
title  of  count. 

About  the  year  1676,  when  Charles  III.  had  passed 
away,  and  his  son,  the  young  and  frivolous  Charles  IV. 
was  Duke  of  Mantua,  Louis  XIV.,  under  the  influence 
of  Louvois,  the  Minister  of  War,  conceived  the  idea  of 
getting  possession  of  Casale,  the  chief  place  of  the 
Marquisate  of  Montferrat,  which  was  an  outlying 
territory  belonging  at  this  time  to  Mantua.  France 
already  possessed  Pignerol,  which  had  a  somewhat 
similar  situation,  and  if  she  were  in  possession  of  both 
places  would  hold  Piedmont  and  Turin  more  or  less  at 
her  mercy,  being  able  easily  and  at  leisure  to  mass  any 
number  of  troops  that  might  be  required  for  service 
beyond  the  Alps  without  going  outside  her  own 
territory. 

The  Abbe  d'Estrades,  who  was  at  that  time  the 
French  Ambassador  at  Venice,  was  directed  to  discover 


26  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

some  means  of  persuading  Charles  IV.  to  sell  Casale. 
He  did  so  through  Mattioli,  who  had  great  influence 
with  the  Duke,  and  induced  him  to  entertain  the 
bargain.  On  December  8,  1678,  after  somewhat  pro- 
tracted negotiations,  the  deed  was  signed.  Charles  IV., 
in  return  for  ceding  Casale  to  France,  was  to  receive 
the  sum  of  a  hundred  thousand  crowns.  Mattioli  him- 
self came  to  Paris  to  carry  through  the  negotiation, 
was  received  and  thanked  by  Louis  in  person,  and  pre- 
sented with  a  valuable  diamond  ring  and  a  large  sum 
of  money.  Mattioli  returned  to  Mantua  to  see  the 
matter  completed. 

The  business  was  by  no  means  concluded  with  the 
mere  signing  of  the  agreement.  The  jealousy  of  Spain 
and  of  the  Empire  had  to  be  guarded  against,  as  also 
that  of  the  other  Italian  States,  for  no  one  could  doubt 
that  it  boded  little  good  for  the  peace  of  Italy  that  the 
King  of  France  should  thus  be  in  possession  of  a 
strong  fortress  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Alps.  The 
utmost  secrecy  was  necessary,  so  that  the  cession 
might  be  carried  out  without  rousing  any  suspicions, 
and  become  known  to  the  world  at  large  only  when  it 
was  already  a  fait  accompli,  with  a  strong  body  of 
French  troops  already  ensconced  within  the  citadel. 

Louis,  on  his  side,  lost  no  time  in  making  the 
necessary  preparations.  Catinat,  in  person,  was  charged 
with  carrying  out  the  project.  He  was  ordered  to  go 
to  Pignerol,  pretending  to  be  a  prisoner  in  the  charge 
of  Saint-Mars,  the  Governor  of  the  donjon,  and  to  hide 
his  identity  by  passing  under  the  name  of  De  Richemont. 
Men  and  ammunition  were  massed  as  quickly  as 
possible  at  Pignerol  and  on  the  frontier.  The  Baron 
d'Asfeld  was  sent  to  Mantua  to  complete  the  negotia- 
tions with  Mattioli  on  the  side  of  the  Duke,  and  to 


RESEARCHES  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY      27 

obtain  his  signature  to  the  documents  which  had 
already  been  signed  by  Louis  XIV. 

Meanwhile  the  suspicions  of  Italy  were  being 
aroused.  Everyone  saw  that  something  was  on  foot, 
and  though  they  had  no  clear  knowledge  of  the  fact, 
the  scheme  of  the  cession  of  Casale  was  more  than 
suspected.  Remonstrances  poured  in  from  the  Emperor 
and  from  the  King  of  Spain  begging  Charles  not 
to  lend  himself  to  the  plans  of  France,  but  Charles, 
while  he  stoutly  denied  that  anything  was  on  foot,  was 
too  much  in  need  of  French  money  to  be  willing  to 
draw  back.  At  last  all  was  finally  settled.  Mattioli 
and  d'Asfeld  were  to  meet  on  March  9,  1679,  at  Notre 
Dame  d'Increa,  about  ten  miles  from  Casale,  for  the 
final  exchange  of  the  documents ;  while  the  Duke  of 
Mantua  was  to  be,  without  fail,  at  Casale  by  the  15th, 
there  to  receive  the  French  troops,  due  to  arrive  on 
18th,  and  to  put  them  in  final  possession  of  the  citadel. 
In  spite  of  the  jealous  fears  of  other  States,  the  secret 
appeared  to  have  been  strictly  kept,  and  the  triumph  of 
French  diplomacy  seemed  already  certain. 

Then,  just  at  the  critical  moment,  the  thunderbolt 
fell  from  what  was  thought  a  clear  sky.  They  heard  with 
amazement  at  the  Court  of  Versailles  that  d'Asfeld 
had  been  arrested  on  his  way  to  Notre  Dame  d'Increa, 
as  he  passed  through  the  territories  of  the  Governor  of 
Milan,  which  city  was  at  that  time  in  Spanish  hands. 
It  was  from  Mattioli  that  the  news  was  first  received, 
and  suspicions  were  at  once  aroused  that  he  had  been 
playing  a  double  game.  Before  long  these  suspicions 
became  a  certainty.  Mattioli  had  simultaneously  given 
information  of  the  whole  affair  to  all  the  Courts  in- 
volved. The  cession  of  Casale  was,  for  the  time  at 
any  rate,  out  of  the  question,  and  nothing  remained 


28  THE   MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

but  to  take  all  possible  vengeance  upon  the  man  who 
had  thus  sold  and  outraged  the  majesty  of  France. 
Mattioli  at  all  costs  must  be  caught  and  punished,  lest 
other  Ministers  of  petty  States  might  think  that  they 
too  could  venture  on  similar  liberties  with  *le  Boi 
Soldi.1 

The  Abbe  d'Estrades,  bitterly  mortified  at  the  failure 
of  a  scheme  in  which  he  had  taken  a  leading  part, 
suggested  how  this  vengeance  might  be  accomplished. 
Even  yet  Mattioli  was  unaware  that  the  full  extent  of 
his  treachery  was  known  to  France.  It  was  still  possible 
to  appeal  to  his  cupidity,  and,  by  leading  him  to  believe 
that  France  still  trusted  him  and  was  still  anxious  to 
carry  out  the  original  engagement,  to  decoy  him  to 
some  place  where  his  person  might  be  seized  by  French 
agents. 

This  accordingly  was  written  to  Louis,  and  on 
April  27  letters  were  sent  to  Pignerol  for  the  carry- 
ing out  of  this  plan  of  d'Estrades.  The  Duke  of 
Mantua,  it  was  known,  would  not  be  unwilling  that 
Mattioli  should  be  punished,  although  he  was  afraid 
to  punish  him  himself.  Moreover,  he  had  more  than 
hinted,  through  Giuliani,  another  agent,  that  the  arrest 
of  Mattioli  would  be  the  surest  way  of  rendering  a 
renewal  of  the  negotiations  possible  at  some  future  date. 

Mattioli  himself  was  now  at  Turin,  where  d'Estrades 
was  also  resident,  acting  as  French  Ambassador  at  the 
Court  of  Savoy.  He  was  quite  unconscious  that,  through 
the  Duchess  of  Savoy,  France  was  fully  aware  of  all 
that  he  had  done,  and  continued  to  talk  and  act  with 
d'Estrades  as  if  the  cession  of  Casale  were  still  the 
object  of  his  aim.  He  was  desperately  short  of  money, 
in  spite  of  all  his  double-dealing,  and  this  rendered  him 
an  easy  prey. 


RESEARCHES  OF  THE   NINETEENTH   CENTURY      29 

It  was  arranged  by  d'Estrades  that  Mattioli  should 
meet  him  outside  Turin,  and  that  they  should  drive 
together  in  the  direction  of  Pignerol,  in  order  that 
Catinat,  whom  d'Estrades  represented  as  well  supplied 
with  money  for  the  furtherance  of  the  scheme  for 
obtaining  Casale  on  which  Louis  had  set  his  heart, 
might  ride  out  from  that  town  and  meet  them  secretly. 

They  drove  out  to  the  Guisiola,  which  was  much 
swollen  by  floods,  left  the  carriage  behind  with  the 
servants,  crossed  the  river  by  a  footbridge  after  some 
difficulty,  and  went  on  alone  to  where  Catinat,  the 
minister  of  Louis'  vengeance,  was  waiting  for  them 
at  a  little  inn,  just  within  the  territory  of  France. 
There,  after  a  short  preliminary  conversation,  d'Estrades 
prudently  left  them  and  returned  to  Turin ;  the  arrest 
was  accomplished  after  his  departure,  and  by  two 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Mattioli  was  safely  lodged 
within  the  walls  of  the  donjon  of  Pignerol.  This  was 
on  May  2.  Two  days  later,  in  consequence  of  a  letter 
written  under  supervision  by  Mattioli  himself  when  he 
saw  how  things  were  going,  his  valet  was  sent  after 
him  with  all  his  clothes  and  other  effects,  and  entered 
into  Pignerol  to  share  his  master's  captivity,  as  no 
doubt  he  was  already  to  some  extent  the  sharer  of  his 
secrets.  The  details  of  Mattioli's  life  in  prison  are  of 
no  special  interest,  at  any  rate  so  soon  as  it  is  realised 
that  he  was  not  the  mysterious  prisoner  with  the  iron 
mask.  He  was  given  the  name  of  Lestang  on  enter- 
ing Pignerol,  the  secret  of  his  identity  being  kept  for  a 
time,  at  least  as  far  as  official  despatches  are  concerned, 
even  from  Saint-Mars  himself. 

This  giving  of  a  prison  name  was  in  itself  by  no 
means  an  exceptional  measure :  it  was  almost  always 
done  in  the  case  of  political  prisoners,  whose  friends 


30  THE   MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

might  be  interested  in  procuring  their  release,  and  the 
object  of  it  was  to  secure  that  the  secret  of  their 
whereabouts  should  not  leak  out  through  the  official 
staff  who  had  access  to  the  correspondence  with  head- 
quarters about  the  prisons.  In  many  cases,  even  with 
comparatively  unimportant  prisoners,  the  real  name 
was  so  absolutely  disused  that  it  was  quite  forgotten,  and 
in  more  than  one  instance  we  find  the  Minister  writing 
to  the  governor  of  one  of  the  State  prisons,  asking 
to  be  enlightened  as  to  the  identity  .of  some  one  or 
other  of  the  prisoners,  the  details  of  whose  case  had  been 
forgotten  through  this  system  of  prison  nomenclature. 

In  Mattioli's  case  there  was  so  little  need  for  any 
mystery  that  the  '  prison  name '  is  before  very  long 
disused,  and  the  events  of  his  imprisonment  are  dis- 
cussed quite  openly  under  his  own  name  in  the  corre- 
spondence between  Louvois  and  the  Governor  of 
Pignerol.  He  was,  indeed,  as  Mr.  Andrew  Lang  has 
said,  '  the  least  mysterious  of  State  prisoners.'  All 
the  world  knew  what  he  had  done — how  he  had  tricked 
Louis  in  the  very  moment  of  success,  and  treacherously 
robbed  him  of  the  prey  that  seemed  already  within  his 
grasp — and  Louis'  vengeance  would  have  been  only 
half  complete  had  not  all  the  world  known  equally 
that  punishment  had  fallen  upon  him. 

There  was  no  sort  of  international  complication  to 
be  feared.  The  arrest  had  taken  place  on  French 
territory ;  there  was  no  violation  of  Italian  privileges  ; 
as  there  had  been,  for  instance,  of  the  privileges  of 
Switzerland  when  Roux  de  Marsilly  was  arrested  by 
Louis'  agents  at  Zurich  in  1669.  The  only  person 
who  could  fairly  be  aggrieved  was  Mattioli's  own  master, 
Charles  IV.,  the  Duke  of  Mantua.  But  Charles  had 
been  betrayed  by  Mattioli  equally  with  Louis,  and  was 


RESEARCHES   OF   THE   NINETEENTH   CENTURY      31 

by  no  means  averse  from  condign  punishment  being 
awarded  to  his  servant  by  other  and  stronger  hands 
than  his  own.  His  one  anxiety  in  later  years  seems 
to  have  been,  not  to  obtain  the  liberation  of  Mattioli, 
but  to  secure  that  he  should  remain  in  captivity.1 
There  was  nothing  for  Louis  to  be  afraid  of  in 
that  direction,  nor  was  the  Duke  of  Mantua  in  a 
position  to  make  his  anger  felt  even  if  he  had  been 
aggrieved. 

The  whole  matter  was  public  property,  and  openly 
discussed  everywhere.  Within  two  years  of  the  event 
it  was  all  published  in  a  brochure  written  in  Italian, 
and  entitled  '  La  Prudenza  trionfante  di  Casale.'  The 
very  place  of  his  imprisonment,  Pignerol,  was  given 
without  concealment.  So,  again,  still  more  definitely, 
was  the  story  told  in  print  in  1687  in  a  book  published 
at  Leyden,  and  entitled  '  L'histoire  abr6ge"e  de  1'Europe.' 
It  would,  in  fact,  be  hard  to  find  among  all  the 
prisoners  of  State  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.,  one 
who  on  the  face  of  things  was  less  mysterious,  and 
therefore  less  likely  to  be  the  person  surrounded  by  the 
strange  precautions  of  '  the  iron  mask  '  than  was  this 
same  Ercole  Mattioli,  Minister  of  the  Duke  of  Mantua. 

Nevertheless,  he  has  been,  for  the  last  hundred 
years  at  any  rate,  the  candidate  most  generally 
accepted  by  men  of  letters — by  all,  that  is  to  say,  who 
have  based  their  opinion  on  the  actual  records  and 
have  discarded  the  fictions  of  Voltaire.  This  has  been 
so  for  three  reasons.  First,  because  Mattioli,  unim- 
portant and  without  mystery  as  he  really  was,  was  at 
least  by  far  the  best  known  of  the  various  prisoners 
who  can  possibly  be  identified  with  the  man  of  mystery. 

1  See  the  correspondence  between  Louis  and  Charles  in  August 
1681,  printed  in  Topin,  L'homme  au  Masque  de  Per,  p.  343. 


32  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

Imagination  which  had  been  fed  with  the  idea  of  a 
rightful  king,  or  at  the  least  a  royal  prince,  held  in 
captivity  for  no  other  crime  than  his  exalted  birth, 
could  accept  a  solution  which  gave  them  at  least  a 
Count  and  a  Prince's  Minister,  more  easily  than  that 
of  one  whose  name  and  actions  were  alike  unknown. 
Secondly,  because  a  mistaken  interpretation  of  a  par- 
ticular document  led  men  to  suppose  that  Mattioli  had 
actually  been  one  of  the  two  prisoners  conducted  from 
Pignerol  with  so  much  mystery  to  Exiles,  the  sur- 
vivor of  whom  was  taken  on  to  Sainte-Marguerite  with 
precautions  in  no  way  lessened,  but  rather  added  to. 
Thirdly,  because  of  the  name  under  which  the  masked 
man  was  buried,  Marchioly,  which  differs  only  by  a 
single  letter  from  Marthioly,  the  way  in  which  Saint- 
Mars  spelt  the  name  of  Mattioli.  The  secret  so  long 
jealously  guarded  was  revealed  at  last,  so  they  say, 
when  death  had  released  the  victim. 

The  last  of  these  reasons,  the  one  strong  point,  as, 
Mr.  Lang  has  called  it,  of  the  case  for  Mattioli,  is  really 
a  strong  argument  in  the  opposite  direction.  Political 
prisoners  were  never  buried  under  their  own  names 
and  ages.1  With  Saint-Mars  especially  it  had  become 
almost  a  mania.  The  '  Archives  of  the  Bastille  '  will 
afford  us  one  instance  after  another.  The  Premon- 
stratensian  Dubois  was  buried  as  Elie  ('  Archives,' 
x.  244),  Dupressoir-Lamast  as  Pierre  Masserque  (x.  8), 
Hardy  as  George  Eonait  (xi.  198),  Fra^ois  Esliard  as 
Pierre  Maret  (x.  16).  When  men  such  as  these,  whose 
identity  there  was  no  real  reason  to  conceal,  were  thus 
given  false  names  at  their  burial,  is  it  to  be  conceived 

1  This  was  actually  a  matter  of  law.  The  Governor  was  ordered  to 
invent  a  name  for  all  prisoners  who  thus  died,  and  never  to  give  the 
real  name  except  under  direct  orders  from  the  Secretary  of  State.  See 
Bingham's  Bastille,  i.  27. 


RESEARCHES   OF  THE   NINETEENTH   CENTURY      33 

that  the  true  name  would  be  given  in  the  case  of  one 
whose  identity  had  been  so  carefully  hidden  with 
amazing  precaution  for  so  many  years  ?  It  would 
seem  more  sensible  to  invert  the  argument,  and  to  say 
that  of  one  thing  at  least  we  can  be  certain,  and  that  is 
that  the  name  is  false,  and  that,  in  just  the  same  way  as 
the  age  has  admittedly  been  given  wrongly  for  no  con- 
ceivable purpose  except  to  mislead  inquirers,  so  also 
we  must  conclude  that  the  true  name,  whatever  it  may 
have  been,  at  least  was  something  very  different  from 
that  of  Marchioly. 

The  second  argument  falls  to  the  ground  as  soon  as 
the  mistake  is  rectified.  It  then  becomes  clear  that 
Mattioli  was  not  one  of  the  two  prisoners  whose  cases 
the  king  judged  of  sufficient  importance  to  necessitate 
their  being  taken  to  Exiles,  since  they  could  not  safely 
be  left  in  hands  less  competent  than  those  of  Saint- 
Mars.  Mattioli  was  left  at  Pignerol,  and  did  not 
rejoin  Saint-Mars  for  thirteen  years.  Then,  at  last, 
not  because  of  any  special  importance  in  his  own 
case,  but  because  of  the  impending  fall  of  the  fortress 
of  Pignerol,  already  besieged  by  Italian  troops,  he 
passes  on  to  Sainte-Marguerite,  without  any  special 
precaution  and  in  company  with  the  other  prisoners 
who  were  then  at  Pignerol.  So  soon  as  he  arrived  at 
his  new  prison  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  he 
died.  He  had  been  ill  with  fever  at  Pignerol,  and  the 
fatigue  of  the  journey  proved  too  much  for  his  strength. 
Of  so  little  importance  had  his  case  become  that  we 
are  made  aware  of  his  death  only  by  a  letter  of  Saint- 
Mars  to  the  Minister,  asking  what  should  be  done  with 
the  valefc  who  had  from  the  first  shared  his  prison. 
The  suggestion  of  the  governor  that  he  should  be 
'  shut  up  in  the  vaulted  prison '  was  acceded  to  by  the 


34  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

Minister.      From    that    time   onwards   the  name   of 
Mattioli  never  again  occurs  in  any  dispatch. 

It  is  precisely  this  point,  that  he  had  a  valet,  which 
affords  us  the  convincing  proof  that  it  was  really 
Mattioli  and  no  other  who  died  in  1694  and  was  buried 
at  Sainte-Marguerite.  The  valet,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
arrested  two  days  after  his  master,  and  shared  his 
prison.  He  was  not  himself  actually  a  prisoner, 
except  in  virtue  of  the  usage  which  took  away  their 
liberty  for  the  time  from  those  who  were  employed 
as  the  valets  of  State  prisoners.  In  the  case  of  one 
of  Foucquet's  valets,  for  instance,  when  the  man 
was  tired  of  his  service  and  desired  to  return  to 
the  world,  Saint-Mars  was  directed  by  Louvois  not 
to  let  him  go  at  once,  but  to  keep  him  a  prisoner 
without  intercourse  with  anyone  for  some  months, 
so  that  he  might  not  carry  out  from  the  prison 
any  news  which  was  not  already  stale  and  useless. 
No  other  prisoner  at  Pignerol  had  a  valet  after  Lauzun, 
left. 

Mattioli  and  his  man  were  still  at  Pignerol  and  to- 
gether to  the  end  of  1693,  as  we  learn  from  a  despatch 
from  Louvois  to  Laprade,  dated  December  27  of  that 
year.  In  March  1694  the  transfer  of  the  prisoners  was 
made  to  Sainte-Marguerite.  There  were  three  prisoners 
arranged  for,  Mattioli,  Dubrenil,  and  de  Herse,  but  four 
were  actually  transferred.  The  fourth  can  hardly  be 
any  other  than  Mattioli's  valet,  who  had  been  with  him 
at  Pignerol  for  fourteen  years.  The  party  arrived  at 
Sainte-Marguerite  on  or  about  April  20,  having  started 
on  the  7th.  On  May  10  Barbezieux  has  already  heard 
of  the  death  of  that  one  of  them  who  had  a  valet,  and 
sends  the  order  for  the  servant  to  be  shut  up  in  the 
vaulted  prison.  Thus  the  proof  of  Mattioli's  death 


RESEARCHES   OF  THE  NINETEENTH   CENTURY      35 

on  his   arrival   at   the   Isles  becomes  almost  beyond 
controversy. 

Although  by  far  the  most  popular,  Mattioli  was  by 
no  means  the  only  candidate  put  forward  during  the 
last  two  centuries.  Books,  many  of  them  of  great 
learning  and  displaying  considerable  research,  were 
published  to  put  forward  the  claims  of  many  other 
unfortunates  who  might  possibly  have  been  the  man. 
No  one  has  championed  the  Comte  de  Vermandois 
since  the  Pere  Griffet  in  1769.  The  Due  de  Beaufort 
was  put  forward  by  Lenglei-Dufresnoy  in  1754,  by 
Lagrange-Chancel  in  1759,  and  by  Anquetil  in  1780. 
The  Duke  of  Momnouth  found  a  single  but  enthusiastic 
supporter  in  Sainte-Foix  in  1768.  Various  forms  of 
the  legend  as  to  the  brother  of  Louis  XIV.  have  been 
put  forward  by  as  many  as  twenty  different  writers — 
the  last  and  most  formidable  of  all  being  Alexandre 
Dumas  in  the  'Vicomte  de  Bragelonne,'  sinning 
against  light,  for  in  his  time  the  theory  had  long  since 
been  disproved.  Foucquet  was  suggested  by  Jacob  in 
1840.  Avedick,  an  ecclesiastic  of  the  Armenian  Church, 
who  was  carried  off  and  imprisoned  in  France  in  1706, 
was  put  forward  by  De  Taules  in  1825,  and,  most 
surprisingly,  by  M.  Ravaisson  in  recent  years.  As 
Avedick  was  not  put  into  captivity  until  1706,  while 
the  Masked  Man  died  in  1703,  the  identification  does 
not  carry  conviction.  None  of  these  persons  are  really 
possible  candidates  at  all.  No  one,  except  Foucquet, 
was  ever  in  the  charge  of  Saint-Mars  at  any  moment, 
and  Foucquet's  death  is  well  attested.  They  are  all 
interesting  people,  and  their  lives  afford  excellent 
reading.  Those  who  wish  to  do  so  can  read  all  about 
them  in  the  pages  either  of  M.  Topin  or  of  Mr.  Tighe 
Hopkins.  They  can  hardly  fail  to  be  interested,  but  at 

D2 


36  THE   MAN   OF   THE   MASK 

the  same  time  they  should  remember  that  these  enter- 
taining stories  have  no  possible  connection  at  any  point 
with  the  real  history  of  the  Iron  Mask.  It  is  for  this 
reason  that  we  now  pass  them  by  without  any  further 
notice. 

Mattioli  remained  all  through  the  century  the 
leading  favourite.  His  claims  were  set  forward  in  a 
dozen  different  volumes,  and  when  M.  Topin  wrote  in 
1869  the  case  seemed  settled,  unsatisfactory  as  the 
solution  seemed  to  be.  Then  came  the  publication  of 
the  letter  from  Saint-Mars  to  d'Estrades,  which 
showed  conclusively — what  might  have  been  gathered 
from  Louvois'  despatches  —  that  Mattioli  did  not 
accompany  Saint-Mars  to  Exiles,  but  stayed  at 
Pignerol.  M.  Topin  got  over  the  difficulty  by  pointing 
out  that,  at  least,  he  rejoined  Saint  Mars  in  1694  at 
Sainte-Marguerite,  but  the  theory  had  really  received 
its  mortal  blow,  and  a  new  series  of  books  sprang  up 
each  propounding  a  new  solution  more  in  accordance , 
with  the  changed  evidence. 

M.  Loiseleur,  in  his  '  Trois  Enigmes  Historiques/ 
put  the  case  against  Mattioli  strongly  and  clearly,  and 
in  his  place  suggested  an  unknown  prisoner,  arrested 
by  Catinat  in  1681  and  brought  to  Pignerol.  But 
M.  Topin  pointed  out  that  there  was  no  such  prisoner 
at  all,  but  that  Catinat  himself,  for  political  reasons, 
was  posing  as  a  prisoner,  and  was  referred  to  as  such 
in  the  despatches  on  which  Loiseleur  relied. 

M.  lung,  an  officer  of  the  French  army,  brought 
out  a  new  and  elaborate  study  in  1872.  He  also 
rejected  the  theory  of  Mattioli  with  the  utmost  scorn, 
and  fixed  in  his  stead  on  an  unknown  and  mysterious 
prisoner  brought  to  Pignerol  in  1674  with  great 
secrecy  and  many  precautions,  whose  name  was  never 


RESEARCHES   OF   THE   NINETEENTH   CENTURY      37 

known,  and  whose  existence  is  never  noticed  in  the 
despatches,  unless,  indeed,  he  is  the  masked  prisoner. 
This  prisoner  he  identified  after  the  most  careful  and 
protracted  researches  with  one  Oldendorf,  who  some- 
times used  the  name  of  Marchiel,  the  very  name  under 
which  the  Iron  Mask  was  huried .  He  was  connected 
with  the  '  Empoisonneurs,'  and,  perhaps,  was  the  chief 
among  them ;  was  arrested  at  Peronne  in  March  1673 
and  taken  to  the  Bastille  in  April.  M.  lung  suggested, 
but  could  not  prove,  that  he  was  identical  with  the 
mysterious  prisoner  taken  to  Pignerol  in  March  1674. 
This  hypothesis  has  since  been  proved  untenable,  and 
with  it  the  whole  of  M.  lung's  theory  falls  to  the 
ground.  His  book,  however,  remains  of  the  highest 
value  for  the  documents  which  it  contains,  and  no 
serious  student  of  the  subject  can  afford  to  leave  it 
unread. 

MM.  Burgaud  and  Bazaries,  writing  in  1883,  take 
up  the  theory  of  M.  lung  that  the  solution  is  to  be 
sought  through  the  mysterious  prisoner  of  1674.  They 
have  discovered  the  key  to  the  cypher  used  by 
Louis  XIV.,  and  so  have  proved  that  this  prisoner  was 
not  Oldendorf  or  Marchiel  as  M.  lung  suggested,  but 
a  certain  General  de  Bulonde,  who  was  awarded  this 
punishment  for  his  mistake  or  cowardice  in  raising  the 
siege  of  Cuneo.  They  suggested,  therefore,  that  he 
was  the  real  Man  of  the  Mask.  But  the  publication 
of  the  name  of  de  Bulonde  at  once  brought  out  the 
fact  that  the  general  was  still  alive  two  years  after 
1703,1  and  also  that  he  was  living  at  liberty  in  Paris 
as  early  as  1675.  He  must,  therefore,  have  been  given 
his  freedom  almost  directly,  and  cannot  be  the  masked 
prisoner. 

1  M.  Geoffrey  de  Grandmaison  in  the  Univers,  January  9,  1895. 


38  THE   MAN   OF   THE   MASK 

In  1890  appeared  the  careful  study  of  M.  J.  Lair 
on  Nicolas  Foucquet.  The  identity  of  'the  Man  in 
the  Iron  Mask '  came  naturally  within  his  subject, 
though  only  as  a  side  issue.  Like  all  other  recent 
writers,  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  idea 
that  Mattioli  could  be  the  man,  and  for  the  first  time 
showed  that  the  evidence,  fairly  considered,  could  only 
point  to  '  Eustache  Dauger,'  a  prisoner  who  had  been 
at  one  time  allowed  to  act  as  Foucquet's  valet,  and 
who  came  to  Pignerol  in  1669.  One  after  another  all 
inquirers  had  passed  him  by,  as  having  no  importance 
in  himself,  since  he  was  '  only  a  servant,'  and  as 
obviously  possessed  of  no  real  secret,  since  he  was 
allowed  to  act  as  Foucquet's  valet.  He  had  been 
rejected  by  all  as  offering  too  little  opening  for  any 
romantic  story,  but,  at  the  same  time,  the  evidence  in 
his  favour  is  so  overwhelming  that  one  can  only 
wonder  that  it  should  have  been  left  to  M.  Lair  to  fix 
upon  him  as,  after  all,  the  only  possible  man. 

Mr.  Andrew  Lang  followed  in  1903  with  'The 
Valet's  Tragedy.'  He  accepted  M.  Lair's  conclusions 
and  attempted  to  carry  the  investigation  a  step  further, 
but  went  off  on  a  wrong  track  which  led  nowhere, 
except  so  far  as  it  opened  up  other  interesting  problems 
of  a  fascinating  character.  Mr.  Lang  came  within  an 
ace  of  the  truth  when  he  wrote  in  a  footnote  (p.  28), 
'  One  marvels  that  nobody  has  recognised,  in  the  mask, 
James  Stuart  (James  de  la  Cloche),  eldest  of  the 
children  of  Charles  II.  He  came  to  England  in  1668, 
was  sent  to  Rome,  and  "  disappears  from  history." 
He  was  very  'warm,'  as  they  say  in  the  children's 
game,  when  he  wrote  that  passage,  but  he  failed  to 
follow  up  the  clue  he  had  thus  suggested,  and  left  the 
mystery  unsolved. 


RESEARCHES  OF  THE   NINETEENTH  CENTURY      39 

The  latest  writer  on  the  subject,  M.  Funck- 
Brentano,  has  gone  back  to  the  utterly  discredited 
hypothesis  of  Mattioli.  He  has  brought  no  new 
evidence  of  importance  to  bear,  but  he  makes  up 
in  assertion  for  all  that  is  lacking  in  his  argument. 
He  is,  of 'course,  quite  within  his  right  in  trying  to 
furbish  up  a  case  which  seems  hopelessly  lost,  but 
he  is  not  justified  in  saying  as  he  does,  again  and 
again,  in  articles  in  magazines  and  encyclopaedias  as 
well  as  in  his  book,  that  the  theory  he  is  setting  forward 
— which  as  a  matter  of  fact  has  found  no  advocate  of 
importance  except  himself  for  thirty  years  and  more — 
'  has  been  declared  exact,  with  a  voice  that  is  unani- 
mous, by  the  criticism  of  the  day.'  That  assertion  is 
the  direct  opposite  of  the  truth,  and  is  not  worthy  of 
one  who  is  himself  a  learned  and  painstaking  writer  on 
the  subjects  of  which  he  treats.  If  M.  Funck-Brentano, 
instead  of  trying  always  to  '  make  out  a  case '  for  the 
theory  he  prefers,  had  printed  the  whole  of  the 
evidence  bearing  on  the  question,  neither  his  book  nor 
his  articles  could  ever  have  seen  the  light.  To  write  as 
he  has  done  has  not  merely  contributed  nothing  to  the 
solution  of  the  problem,  but  has  only  made  it  more 
difficult  for  other  and  more  ingenuous  searchers  to  arrive 
at  the  object  of  their  desires. 


40  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 


CHAPTEK  III 

THE  REAL  WEARER  OF  THE  MASK 

ON  the  lower  slopes  of  the  Alps,  some  twenty  miles  to 
the  south-east  of  Turin,  close  to  the  spot  where  the 
river  Po  takes  its  rise,  stands  the  little  town  and 
fortress  of  Pignerol,  or  Pinerolo  as  the  Italians  call  it 
to-day.  This  town  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  an 
important  outpost  of  the  French  power,  and  a  constant 
menace  to  the  peace  of  Italy  from  the  facility  it  gave 
to  Louis  to  mass  his  troops  on  the  southern  side  of  the 
Alpine  barrier,  ready  at  any  moment  to  make  a  descent 
upon  the  plains  of  Lombardy  and  Savoy.  The  f orti- , 
fications,  modified  by  Vauban,  who  came  to  the  place 
for  the  purpose  with  Louvois  in  1670,  included  within 
the  walls  a  town,  a  citadel,  and  a  donjon,  or  keep. 
Access  to  the  town  and  citadel  were  given  by  two  gates, 
the  one  leading  towards  France  by  the  pass  of  the  Val 
Chisone,  the  other  towards  Italy  and  Turin.  There 
was  a  third  gate,  but  not  open  for  public  use,  which 
gave  access  to  the  donjon  only,  without  any  need  of 
passing  through  the  town  or  citadel.  It  was  by  this 
secret  and  mysterious  way — generally  in  the  dead  of 
night — that  prisoners  of  importance  came  to  Pignerol, 
or  were  released  therefrom.  No  one  in  the  town  could 
say  with  accuracy  how  many  prisoners  of  State  the 
donjon  held  at  any  given  moment,  or  even  whether 
any  were  there  at  all. 


THE  REAL   WEARER  OF   THE   MASK  41 

The  town,  citadel,  and  donjon  were  each  under  a 
separate  commander,  supreme  to  some  extent  within 
his  own  command,  and  each  were  garrisoned  by  separate 
bodies  of  troops.  At  the  period  with  which  we  have 
to  do,  from  1669  onward,  the  Marquis  de  Piennes  was 
the  Governor-General,  and  he  was  succeeded  in  1674 
by  the  Marquis  d'Herleville.  With  these  we  have 
but  little  to  do.  It  is  with  the  donjon,  and  it  alone, 
that  we  are  immediately  concerned.  Here  the  com- 
mander was  M.  de  Saint-Mars,  an  ex-mousquetaire, 
and  the  captain  of  a  '  free  company  '  who  formed  the 
guard  of  the  donjon  and  were  under  Saint-Mars'  sole 
command.  There  were  other  troops  in  the  citadel — 
all  French  of  course — but  the  population  both  of  the 
town  and  of  the  surrounding  district  were  Italian  in 
race  and  speech. 

Saint-Mars  was  supreme  in  all  respects  within  the 
donjon,  and  looked  for  his  orders  directly  to  the 
Minister  of  War,  who  was  at  this  time  the  Marquis  de 
Louvois.  His  special  charge  was  the  safe-keeping  of 
the  prisoners  committed  to  his  care,  for  the  donjon 
of  Pignerol  was  one  of  the  places  to  which  State 
prisoners  of  importance  were  often  sent.  He  was  a 
soldier  of  fortune,  not  well  born,  but  self-made ;  a  man 
whose  one  object  in  life  was  to  carry  out  his  master's 
orders,  and  who  was  not  too  particular  or  tender- 
hearted to  carry  them  out  entirely.  He  owed  his 
position  largely  to  the  fact  that  his  wife's  sister  was 
Louvois'  mistress,  and  in  consequence  Louvois  was 
always  ready  to  advance  his  interests  and  to  gloss  over 
any  errors  he  might  commit. 

Saint-Mars  was,  however,  a  man  singularly  suited 
by  temperament  and  training  for  the  work  that  he  was 
set  to  do.  Eenneville,  who  was  in  his  hands  at  the 


42  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

Bastille,  has  left  us  a  very  unsympathetic  portrait  of 
him  in  later  life,  which  may  or  may  not  be  just,  for 
Renneville  is  a  liar  of  the  first  water.  'He  was  a 
little  old  man,  very  thin,  his  head,  hands,  and  all  his 
body  shaking,  and  received  us  very  courteously.  He 
held  out  his  shaking  hand  to  me  and  put  it  into  mine. 
It  was  as  cold  as  ice,  which  made  me  say,  within 
myself,  "  This  is  an  ill-omen ;  death,  or  its  substitute, 
enters  into  alliance  with  me."  He  was  a  very  ugly 
little  man,  and  ill-shaped,  and  look'd  to  be  near  eighty 
years  of  age  when  I  saw  him  first,  bow'd,  shaking,  and 
terribly  hasty,  swearing  and  blaspheming  continually, 
and  to  appearance  always  in  a  passion,  hard-hearted, 
inexorable,  and  cruel  in  the  highest  degree.' 1 

This  charge  of  cruelty  at  least  does  not  seem  to  be 
justified,  for  there  is  no  record  which  bears  it  out. 
Louvois,  on  the  other  hand,  is  more  than  once  sur- 
prised by  his  forbearance.  A  prisoner,  especially  a 
discharged  prisoner,  full  of  venom  against  his  gaolers, 
and  writing  in  a  place  of  safety,  is  hardly  the  best 
evidence  of  the  disposition  of  his  late  superiors. 

The  lower  functionaries  of  the  prison  come  off  even 
worse  than  the  governor  at  Renneville's  hands,  and  of 
some  of  them,  since  they  followed  Saint-Mars'  fortunes 
as  he  moved  from  place  to  place,  and  were,  therefore, 
the  constant  guardians  of  the  '  Iron  Mask,'  it  may  be 
worth  while  to  give  his  description,  though  many 
grains  of  salt  would  seem  to  be  desirable  before  taking 
them  as  literal  truth. 

M.  de  Formanoir,  called  Corbe,  Saint-Mars' 
nephew,  was  one  of  the  lieutenants  of  his  company, 
and  followed  him  from  Sainte-Marguerite  to  the 

1  Kenneville,  The  French  Inquisition,  Amsterdam,  1715.  English 
translation,  p.  52. 


THE   REAL   WEARER  OF  THE   MASK  43 

Bastille.  He  had  not  yet  joined  his  uncle  when  the 
latter  was  at  Pignerol,  but  he  was  an  important 
personage  in  later  years.  '  His  forehead,  which  is 
not  above  an  inch  broad,  looks  like  a  slip  of  burnt 
parchment,  under  which  are  sunk  two  little  eyes,  like 
those  of  a  roasted  pig,  as  black  as  sloes.  He  has  a 
nose  sharp  at  the  end,  the  nostrils  gaping  like  ex- 
tinguishers. He  can  easily  hear  himself  talk,  for  his 
mouth  reaches  to  his  ears ;  his  mouth  takes  up  two- 
thirds  of  his  face ;  his  teeth  are  all  rotten,  being  dyed 
as  black  as  ebony  with  continual  smdftking  of  tobacco. 
When  he  laughs,  he  opens  his  moutn  and  shuts  his 
eyes  after  a  ridiculous  manner.  He  goes  bent  upon  a 
pair  of  trapstick  legs,  crook'd  like  a  beagle's  ;  and  yet  his 
mind  is  more  mishapen  and  distorted  than  his  body.' l 
Lecuyer,  Captain  of  the  Gates  in  after  years  at  the 
Bastille,  was  in  1670  a  soldier  of  the  Free  Company 
and  employed  as  Saint-Mars'  coachman.  *  His 
shoulders  were  thick  and  round,  like  the  bottom  of  a 
kettle-drum,  level  with  his  head,  which  seemed  sunk 
down  between  them.  .  .  .  His  face,  all  in  ups  and 
downs,  and  cross-ways,  like  musick,  look'd  more  like 
that  of  a  lion  turning  about  than  a  man.  His  cheeks 
were  so  puffed  out  that  he  resembled  the  cherub 
sounding  the  trumpet  to  the  Last  Judgment,  bating 
that  it  wanted  much  of  being  so  beautiful.  His  nose 
was  like  the  end  of  a  great  saucidge,  and  all  his 
countenance,  painted  over  with  a  dark  red,  seem'd  to 
be  one  of  the  masks  used  at  the  Opera  when  devils  just 
brought  from  hell  are  brought  upon  the  stage.  His 
whole  shape,  thick,  short,  and  truss,  was  rather  round 
than  square.  He  wore  his  own  hair,  whereof,  not- 
withstanding his  great  age,  not  one  was  yet  grey.  It 

Ibid.  p.  53. 


44  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

is  true  that  had  there  been  any  of  that  colour,  they 
could  not  have  been  distinguished,  they  were  so  steeped 
in  grease ;  besides  that,  there  were  only  a  few  about 
his  ears  and  on  the  back  part  of  his  head,  all  the  rest 
being  as  bare  as  a  man's  knee.' l 

Eosarges,  Major  of  the  Bastille  in  1702,  and 
Antoine  Bu,  who  was  one  of  the  turnkeys,  both  of 
whom  had  been  with  Saint-Mars  for  many  years 
(Bosarges  for  more  than  thirty),  are  described  by 
Eenneville  together.  '  The  five  doors  leading  to  my 
apartment  being  open'd  I  saw  a  monster  come  in, 
follow' d  by  a  satyr,  for  so  the  two  men  that  came  to 
visit  me  may  be  called.  The  first  that  enter'd  had  his 
chops  puff'd  up,  his  forehead  look'd  like  the  bark  of  a 
tree  on  which  the  small  pox  had  carv'd  the  alcoran,  his 
eyes  sunk,  as  if  they  had  been  at  the  bottom  of  two 
boxes  to  throw  dice,  under  two  eyebrows  an  inch 
broad,  were  red  and  frightful ;  his  nose  all  carv'd  and 
turning  up  like  the  foot  of  an  earthen  pot,  loaded  with' 
20  or  30  other  noses  of  all  colours,  look'd  like  a  bursten 
medlar,  over  his  mouth,  whose  blewish  lips,  set  with 
little  rubies  and  pearls,  stuck  out  like  double  wreaths, 
that  is,  the  upper  level  with  his  nose,  and  the  lower 
cover 'd  part  of  his  chin  which  was  cover 'd  with  hair 
blacker  than  jett.  His  short  truss  carcase  could  scarce 
support  itself,  the  great  quantity  of  brandy  he  had 
drank  making  it  totter.  The  satyr  was  in  his  shirt  and 
drawers,  without  any  other  covering  on  his  head  but  a 
thick  clod  of  hair  of  the  colour  of  brass,  standing  up  on 
end,  and  looking  as  if  it  had  not  been  comb'd  in  a  year. 
The  same  sort  of  hair,  of  a  redder  hew,  cover'd  all  his 
face,  up  to  his  very  eyes,  which  were  all  edg'd  round 
with  scarlet,  yet  through  that  hair  it  appear'd  that  his 

1  Renneville,  op.  cit.  p.  54. 


THE  REAL   WEARER  OF  THE   MASK  45 

hollow  cheeks  were  as  full  of  pleats  as  a  set  ruff ;  and 
his  mouth,  sticking  out  like  that  of  a  black,  when  it 
open'd,  discovered  a  yellow  and  uneven  row  of  teeth. 
I  afterwards  understood  that  the  monster's  name  was 
James  Rosarge,  whom  the  Governor  had  constituted 
Major,  and  the  satyr  Anthony  Ru,  who  was  one  of  the 
servants  called  turnkeys  and  was  to  attend  upon  me, 
both  of  them  Provensals ;  worse  I  cannot  name,  King 
Henry  the  Fourth  was  wont  to  say.' 1 

These  enticing  portraits  are,  of  course,  of  a  much 
later  date  than  that  with  which  we  are  at  present  con- 
cerned, and  perhaps  in  1669  they  were  better  looking 
and  more  attractive  than  in  1702,  but  as  no  description 
of  them  at  that  earlier  date  has  come  down  to  us  we 
must  do  our  best  to  reconstruct  their  appearance  from 
these  portraits  of  a  later  date. 

At  Pignerol  Saint-Mars'  principal  subordinates  were 
the  four  lieutenants  of  his  company,  Saint-Martin, 
Blainvilliers  (Saint-Mars'  cousin),  Dufresne  (another 
cousin),  and  Duplessis.  All  of  these  were  promoted  to 
other  posts,  and  none  went  on  with  him  to  Exiles. 

The  donjon  of  Pignerol  consisted  of  three  blocks 
of  buildings  enclosing  a  courtyard  on  three  sides,  the 
fourth  side  being  shut  in  by  a  high  wall.  At  the  ends, 
the  corners,  and  in  the  centre  of  the  middle  building 
were  five  towers,  two  of  which  were  used  as  prisons. 
The  first  tower  was  the  chapel,  with  loggias  in  the 
upper  storey,  which  were  approached  from  Saint-Mars' 
apartments,  and  whence  the  prisoners  could  hear  Mass 
without  seeing  each  other  or  being  visible  from  below. 
The  whole  of  this  wing  was  given  up  to  Saint-Mars, 
while  the  opposite  wing  provided  officers'  quarters  for 
the  lieutenants.  The  central  building,  with  access 

1  Ibid.  p.  30. 


46  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

from  the  courtyard,  was  the  quarters  of  the  Free 
Company,  while  the  southern  tower,  approached  by  a 
staircase  from  below,  belonged  to  M.  de  Kissan,  the 
lieutenant  of  the  citadel,  and  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  donjon  proper. 

Of  the  two  towers  which  were  used  as  prisons,  the 
upper,  at  the  western  angle,  was  the  better  and  more 
cheerful.  Here  were  the  apartments  of  the  two 
prisoners  of  rank  whom  the  donjon  held,  M.  Foucquet, 
formerly  Minister  of  Finance,  and  M.  de  Lauzun,  about 
both  of  whom  we  shall  have  more  to  say  later  on. 
The  other  and  lower  tower,  the  tour  d'en  bas,  was  in 
the  centre  of  the  long  side  of  the  building  and  faced 
towards  the  citadel.  It  was  occupied  for  the  most  part 
by  prisoners  of  lower  rank  and  less  importance,  but 
owing  to  its  position  was  much  the  more  secure  of  the 
two  towers  in  case  any  attempt  at  escape  might  be 
attempted.  Each  tower  had  three  stories,  and  there 
was  as  a  rule  only  one  large  chamber  on  each  stage( 
— though  in  the  lower  floors  of  the  upper  tower 
this  chamber  was  probably  divided  up  into  smaller 
rooms. 

The  regulations  of  this  prison  were  very  rigorous. 
No  communication  was  allowed  without  special  per- 
mission with  either  the  citadel  or  the  town.  The  draw- 
bridge was  always  raised.  A  sentinel  was  continually 
on  guard  at  the  foot  of  each  tower  and  another  one 
outside.  Saint-Mars  from  his  apartment,  and  his 
lieutenants  from  their  quarters,  could  alike  command  a 
view  of  the  towers,  and  see  that  no  breach  of  discipline 
took  place  at  any  time.  The  separation  from  the 
outside  world  was  as  definite  as  could  be  arranged. 

Such  was  the  donjon  of  Pignerol  and  its  per- 
sonnel when,  in  July  1669,  Saint-Mars  received  a 


THE  KEAL   WEARER  OF   THE   MASK  47 

notice  from  Louvois,  the  Minister  to  whom  he  was 
responsible,  bidding  him  prepare  at  once  to  receive 
another  prisoner  of  State.  This  was  a  man  of  no  great 
importance  apparently,  so  far  as  worldly  position  was 
concerned,  but  one  whom  it  was  necessary  for  the 
king's  service  to  guard  with  all  the  precautions  that 
could  possibly  be  devised.  He  was  to  come  from 
Dunkirk,  a  place  as  far  distant  from  Pignerol  as  any 
place  in  France  could  possibly  be,  and  so  the  journey 
would  naturally  take  some  time.  He  would  be  brought 
by  the  Sieur  de  Vauroy,  the  king's  lieutenant  at  Dun- 
kirk. There  was  no  crime  alleged  against  him,  nor 
was  it  said  of  him,  as  often  in  similar  cases,  that  he  was 
a  rascal  whom  the  king  desired  to  punish.  The 
principal  thing  that  was  impressed  upon  Saint-Mars 
about  him  was  that  he  must  on  no  account  whatever 
be  given  an  opportunity  of  telling  what  he  knew — ses 
nouvelles — to  any  living  soul,  not  even  to  Saint-Mars 
himself.  A  prison  was  therefore  to  be  prepared  for  him 
where  he  would  have  no  opportunity  for  communicating 
with  anyone  in  any  way.  It  must  have  no  windows 
out  of  which  he  could  look  so  as  to  make  signals  to 
those  without.  In  like  manner,  it  must  be  shut  off  by 
thick  doors  lest  any  sound  of  voice  should  pass  out 
from  within.  No  one  must  see  him  but  Saint-Mars, 
who  must  be  in  attendance  daily  to  carry  him  his  food 
with  his  own  hands.  Even  with  Saint-Mars  himself 
his  intercourse  must  be  strictly  limited.  He  may  talk, 
but  it  may  only  be  about  his  own  needs.  If  he  should 
attempt  at  any  time  to  tell  Saint-Mars  or  anyone  else 
'that  on  which  he  was  employed  before  he  came  to 
Pignerol,'  he  is  to  be  told  that  it  will  cost  him  his  life. 
Saint-Mars  is  to  provide  furniture  as  may  be  necessary, 
but  no  great  outlay  will  be  required,  for  he  is  only  a 


I  * 

• 


48  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

servant — not  a  great  personage.  His  name  is  not  given, 
though  at  a  later  date  he  was  called  'Eustache 
Danger.' 

A  very  slight  acquaintance  with  the  police  arrange- 
ments of  the  seventeenth  century  in  France  is  enough 
to  assure  us  of  one  point.  Whatever  the  man's  real 
name  may  have  been,  we  may  be  quite  sure  it  had  no 
resemblance  to  Eustache  Dauger.  Quite  insignificant 
prisoners  were  given  '  prison  names,'  and  always  spoken 
of  by  these  in  the  official  correspondence.  In  the  case 
of  a  prisoner  so  mysterious  and  important  as  this  one, 
who  has  been  brought  right  across  the  whole  country 
of  France  to  the  prison  that  has  been  chosen  for  him, 
Louvois  will  not  have  risked  the  solution  of  the  mystery 
by  giving  his  real  name.  '  Eustache  Dauger '  is  a 
name  by  which  he  was  called — the  name  by  which 
Saint-Mars  will  know  him  later  on.  But  we  may  be 
quite  sure  it  was  not  the  name  by  which  he  was  known 
in  the  world  in  which  he  lived  before,  and  it  is  almost 
equally  improbable  that  he  had  really  been  a  servant. 
His  track,  wre  may  be  sure,  was  covered  up  in  every 
possible  way,  and  no  clue  will  have  been  given  in  the 
official  correspondence.  The  statement  that  he  has 
been  a  servant  means  only  that  he  is  not  to  be  treated 
as  a  man  of  quality,  and  at  the  same  time  suggests  a 
plausible  reason  for  his  incarceration.  A  confidential 
servant  often  learns  more  of  his  master's  secrets  than 
is  consistent  with  the  safety  either  of  his  master  or, 
perhaps,  of  his  master's  friends. 

By  August  21  the  prisoner  has  arrived.  His  real 
prison  is  not  yet  finished,  but  he  has  been  shut  up  '  in 
a  very  sure  place '  and  has  been  cautioned  by  Saint- 
Mars  in  the  presence  of  M.  de  Vauroy  that  if  ever 
he  attempts  to  speak  on  any  subject  except  his  own 


THE  HEAL  WEARER  OF  THE   MASK  49 

necessities,  he  will  promptly  be  run  through  by  Saint- 
Mars'  sword. 

The  great  precautions  which  were  being  taken, 
including  the  alterations  which  were  being  made  to 
render  yet  more  secure  a  prison  which  had  always 
hitherto  been  thought  sufficiently  guarded,  caused 
people  to  talk  and  to  wonder  who  this  new  prisoner 
could  be.  Greater  care,  by  far,  was  being  taken  for 
his  safety  than  had  ever  been  thought  necessary  for 
Foucquet  or  afterwards  would  be  for  Lauzun.  People 
came  to  Saint-Mars  and  worried  him  with  questions, 
asking  whether  it  was  a  Marshal  of  France  that  was 
now  shut  up,  and  all  sorts  of  other  surmises,  until 
Saint- Mars  writes  to  Louvois  to  say  that  in  self-defence 
he  has  been  obliged  to  invent  *  fairy  tales'  (contes 
jaunes)  to  tell  them  and  to  satisfy  their  curiosity.  The 
prisoner  had  asked  for  a  book  of  prayers,  which  shows 
that  he  had  some  education,  and  leave  is  given  by 
Louvois  to  give  him  this  and  any  other  books  he 
desires.  He  is  not  treated  badly,  not  put  in  la  prison 
dure,  as  Louvois'  custom  generally  was  with  new 
comers,  to  break  their  spirit  or  to  extract  confessions, 
only  he  is  condemned,  lest  he  should  tell  his  secret,  to 
the  most  absolutely  solitary  confinement,  never  setting 
eyes  on  any  living  creature  except  Saint-Mars,  and 
seeing  him  only  once  in  every  day. 

Great  as  was  the  confidence  which  Louvois  gene- 
rally reposed  in  Saint-Mars,  it  was  not  so  great  as  to 
prevent  his  keeping  up  a  service  of  spies  to  report  upon 
what  went  on  and  to  keep  him  advised  of  everything 
that  happened.  In  March  1670,  when  the  new 
prisoner  had  been  at  Pignerol  about  six  months,  he 
writes  to  say  that  Saint-Mars'  vigilance  has  been 
ineffective.  One  of  the  servants  of  M.  Foucquet  has 

E 


50  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

spoken  to  the  man  of  mystery,  and  has  asked  him 
whether  he  had  not  something  of  importance  to  com- 
municate. True,  he  obtained  no  answer,  the  prisoner 
only  telling  him  to  go  away  and  leave  him  in  peace, 
but  that,  no  doubt,  so  Louvois  thought,  was  because 
he  believed  the  man  to  be  one  of  Saint-Mars'  agents, 
and  the  same  might  not  happen  the  next  time.  Saint- 
Mars  must  take  more  precautions — for  it  is  of  real 
importance  to  the  king  that  this  prisoner  should  have 
no  possibility  of  communicating  in  any  way  with  the 
outside  world.  The  poor  man  had  probably  every 
reason  to  wish  that  Foucquet's  valet  had  left  him 
alone.  Saint-Mars  was  not  the  man  to  allow  his 
prospects  to  be  endangered  by  any  similar  occurrence 
in  the  future,  and  the  precautions,  which  already 
seemed  so  excessive,  were,  no  doubt,  redoubled. 

The  prisoner  had,  however,  so  far  as  we  can  judge, 
no  desire  whatever  to  make  his  secret  known,  and  does 
not  seem  at  any  time  throughout  his  long  captivity 
to  have  attempted  to  reveal  anything.  The  months 
passed  away  quite  uneventfully  so  far  as  he  was  con- 
cerned, though  Lauzun,  in  the  other  tower,  was  keeping 
Saint-Mars  always  in  a  fever  of  apprehension.  At  last 
Saint-Mars  came  to  realise  that  all  these  precautions 
were  rather  needless.  '  The  prisoner  who  was  brought 
by  M.  de  Vauroy,'  he  wrote  to  Louvois  in  1673,  when 
'  Dauger  '  had  been  in  prison  for  four  years  and  a  half, 
'  says  nothing  and  lives  content,  like  a  man  altogether 
resigned  to  do  the  will  of  God  and  the  King.'  The 
long  solitary  confinement  was,  however,  telling  upon 
his  health,  and  Saint-Mars,  who  already  seems  to  have 
begun  to  form  the  attachment  for  his  prisoner  which 
becomes  more  marked  later  on,  would  have  been  glad 
to  allow  him  some  kind  of  companionship.  The  want 


THE  EEAL  WEARER  OF  THE  MASK     51 

of  it,  as  Saint-Mars  had  good  reason  to  know,  often 
resulted  in  driving  men  mad. 

Nothing  at  this  period  was  causing  the  governor 
more  anxiety  than  the  provision  of  proper  servants  for 
his  two  prisoners  of  rank.  Many  men,  naturally 
enough,  objected  to  being  shut  up  in  prison  when  they 
had  committed  no  crime,  merely  in  order  that  they 
might  wait  upon  their  betters.  Saint-Mars  had  bribed 
some  of  them  to  watch  their  masters  and  to  bring  him 
word  of  all  their  doings.  Even  so,  they  had  played 
him  false,  he  had  found  none  of  them  trustworthy  from 
his  point  of  view,  and  they  had  persisted  in  remaining 
faithful  to  their  masters  and  even  in  acting  as  go- 
betweens,  so  far  as  that  was  possible  under  Saint-Mars' 
system,  between  them  and  the  outside  world. 

The  prisoners  themselves  again,  especially  Lauzun, 
gave  their  gaoler  a  world  of  anxiety ;  he  never  knew 
what  might  be  attempted,  but  the  valets  were  an 
almost  greater  trouble  to  him.  Since  they  would  not 
play  the  spy  satisfactorily  he  had  to  do  it  himself.  He 
had  holes  bored  above  all  the  doors  of  their  masters' 
apartments  so  that  he  could  look  in  at  any  moment 
without  the  occupants  being  aware.  There  was  a  pear- 
tree,  too,  close  to  the  windows  of  Lauzun,  whose  foliage 
was  thick  and  luxuriant.  Up  that  tree  the  governor 
would  climb,  hiding  himself  behind  the  leaves  and 
peering  out  through  their  interstices  into  the  chamber 
which  Lauzun  occupied.  While  the  summer  lasted  he 
was  happy.  Nothing  could  go  on  in  that  chamber 
without  his  knowledge.  But  autumn  came  on  and  the 
leaves  fell,  and  this  post  of  vantage  was  now  impos- 
sible.1 

1  See  the  correspondence  on  this  point  with  Louvois  in  Delort, 
Histoire  de  la  Detention  des  Philosophes,  p.  43. 

E2 


52  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Saint-Mars  was  in  despair.  There  was  no  one  to 
fall  back  upon  except  the  valets  who  had  so  often 
played  him  false,  and  perhaps,  happy  thought,  the 
confessors  of  his  prisoners.  These  could  not,  of  course, 
divulge  what  they  had  learned  in  confession,  but  they 
could  talk  to  their  penitents  out  of  confession  and  then 
come  and  tell  Saint-Mars  what  they  had  learned.  One 
such  pliant  priest  he  actually  found,  un  homme  de 
bien,  as  he  wrote  to  Louvois,  but  Lauzun  was  not 
easy  to  manage  even  in  this  respect.  He  would  have 
none  of  the  confessors  the  governor  wanted,  and  would 
be  satisfied  only  with  a  Capuchin,  and  when  the 
Capuchin  was  given  him  pulled  his  beard  smartly  to 
make  sure  he  was  real  and  not  another  priest  made  up 
for  the  part.1 

All  these  difficulties  made  Saint-Mars  wonder  whether 
he  could  not  kill  two  birds  with  one  stone  by  using 
the  mysterious  prisoner,  whom  Louvois  it  will  be  re- 
membered had  described  as  a  servant,  to  attend  on  one 
or  other  of  his  more  exalted  charges.  There  is  no 
suggestion  that  he  would  have  been  willing  to  act  as 
spy,  but  he  would  save  the  necessity  of  finding  suitable 
men  from  outside,  and  he  would  at  the  same  time 
himself  be  in  a  captivity  far  less  monotonous  and  diffi- 
cult to  bear,  and  far  more  beneficial  to  his  health  than 
that  which  he  was  then  undergoing. 

Saint-Mars,  accordingly,  made  the  proposition  to 
Louvois  in  1672  that  he  should  be  thus  employed  as 
Lauzun's  valet.  *  He  would  make,  it  seems  to  me/  he 
wrote,  '  a  very  good  valet.  I  don't  think  he  would  tell 
M.  de  Lauzun  whence  he  comes,  after  what  I  have 
said  to  him,  and  I  am  sure  that  he  would  not  tell  him 
any  news.  He  would  not  ever  ask  to  go  out  of  the 

1  Saint  Simon,  Mdmoires,  xiii.  p.  73. 


THE  EEAL   WEAREK  OF   THE   MASK  53 

prison  for  all  his  life,  as  all  the  others  do.'  This  request 
Louvois  refused.  Lauzun  was  not  a  person  whom 
1  Dauger '  could  be  allowed  to  speak  to.  But  in  1675 
when  Saint-Mars  renewed  his  petition,  this  time  with 
regard  to  Foucquet  instead  of  Lauzun,  it  was  granted, 
although  rather  grudgingly.  In  case  of  necessity  and. 
not  otherwise,  '  Dauger '  might  be  put  as  one  of 
Foucquet 's  valets.  But  the  greatest  care  must  be  taken 
that  he  sees  Foucquet  only,  and  no  one  else  whatever. 
Lauzun  in  particular  he  must  never  meet,  nor  must  he 
have  any  opportunity  of  speaking  to  any  other  person. 
Foucquet,  apparently,  might  be  trusted  with  Dauger's 
secret.  Perhaps  he  knew  something  of  it  already,  at 
any  rate,  as  an  ex-Minister  of  the  Crown,  he  knew  so 
many  political  secrets  of  importance,  that  he  might 
well  be  trusted  with  just  one  more. 

It  looks  as  if,  for  the  moment  at  any  rate,  the 
secret  which  '  Dauger '  held — '  the  business  on  which 
he  had  been  employed  before  he  came  to  Pignerol  '— 
had  lost  its  importance  to  some  degree  in  the  six  years 
that  had  passed.  Not  even  Foucquet,  we  may  suppose, 
would  have  been  allowed  to  learn  that  secret  when 
*  Dauger '  first  came  to  Pignerol  in  1669.  It  may  be 
of  some  use  for  us  to  remember,  when  later  on  we 
come  to  discuss  the  question  what  that  secret  was, 
that  in  1675  it  had  apparently  lost  some  part  of  its 
value,  though  it  seems  to  have  regained  it  all  a  few 
years  later.  It  was  a  good  thing  in  any  case  for  poor 
'  Eustache,'  for  the  change  of  scene  and  steady  work 
in  Foucquet's  rooms,  even  if  not  altogether  congenial, 
must  have  come  as  a  great  relief  after  the  weary  days 
and  awful  solitude  of  the  tour  d'en  bas.  He  had  a 
fellow-servant,  de  la  Kiviere,  to  keep  him  company; 
had  a  man  of  parts  who  had  held  a  great  position  in 


54  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

the  world  on  whom  to  wait,  with  whom,  no  doubt, 
if  he  was,  as  he  seems  to  have  been,  a  man  of  intelli- 
gence and  education,  he  would  be  allowed  a  certain 
intercourse ;  had  light  rooms  to  live  in  instead  of  a 
dreary  dungeon ;  and  as  much  good  food  as  he  desired 
from  what  was  left  over  from  Foucquet's  table.  His 
lot,  even  now,  was  hardly  cheerful,  but  it  was  far 
better  than  of  old,  and  by  no  means  insupportable. 
But,  now  that  he  has  entered  upon  this  new  life,  we 
will  keep  his  companions  and  what  we  can  learn  of  the 
details  of  his  daily  routine  for  the  next  chapter. 


CHAPTEE  IV 

FOUCQUET   AND   LAUZUN 

THEEE  is  no  more  striking  contrast  offered  by  the 
history  of  France  in  the  seventeenth  century — scarcely, 
perhaps,  by  the  history  of  any  country  at  any  period — 
than  that  which  is  presented  by  the  downfall  and 
disgrace  of  Foucquet,  the  great  Minister  of  Finance 
under  Mazarin  and  Anne  of  Austria. 

Foucquet  was  born  in  Paris  in  1615,  the  son  of  a 
French  nobleman,  who  had  been  high  in  the  confidence 
of  Richelieu.  It  was  only  natural,  under  these  circum- 
stances, that  he  should  have  been  educated  for  an 
official  career,  and  after  holding  many  minor  posts,  he 
was  called  to  Paris  in  1648  as  intendant  for  the 
municipality,  a  post  which  brought  him  into  contact 
with  the  political  leaders  of  the  day.  His  financial 
ability  attracted  the  notice  of  Mazarin,  and  through 
the  influence  of  this  patron  he  was,  in  1650,  given  the 
important  post  of  Procureur- General  to  the  Parlement. 
To  this  was  added  three  years  later  the  yet  higher 
office  of  Surintendant  des  Finances,  at  first  with  a 
colleague,  Cellier,  but  after  1659  alone. 

In  that  office,  the  most  important  in  many  ways 
that  France  could  offer,  he  set  himself  to  reorganise 
the  finances,  which  were  just  then  in  bad  order,  owing 
to  the  long  wars  and  the  maladministration  of  the 


56  THE   MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

previous  period.  In  this  work  he  succeeded  marvel- 
lously, and  France  grew  rich  again  under  his  care. 
At  the  same  time,  however,  Foucquet  took  care  that, 
while  he  improved  the  finances  of  his  country,  his  own 
private  finances  should  not  suffer,  and  no  small  portion 
of  the  general  revenue  was  diverted  into  his  own 
coffers — so  that  he  became  with  great  rapidity  one  of 
the  richest  and  most  powerful  men  in  all  France.  He 
stood  at  the  height  of  his  glory  when  Mazarin  died  in 
1661,  and  the  way  seemed  then  to  stand  open  for  him 
to  wield  all  the  power  that  Mazarin  and  Richelieu  had 
held  before,  and  to  be  all,  and  more  than  all,  than  they 
had  been  to  France.  The  young  king,  Louis  XIV., 
was  at  this  time  aged  twenty-three,  and  so  far  had 
shown  little  interest  in  the  affairs  of  State.  Foucquet 
was  by  far  the  most  brilliant  figure  at  the  Court.  He 
held  the  finances  in  his  hand,  and  from  them  could  draw 
all  that  he  needed  for  his  own  purposes.  He  promised 
himself  that  he  would  rule  the  king  as  well  as  his 
kingdom,  and  would  become  Chancellor  in  Mazarin's 
place.  For  this,  indeed,  he  had  long  been  preparing. 
He  held  one  of  the  strong  places  of  France,  the 
fortress  of  Belle  Isle,  under  his  own  power;  he  dis- 
posed, in  person  or  through  his  relations,  of  Calais 
and  of  Amiens,  of  Havre,  of  Guingamp  and  Mont 
St.  Michel,  and  many  other  towns  besides.  Through 
the  Marquis  de  Gesvres  he  had  influence  over  the  royal 
guards ;  through  Crequi  he  was  supreme  over  the 
fleets  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  through  Admiral  de 
Neuchese  over  those  of  the  Atlantic.  Brittany  was 
almost  his  own  kingdom,  so  great  was  his  influence 
there ;  and  his  houses  at  Vaux  and  Saint-Mande  were 
more  magnificent  than  any  that  the  king  possessed. 
After  his  arrest  plans  were  found  in  his  handwriting 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  57 

which  laid  down  the  lines  for  a  veritable  civil  war  in 
case  his  ambition  could  not  be  gratified  in  any  other 
way,  and  in  case  of  failure  he  had  provided  as  a  last 
resource  and  place  of  refuge  the  Island  of  Santa  Lucia 
in  the  West  Indies  of  America. 

But  Foucquet  had  left  just  one  point  out  of  con- 
sideration, and  that  was  the  character  of  the  king. 
From  the  day  that  Mazarin  died  that  character  was 
seen  to  have  undergone  a  change.  The  young  king, 
hitherto  devoted  only  to  pleasure  and  to  the  chase, 
gave  it  out  at  the  Council  of  State  that  henceforth 
he  would  be  king  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name,  and  that 
he  meant  to  be  his  own  Prime  Minister.  The  Court, 
even  his  own  mother,  laughed  incredulously,  but  they 
soon  saw  that  the  king  meant  to  keep  his  word.  Five 
hours  a  day  with  the  utmost  regularity,  a  regularity 
with  which  nothing  was  allowed  to  interfere,  were 
devoted  to  the  business  of  the  State,  and  Louis,  by  his 
attention  to  detail,  soon  knew,  as  well  as  any,  all  that 
was  going  on.  Either  Foucquet  must  moderate  his 
ambition  and  restrict  his  peculations  from  the  public 
purse,  or  else  it  was  clear  to  Louis'  mind  that  there 
was  no  room  for  both  of  them  at  once  in  France. 
He  was  definitely  anxious  to  retain  Foucquet,  and 
Foucquet's  genius  in  his  service,  if  only  Foucquet 
would  be  content  to  be  his  servant,  but  that  was  just 
what  Foucquet  could  never  bring  himself  to  be. 
Warnings  were  given  to  him,  but  they  passed 
unheeded,  and  the  inevitable  catastrophe  rapidly 
approached.  The  old  falsifications  of  the  accounts 
still  continued,  public  money  flowed  just  as  before  into 
Foucquet's  purse,  and  day  by  day,  as  they  were  made, 
these  defalcations  were  discovered  by  Colbert,  and  duly 
explained  to  the  king  himself. 


58  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

The  blow  fell  in  September  of  that  same  year,  1661, 
rendered  possible  by  Foucquet's  own  folly.  As  Pro- 
cureur  of  the  Parlement  he  enjoyed  the  privilege  of 
immunity  from  arrest,  and  Louis  could  not  easily 
attack  him.  But  just  at  this  juncture,  instigated 
thereto  by  the  king  himself,  Foucquet  stripped  himself 
of  this  protection.  He  sold  the  office  to  M.  d'Harlay 
for  the  sum  of  1,400,000  francs.  '  Tout  va  bien,'  cried 
Louis  exultingly  when  he  heard  the  news ;  '  il  s'enferre 
de  lui-meme.'  Without  the  protection  of  the  Parle- 
ment he  was  at  the  king's  mercy,  and  with  no  great 
delay  he  was  arrested  at  Nantes  in  the  Place  de  la 
Cath6drale,  September  5,  the  king  having  gone  thither 
with  his  Ministers  to  meet  the  Estates  of  Brittany. 

The  trial  of  Foucquet  for  maladministration  and  cor- 
ruption was  the  cause  celebre  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
Louis  was  determined  to  obtain  a  conviction  at  any 
cost,  for  he  felt  he  was  not  really  king  so  long  as 
Foucquet  remained  at  large  and  in  possession  of  his , 
power  and  influence.  But  he  found  it  by  no  means  an 
easy  undertaking  to  get  his  will,  even  now  that  he  had 
secured  the  prisoner's  arrest.  A  special  court  was 
formed  to  try  him,  and  for  three  years  the  process 
dragged  its  weary  length  along.  He  was  accused  of 
treason  and  preparing  civil  war,  as  well  as  of  mal- 
administration. The  latter  charge  was  easily  esta- 
blished, the  former  was  in  the  main  untrue  and  even 
absurd.  Every  effort  was  made,  however,  on  the  part 
of  the  king  to  get  each  alike  accepted,  and  Louis  made 
no  secret  that  he  desired  a  sentence  of  death.  The 
king's  efforts  failed.  Justice  had  not  fallen  so  low 
in  France  in  the  seventeenth  century  as  it  had  in 
England,  and  not  even  Louis'  influence  could  secure  a 
condemnation  which  his  judges  held  unjust.  Foucquet 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  59 

was  found  guilty,  but  not  on  the  graver  charge,  only 
on  that  of  malversation  of  finance.  Even  so,  nine  of 
his  judges  voted  for  the  death  penalty,  but  the  majority 
were  more  merciful.  After  all,  on  this  point  of  enrich- 
ing himself  and  his  family  out  of  public  funds,  what 
Minister's  hands  in  that  century  were  wholly  clean  ? 
They  condemned  him  to  perpetual  banishment,  and 
confiscated  all  his  goods  for  the  service  of  the  king. 

Louis  himself  it  was  who  added  to  the  punishment 
they  had  inflicted.  '  Had  they  condemned  him  to 
death,'  he  said  to  Mademoiselle  de  la  Valliere,  '  I  should 
have  let  him  die/  He  could  not  do  that,  but  at  least 
he  could  secure  the  silence  of  death  in  another  way. 
'  Since  it  would  not  be  safe,'  he  said,  '  to  let  Foucquet 
go  out  of  the  kingdom,  seeing  the  great  knowledge  he 
possessed  of  most  important  State  affairs,'  he  com- 
muted the  sentence  of  banishment  inflicted  by  the 
Court  into  one  of  perpetual  imprisonment.  Foucquet's 
life  was  left  to  him  indeed,  but  that  was  all. 

Pignerol  was  named  as  the  place  of  his  confinement, 
the  most  outlying  and  distant  fortress  in  all  France, 
and  thither  he  was  taken  at  once,  in  the  depth  of  winter 
though  it  was.  When,  on  January  16,  1665,  the 
fortress  was  reached  at  last,  he  entered  it,  never  again 
to  come  forth  from  prison  until  his  death  in  1680. 
Saint-Mars,  who  was  to  be  his  gaoler  to  the  end,  had 
himself  taken  possession  only  a  month  before,  for  the 
express  purpose  of  receiving  his  illustrious,  and  at  this 
time  his  only,  captive. 

For  some  years  the  imprisonment  of  Foucquet  was 
exceedingly  rigorous.1  No  communication  was  allowed 

1  See  the  correspondence  between  Louvois  and  Saint-Mars,  printed 
in  Delort,  Detention  des  philosoplws ;  also  Kavaisson,  Archives  de  la 
Bastille,  vol.  iii. 


60  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

to  take  place  between  the  prisoner  and  any  person 
whatsoever.  He  was  never  allowed  to  see  any  visitor, 
nor  ever  to  leave  his  rooms,  even  merely  for  the  sake  of 
exercise.  No  ink  was  allowed  him,  no  pens,  no  paper. 
As  to  books,  he  might  have  one  at  a  time,  but  it  was 
carefully  inspected  before  and  after,  lest  any  communica- 
tion should  be  thus  permitted.  For  service  he  was 
allowed  a  valet,  always  under  the  condition  that  this 
valet  shared  his  captivity  and  was  allowed  no  greater 
liberty  than  himself,  and  no  greater  privilege  of  any 
kind,  except  that  they  paid  him  600  francs  a  year  by 
way  of  wage. 

The  first  months  passed  away  without  much 
to  notice.  Only  Saint-Mars  was  disquieted  about 
Foucquet's  confessor.  There  was  the  one  inevitable 
breach  in  the  otherwise  impenetrable  wall  of  secrecy. 
Not  even  Louis  himself  could  venture  to  refuse  this 
spiritual  comfort  to  the  meanest  of  his  prisoners.  True, 
he  could  choose  the  confessor,  and  could  restrict  the 
frequency  of  his  coming,  but  there  his  power  ended. 
Once  in  the  year  at  least,  during  the  Paschal  season, 
by  the  laws  of  the  Church  which  bound  king  and 
prisoner  alike,  the  opportunity  must  be  given  to  every 
one  for  confession  and  communion.  The  clemency  of 
Louis  allowed  Foucquet  to  confess  four  times  a  year. 
His  confessor  was  the  tutor  to  the  Commissary  of  War, 
M.  Damorezan,  who  was  placed  there  by  Louvois  to 
act  as  spy  upon  Saint-Mars,  and  make  to  him  an 
independent  report  of  all  that  went  on  in  Pignerol. 

Six  months  after  his  arrival  something  occurred  to 
break  the  monotony  of  Foucquet's  life,  but  scarcely  in 
an  agreeable  manner.  In  the  middle  of  June,  in  the 
•course  of  a  great  thunderstorm,  the  citadel  was  struck 
and  the  powder  magazine  exploded.  Part  of  the 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  61 

donjon  itself  was  destroyed  by  the  explosion,  and  many 
of  the  soldiers  were  buried  under  the  debris.  The 
walls  of  Foucquet's  chamber  were  thrown  down,  and 
Saint -Mars  feared  that  his  prisoner  must  have  lost  his 
life.  They  found  him,  however,  safe  and  sound,  in  the 
embrasure  of  a  window,  not  having  sustained  even  so 
much  as  a  bruise.  In  consequence  of  the  damage  that  had 
been  done,  and  while  the  work  of  reparation  was  being 
completed,  he  was  moved  to  the  neighbouring  fortress 
of  Perouse,  and  did  not  come  back  to  Pignerol  for  nearly 
a  year,  when  all  was  once  more  ready  to  receive  him. 

The  closeness  of  his  confinement  wearied  him  to 
death,  and  he  set  himself  with  much  ingenuity  to  over- 
come his  dulness.  With  soot  dissolved  in  wine  he 
made  some  ink,  and  a  feather  from  a  chicken  at  his 
dinner  provided  him  with  a  pen.  With  these  he  wrote 
upon  a  handkerchief  and  hid  it  at  the  back  of  his 
chair.  He  even  made  some  other  ink  that  only 
appeared  on  being  warmed,  and  covered  with  writing 
the  margins  of  his  books.  But  the  vigilance  of  Saint- 
Mars  soon  discovered  what  he  was  doing.  Handkerchief 
and  books  alike  were  sent  for  the  king's  inspection, 
and  still  greater  precautions  were  employed  for  the 
future.  Ribbons  and  tapes,  formerly  white,  were 
henceforth  always  black,  as  was  also  the  lining  of  his 
clothes.  For  the  present  any  further  attempt  at 
writing  became  impossible. 

In  1670  there  was  an  attempt  to  rescue  Foucquet, 
made  by  his  old  and  faithful  servant  Laforet,  aided  by 
a  man  of  the  name  of  Honneste.  They  were  well 
supplied  with  money,  and  had  succeeded  in  winning 
over  some  of  the  soldiers  who  were  employed  as 
sentinels.  Then,  somehow  or  other,  the  affair  came  to 
the  ears  of  Saint-Mars.  Honneste  and  Laforet  had 


62  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

already  fled  to  Turin,  but  they  were  arrested  there  at 
Saint-Mars'  instance  and  sent  back  to  Pignerol.  A 
court-martial  was  held  and  acted  on  the  spot.  Laforet 
was  condemned  and  hanged — faithful  to  his  master 
even  unto  death.  Honneste  was  retained  in  captivity, 
and  seemingly  not  treated  with  great  severity.  Could 
it  have  been  by  his  means  that  the  plot  had  been  found 
out? 

Foucquet,  broken  by  misfortune  and  his  long 
captivity,  became  henceforward  more  tractable.  The 
anxieties  of  his  gaoler  on  his  behalf  were  sensibly 
lessened.  But  now  there  came  to  Pignerol,  to  add  to 
Saint- Mars'  troubles,  another  distinguished  prisoner  by 
far  less  amenable  than  the  first.  This  was  the  Comte 
de  Lauzun,  the  lover  of  la  grande  Mademoiselle,  sent 
to  Pignerol  among  other  offences  as  a  punishment  for 
thus  raising  his  eyes  above  the  level  to  which  his  rank 
entitled  him.  'I  used  to  think,'  writes  poor  Saint- 
Mars  to  Louvois  in  July  1672,  '  that  M.  Foucquet  was 
one  of  the  most  wicked  prisoners  a  man  could  have, 
but  now  that  M.  de  Lauzun  has  arrived,  I  see  that  by 
comparison  he  is  indeed  a  lamb.' 

The  Due  de  Lauzun  was  one  of  the  most  singular 
characters  in  the  Court  of  Louis  XIV.,  a  standing 
illustration,  as  has  been  remarked,  of  the  truth  that 
fact  is  stranger  than  fiction.  '  It  is  not  lawful  even  to 
dream,'  writes  la  Bruyere  about  him,  '  as  this  man 
lived.'  He  was  the  younger  son  of  a  noble  Gascon 
family,  and  came  to  Court  in  1647,  when  he  was 
fourteen  years  of  age,  *  unburdened  with  money  or 
scruples,  and  determined  to  push  his  way  to  the 
front.' 

At  the  Court  he  was  placed  in  the  charge  of  his 
cousin  the  Marechal  de  Grammont,  and  in  his  service 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  63 

received  such  education  as  a  young  nobleman  of 
those  days  ordinarily  had — that  is  to  say,  he  learned 
to  fence,  to  ride,  to  dance,  and  to  make  pretty  speeches 
to  a  lady.1  He  does  not  seem  to  have  been  handsome, 
if  at  least  we  may  judge  from  the  description  which 
has  been  left  us  by  one  who  was  madly  in  love  with 
him,  and  therefore  would  be  more  likely  to  flatter 
him  than  the  reverse.  'He  is  a  small  man,'  wrote 
Mademoiselle,  '  but  nobody  can  deny  that  he  has  a 
most  pleasing  and  upright  figure.  His  legs  are  well 
shaped ;  his  hair  is  scanty,  fair  but  tinged  with  grey, 
badly  brushed  and  often  greasy ;  he  has  fine  blue  eyes, 
which  are  often  bloodshot ;  a  distinguished  air  and  a 
pleasing  expression.  His  smile  is  charming.  The  tip 
of  his  nose  is  pointed  and  red.  .  .  .  He  is  very  slovenly 
in  his  dress ;  when  he  takes  pains  he  looks  very  well. 
There  is  the  man  ! ' 2 

His  character  fitted  well  with  his  face  and  appear- 
ance ;  he  was  sharp  as  a  needle,  but  wanting  in  self- 
control  ;  a  great  favourite  with  women,  but  disliked  by 
the  men ;  and,  though  essentially  ignorant,  a  good 
talker  and  of  a  ready  wit.  In  many  ways  he  was  a 
poseur ,  and  laid  himself  out  to  produce  an  effect  upon 
his  hearers.  *  He  would  sometimes  array  himself  in  a 
dressing-gown  with  his  mantle  thrown  over  it ;  a  full- 
bottomed  wig  and  a  nightcap  on  the  top,  and  a  plumed 
hat  to  crown  it  all ;  and  in  this  guise  he  would  walk 
up  and  down  his  rooms  to  see  if  any  of  the  servants 
dared  to  laugh  at  him,  and  woe  to  the  knave  who 
even  smiled ! ' 

1  For    the  whole    of  this   description  of   Lauzun  and   'la   grande 
Mademoiselle '  I  arn  much  indebted  to  Mr.  G.  F.  Bradley,  The  Great 
Days  of  Versailles. 

2  Memoires  de  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier. 


64  THE  MAN  OF   THE   MASK 

To  the  general  rule  that  he  was  no  favourite  with 
the  men,  one  great  exception  must  be  made.  By  con- 
stant abject  flattery  he  gained  the  king,  and  became 
the  one  and  only  favourite  that  Louis  ever  had.  At 
twenty-four  he  commanded  a  regiment,  at  thirty-six  he 
was  promised  the  important  post  of  grand  maitre  de 
Vartillerie,  but  lost  it  by  his  own  imprudence  in  talking 
of  the  honour  that  was  coming  to  him  before  it  was 
actually  bestowed.  The  matter  came  to  the  ears  of 
Louvois,  the  Secretary  for  War,  just  before  the  Council 
meeting  at  which  Louis  had  intended  to  make  the 
appointment.  He  rushed  at  once  to  the  king,  told 
him  that  he  himself  could  never  work  with  Lauzun, 
and  got  the  king  to  change  his  mind.  Lauzun,  wild 
with  fury,  went  to  Madame  de  Montespan  and  asked 
her  help.  Later  on,  suspecting  that  after  all  she  was 
playing  him  false,  he  managed  to  conceal  himself  in 
her  rooms,  and  thus  to  be  present  at  an  interview 
which  she  had  with  the  king,  from  which  it  appeared 
that  his  suspicions  were  fully  justified.  He  had  a 
furious  scene  afterwards  with  de  Montespan,  and 
called  her  every  evil  name  he  could  think  of,  and  then 
going  to  the  king,  told  him  he  would  never  serve  a 
master  who  perjured  himself  for  a  harlot,  took  his 
sword  and  broke  it  across  his  knee.  Louis  rose  to  the 
occasion.  He  threw  the  cane  he  was  carrying  out  of  the 
window,  saying  he  declined  to  use  it  on  the  person  of  a 
man  of  quality.  And  with  these  words  he  left  the  room. 

For  this  outbreak  Lauzun  was  sent  to  the  Bastille, 
and  stayed  there  a  couple  of  months ;  but  the  end  of 
that  period  found  him  back  at  Court  and  once  more  in 
favour.  Then  began  the  strange  romance  of  his  life. 
He  was  now  six-and -thirty,  and  the  year  was  1669. 
Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier,  la  grande  Mademoiselle 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  65 

as  people  called  her,  the  niece  of  Louis  XIII.,  and  first 
cousin  of  the  king — being  the  only  daughter  and  heiress 
of  his  father's  younger  brother  Gaston,  Duke  of 
Orleans — fell  head  over  ears  in  love  with  le  petit 
komme,  as  she  used  to  call  De  Lauzun.  True,  she  was 
ten  years  his  senior,  but  of  what  consequence  was  that  ? 
'  Women  of  my  rank/  she  said,  '  are  always  young.' 
She  made  up  her  mind  for  herself  without  waiting  to 
be  asked,  and  has  left  us  the  account  in  her  Memoirs. 
1  After  carefully  considering  all  the  "  pros  "  and  "  cons,"  ' 
she  writes,  '  my  heart  settled  the  matter,  and  it  was  at 
the  Becollets  that  I  formed  my  final  resolution.  .  .  • 
The  next  day,  which  was  March  2,  I  was  very  happy.' 
That  Lauzun  would  also  '  be  willing,'  was  at  this 
stage  taken  for  granted. 

In  fact,  however,  the  quarry  was  not  so  easy  to 
secure  as  her  vanity  had  expected.  She  took  him 
aside,  and  gave  him  his  chance  plainly.  *  I  led  him  to 
a  window ;  his  proud  bearing  made  him  the  king  of  all 
the  world  for  me.'  She  hinted  that  she  was  not  averse 
to  marriage,  but  she  would  like  to  have  his  advice  on 
the  subject.  People  were  saying  that  the  king  thought 
of  marrying  her,  the  richest  heiress  in  Europe,  to  the 
Prince  of  Lorraine.  What  did  Lauzun  think  on  the 
subject  ?  Lauzun  feigned  obtuseness,  though  he  saw 
plainly  enough  what  she  was  after.  He  gave  his 
approval  most  emphatically  to  the  idea  that  she  should 
marry,  but  his  language  was  hardly  that  of  the  burning 
devotion  she  desired  to  inspire.  '  Nothing,'  he  told 
her,  *  is  so  absurd  as  an  old  maid  of  forty  who  dresses 
and  enjoys  herself  like  a  girl  of  fifteen.  At  that  age  a 
woman  should  go  into  a  convent,  or  turn  devote,  or  at 
least  dress  herself  modestly  and  give  up  being  frivolous. 
Vespers,  sermons,  the  poor  and  the  sick  should  be  her 

p 


66  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

distractions.  But  if  she  marries,  then  all  is  quite 
different.  Then,  of  course,  she  will  dress  herself  like 
the  others  to  please  her  husband,  and  go  to  balls  and 
so  forth,  not  for  her  own  amusement,  but  because  he 
would  wish  her  to  do  as  others  do.' 

The  courtship  dawdled  on — pressed  rather  on  the 
side  of  the  lady  than  of  the  swain — until  in  June  of 
the  following  year,  '  Madame,'  the  Duchess  of  Orleans, 
died  suddenly,  and  her  husband,  looking  for  a  successor, 
turned  his  eyes  upon  his  wealthy  cousin.  Mademoiselle 
was  quite  determined.  She  meant  to  have  Lauzun  or 
else  nobody,  but  Lauzun  was  less  determined,  and  held 
back.  He  was  afraid  of  the  king's  displeasure,  and 
all  that  that  displeasure  might  mean.  No  hint  could 
pierce  his  obtuseness,  and,  since  she  could  not  inspire 
the  necessary  courage,  the  lady  at  last  determined  that 
she  must  propose  to  him  herself,  and  she  did  so  in  a 
way  that  was  at  least  original. 

She  told  him  she  wanted  to  inform  him  of  the 
name  of  the  man  whom  she  loved,  but  Lauzun  declined 
to  be  told  it ;  '  for,'  he  said,  '  I  might  not  approve  of 
your  choice.'  So  she  determined  to  write  it  down  for 
him,  and  to  give  it  herself  into  his  hands.  She  wrote 
the  words  C'est  vous  on  a  paper,  and  then  sealed 
it  up  ready  to  give  to  him.  Then  she  discovered  it 
was  Friday,  and  Friday  was  always  her  unlucky  day. 
So,  though  he  promised  he  would  not  open  it  till  after 
midnight,  the  paper  was  held  back  till  Sunday,  when 
they  both  met  at  Mass.  'I  took  out  the  paper  and 
showed  it  him,  replacing  it  sometimes  in  my  pocket, 
sometimes  in  my  muff,  He  pressed  me  exceedingly  to 
give  it  to  him,  saying  that  his  heart  was  beating.' *  So 

1  Memoirs  of  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier,  iii.  29,  English  edition, 
1848. 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  67 

they  went  on  for  an  hour,  and  then,  at  last,  she  gave  it 
him,  bidding  him  read  her  letter,  which  '  was  but  short,' 
and  to  write  his  reply  on  the  foot  of  it.  But,  even  so, 
he  would  not  commit  himself.  He  replied  that  he 
knew  well  she  was  but  playing  with  him,  but  never- 
theless he  was,  and  would  always  be,  her  humble 
servant. 

Evidently  the  next  move  also  must  come  from 
Mademoiselle,  for  Lauzun  was  afraid,  even  if  he  was 
willing,  to  take  any  forward  step.  So  she  sat  herself 
down  and  wrote  a  letter  to  the  king,  announcing  her 
intention  to  marry  and  the  fact  that  her  choice  had 
fallen  on  Lauzun,  a  man  undeniably  her  inferior  in 
rank,  but,  at  least — it  was  all  she  could  say  in  his 
favour— a  servant  of  the  king's  and  captain  of  his 
guards. 

Louis  at  first  was  rather  inclined  to  allow  it  to  go 
on,  but  the  queen  was  less  complaisant.  In  her  anger 
she  disclosed  the  true  reason  of  her  opposition.  'At 
your  age,'  she  said  to  Mademoiselle,  'you  would  do 
better  to  remain  single,  and  to  leave  your  money  to 
my  son  d'Anjou.'  Indeed,  the  feeling  at  Court  was 
prodigious.  For  a  princess  of  the  blood  to  marry  a 
simple  count  was  a  mesalliance  almost  without  a  pre- 
cedent. Every  one  was  indignant,  not  only  at  the 
Court  but  all  through  Paris,  and  all  the  pressure 
possible  was  put  upon  Louis  to  make  him  withdraw 
his  permission. 

Meanwhile  Lauzun  lost  his  chance.  He  should 
have  been  married  at  once  while  Louis'  permission 
held  good.  The  ceremony  should  have  taken  place 
that  very  night,  as  Mademoiselle  wanted  and  his 
friends  advised ;  but  he  held  off  for  a  grand  wedding 
with  proper  ceremonial,  and  waited  just  too  long. 


68  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

May  be,  after  all,  he  did  not  relish  the  marriage,  in 
the  making  of  which  he  had  been  so  much  more 
sought  after  than  the  seeker. 

When,  at  last,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  a  private 
marriage  it  was  already  too  late.  At  8  P.M.  of  the 
night  before  the  king  sent  for  Mademoiselle  and  told 
her  that  the  marriage  could  not  proceed.  '  Beat  me,  if 
you  like,'  he  said ;  '  there  is  no  mark  of  indignation 
which  I  do  not  deserve  from  you,  and  to  which  I  will 
not  submit.'  But  on  the  main  point,  although  he 
wept  as  freely  as  she  did,  he  was  quite  immovable. 
She  threw  herself  on  her  knees  at  his  feet  and  entreated 
him  rather  to  take  her  life  than  to  take  her  De  Lauzun 
away  from  her.  But  all  was  in  vain,  and  at  last  she 
went  away  in  despair,  only  to  give  way  in  her  car- 
riage to  an  attack  of  nerves,1  during  which  she  broke 
the  glass  of  her  window.  Then  she  went  to  bed 
and  stayed  there  for  days,  receiving  visits  of  condol- 
ence. 

The  idea  of  a  marriage  was  given  up  for  the  time,, 
but  for  nearly  a  year  the  pair  saw  each  other  as 
frequently  as  they  wished,  and  all  might  have  gone 
eventually  as  both  of  them  desired  had  it  not  been  for 
the  folly  of  le  petit  homme.  He  had  discovered  the 
part  that  Mme.  de  Montespan  had  played  in  getting 
Louis  to  forbid  the  marriage,  and  he  was  furious 
against  her.  He  went  about  publicly  denouncing  her, 
and  threatening  what  be  would  do.  Mme.  de 
Montespan,  who  had  never  liked  him,  though  he 
seems  to  have  had  a  hold  over  her  in  some  way  or 
other,  became  genuinely  terrified.  She  went  to  the  king 
-and  begged  for  a  lettre  de  cachet.  Only  in  that  way, 

1  '  Je  la  vis,'  writes  the  Abbe"  de  Choisy,  '  comme  une  furie,  e'chevele'e 
et  mena<?ant  des  bras  le  ciel  et  la  terre.' — Mtmoires,  p.  222,  ed.  1888. 


FOUCQUET  AND   LAUZUN  69 

she  said,  could  such  a  man  be  kept  from  mischief.1 
The  letter  was  granted ;  d'Artegnan  was  ordered  to 
arrest  Lauzun  and  to  conduct  him  forthwith  to 
Pignerol ;  Saint-Mars  was  warned  to  prepare  quarters 
for  yet  another  distinguished  prisoner,  and  Mademoi- 
selle was  left  lamenting  the  hard  fate  which  condemned 
her,  for  the  time  at  least,  to  a  spinster  life. 

It  was  in  November  1671  that  Lauzun  was  sent 
to  Pignerol.  He  was  lodged  in  the  upper  tower  in  the 
two  rooms  under  Foucquet,  with  strong  iron  bars  to 
his  windows,  and  from  the  first  he  proved  so  intract- 
able a  prisoner  as  to  make  Saint-Mars'  life  a  burden 
to  him.  The  only  amusement  that  Lauzun  had  for 
six  years,  during  which  he  was  wholly  cut  off  from 
the  outer  world,  was  to  bully  his  gaoler  every  day 
when  he  came  to  visit  him,  and  to  invent  ingenious 
plans  for  getting  out  of  prison.  The  thing  seemed 
impossible,  so  closely  was  the  donjon  guarded,  but  at 
one  time  Lauzun  was  within  an  ace  of  success.  With 
old  nails  and  broken  knives  he  tunnelled  through  the 
stone  floor  of  his  prison,  made  a  hole  large  enough  to 
squeeze  himself  through,  found  himself  in  an  empty 
dungeon  underneath,  broke  the  bar  of  the  window  and 
squeezed  himself  out,  let  himself  down  the  wall  by 
means  of  a  ladder  of  towels  carefully  prepared  and 
hidden,  only  to  find  himself  at  last  face  to  face  with 
the  sentinel  in  the  moat  below,  and  to  be  taken  back, 
ignominiously  enough,  to  the  prison  he  had  hoped  to 
quit  for  ever. 

This  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  1678.  At  that 
date,  after  long  misgivings,  the  king  had  at  last  con- 

1  It  was  said  at  the  time  that  the  real  cause  of  Lauzun's  incarcera- 
tion was  that  the  pair  had  ventured  on  a  secret  marriage  in  defiance  of 
the  king.  For  this  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  evidence. 


70  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

sented,  at  Saint-Mars'  repeated  request,  to  allow 
'  Eustache  Danger '  to  act  as  Foucquet's  valet.  One 
condition,  however,  was  rigorously  insisted  on,  both  at 
this  time  and  later  on,  when  Foucquet  and  Lauzun 
were  allowed  a  certain  intercourse  with  one  another. 
On  no  account  whatever  were  Lauzun  and  '  Dauger ' 
ever  to  be  allowed  to  meet.  If  Lauzun  were  about  to 
be  brought  to  Foucquet's  rooms,  *  Dauger  '  must  first 
be  withdrawn  and  locked  up  in  his  own  cell.  Foucquet 
he  might  see,  and  La  Kiviere,  Foucquet's  other  valet, 
but  no  one  else  on  any  account  whatever;  and 
Lauzun,  most  of  all,  was  at  all  hazards  to  be  kept 
away.  The  order  was  obeyed,  doubtless,  with  all  the 
exactness  that  Saint-Mars  invariably  exercised,  but  it 
is  rather  amusing  to  see  how  useless  all  his  measures 
really  were.  For  Lauzun  all  the  while  was  seeing 
1  Dauger '  every  day,  just  as  often  as  he  wished,  though 
very  likely  he  never  exchanged  a  word  on  any  private 
subject  with  one  whom  he  would  have  regarded  as 
being  only  a  servant  of  Foucquet's. 

One  evening  Foucquet  was  surprised  by  the  sudden 
appearance  in  his  room  of  a  man  whom  before  he  was 
put  in  prison  he  had  known  as  a  youth  of  twenty  or  so 
about  the  Court.  This  was  Lauzun.  How  he  got  there 
does  not  seem  at  all  clear.  Some  accounts  suggest  the 
chimney,  others  a  hole  excavated  behind  a  piece  of 
furniture.  In  either  case  it  is  hard  to  understand  why 
he  was  not  detected  at  once.  Of  the  fact  of  his  actual 
arrival  there  can  be,  however,  no  doubt  at  all,  nor  that 
he  had  made  a  hole  which  afterwards  had  to  be  built 
up  with  masonry.  By  this  means  he  could  come  to 
visit  Foucquet  when  he  pleased. 

1  There  they  were,  then,  both  together,  and  Lauzun 
began  to  tell  the  story  of  his  good  and  bad  fortune  to 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  71 

Foucquet.  The  poor  surintendant  opened  his  ears 
and  eyes  wide  when  he  heard  this  Gascon  cadet,  whom 
in  old  days  he  had  known  only  too  happy  in  being  in 
the  service  of  the  Marechal  de  Grammont,  telling  him 
how  he  had  been  colonel  commanding  the  dragoons, 
captain  of  the  king's  guard,  general  of  an  army. 
Foucquet  thought  him  mad  and  full  of  delusions  when 
he  went  on  to  explain  how  he  had  just  missed  being 
grand-maUre  of  the  artillery,  and  of  all  that  happened 
after  that;  and  this  suspicion  passed  into  certainty 
when  Lauzun  told  of  the  projected  marriage  with 
Mademoiselle,  first  consented  to  and  then  broken  off 
by  the  king,  and  of  all  the  property  which  that 
avaricious  princess  had  settled  upon  him.  After  that 
they  did  not  get  on  so  well  together,  for  Foucquet 
thought  his  brain  totally  gone,  and  took  all  the  news 
which  Lauzun  told  him  as  nothing  better  than  a 
madman's  dreams.' l 

All  this  passed  away  after  a  time,  and  by  degrees 
Foucquet  came  to  realise  that  his  strange  visitor  was 
as  sane  as  himself.  He  had,  indeed,  much  to  tell  him 
of  all  that  had  happened  in  the  years  that  had  passed 
between  their  respective  incarcerations,  years  during 
which  no  whisper  from  the  outside  world  had  been 
allowed  to  penetrate  to  Foucquet's  ears.  '  How  much 
there  was  to  be  told  !  La  Valliere,  the  unheard  of 
favour  which  she  enjoyed — her  children  recognised, 
her  duchy,  how  she  was  deserted  and  worse  than 
deserted,  as  the  new  favourite,  the  young  Tonnay- 
Charente,  now  become  Marquise  de  Montespan,  rose 
into  favour,  and  how  furious  the  Marquis  de  Montespan 
was  about  it ;  how  he  himself,  Lauzun,  had  played  the 
Colbert,  and  carried  off,  hidden  in  the  folds  of  his 
1  Saint  Simon,  M&novres,  xix.  179,  ed.  1875,  Paris. 


72  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

mantle,  the  little  bastard  whom  they  were  going  to 
make  the  Duke  of  Maine ;  and  how  the  fair  widow 
Madame  Scarron  was  bringing  up  the  child.  Then, 
if  these  intrigues  did  not  suffice  the  greedy  curiosity  of 
Foucquet,  what  stories  could  not  he  tell  of  the  power 
of  the  king,  how  Spain  had  ceased  even  to  claim  the 
first  place  in  Europe ;  how  Flanders  had  been  seized 
rather  than  conquered ;  how  Kome  had  been  humiliated ; 
and  how,  to  turn  to  internal  politics,  the  great  financial 
crisis  had  passed  away — that  crisis  which  was  to  over- 
whelm everybody — already  forgotten  and  hardly  felt 
in  the  coming  of  a  new  wave  of  unexampled  prosperity. 
Or,  again,  turning  to  lighter  topics,  he  could  tell  of 
Moliere  playing  Tartuffe,  or  of  La  Fontaine,  the 
favourite  poet  of  Madame  de  Montespan  ;  and  Pellisson, 
the  man  highest  just  then  in  the  king's  favour  ;  and 
Colbert,  Foucquet's  own  successor,  more  rich  than 
Mazarin,  marrying  his  children  to  dukes  and  duchesses, 
superior  to  Lamoignon,  to  Pomponne,  to  La  Tellier.' l 

So  the  conversations  went  on,  evening  after  even- 
ing, whenever  Lauzun  judged  it  safe  and  convenient 
to  make  the  ascent.  And,  evening  after  evening,  there 
stood  by,  listening  to  all  that  was  said,  himself  appa- 
rently saying  nothing,  Foucquet's  valet,  '  Eustache 
Dauger,'  the  man  without  a  name,  the  man  whom, 
whatever  else  might  happen,  Lauzun,  by  special  order 
of  the  king,  was  on  no  account  to  be  allowed  to  meet ! 

And  all  the  while  Saint-Mars,  the  most  sleepless 
and  vigilant  of  gaolers,  sent  week  by  week  the  most 
reassuring  reports  to  Louvois  and  the  king.  '  I  have 
received,'  writes  the  Minister  to  him  in  return  in 
August  1678,  '  your  letter  of  the  20th,  in  which  you 
tell  me  that  your  prisoners  are  in  good  health  and  that 
1  Bradley,  The  Great  Days  of  Versailles. 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  73 

they  have  said  nothing  to  you  in  the  conversations  you 
have  had  with  them.  I  can  only  praise  your  exacti- 
tude, and  recommend  you  to  go  on  informing  me  of 
everything  that  may  happen.'  'Nothing  need  be 
changed,'  he  had -written  a  month  or  too  earlier,  *  in 
the  precautions  you  are  taking  about  your  prisoners, 
which  are  all  that  can  be  desired.' 

If  Louvois  had  known  a  little  more,  his  letters,  one 
may  safely  say,  would  have  been  otherwise  expressed. 
The  time  was  coming,  however,  when  the  king,  in  his 
good  pleasure,  was  about  to  lessen  the  rigours  of  the 
confinement  of  his  two  principal  prisoners.  Great 
indulgences  were  accorded  to  them.  They  might  go 
out  and  take  the  air  on  the  battlements  so  long  as  they 
were  not  both  out  together,  and  Saint-Mars  himself 
was  with  them.  Even  a  newspaper  was  not  forbidden. 
Foucquet  may  take  in  the  '  Mercure  Galant.'  Lauzun 
may  have  a  new  coat,  as  the  weather  (it  being  close  on 
Christmas,  1678)  was  growing  cold. 

Still,  in  spite  of  these  alleviations,  both  the  prisoners 
were  ill,  Lauzun  probably  to  some  extent  shamming  to 
be  worse  than  he  really  was.  The  king  determined 
to  make  yet  more  concessions,  and  to  give  greater 
liberty,  but  before  he  could  venture  to  do  so  he  thought 
it  necessary  first  to  write  privately  to  Foucquet  to  find 
out  how  much  was  known  of  the  secret  of  the  man  who 
had  been  serving  as  his  valet  for  the  last  three  and  a 
half  years.  A  closed  letter  was  sent  to  him.  Saint- 
Mars  was  not  to  read  it,  nor  was  he  to  read  the  answer, 
but  to  send  it  on,  sealed  by  Foucquet,  to  Louvois 
unopened.  The  letter  was  a  curious  one.  It  set  forth 
how  that  the  king  was  anxious  to  grant  to  Foucquet 
other  and  very  considerable  privileges.  But  before 
doing  so  there  was  just  one  thing  he  desired  to  know. 


74  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Had  the  man  called  '  Eustache  Danger,'  who  had  been 
assigned  to  him  as  a  servant,  ever  spoken  before  the 
other  valet  of  '  that  on  which  he  had  been  employed 
before  he  came  to  Pignerol.'  To  this  question  the 
king  expects  a  straight  answer,  and  one  that  shall  be 
given  without  any  consideration  whatever  as  to  any 
consequences  that  may  result.  Only  when  he  knows 
this  can  the  king  settle  exactly  how  he  ought  to  act. 

This  letter  is  an  important  piece  of  evidence  for  our 
main  inquiry.  Foucquet  knows  the  secret  already,  for 
the  king  does  not  ask  whether  '  Dauger  '  has  told  it 
to  him.  Saint-Mars,  however,  is  still  in  ignorance,  for 
lest  he  should  learn  it  he  is  not  to  be  allowed  to  see 
either  the  letter  or  its  answer.  The  secret,  in  its  roots 
at  any  rate,  must  go  back  before  1661,  when  Foucquet 
was  still  Minister  of  Finance.  In  1678,  when  the  king 
is  writing,  it  is  still  of  the  greatest  value.  The  only 
reason,  clearly,  why '  Dauger '  has  been  allowed  to  act  as 
Foucquet's  servant  is  that  Foucquet,  as  Minister,  already 
knew  so  much  that  it  would  not  matter  much  if 
'  Dauger '  told  him  more.  But  to  all  the  rest  of  the 
world  it  must  still  remain  a  mystery,  even  to  that  most 
discreet  of  gaolers,  M.  de  Saint-Mars. 

Foucquet's  answer  was  duly  sent  off,  but  has  not 
come  down  to  us.  It  must,  however,  have  been 
reassuring,  since  greater  liberty  was  at  once  accorded. 
Lauzun  and  Foucquet  may  see  each  other  just  as  often 
as  they  please,  provided  always  that  due  care  is  taken 
always  to  withdraw  '  Dauger  '  and  lock  him  up  safely 
in  his  own  cell  before  Lauzun  or  anyone  else  comes  to 
visit  Foucquet.  Writing  materials  were  supplied  to 
both,  leave  was  granted  to  Foucquet's  wife  and 
daughter  to  come  and  see  him  ;  even  to  live  with  him 
in  the  donjon  and  to  nurse  him  when  he  was  sick,  and 


FOUCQUET  AND  LAUZUN  75 

chosen  visitors  from  the  town  from  time  to  time  were 
admitted  to  his  rooms.  The  last  days  of  the  surin- 
tendant's  life  were  thus  brightened  by  human  inter- 
course as  well  as  by  the  fervent  religion  which  he  had 
inherited  from  his  mother,  and  which,  obscured  in  the 
days  of  his  prosperity,  had  been  his  one  solace  in  his 
long  imprisonment. 

He  did  not  live  long  to  enjoy  his  new  privileges. 
He  fell  ill  again,  and  asked  for  leave  to  go  to  take  the 
waters  at  Bourbon.  The  request  was  under  considera- 
tion, the  king  was  inclined  to  grant  it,  when  the  news 
came  that  it  was  already  too  late.  Nicolas  Foucquet 
passed  away  on  March  23,  1680,  in  a  sudden  attack  of 
apoplexy.  Thus  sadly,  almost  tragically,  ended  a  life 
of  vivid  contrasts  and  varied  experience. 


76  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 


CHAPTEK  V 

EXILES 

WHEN  the  body  of  Foucquet  had  been  removed  and  a 
thorough  cleansing  of  the  rooms  he  had  so  long  occupied 
had  been  commenced,  a  discovery  was  made  which 
altogether  overwhelmed  poor  Saint-Mars.  It  was 
nothing  less  than  the  hole  by  means  of  which  Lauzun 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  paying  his  secret  visits  to 
Foucquet's  rooms,  and  which,  we  may  suppose,  had  not 
been  used  for  the  last  year  or  two,  during  which  time 
the  two  had  had  permission  to  pay  each  other  visits  in 
the  ordinary  way.  Saint-Mars  was  too  honest,  or  too 
prudent,  to  attempt  to  hide  from  Louvois  a  fact  which 
was  known  to  others  beside  himself,  and  which,  there- 
fore, would  have  been  bound  sooner  or  later  to  have 
been  reported  to  the  Minister  by  some  one  of  his  spies. 
He  wrote  to  tell  how  he  had  been  outwitted,  and  at  the 
same  time  expressed  his  opinion  that  in  all  probability 
Lauzun  was  fully  acquainted  with  any  secrets  Foucquet 
had,  and  that  he  fully  thought  that  La  Riviere, 
Foucquet's  other  valet,  must  be  acquainted  with  them 
too. 

Louis  was  in  a  difficulty.  The  liberation  of  Lauzun 
was  practically  settled.  '  La  grande  Mademoiselle  ' 
had  by  no  means  forgotten  her  petit  homme,  and  was 
using  all  her  influence  to  get  him  released.  These 


EXILES  77 

endeavours  succeeded  about  a  year  later  in  April  1681, 
but  the  king  must,  even  at  this  date,  have  felt  that  the 
time  had  nearly  come  to  set  him  free.  If  then  he  had 
learnt  anything  he  ought  not  to  know  it  was  most 
important  that  he  should  not  be  able  to  show  his 
witnesses.  '  Dauger  '  and  La  Biviere  were  not  people 
of  quality  ;  they,  at  least,  had  no  rights  to  speak  of  in 
those  days  of  the  ancien  regime  ;  they  must  be  made 
to  disappear,  and  a  way  would  be  found,  no  doubt,  of 
keeping  Lauzun  quiet,  in  case  it  ever  should  seem 
good  to  restore  him  once  more  to  liberty. 

Louis'  resolve  was  soon  taken,  and  the  requisite 
orders  were  sent  to  Saint-Mars  in  a  letter  from  Louvois, 
dated  April  8,  1680,  just  a  fortnight  after  Foucquet's 
death.  Both  the  valets  are  to  be  shut  up  together  in  a 
single  room,  where  they  can  hold  no  communication 
with  anyone,  and  Lauzun  and  everybody  else  are  to  be 
told  that  they  have  been  set  at  liberty.  From  that 
time,  in  fact,  they  are  to  disappear,  and  no  one  is  to 
know  that  they  still  exist.  '  Dauger  '  because  he 
knows  the  secret,  La  Kiviere  because  l  Dauger  '  may 
have  told  it  him,  and  both  because  they  may  know 
Foucquet's  secrets  too,  and  because  Lauzun  may 
perhaps  at  some  later  date  make  an  evil  use  of  their 
testimony. 

The  result  of  this  letter  was,  no  doubt,  disastrous 
for  the  poor  valets.  La  Kiviere  went  to  join  '  Dauger  ' 
in  the  lower  chamber  of  the  tour  d'en  bas,  the  room 
that  had  been  specially  got  ready  in  1669,  and  which  it 
does  not  seem  he  had  ever  left.  He  had  been  let  out, 
no  doubt,  at  certain  hours  of  the  day  to  do  his  work 
for  Foucquet,  but  it  does  not  seem  likely  that  he  had 
ever  left  his  own  cell  at  night.  Anyhow,  be  that  as  it 

may,  he  went  back  to  it  now,  with  the  alleviation,  sptdi  #•• 

' 


in 


78  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

as  it  was,  of  a  second  prisoner  to  share  his  solitude. 
For  the  last  few  years  he  had  enjoyed  the  luxury  of  a 
name,  even  though  it  was  not  his  own.  Now  he  relapses 
again  into  his  old  condition  of  namelessness ;  there  was 
no  need  for  a  name  now  that  he  had  no  master  to  call 
him  by  it,  and  the  other  valet  also  finds  himself  in  the 
same  condition.  'Dauger'  and  'La  Riviere'  have 
ceased  to  exist — they,  according  to  Saint-Mars,  have 
been  set  at  liberty,  and  are  doubtless  far  away — only  in 
their  place  there  are  two  nameless  prisoners ;  no  one 
knowing,  save  the  governor,  who  they  are  or  whence 
they  came ;  who  are  known  only  to  the  warders  and 
the  garrison  as  Messieurs  de  la  tour  d'en  bas,  'the 
gentlemen  in  the  lower  tower.'  They  were  not  the 
only  prisoners  in  that  tower.  Two  others  had  for  a 
long  time  occupied  the  upper  room,  Dubreuil  and  '  the 
mad  Jacobin.'  But  lately  Dubreuil  had  complained  so 
bitterly  about  his  companion,  that  he  had  been  removed 
and  had  been  put  with  Mattioli  in  the  upper  floor  of 
the  other  tower,  so  just  at  this  juncture  'the  mad 
Jacobin  '  was  alone  in  the  room  above.  The  others 
were  together  underneath,  absolutely  separated  from 
their  fellows.  Their  spiritual  privileges,  to  avoid  any 
whisper  of  their  existence  reaching  the  world  outside, 
were  cut  down  as  rigidly  as  their  material  liberty. 
'It  will  suffice,'  writes  Louvois,  'to  confess  once  in 
the  year  those  who  are  living  in  the  tour  d'en  bas.1 
It  is  in  the  same  letter  in  which  the  last  direction  is 
contained — a  letter  written  on  July  10,  1680,  when  the 
two  miserables  had  been  already  two  months  under 
these  new  conditions,  that  Louvois  alludes  to  some- 
thing mysterious  on  the  part  of  'Dauger.'  'Tell  me,' 
he  says,  '  how  was  it  possible  for  the  man  called 
Eustache  to  do  what  you  say  he  has  done  ?  How  did 


EXILES  79 

he  get  the  necessary  drugs  (les  drogues  necessaires)  ? 
I  cannot  suppose  that  you  supplied  them  to  him.' 

What  was  this  mysterious  action,  performed  under 
conditions  so  difficult,  and  yet  sufficiently  important  to 
be  reported  to  the  Minister  of  the  king  ?  Two  solu- 
tions have  been  offered.  The  first  is  that  of  M.  lung, 
who  thinks  that  Foucquet  died  of  poison  administered 
by  '  Dauger,'  and  that  Saint-Mars  had  found  it  out. 
M.  lung  sees  poison  and  poisoners  everywhere.  What 
possible  object  could  there  have  been  on  '  Danger's '  part 
to  make  him  poison  the  master  whose  service  was  his 
one  hope  of  getting  a  few  hours  of  quasi-liberty  and 
human  companionship  ?  Nor  does  it  seem  quite  likely 
that  if  a  servant  already  in  prison  had  actually  poisoned 
his  master  that  Louvois  would  have  let  the  act  pass 
unnoticed,  and  apparently  without  reprimand.  For 
such  a  crime  in  that  age  'Eustache  Dauger'  would 
have  been  boiled  alive. 

The  second  solution  is  that  offered  by  M.  Lair.  He 
thinks  that  Foucquet  had  taught  '  Dauger '  to  distil,  an 
art  he  was  fond  of  practising,  and  that  '  Dauger '  had 
done  as  his  master  used  to  do  when  he  found  time 
pass  wearily  in  the  tour  d'en  bas.  But,  then,  would 
Saint-Mars  have  thought  it  worth  while  to  report  so 
trifling  a  matter  to  Louvois,  or  would  Louvois  have 
troubled  to  make  further  inquiries  on  the  subject  ?  To 
the  present  writer,  at  least,  neither  of  these  solutions 
seems  satisfactory,  although  it  may  not  be  easy  to  offer 
any  third  solution  which  shall  adequately  fit  the  con- 
ditions. 

Whether  it  was  connected  with  this  act  of 
*  Dauger's  '  is  uncertain,  but  in  his  next  letter  Saint- 
Mars  makes  a  suggestion.  May  he  put  Mattioli  with 
'the  mad  Jacobin,'  in  the  room  above  these  other 


80  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

prisoners?  Louvois'  answer  was  in  the  affirmative.  He 
has  asked  the  king,  and  the  king  approves.  He  may 
do  as  he  has  suggested,  and  may  put  Mattioli  with 
the  mad  Jacobin,  for  the  reason  which,  apparently, 
has  also  been  suggested  by  him,  pour  eviter  Ventretien 
de  deux  aumoniers — '  to  save  keeping  two  chaplains  ' — 
a  reason  to  which,  considering  the  arrangements  of  the 
prison,  it  is  not  easy  to  give  an  intelligible  meaning. 
Here,  however,  an  alternative  interpretation  will  be 
suggested  at  a  later  stage  of  the  story. 

Mattioli,  after  eight  months  of  imprisonment,  had 
shown  signs  of  madness  or  had  feigned  them.  Saint- 
Mars'  methods  were  not  favourable  to  sanity ;  one  after 
another  prisoners  lost  their  wits  under  his  charge,  but 
in  several  cases  there  was  a  certain  amount  of  sham- 
ming, or  perhaps  of  hysteria,  in  the  business,  and  the 
sight  of  a  whip,  Saint-Mars  had  found,  would  often 
work  a  cure.  Mattioli,  still  rather  inclined  to  insanity, 
though  better  than  he  had  been  a  few  months  before, 
had  now  been  in  prison  for  fifteen  months,  when  they' 
put  him  to  live  with  the  Jacobin  or  Dominican  friar, 
who  was  even  more  demented  than  himself. 

What  then  happened  was  duly  reported  to  Louvois 
in  Saint-Mars'  next  letter.  Mattioli,  who  thought  the 
Jacobin  was  there  as  a  spy  upon  his  actions,  had 
marched  up  and  down  the  room  with  long  steps,  his 
cloak  over  his  face,  saying  that  he  would  show  them 
he  was  no  dupe,  but  that  he  knew  more  than  he  cared 
to  tell.  The  Jacobin  meanwhile  sat  on  his  bed,  his 
elbows  on  his  knees  and  his  head  in  his  hands,  not 
saying  a  word  or  listening  to  what  the  other  was  saying, 
but  following  him  always  with  his  eyes.  At  last, 
wearied  out,  both  went  to  bed,  and  then  Mattioli's  idea 
that  this  was  a  spy  was  quickly  dismissed  when,  in  the 


EXILES  81 

middle  of  the  night,  the  Jacobin  got  out  of  bed,  and, 
just  as  he  was,  without  clothing,  preached,  till  he  could 
preach  no  more,  a  rigmarole  without  rhyme  or  reason. 
Saint-Mars  and  his  lieutenant,  enjoying  the  scene, 
watched  it  all  through  a  hole  at  the  top  of  the  door. 
Such  were  the  ways  of  a  State  prison  in  the  days  of 
Louis  Quatorze. 

Saint-Mars  had  long  been  anxious  to  be  removed 
from  Pignerol.  The  divided  command  between  the 
donjon,  where  he  was  supreme,  and  the  rest  of  the 
place,  which  was  under  M.  d'Herleville,  made  constant 
friction,  and  he  would  prefer  a  place  where  he  could  be 
alone.  He  had  made  application  for  more  than  one 
appointment,  until  at  last  Louvois  had  given  him  a 
strong  hint  that  it  was  better  to  be  patient,  and  that  he 
himself  would  see  that  his  interests  did  not  suffer. 
Now,  in  1681,  with  Foucquet  dead  and  Lauzun  freed, 
there  was  little  reason  for  keeping  him  at  Pignerol,  and 
accordingly,  in  May  of  that  year,  just  a  month  after 
Lauzun  had  left  his  prison,  he  received  his  appointment 
to  a  new  place — the  governorship  of  the  fortress  of 
Exiles,  an  isolated  stronghold  among  the  mountains 
of  Dauphine,  not  far  from  Susa,  and  some  thirty  miles 
from  Pignerol. 

Hither,  according  to  the  original  plan,  he  was  to 
betake  himself  at  once,  with  such  of  his  prisoners  as 
the  king  might  choose,  so  soon  only  as  the  necessary 
repairs  were  completed.  A  few  weeks  later,  however, 
he  received  fresh  orders,  to  drag  out  the  time  of  these 
repairs  as  long  as  possible,  so  as  to  make  an  excuse  for 
not  leaving  Pignerol  for  a  time,  as  recent  developments 
had  made  his  presence  there  still  desirable. 

The  fact  was  that  there  was  again  a  plot  on  foot 
to  obtain  Casale.  Mattioli  was  safe  in  Pignerol,  and 

G 


82  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

could  not  give  the  affair  away  again.  Catinat  was  once 
more  charged  with  the  execution  of  the  design,  and 
came  to  Pignerol  in  August.  Lest,  however,  the  mere 
fact  of  his  being  there  should  get  abroad  and  so  awake 
suspicions,  he  entered  Pignerol,  not  as  a  general  in 
command,  but  as  a  pretended  prisoner.  When  he  was 
going,  a  month  later,  to  take  possession  of  Casale, 
Louvois  wrote  to  Saint-Mars  a  letter  which  is  worth 
studying,  as  an  example  of  the  veiled  way  in  which  so 
many  of  these  dispatches  are  written — plain  enough  to 
the  person  receiving  them,  but  deliberately  intended  to 
mislead  any  chance  reader.  'The  king  has  no  objec- 
tion,' he  wrote,  '  to  your  going  to  visit  the  last  prisoner 
you  have  received,  when  he  has  left  you  to  go  to  his 
new  prison.'  The  '  last  prisoner  is  Catinat,  passing 
as  a  prisoner  under  the  name  of  de  Bichemont,  and  his 
*  new  prison '  is  Casale,  to  the  governorship  of  which  he 
had  been  appointed  and  to  which  he  was  on  the  point 
of  going.  This  mysterious  new  prisoner  of  1681  is  the 
person  in  whom  M.  Loiseleur  found  '  the  man  in  the1 
mask ' !  His  mistake  was  pointed  out  by  M.  Topin. 

This  business  of  Casale  delayed  Saint-Mars  for 
some  little  time.  He  did  not  actually  leave  Pignerol 
until  October.  Long  before  that,  however,  it  had  been 
settled  that  quarters  at  his  new  command  need  be  pre- 
pared only  for  two  of  the  five  prisoners  he  then  had  in 
his  hands.  The  two  whom  the  king  judged  to  be  of 
such  importance  that  they  must  not  pass  into  other 
hands  than  his,  were  '  the  two  of  the  tour  d'en  has,' 
the  nameless  ones  whose  former  existence  had  been 
blotted  out,  '  Eustache  Dauger '  and  La  Riviere. 

It  is  at  this  point  that  most  of  the  various  systems 
which  claim  to  trace  out  the  identity  of  the  Man  in 
the  Iron  Mask  diverge  one  from  another.  Since  it  is 


EXILES  83 

certain  from  Du  Jonca's  journal  that  the  masked 
prisoner  was  with  Saint-Mars  at  Pignerol,  it  follows 
that  he  must  be  one  of  the  five  prisoners  who  were  in 
his  hands  when  he  left  that  fortress,  and  probahly  one 
of  the  two  who  accompanied  him  to  Exiles.  But 
these  two  are  never  named,  either  then  or  in  all  the 
years  which  followed.  They  are  simply  and  invariably 
*  the  prisoners  of  the  tower.'  In  later  years,  when  one 
of  them  is  dead,  the  survivor  is  always  spoken  of  in 
some  similar  manner.  He  is  '  your  prisoner  of  twenty 
years,'  '  your  prisoner  of  long  standing '  (votre  ancien 
prisonnier),  'the  prisoner  of  long  standing'  (I' 'ancien 
prisonnier),  '  the  prisoner  from  Provence,'  and  so 
forth,  whenever  the  presence  of  the  prisoner  makes 
some  such  designation  necessary.  Otherwise  he  is 
simply  '  my  prisoner.'  Never  once,  to  the  end  of  his 
life,  two-and-twenty  years  afterwards,  is  he  ever  again 
given  a  name  in  the  official  correspondence.  It 
becomes,  therefore,  of  the  greatest  importance  that  we 
should  go  carefully  and  circumspectly  at  this  portion 
of  the  story,  as  a  mistake  made  here  will  vitiate  the 
whole  argument. 

The  older  school  of  writers,  Koux-Fazillac,  Delort, 
and  others,  knowing  that  Mattioli  was  placed  with  the 
mad  Jacobin  in  the  upper  chamber  of  the  tour  d'en 
has  in  September  1680,  and  not  remembering  or 
caring  to  inquire  where  it  was  that  '  Dauger '  and 
La  Riviere  were  lodged,  took  it  for  granted  that  '  the 
prisoners  of  the  lower  tower'  in  May  1681,  could 
only  be  Mattioli  and  the  Jacobin.  They  supposed  the 
Jacobin  to  have  died  in  1694  at  Exiles,  and  so  proved 
clearly  and  to  their  own  satisfaction  that  Mattioli  was 
the  man  in  question.  This  theory,  however,  otherwise 
so  complete  and  satisfactory,  was  utterly  overthrown 

G  2 


84  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

by  the  publication  of  a  letter,  till  then  unknown,  written 
by  Saint-Mars  to  d'Estrades,  the  Ambassador  of  France 
at  Turin,  and  dated  June  25,  1681.  He  tells  him  of 
his  appointment  to  Exiles,  and  that  he  is  to  have  in 
charge  at  that  fortress  'two  crows  (merles)  whom  I 
have  here,  who  have  no  other  name  than  "  Messieurs 
de  la  tour  d'en  bas."  Mattioli  will  stay  here  with  two 
other  prisoners.' 

Since  it  was  now  impossible  to  make  Mattioli  one 
of  the  two  who  went  to  Exiles,  the  next  set  of  writers 
fix  their  attention  on  the  Jacobin.  He,  at  least,  was 
one  of  those  in  the  tour  d'en  bas,  and  there  was  no 
proof  that  he  had  not  gone  to  Exiles.  Clearly  Mattioli 
had  found  him  unbearable,  just  as  Dubreuil  had  done 
before,  and  had  been  moved  away,  perhaps  lest  he,  too, 
should  be  infected  with  the  same  madness.  Someone 
else,  unrecorded,  must  have  come  to  sleep  there  in  his 
place,  and  he  must  be  the  Man  in  the  Mask. 

M.  Loiseleur  found  this  imaginary  companion  in 
the  mysterious  prisoner  of  1681,  whom  he  imagined 
Catinat  had  arrested  and  brought  there.  But  M.  Tophi 
at  once  showed  that  there  was  no  such  prisoner,  and 
that  it  really  was  no  other  than  Catinat  himself — pre- 
tending to  be  a  prisoner  to  avoid  being  talked  about. 

M.  lung  fixed  on  the  prisoner  brought  in  1674, 
the  details  of  whose  arrest  are  no  doubt  sufficiently 
startling.  He  fitted  him  with  a  name,  brought  him  to 
Pignerol  (this  point,  however,  he  failed  to  prove),  put 
him  in  imagination  with  the  mad  Jacobin  in  the 
tour  d'en  bas,  and  from  that  point  onward  followed 
the  lines  of  his  predecessors. 

MM.  Burgand  and  Bazeries  succeeded  in  reading 
the  secret  despatches  of  Louis.  They  found  out  that 
the  prisoner  of  1674  was  another  man,  not  the  one 


EXILES  85 

that  M.  lung  had  chosen.  Unfortunately,  so  soon  as 
they  had  published  his  name,  the  proofs  were  published 
that  he  had  been  set  at  liberty  within  the  year. 

M.  Topin  and  M.  Funck-Brentano  fall  back  on 
Mattioli.  They  seize  on  the  word  merles  employed  by 
Saint-Mars  in  his  letter  to  d'Estrades.  This  con- 
temptuous word,  they  say,  shows  that  the  prisoners 
actually  taken  to  Exiles  were  of  little  consequence.  It 
is  not  there  that  we  shall  find  the  Mask.  Mattioli  after 
all  came  back  to  Saint-Mars,  after  thirteen  more  years, 
at  Sainte-Marguerite.  It  follows  that  he  must  be  the 
Man  in  the  Mask,  and  the  meaning  of  the  phrase  mon 
ancien  prisonnier  is  simply,  and  quite  grammatically, 
'  the  prisoner  whom  I  had  once  before  and  who  has  now 
returned  to  me.'  They  omit  to  say  how  they  propose 
to  explain  the  phrase  I' ancien  prisonnier  in  the  mouth, 
say,  of  Du  Jonca.  The  other  reasons  why  this  solution 
cannot  be  accepted  have  been  already  given. 

To  the  present  writer,  though  he  would  speak  with 
diffidence  when  discussing  with  Frenchmen  the  mean- 
ing of  a  French  word,  it  does  not  seem  clearly  proved 
that  in  the  seventeenth  century  the  word  merles  neces- 
sarily denotes  contempt.  Looking  to  the  derivation,  it 
comes  from  merula,  a  solitary,  and  that  seems  to  give 
a  satisfactory  meaning.  In  the  prisons  of  France  there 
were  prisoners  of  two  kinds.  The  more  usual  system 
was  one  of  enforced  detention,  but  nothing  more.  These 
prisoners  could  meet  and  talk  as  much  as  they  pleased, 
though  they  could  not  leave  their  prison.  But  there 
were  a  few  doomed  to  solitary  confinement  and  for- 
bidden all  intercourse  with  their  fellow  men.  These 
and  these  only  were  the  original  merles,  and  in  using 
the  word  Saint-Mars  does  not  denote  contempt,  but 
only  indicates  to  d'Estrades  that  it  was  to  this  class 


86  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

that  they  belonged.     He  was  going  to  Exiles  with  two 
solitaries.1 

The  move  was  actually  made  about  the  middle 
of  September  1681,  and  in  a  somewhat  mysterious 
manner.  Without  giving  any  notice  whatever  to  the 
commandant  at  Pignerol,  who  yet,  in  a  sense,  was  his 
superior  officer,  Saint-Mars  with  his  two  prisoners  set 
out  at  dead  of  night,  passing  through  the  small  gate- 
way which  led  from  the  donjon  directly  outside  the 
fortifications.  With  him  there  went  also  his  Free  Com- 
pany, now  reduced  to  two  lieutenants,  Beaujoly  and  La 
Prade,  and  forty-seven  men,  since  these  two  prisoners- 
at  Exiles  would  need  less  guarding  than  did  Foucquet 
and  Lauzun  and  the  others  at  Pignerol.  D'Herleville 
wrote  to  Louvois  to  complain  of  this  discourtesy,  but 
was  answered  in  return  that  Saint-Mars  had  his  own 
orders,  and  had  acted  on  them.  In  this  way  the 
transfer  of  the  prisoners  was  made  almost  without  any- 
one being  aware  of  it.  Exiles  must  have  been  reached 
in  the  morning  of  the  following  day,  when  people  at 
Pignerol  were  only  just  becoming  aware  that  anything 
had  happened. 

Exiles,  well  known  nowadays  to  travellers  by  the 
Mont  Cenis  railway,  was  then  as  lonely  and  isolated  a 
spot  as  could  well  be  found  anywhere.  The  fortress 
stood  high  up  in  the  hills,  at  the  end  of  a  number  of 
mountain  routes,  closing  a  defile  which  led  from 
Brian9on  to  Turin.  The  village  was  insignificant  and 
far  away.  There  was  an  ancient  tower,  said  to  have 
been  built  by  the  Romans,  and  a  number  of  more 
modern  buildings.  Saint-Mars  and  the  Free  Company 

1  If  this  explanation  be  thought  far  fetched,  merles,  after  all,  need 
mean  no  more  than  caged  bird.  Blackbirds  are  constantly  so  kept  in 
France.  The  main  point  is  that  no  contempt  is  necessarily  implied. 


EXILES  87 

had  their  lodgings  in  these,  and  the  tower  was  given 
up  to  the  use  of  the  prisoners.  It  was  from  his 
dwelling  in  this  tower  that  our  prisoner  once  more  found 
a  name,  and  both  here  and  at  Sainte-Marguerite  came 
to  he  known  as  '  M.  Latour.' 

The  dulness  and  monotony  of  life  in  this  spot  must 
have  been  almost  insupportable,  but  Saint-Mars  was 
well  paid  for  the  privations  he  was  suffering.  To  the 
prisoners  it  cannot  have  mattered  much  where 
they  were.  Saint-Mars  at  this  time  was  receiving 
6,000  francs  as  commandant,  1,800  francs  as  sub- 
lieutenant of  the  Mousquetaires,  4,800  francs  for  the 
charge  of  the  forts  of  Perouse  and  of  1'Ecluse — besides 
rooms,  lights,  fire,  fodder,  and  other  allowances,  and 
fifteen  francs  a  day  for  the  maintenance  of  each  of  his 
prisoners.  To  be  governor  of  a  State  prison  was  in 
those  days  a  sure  way  of  amassing  a  fortune. 

The  winter  went  by  without  the  occurrence  of  any 
notable  event.  One  or  other  of  his  prisoners,  Saint- 
Mars  writes  to  Louvois  on  December  4,  was  always 
ill,  and  between  them  they  kept  his  hands  full,  but 
nothing  else  came  to  break  the  tedious  monotony.  A 
doctor  came  up  to  visit  the  prisoners  from  a  neigh- 
bouring town,  and  leave  was  given  to  send  for  the 
parish  cure  to  confess  them  once  a  year  at  Easter  time. 
Saint-Mars  also  asks  for  and  obtains  leave  to  buy  them 
fresh  winter  clothes,  but  is  warned  against  extrava- 
gance. '  Clothes,'  writes  the  Minister,  '  for  people  of 
this  kind  ought  to  last  three  or  four  years  at  the 
least.' 

This  letter  shows  that  neither  of  the  prisoners  was, 
in  Louvois'  opinion,  a  person  of  any  importance  so  far 
as  his  worldly  position  was  concerned,  but,  neverthe- 
less, almost  immediately  after,  something  seems  to 


88  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

have  occurred  to  enhance  the  importance  of  the  secret 
1  Danger '  was  supposed  to  hold.  Louvois  writes  again 
in  March  1682,  as  if  he  had  not  already  insisted 
sufficiently  upon  the  point,  to  remind  Saint-Mars,  on 
behalf  of  the  king  himself,  of  the  absolute  necessity 
that  these  two  prisoners  should  have  no  intercourse 
with  any  person  whatever,  and  that  they  should  not 
be  allowed  to  speak  to  anyone,  not  only  from  outside, 
but  even  from  among  their  guards.  Mr.  Lang  says 
that  they  were  now  separated  the  one  from  the 
other  and  placed  in  solitary  confinement.  Of  this, 
however,  there  is  no  trace.  The  old  precautions 
were  adhered  to  without  change,  but  more  rigorously 
than  ever. 

Saint-Mars  replied  to  this  letter  from  Louvois  by  a 
long  and  interesting  dispatch  from  which  we  learn  the 
details  of  the  life  at  Exiles.  Nothing,  he  says,  can 
exceed  the  care  and  anxiety  with  which  the  guard  has 
been  carried  out.  It  has  varied  nothing  from  the 
routine  adopted  in  the  old  days  with  MM.  Foucquet 
and  Lauzun.  The  prisoners,  it  is  true,  can  hear  the 
voices  of  those  who  pass  along  the  road  under  the 
tower,  but  they  cannot  make  themselves  heard  in 
return  ;  they  can  see  people  on  the  hills  by  which  the 
fort  is  surrounded,  but  they  themselves  cannot  be  seen, 
because  of  the  bars  which  close  their  windows.  Two 
sentinels  are  posted  night  and  day  at  the  foot  of  the 
tower,  each  of  them  commanding  from  his  beat  the 
prisoners'  window.  They  had  orders  to  prevent  all 
attempts  at  communication,  should  any  be  made,  and 
also  to  prevent  any  loitering  on  the  road  or  the  hills  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  fortress.  His  own  rooms, 
too,  adjoined  the  tower,  and  from  his  windows  he 
•commanded  both  the  window  of  the  prisoners  and  also 


EXILES  89 

the  two  sentinels,  so  that  any  breach  of  discipline 
would  be  at  once  detected. 

Inside  the  tower  a  piece  of  their  chamber  had  been 
portioned  off  to  serve  as  a  chapel,  so  that  the  priest 
who  said  Mass  for  them  could  not  see  them.  The 
servants,  too,  were  not  permitted  to  enter  the  room. 
They  brought  the  food  to  the  door  and  the  lieutenant 
then  carried  it  in.  No  one  spoke  to  them  except 
himself — the  lieutenant  just  mentioned,  M.  Vigneron 
the  confessor,  and  a  doctor  who  came  from  Pragelas, 
eighteen  miles  away.  These  last  saw  the  prisoners 
only  in  Saint-Mars'  presence.  As  for  the  linen  and 
so  forth,  the  same  precautions  were  taken  to  avoid  any 
message  being  sent  out  as  had  been  customary  with 
Foucquet  and  Lauzun.  All  such  soiled  linen  was 
placed  to  soak  in  the  tower  itself,  and  only  after  it  had 
undergone  this  process  and  had  been  inspected  by 
Saint-Mars'  lieutenant,  was  it  allowed  to  be  carried 
away  and  washed. 

These  precautions  seemed  satisfactory  to  Louvois 
and  the  king,  and  nothing  further  was  directed.  Saint- 
Mars  was,  however,  warned  that  no  other  lieutenant 
except  the  one  who  had  already  been  permitted  to  do 
so  was  for  the  future  to  be  allowed  to  visit  them  in 
their  prison  or  to  speak  to  them.  This  lieutenant 
seems  to  have  been  La  Prade.  Beaujoly,  the  other 
lieutenant,  does  not  seem  to  have  had  much  to  do  with 
the  prisoners  at  any  time.  Slowly  the  years  passed 
away.  There  are  letters  at  not  infrequent  intervals 
from  Louvois  asking  for  news  of  the  prisoners.  Once 
or  twice  Saint-Mars  is  granted  a  certain  leave  of 
absence,  so  long  as  due  precautions  are  taken  for  their 
safety  while  he  is  away.  They  could  be  left  quite 
safely  under  the  care  of  La  Prade,  a  man  as  regular 


90  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

and  scrupulous  as  Saint-Mars  himself,  and  who  was  in 
all  things  at  this  time  his  alter  ego. 

The  prisoners,  too,  were  of  a  very  different  type 
from  those  he  had  had  in  the  past.  If  Foucquet  was 
'  a  lamb '  compared  to  Lauzun,  one  wonders  what 
word  could  be  used  to  express  prisoners  so  admirable, 
from  a  gaoler's  point  of  view,  as  were  '  the  two  of  the 
tour  d'en  bas.'  Of  '  Dauger  '  Saint-Mars  had  written 
in  December  1673,  '  He  says  nothing,  he  lives  content, 
like  a  man  wholly  resigned  to  the  will  of  God  and  of 
the  king.'  So  in  the  same  way  now,  in  1685,  twelve 
years  afterwards,  he  writes,  '  My  prisoners  are  always 
ill  and  under  treatment,  but  for  the  rest  they  are  in 
great  tranquillity.' 

In  the  case  of  one  of  the  two  this  illness  became 
serious.  La  Kiviere  (we  know  that  it  was  he  because 
he  wanted  to  make  his  will  and  dispose  of  the  money 
he  had  earned  as  Foucquet's  valet,  while  '  Dauger '  had 
no  money  to  leave)  now  developed  dropsical  symptoms. 
Leave  was  therefore  given  to  let  him  be  confessed 
and  receive  the  sacraments  at  any  time,  should 
nis  malady  reach  the  point  of  actual  danger.  On 
January  5, 1687,  Saint-Mars  writes  to  announce  that 
he  is  dead. 

This  letter  from  Saint-Mars  crossed  another  written 
by  Louvois  on  the  8th  to  announce  to  him  that  the 
king  had  been  pleased  to  appoint  him  to  yet  another 
government,  the  lies  Sainte-Marguerite  and  Honorat, 
in  the  bay  of  Cannes  on  the  southern  coast,  a  welcome 
change  indeed  after  the  long  rigours  of  Exiles.  He 
was  to  go  down  at  once  to  see  the  spot,  and  to  report 
what  changes  would  be  necessary  to  allow  of  the  safe 
keeping  of  the  two  prisoners  (Louvois  had  not  yet 
heard  that  one  was  already  dead),  both  of  whom  it  was 


EXILES  91 

the  king's  will  should  be  taken  there  with  him  when 
he  took  up  his  charge. 

Saint-Mars  writes  at  once  to  express  his  gratitude  for 
the  promotion.  He  will  go  forthwith  to  Sainte-Mar- 
guerite  to  make  the  required  survey.  At  the  same 
time,  since  the  snow  lies  deep  on  the  direct  route  he 
would  be  glad  if  he  might  have  leave  to  go  round  by 
Turin,  paying  his  respects  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy  as  he 
passed  through  his  capital.  Louvois  might  trust  him 
to  do  all  that  was  necessary  for  the  safe  keeping  of  his 
prisoner — since  now  there  was  only  one.  He  suggests 
that,  though  a  litter  did  well  enough  for  his  trans- 
ference over  the  short  distance  from  Pignerol  to  Exiles, 
a  chair  with  wheels,  and  covered  over  with  waxed  cloth, 
would  be  better  for  this  longer  journey.  Litters  often 
break  down,  and  in  this  way  his  face  might  be  seen. 
Both  these  requests  were  approved  by  Louvois,  and 
the  whole  responsibility  of  preparing  a  safe  prison  at 
the  new  command,  and  of  conveying  the  prisoner 
thither  with  all  due  secrecy  and  security,  was  left 
absolutely  to  Saint-Mars. 

Early  in  February  Saint-Mars  started  off  to  view 
his  new  command.  Before  he  went,  however,  he  made 
all  arrangements  for  the  safe  keeping  of  the  prisoner, 
and,  in  particular,  gave  orders  that  La  Prade,  the 
lieutenant  he  left  in  command,  was  on  no  account  to 
speak  to  him.  This  had  been  always  the  rule,  he  says, 
in  spite  of  the  quasi-permission  given  by  Louvois  in 
favour  of  this  particular  lieutenant  in  1682.  Arrived 
at  the  Isles  he  made  a  plan,  which  he  estimated  would 
cost  5,000  francs  to  execute,  for  the  building  of  a  new 
and  safe  prison  for  the  man  who  was  in  his  charge. 
Then  he  fell  ill  of  fever  and  kept  his  bed  for  the  next 
twenty  days,  so  that  he  was  unable  to  get  back  to 


92  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Exiles.  He  writes,  however,  on  March  23,  to  say  that 
he  is  cured,  thanks  to  the  large  doses  of  quinine  he  has 
taken,  and  once  more  returns  to  the  anxious  question 
of  the  prisoner's  journey.  He  shall  not  hear  Mass  on 
the  way,  that  would  be  dangerous.  When,  however, 
he  arrives  at  Sainte-Marguerite  he  will  have  a  chapel 
adjoining  his  cell,  so  there  will  then  be  no  difficulty  on 
that  score.  He  proposes  to  move  the  prisoner  at  once, 
although  his  new  prison  will  not  be  ready.  If,  how- 
ever, he  may  turn  out  from  his  cell  the  one  prisoner 
already  in  the  island,  the  Sieur  de  Chezut,  and  put  his 
own  prisoner  there  for  a  time  in  his  stead,  he  thinks  he 
will  be  safe  enough. 

On  April  30  the  transfer  was  over,  and  the  prisoner 
safely  lodged  at  Sainte-Marguerite.  The  plan  of  a 
sedan  chair  tightly  closed  in  with  waxed  cloth  was 
that  which  was  eventually  fixed  on  for  his  conveyance, 
and  eight  porters  had  been  hired  to  carry  him  from 
Savoy  down  to  Provence.  They  had  been  obliged  to 
push  on  and  make  great  speed,  for  the  poor  prisoner 
was  half  dead  for  want  of  air,  and  the  journey  had  in 
consequence  been  completed  in  the  excellent  time  of 
twelve  days.  Except  for  this  unfortunate  want  of  air 
and  the  suffering  which  it  had  caused,  everything  had 
gone  admirably.  *I  can  assure  you,  Monseigneur,' 
writes  Saint-Mars,  *  that  no  single  person  has  set  eyes 
upon  him,  and  that  the  care  with  which  I  watched 
over  him  on  the  road  was  such  as  to  set  everyone 
trying  to  discover  who  my  prisoner  could  possibly  be.' 

His  bed  and  other  effects  had  been  left  behind  at 
Exiles.  They  were  so  old  and  broken  that  they  were 
not  worth  bringing  so  far,  and,  in  fact,  the  whole  lot, 
when  sold,  had  only  fetched  the  sum  of  thirteen  crowns. 
At  Sainte-Marguerite,  therefore,  a  new  outfit  had  been 


EXILES  93 

supplied.  At  the  end  of  the  year  Saint-Mars  sends  in 
the  bill  for  it.  He  sends  the  total  only,  for  he  dare 
not  venture  to  send  the  items,  lest  from  them  '  some 
one  might  be  able  to  penetrate  into  other  things  than 
what  they  at  present  believe.'  Here,  again,  is  a  fresh 
and  seemingly  a  needless  piece  of  mystery.  The  result 
of  it  all  was  that  public  curiosity  was  aroused,  and,  as 
Saint-Mars  reports  in  the  same  letter,  January  8,  1688, 
in  all  the  country  round  men  were  saying  that  his 
prisoner  was  either  M.  de  Beaufort  (the  Due  de  Beau- 
fort who  had  been  killed  in  Candia  in  1669,  and  whose 
body  was  never  found),  or  else  *  a  son  of  the  late 
Cromwell.'  Already,  as  long  before  at  Pignerol,  and 
to  a  much  greater  extent  at  the  Bastille  and  after  his 
death,  the  extraordinary  precautions  of  which  our 
prisoner  was  the  constant  subject,  are  the  cause  of 
myths  and  legends  which  cluster  round  his  name.  The 
apparent  glee  with  which  Saint-Mars  records  the  fact 
suggests  that  here  again  we  have  to  deal  with  '  fairy 
tales,'  contes  jaunes,  to  use  his  own  expression,  which 
owed  their  origin  only  to  himself  and  his  '  short  way ' 
with  troublesome  inquirers. 


94  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 


CHAPTEE  VI 

SAINTE-MAKGUEKITE   AND   THE   BASTILLE 

IT  must,  indeed,  have  been  a  pleasant  change  for  Saint- 
Mars  and  for  his  prisoner,  in  spite  of  all  that  the 
latter  had  suffered  on  the  road,  when  they  found  them- 
selves duly  installed  at  the  Island  of  Sainte-Marguerite 
in  the  warm  air  and  brilliant  sunshine  of  a  Riviera 
spring,  instead  of  the  cold  blackness  which  they  had 
left  behind  at  Exiles.  Every  one  who  has  been  to  the 
Riviera  knows  the  Isles  de  Lerins,  which  make  so 
attractive  a  feature  in  the  view  from  the  neighbourhood 
of  Cannes.  Everything  remains  more  or  less  as  it  was' 
in  those  days,  and  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Monastery  of 
St.  Honorat  and  to  *  the  Prison  of  the  Iron  Mask,'  is 
an  excursion  which  few  of  those  who  spend  the  winter 
at  Cannes  ever  omit  to  make. 

A  recent  French  writer  has  waxed  eloquent  on  the 
beauties  of  its  situation.  '  Where  is  the  traveller,'  he 
writes,  '  who  as  he  follows  the  gracious  bends  of  the 
railway  to  Nice,  from  La  Napoule  to  the  Golfe  lonan, 
has  failed  to  admire  the  charming  situation  of  the 
Isles  de  Lerins,  at  the  foot  of  the  heights  of  the 
Maures,  and  of  the  Croisette  Point?  Who  has  not 
stood  in  wonder  as  he  gazed  on  the  marvellous  belt  of 
villages  and  country  houses  which  can  be  seen  from 
the  royal  fortress.  It  might  pass  for  a  scene  in  opera 


SA1NTE-MAKGUERITE   AND  THE  BASTILLE      95 

comique  —  a  splendid  horizon  cut  into  by  groves  of 
orange  trees,  fields  of  flowers,  and  by  wild  forests  which 
stretch  right  up  to  Grasse,  that  town  of  perfumes,  and 
to  the  mountains  which  rise  above  it.  And  yet  it  was 
here,  in  the  midst  of  all  these  enchantments,  on  the 
northern  side  of  the  largest  of  these  islands,  that  there 
rose  up,  silent  and  sad,  the  old  fortress  of  Kichelieu, 
now  ruled  so  anxiously  by  M.  de  Saint-Mars.' l 

This  fortress,  which  is  still  partly  standing,  had 
been  built  by  Eichelieu  in  1633,  when  the  islands 
were  first  recovered  from  the  Spaniards.  When  Saint- 
Mars  was  appointed  there  was  no  prison,  properly 
so-called.  He  it  was  who  built  the  prisons,  expressly 
for  the  purpose  of  receiving  *  the  Iron  Mask  '  when  he 
came  here  in  1687. 

Saint-Mars  seems  to  have  built  two  cells  only  at 
this  time.  They  were  destined,  we  may  suppose,  for 
the  two  prisoners  under  his  charge,  the  one  whom  he 
had  brought  from  Exiles  and  the  one  whom  he  took 
over  on  entering  his  command.  At  a  later  period 
others  were  sent  to  him,  and  fresh  accommodation,  we 
may  suppose,  was  provided.  His  letter,  however,  to 
Louvois  (January  8,  1688)  is  quite  clear  in  speaking  of 
two  new  prisons  which  he  had  built.  It  is  precisely 
the  second  cell  from  the  end,  the  outermost  of  the  two 
constructed  at  this  moment,  that  tradition  still  points 
out  as  having  been  for  so  long  the  home  of  the 
Masked  Prisoner. 

Saint-Mars  himself  was  well  pleased  with  his  work. 
'  The  cells,'  he  wrote  to  Louvois,  '  are  large,  fine,  and 
light,  and  for  their  goodness  I  do  not  think  you  could 
find  stronger  or  more  secure  in  all  Europe,  especially 
as  regards  the  carrying  of  news  either  from  near  or 
1  lung,  La  veritt  sur  le  masqiw  de  fer,  p.  166. 


96  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

far — a  thing  which  was  not  to  be  found  in  any  of  the 
places  in  which  I  had  the  charge  of  the  late  M.  Foucquet 
after  his  arrest. 

An  inspection  of  the  cell  as  it  is  to-day  fully  bears 
out  Saint-Mars  report.  The  special  safety  of  the  place 
arises  from  the  fact  that  it  is  built  on  the  edge  of  the 
cliff,  which  falls  straight  away  to  the  water.  The  door 
of  the  cell,  *  a  venerable  nail-studded  and  most  dungeon- 
like  door,'  may  be  the  original ;  the  room  is  lofty, 
with  a  vaulted  roof,  and  well  lighted,  with  a  wide  and 
high  window,  'with  a  most  appalling  apparatus  of 
cross-bars,  four  rows  originally,  of  which  three  still 
remain.' 

The  garrison  of  the  fortress  consisted  of  two  com- 
panies of  infantry,  besides  Saint-Mars'  own  Free  Com- 
pany. La  Prade  was  second  in  command,  and  held 
the  post  of  king's  lieutenant.  M.  de  Dampierre,  who 
had  been  there  for  some  years,  and  who  had  been 
actually  in  temporary  command  for  two  years  before 
Saint-Mars  came,  was  now  third — as  '  major '  of  the 
fortress.  The  guard  of  the  prisoners  was  here,  as 
before,  exclusively  committed  to  the  Free  Company, 
whose  officers,  under  Saint-Mars,  were  now  De  For- 
manoir,  Beaujoly,  and  Rosarges.  De  Formanoir  was 
the  Governor's  nephew,  and  Rosarges,  who  had  been 
with  him  for  many  years,  was  now  promoted  from  the 
ranks. 

Before  1690  the  other  prisoner,  M.  de  Chezut,  was 
either  dead  or  discharged,  for  in  February  of  that  year 
Louvois  writes  to  Saint-Mars  to  warn  him  of  the 
arrival  of  another  prisoner  of  a  novel  kind,  a  Protestant 
minister  of  the  name  of  Cardel,  who  on  arrival  is  to  be 
placed  '  in  the  prison  of  M.  de  Chezut ' — that  is,  no 
doubt,  in  the  other  one  of  the  two  special  vaulted 


SAINTE-MARGUERITE   AND   THE  BASTILLE      97 

prisons  which  Saint-Mars  has  caused  to  be  built.  This 
man  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  similar  prisoners,  but 
was  sent  to  Sainte-Marguerite,  not  for  his  religion,  but 
because  he  was  accused  of  planning  an  attempt  against 
the  king's  life.  He  was  to  be  imprisoned  pendant 
toute  sa  vie,  and  his  maintenance  was  fixed  at  fifteen 
sous  a  day.  For  Saint-Mars'  old  prisoner,  M.  Latour 
as  they  now  called  him,  three  francs  a  day  were  being 
allowed,  so  he  was  on  a  much  better  footing  now  than 
were  any  of  the  rest. 

The  next  prisoners  who  arrived  were  two  more 
ministers  named  respectively  Salves  and  Lestang,  and 
both  on  life  sentences.  They  came  in  January  1690, 
and  the  directions  were  very  clear  that  no  one  was  to 
speak  to  them  or  hold  any  communication  with  them, 
and  that  they  were  to  be  kept  with  the  utmost  security. 
The  difficulty  was  that  there  were  no  more  prison  cells 
available  in  which  to  keep  them,  and  Saint-Mars  writes 
therefore  to  ask  permission  to  build  new  prisons,  leave 
for  which  was  granted  in  a  letter  from  Louvois  of 
March  10,  1692.  At  this  time,  then,  it  seems  to  be  clear 
that  the  remaining  cells  were  constructed,  four  on  the 
ground  floor  in  continuation  of  the  others,  and  two 
above  the  ones  already  built,  the  vaulted  roof  allowing 
this  to  be  easily  done.  The  new  cells  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  vaulted,  and  so  far  they  were  less  strong 
than  the  first  two,  as  well  as  less  expensive. 

These  Protestant  ministers  have  no  immediate  con- 
nection with  the  main  subject  except  that  their  esca- 
pades gave  rise  to  some  of  the  stories  traditionally  told 
about  the  masked  prisoner  and  collected  by  Voltaire  on 
the  spot  in  the  middle  of  the  next  century.  For  the 
people  of  the  island  the  only  prisoner  of  interest  was  the 
unknown  man  about  whom  so  much  mystery  was 

H 


98  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

made,  and  who  had  come  from  Exiles  with  Saint- 
Mars.  Everything,  therefore,  which  happened  in  con- 
nection with  the  prison  was  put  down  to  his  credit, 
not  without  growing  considerably  in  the  course  of  the 
process.  We  have,  however,  the  actual  reports  of  the 
events  made  by  Saint-Mars  to  Louvois  at  the  moment 
when  each  of  them  occurred — and  we  can  easily  recog- 
nise how  it  was  that  the  pretty  stories  of  the  *  silver 
plate  '  and  of  '  the  fine  linen  on  which  the  prisoner  had 
written  '  came  to  be  spread  abroad. 

For  these  new  prisoners  were  of  a  very  different 
mould  from  the  quiet,  wholly  resigned,  Man  of  the 
Mask,  '  M.  Latour.'  Their  one  object  was,  since  they 
saw  no  hope  of  escaping,  to  make  their  sufferings  known 
to  the  world  outside.  Saint-Mars'  letters  are  full  of 
complaints.  Cardel  is  the  first  offender.  'He  sings 
psalms  night  and  day,  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  with  the 
express  purpose  of  letting  people  know  who  and  what 
he  is.  I  told  him  again  and  again  to  stop  doing  it  under 
pain  of  a  thorough  flogging,  which  at  last  I  had  to  give 
him,  as  also  to  his  comrade,  who  is  called  Salves,  and 
who  has  scribbling  on  the  brain,  and  writes  nonsense  on 
his  tin  vessel  and  on  his  linen  to  tell  people  that  he 
has  been  shut  up  unjustly  for  no  other  reason  than  the 
purity  of  his  faith.'  Saint-Mars  got  a  stern  rebuke, 
for  having  ventured  to  flog  his  prisoners,  from  Pont- 
chartrain,  under  whose  authority,  as  well  as  that  of 
Louvois,  he  had  now  come.  Louvois  had  given  him 
permission  to  do  so,  but  Seigneley  and  Pontchartrain 
would  have  none  of  it.  '  His  Majesty  has  ordered  me 
to  write  that  he  is  most  astonished  at  what  you  have 
ventured  to  do  without  order,'  writes  Seigneley,  '  and 
he  desires  that  you  will  for  the  future  use  no  harsh 
measures  of  that  kind.'  '  These  folk  have  very  strong 


SAINTE-MARGUERITE   AND  THE   BASTILLE      99 

prejudices  (sont  tres-opinidtres) ,'  writes  Pontchartrain 
a  little  later,  *  and  should  be  treated  with  all  the 
humanity  you  can  give  them.' 1 

More  Protestant  ministers  came  in  1692  and  in 
1693,  each  to  be  placed  in  a  separate  cell  and  kept  in 
solitary  confinement.  The  first  was  Malzac,  who  was 
suffering  already  from  a  terrible  complaint,  and  seems 
to  have  died  within  the  year.  The  second,  Girard,  and 
the  third,  whose  name  is  not  known,  also  seem  to 
have  made  but  a  short  stay,  for  in  1693  (March  3) 
there  are  only  the  original  three  at  the  Isle,  and 
Barbezieux  (Louvois'  son  and  successor)  writes  to  tell 
Saint-Mars  that  he  need  not  for  the  future  speak  of 
them  by  their  names,  but  only  as  the  Songster,  the 
Scribbler,  and  the  Last-one-come,  by  which  names  he 
will  be  able  to  recognise  them.  But  a  new  lot  of 
prisoners  were  now  coming  from  another  place  to  fill 
the  four  cells  which  were  still  unoccupied,  out  of  the 
eight  at  Saint-Mars'  disposal. 

The  reason  of  this  change  was  that  Pignerol  was 
no  longer  a  safe  place  for  a  State  prison.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Mattioli  and  two  other  prisoners  had 
been  left  there  in  1681  under  the  charge  of  Villebois, 
one  of  Saint-Mars'  lieutenants,  who  had  the  actual 
command  of  the  donjon  and  the  citadel,  though  Saint- 
Mars  himself  still  retained  some  sort  of  nominal 
superiority  over  him.  In  1691  Villebois  fell  ill,  and 
leave  was  granted  to  Saint-Mars  to  make  an  exchange 
between  his  lieutenants,  sending  La  Prade  to  command 
at  the  donjon  of  Pignerol  and  taking  Villebois  instead 
to  the  milder  climate  of  Sainte-Marguerite.  Villebois, 
however,  died  before  he  could  take  advantage  of  this 
arrangement,  and  La  Prade  was  sent  to  take  his  place 

1  lung,  p.  268. 


100  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

at  Pignerol.  De  Formanoir  succeeded  La  Prade  at 
Sainte-Margnerite,  becoming,  as  Saint-Mars  long 
before  had  described  the  lieutenant  in  special  charge 
of  his  prisoners,  'a  veritable  fixture  (cul  de  plomb), 
always  kept  here  by  his  work,  like  the  bolts  on  my 
prisoners'  doors.' * 

The  fortunes  of  the  French  arms  had  been  less 
propitious  of  late  years,  and  the  cession  of  Casale,  from 
which  so  much  had  been  hoped,  had  only  resulted  in 
uniting  the  other  powers  of  Italy  against  the  French. 
Already  the  troops  of  Victor  Amadeo,  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  were  besieging  Pignerol,  and  the  fall  of  the 
place,  if  not  imminent,  was  always  possible.  Evidently 
it  was  high  time  that  the  prisoners,  and  especially 
Mattioli,  should  be  removed  to  safer  quarters. 

On  March  20,  1694,  Barbezieux  wrote  to  Saint- 
Mars  to  tell  him  that  three  new  prisoners  were  coming, 
and  asking  whether  he  had  sufficient  room  to  receive 
them.  One  of  the  new  ones  who  is  coming  is  of  more 
consequence  than  the  prisoners  already  at  the  Island, 
and  must  therefore  be  given  the  safest  place.  This  is 
clearly  Mattioli,  whom  we  know  still  to  have  been  at 
Pignerol  as  late  as  the  previous  December,  and  for  him 
accordingly  the  second  of  the  two  original  prisons  of 
Saint-Mars,  the  twin  to  that  occupied  by  '  M.  Latour,' 
will  have  been  prepared. 

The  hardships  of  the  siege  had  caused  a  great  deal 
of  sickness  among  the  prisoners  at  Pignerol.  Mattioli 
and  his  servant  had  both  been  ill  and  in  bed,  and 
through  this  the  discovery  had  been  made  that  they 
had  been  writing  messages  on  the  pockets  of  their 
clothes,  doubtless  in  the  hope  of  somehow  getting 
them  conveyed  to  their  friends  outside.  One  of  the 

1  Letter  from  Saint-Mars,  February  17,  1673. 


SAINTE-MARGUERITE   AND  THE   BASTILLE      101 

prisoners  had  actually  died,  and,  since  La  Prade  did 
not  know  his  name,  Barbezieux  had  written  for  infor- 
mation to  Saint-Mars.  He  was  the  oldest  (le  plus 
ancieri)  of  the  prisoners,  and  must  have  been  *  the  mad 
Jacobin,'  whose  name  was  never  mentioned  in  the 
despatches,  and  still  remains  uncertain.  Saint-Mars 
sent  it  in  cypher  to  the  Minister,  but  his  letter  has 
been  destroyed. 

There  remained,  at  this  time,  of  the  original  prisoners 
whom  Saint-Mars  had  known  only  Mattioli  andDubreuil, 
with  the  addition  of  Mattioli's  man,  who  is  never 
counted  as  a  prisoner  in  the  full  sense.  Others  had 
come  and  gone  since  Saint-Mars'  departure,  but  only 
one  had  remained  in  captivity,  a  certain  De  Herse,  a 
man  of  no  great  importance,  the  details  of  whose  life, 
so  far  as  they  are  known  to  us,  may  be  read  in  lung. 
These  three,  Mattioli,  Dubreuil,  and  De  Herse,  with 
Mattioli's  valet,  are  the  prisoners  who  were  now  to  be 
transferred  to  Sainte-Marguerite. 

Barbezieux  wrote  to  La  Prade  the  same  day  that 
he  wrote  to  Saint-Mars.  He  ordered  him  to  move  the 
three  prisoners  one  by  one,  since  he  had  no  soldiers 
under  his  own  command  to  form  a  competent  guard. 
Saint-Mars  would  send  two  sergeants  to  help  him,  and 
when  they  had  brought  one  prisoner  across  safely,  the 
party  was  to  return  to  fetch  another.  Arrangements 
were  to  be  made  meanwhile  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the 
ones  left  behind. 

This  cumbrous  arrangement  was  afterwards  changed. 
An  escort  was  provided  by  the  Marechal  de  Tessy,  who 
was  in  command  of  the  French  army  at  the  siege,  and 
four  prisoners — doubtless  the  three  already  mentioned 
and  the  valet — were  duly  taken  in  a  single  party  and 
placed  in  Saint-Mars'  charge.  The  journey,  however, 


102  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

seems  to  have  been  too  much  for  Mattioli's  strength. 
He  had  been  ill,  as  we  have  seen,  three  months  before, 
and  no  doubt  his  constitution  had  not  improved  in  the 
course  of  his  captivity  of  fifteen  years.  Whether  he 
died  on  the  way  or  immediately  after  his  arrival  we 
cannot  tell.  No  record  of  his  death  has  yet  been 
found.  It  was  announced,  apparently,  in  the  next  letter 
of  Saint-Mars  to  Barbezieux,  which  was  written  on 
April  29,  but  has  not  been  preserved.  In  it  he  asked 
what  he  was  to  do  with  the  valet  now  his  master 
was  dead.  Should  he  put  him  where  his  master  would 
have  been,  in  *  the  vaulted  prison,'  the  safest  place  in 
the  island,  and  reserved  for  the  most  important 
prisoner?  To  this  question  Barbezieux  answered  in 
the  affirmative,  and  he  was  placed  accordingly  next  to 
the  '  Iron  Mask.'  Tradition  in  the  island  still  tells  that 
this  cell  was  occupied  by  the  Mask's  servant,  and  that 
he  remained  behind  at  Sainte-Marguerite,  and  died 
there  some  eight  years  later.  Whether  or  not  his 
services  were  actually  given  to  the  Masked  Man  there 
is  no  authentic  evidence. 

In  any  case  it  seems  clear  that,  compared  to  what 
it  had  been  at  Exiles  and  at  Pignerol,  the  life  of  our 
mysterious  prisoner  was  a  good  deal  alleviated  at 
Sainte-Marguerite.  The  mask,  which  now  for  the 
first  time  makes  its  appearance,  was  itself  an  in- 
dulgence, and  not,  as  has  so  often  been  represented, 
an  added  torture.  It  was  only  a  light  construction  of 
black  velvet,  with  no  iron  of  any  kind  about  it,  which 
could  be  put  on  when  permission  was  given  to  go 
putside  the  cell,  and  which  effectually  prevented  any 
possibility  of  his  being  recognised.  At  Pignerol,  and 
apparently  at  Exiles,  he  had  never  been  allowed  to  go 
outside  his  cell  at  all,  except  indeed  when  the  exigen- 


SAINTE-MARGUERITE   AND   THE   BASTILLE     103 

cies  of  M.  Foucquet's  service  required  his  presence. 
But  at  the  Island,  and  apparently  also  at  the  Bastille, 
tradition  seems  to  be  clear  that  he  was,  sometimes  at 
any  rate,  allowed  outside  on  condition  that  he  wore 
the  mask.  From  1688  onwards  he  seems  to  have 
been  treated  on  a  different  footing  from  before,  whether 
this  is  due  only  to  his  own  good  behaviour  for  so  long 
a  period  or  to  some  other  cause.  The  constant  tradi- 
tion of  the  favour,  and  even  deference,  shown  to  him 
by  the  governor  in  these  later  years — a  tradition  exist- 
ing alike  at  Sainte-Marguerite  and  at  the  Bastille  — 
must  have  some  basis  in  fact,  and  does  not  seem  to  be 
simply  the  result  of  the  fables  published  by  Voltaire. 
At  Palteau,  on  the  way  to  the  Bastille,  Saint-Mars  sits 
down  to  dinner  vis-a-vis  with  his  prisoner;  no  one 
else,  not  even  his  own  nephew  and  lieutenant,  being 
allowed  to  join  the  party.  This  surely  denotes  a 
change  from  the  time  when  the  prisoner  was  known 
only  as  '  Eustache  Dauger,'  who  need  not  have  much 
preparation  made  for  him  since  he  is  '  only  a  servant.' 

The  daily  life  at  Sainte-Marguerite  was  much  the 
same  in  most  respects  as  at  Exiles  and  Pignerol.  We 
have  a  full  account  of  it  given  us  by  Saint-Mars  in  a 
long  dispatch  to  Barbezieux,  who  had  manifested  some 
curiosity  upon  the  point.  '  You  bid  me  tell  you,'  he 
writes,  '  what  the  practice  is  when  I  am  ill  or  absent, 
with  reference  to  the  visits  and  precautions  which  are 
made  daily  for  the  prisoners  who  are  in  my  charge. 

*  My  two  lieutenants  serve  their  food  at  the  regular 
hours,  just  as  they  have  seen  me  do  it,  and  as  I  still 
often  do  when  I  am  well.  This  is  the  way  it  is  done, 
monseigneur.  My  senior  lieutenant  [de  Formanoir] 
takes  the  keys  of  the  prison  of  my  old  prisoner  \rnon 
ancien  prisonnier],  with  whom  we  begin  ;  he  opens  the 


104  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

three  doors  and  enters  into  the  room  of  the  prisoner, 
who  politely  hands  him  the  plates  and  dishes,  laid  one 
on  another,  and  the  lieutenant  has  only  to  go  through 
two  doors  [into  the  corridor]  to  give  them  to  one  of  my 
sergeants,  who  places  them  on  a  table  two  steps  away, 
where  my  second  lieutenant  [Eosarges]  is  standing.  It 
is  his  duty  to  examine  everything  that  comes  into  or 
goes  out  of  the  prison,  and  to  see  that  nothing  has  been 
written  on  the  vessels.  After  the  prisoner  has  been 
given  all  he  needs,  an  examination  is  made  in  and 
behind  the  bed,  and  then  of  the  gratings  of  the  windows, 
and  so  on  all  through  the  room,  and  very  often  on 
himself  also. 

1  After  the  prisoner  has  been  asked  very  politely 
whether  he  wants  anything,  the  doors  are  locked  up 
again,  and  they  go  on  to  do  the  same  for  the  other 
prisoners. 

'  The  linen  for  the  table  is  changed  twice  a  week,  as 
also  are  the  shirts  and  linen  which  they  wear,  a  strict 
account  being  kept  as  they  are  handed  in  and  taken 
back. 

'  One  can  easily  be  caught  in  dealing  with  the  linen 
which  comes  in  and  out  for  the  use  of  prisoners  of 
position.  I  have  known  them  try  to  bribe  the  laundress, 
and  then  she  has  come  and  told  me  all  about  it ;  so 
that  after  a  time  I  had  all  the  linen  put  in  soak  when 
it  left  the  room,  and  when  it  was  clean  and  half  dry  the 
laundress  used  to  come  and  fetch  it  away  in  the  presence 
of  one  of  my  lieutenants,  who  used  to  put  the  baskets 
into  a  chest  until  such  time  as  they  were  handed  over 
to  the  prisoners'  servants.  In  candles,  too,  there  is 
much  to  distrust.  I  have  found  some  which  had  paper 
where  the  wicks  ought  to  be  when  I  broke  them  or  used 
them.  I  had  to  send  and  buy  them  at  Turin,  at  shops 


SAINTE-MARGUERITE   AND  THE   BASTILLE     105 

which  had  not  been  tampered  with.  It  is  very  danger- 
ous also  to  let  ribbon  pass  out  of  a  prisoner's  room. 
He  writes  on  it,  as  on  linen,  without  anyone  being  able 
to  see  it. 

'  The  late  M.  Foucquet  used  to  make  excellent 
paper,  on  which  I  used  to  let  him  write,  and  then  I  used 
to  go  at  night  and  take  it  from  a  little  pocket  he  had 
made  at  the  bottom  of  his  breeches,  and  then  send  it 
on  to  your  late  father. 

'  One  more  precaution  we  take  is  to  visit  the 
prisoners  both  in  the  day  and  at  night  at  times  which 
are  not  regulated,  and  then  one  often  finds  that  they 
have  been  writing  things  no  one  can  read  on  their 
dirty  linen,  as  you  have  seen  by  the  examples  I  have 
had  the  honour  to  send  you.' 

Barbezieux  found  nothing  to  add  to  these  precau- 
tions and  expressed  himself  well  satisfied. 

This  letter  was  written  in  1696,  and  by  that  time 
Saint-Mars'  stay  at  Sainte-Marguerite  was  already 
drawing  to  a  close.  Two  years  later/on  June  15, 1698, 
Barbezieux  wrote  to  tell  him  that  the  king  had 
appointed  him  governor  of  the  Bastille,  and  that  he 
was  to  come  up,  as  soon  as  he  heard  again,  to  take 
possession  of  his  new  command,  bringing  with  him 
'  in  all  possible  security  '  the  prisoner  who  had  been  so 
long  in  his  charge.  On  July  19  the  start  was  made,  a 
notice  having  been  sent  on  beforehand  to  M.  du  Jonca, 
the  king's  lieutenant  commanding  for  the  moment  at 
the  Bastille,  to  have  suitable  quarters  prepared  and 
furnished  for  the  prisoner  to  go  into  on  his  arrival  in 
Paris. 

There  is  one  noteworthy  difference  in  the  directions 
given  for  the  care  of  the  prisoner  on  the  way.  Hitherto 


106  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

the  chief  anxiety  has  been  that  he  should  not  be  able 
to  speak  to  anyone  for  fear  he  should  tell  to  any  the 
great  secret  of  '  the  business  on  which  he  had  been 
employed  before  ever  he  came  to  Pignerol.'  This  time 
the  sole  anxiety  of  the  Minister  seems  to  be  that  he 
should  not  be  seen  or  recognised.  Whether  there  is 
really  any  change  in  circumstances,  or  whether  in 
Barbezieux's  mind  the  one  precaution  included  the 
other,  so  that  there  was  no  need  to  express  it  in  words, 
there  is  nothing  to  inform  us. 

The  sedan  chair  with  the  waxed  cloth  was  not  this 
time  called  into  requisition.  The  prisoner  travelled,  as 
did  also  Saint-Mars,  in  a  litter.  The  two  lieutenants, 
De  Formanoir  and  Rosarges,  were  on  horseback,  as 
were  also  some  others,  who  were  there,  no  doubt,  to  act 
as  guards.  Among  the  latter  were  Lecuyer  and  Bu, 
both  of  whom  had  been  with  Saint-Mars  since  the  old 
days  at  Pignerol,  and  who  both  now  went  on  to  the 
Bastille  with  him.  The  Free  Company,  as  a  whole, 
was  now  being  disbanded.  It  had  come  into  existence 
in  1664  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  Foucquet  and 
other  prisoners  of  State,  had  been  continued  since  1681, 
apparently  for  the  sole  purpose  of  acting  as  guard  to 
the  Man  in  the  Mask,  and  now,  since  its  services  were 
not  required  at  the  Bastille,  was  ceasing  to  exist. 

On  his  way  to  Paris  Saint-Mars  was  free,  by  the 
express  order  of  the  king,  to  choose  for  himself  the 
places  at  which  he  wished  to  stop  to  pass  the  night. 
Under  these  circumstances  he  not  unnaturally  availed 
himself  of  the  opportunity  of  going  to  see  his  own 
house  and  lands  at  Palteau,  not  far  from  Villeneuve- 
le-Roi.  Some  seventy  years  later,  when  '  the  Iron 
Mask '  had  become  famous,  and  all  France  was  eager 
for  any  information  on  the  subject,  the  then  owner 


SAINTE-MARGUERITE   AND   THE   BASTILLE     107 

of  Palteau,  M.  de  Formanoir,  the  descendant  of   the 
De   Formanoir   who   was    Saint-Mars'   kinsman    and 
lieutenant  upon  that  memorable  journey,  sent  to  Saint- 
Foix  the  particulars  he  had  been  able  to  collect  from 
the  stories  handed  down  among  the  peasants  of  the 
place.     His  account  is  worth  transcribing.      'M.    de 
Saint-Mars,'  he  says, '  took  his  meals  with  his  prisoner, 
who  was  placed  with  his  back  to  the  windows  of  the 
dining-room,  which  looked  into  the  courtyard.      The 
peasants  whom  I  have  questioned  could  not  see  whether 
he  wore  his  mask  while  eating,  but  they  took  note  of 
the  fact  that  M.  de  Saint-Mars,  who  sat  opposite  to 
him,  had  a  pair  of  pistols  lying  at  the  side  of  his  plate. 
They  were  waited  on  by  a  single  servant  (Antoine  Bu) 
who  wrent  to  fetch  the  dishes,  which  were  brought  to 
him    into    the    antechamber,   and    always    was  very 
careful  to  shut  behind  him  the  door  of  the  room  where 
they  were  dining,     The  prisoner  wore  the  mask  when- 
ever he  crossed  the  courtyard.     The  peasants  noticed 
that  they  could  see  his  lips  and  teeth,  that  he  was 
tall,  and  that  his  hair  was  white.     Saint-Mars  slept  in 
a  bed  which  had  been  placed  close  alongside  that  of  his 
prisoner.     M.  de  Blainvilliers  told  me  that  after  his 
death,  which  happened  in  1704,  he  was  buried  secretly 
at  St.  Paul's,  and  that  they  had  put  drugs  within  the 
shroud  so  that  the  body  might  be  consumed.     I  have 
not  heard  it  said  that  he  had  any  foreign  accent.'     The 
M.  de  Blainvilliers  here  mentioned  cannot,  from  the 
internal  evidence  of  the  letter,  be  the  cousin  of  Saint- 
Mars  of  that  name,  who  was  his  lieutenant  at  Pignerol. 
That  Blainvilliers  was  appointed  Major  of  the  Citadel 
of  Metz  when  Saint-Mars  went  to  Exiles,  and  he  never 
was  either  at  Exiles  or  at  Sainte-Marguerite.     It  must 
be  the  De  Formanoir  of  whom  we  have  already  spoken, 


108  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

the  grandfather,  or  perhaps  the  great-uncle,  of  the  writer 
of  the  letter,  who  probably  succeeded  the  other  Blain- 
villiers,  his  cousin,  in  the  estate,  and  so  got  the  name. 
The  evidence,  therefore,  is  excellent.  The  party 
arrived  at  the  Bastille  on  Thursday,  September  18, 
1698,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Here  we  come 
on  to  the  firm  ground  of  Du  Jonca's  journal,  which  is 
our  main  authority  for  the  short  remainder  of  the 
prisoner's  life.  Oddly  enough  we  know  less  about  him 
during  this  last  period  than  in  the  earlier  portion  of 
his  captivity,  the  reason  no  doubt  being  that  com- 
munications in  Paris  between  Saint-Mars  and  the 
Ministers  passed,  as  a  rule,  viva  voce,  and  have  left  no 
record  behind. 

The  new  prisoner,  so  soon  as  it  was  dark,  was 
taken  across  to  his  new  quarters.  These  were  on  the 
third  floor  of  the  tower  Bertaudiere,  and  here  it  was 
that,  with  possibly  a  brief  exception,  the  prisoner  was 
to  pass  the  remaining  days  of  his  life. 

Most  of  our  information  about  the  Bastille  comes 
from  a  book  already  quoted  in  the  second  chapter, 
Kenneville's  'French  Inquisition.'  He  is  quite  un- 
trustworthy in  his  assertions,  but  in  his  description  of 
the  main  features  of  the  prison,  and  the  arrangements 
of  the  rooms,  he  would  have  had  small  reason  for 
lying  and  may  be  followed  with  some  confidence.  He 
himself  was  at  different  times  in  two  rooms  of  the 
Bertaudiere,  on  the  second  floor  and  in  the  calotte  or 
attic.  He  does  not  give  a  pleasant  account  of  the 
second  Bertaudiere,  where  he  had  the  bad  luck  to 
succeed  a  particularly  filthy  prisoner;  but  he  states 
expressly  that  the  rooms  on  the  third  and  fourth  floor 
were  better  and  lighter.  He  says  that  he  opened  com- 
munications with  those  on  the  floor  above,  where  the 


SAINTE-MARGUEEITE   AND  THE  BASTILLE     109 

masked  prisoner  should  have  been,  and  found  there 
three  men — a  count,  an  English  banker,  and  an  Italian 
abbe,  who  would  not  give  his  name.  Whether  all 
these  were  in  a  single  room,  or  indeed,  whether  Kenne- 
ville  is  here  to  be  trusted  at  all,  it  is  hard  to  tell. 

The  question  whether  there  may  not  have  been  two 
rooms  on  each  floor  of  the  tower,  is  one  which  is  of 
real  importance  in  connection  with  our  prisoner.     M. 
Kavaisson  and  M.  Funck-Brentano,  the  two  men  who 
have  studied  the  archives  of  the  Bastille  most  closely, 
say  distinctly  that  there  were  not,  but  that  each  floor 
consisted  of  a  single  large  chamber.     Renneville,  on 
the  other  hand,  who  spent  years  in  the  tower,  while 
these  two  gentlemen  were  only  born  long  after  it  was 
destroyed,  is  quite  clear  on  the  other  side.     There  were 
seven  floors  in  the  tower  altogether,  he  tells  us,  but 
'  the  tower  was  double,  and  on  the  other  side  of  the 
staircase  I  was  told  that  there  were  four  rooms  and  a 
calotte,  like  those  I  have  described,  which  I  never  could 
be  perfectly  informed  of.' x     May  it  not  have  been  that 
on  the  other  side  of  the  stairs  were  smaller  rooms,  as- 
signed to  those  prisoners  who  had  to  be  kept  alone  and 
in  secret  ?     The  reason  why  the  point  is  important  is 
that  once  again  before  his  death  '  the  ancient  prisoner ' 
appears  in  Du  Jonca's  journal.    '  On  Saturday,  April  30 
(1701),   there   came  young  M.    Aumont,   bringing    a 
prisoner  of  the  name  of  Maranville  under  the  [prison] 
name  of  Biccarville.     He  was  an  army  officer,  discon- 
tented and  talking  too  much,  and  a  mauvais  sujet.     I 
took  him  in  according  to  the  king's  orders,  sent  by 
M.  le  Comte  de  Pontchartrain,  and  put  him  in  company 
with  the  man  called  Tirmon,  in  the  second  chamber  of 

Eenneville,  French  Inquisition,  p.  69.     (Engl.  trans.) 


110  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

the  tower  Bertaudiere,  with  the  ancient  prisoner,  both 
well  locked  in.'  l 

Now  if  there  really  was  only  one  room  on  this  floor, 
it  would  seem  impossible  to  avoid  M.  Funck-Brentano's 
conclusion  that  now  at  least  '  the  secret '  has  become 
of  so  little  value  that  not  only  are  no  special  pains 
taken  to  prevent  it  becoming  known,  but  that  the 
prisoner  is  actually  made  to  share  a  room  with  two 
other  prisoners,  both  of  a  low  type.  Even  so,  the 
entry  is  very  strangely  worded.  Why  does  not  Du 
Jonca  say  simply,  '  I  put  him  in  the  second  Bertaudiere 
with  Tirmon  and  "the  ancient  prisoner,"  and  locked 
them  all  three  securely  in.' 

The  position  in  that  case  would  be  sufficiently  gro- 
tesque. Here  was  a  man  possessed  of  a  great  secret 
of  State,  whom  for  thirty  years  it  has  been  the  never- 
ceasing  object  of  the  king  and  his  ministers  to  keep  in 
such  security  that  he  may  never  reveal  the  secret  to 
any  person  whatsoever.  For  thirty  years  the  most, 
extraordinary  precautions  have  been  taken,  precautions 
so  unusual  that,  even  in  that  age  of  mystery,  public 
attention  had  been  again  and  again  aroused.  This 
man  is  now,  regardless  of  consequences,  put  to  share  a 
room  with  two  other  prisoners.  And  yet  all  the  time 
he  wears  a  mask,  is  never  allowed  to  appear  without  it, 
dies  in  the  mask  and  is  buried,  and  has  quicklime  or 
some  such  agent  put  with  the  body  to  ensure  its  speedy 
destruction,  so  that  no  one  may  recognise  him.  Surely 
this  is  a  little  hard  to  believe,  and  wants  somewhat 
stronger  evidence  than  an  entry  of  such  very  doubtful 
interpretation.  If  we  may  take  De  Eenneville's  account 
as  true,  the  interpretation  is  easy  enough.  There  are 

1  Funck-Brentano,  Lfyendes  et  Archives  de  la  Bastille,  p.  95. 


SAINTE-MARGUERITE   AND   THE   BASTILLE     111 

two  rooms  on  the  floor,  one  of  them  is  occupied  by  the 
two  rascals  Maranville  and  Tirmon,  both  well  locked 
in,  and  the  other  by  *  the  ancient  prisoner/  who  has 
now  for  some  reason  been  lodged  a  floor  lower  than 
when  he  went  in. 

The  food  in  the  Bastille  was  as  a  rule  good  enough, 
surprisingly  good  according  to  many  accounts.  Even 
Renneville,  who  cannot  say  too  much  against  the 
place,  has  to  admit  this.  'I  had  good  soup  with 
toasted  bread,  a  bit  of  tolerable  beef,  a  ragout  of  sheep's 
tongue,  and  two  wigs  for  my  dessert.  I  was  served 
much  after  the  same  manner  all  the  while  that  I  con- 
tinued in  that  dismal  place,  and  sometimes  they  added 
on  my  soup  the  wing  or  the  leg  of  a  fowl,  or  at  other 
times  they  would  put  two  little  patties  on  the  side  of 
my  plate,  but  I  often  observed  that  Eu  had  intercepted 
them  by  the  crumbs  that  remained  on  the  edge  of  the 
dish.  At  night  I  had  either  roast  veal  or  mutton,  with 
a  little  ragout;  sometimes  a  pigeon,  and  sometimes, 
but  seldom,  half  a  pullet,  and  now  and  then  a  salad.' l 

The  following  amusing  account  of  how  prisoners 
fared  in  the  Bastille  a  little  later  is  taken  from 
Marmontel's  *  Memoirs/  the  date  being  1760  : — '  Two 
hours  afterwards  the  bolts  of  the  doors  were  drawn, 
and  two  gaolers  brought  in  a  dinner,  which  I  supposed 
was  mine  since  they  served  it  in  silence.  One  of  them 
placed  three  little  dishes  covered  with  plates  in  front 
of  the  fire,  the  other  laid  the  table.  .  .  .  Then  Bury ' 
(his  servant)  '  begged  me  to  take  my  place,  and  helped 
me  to  soup.  It  was  Friday.  The  soup  was  made  of 
white  beans  and  very  fresh  butter,  and  there  was  also  a 
dish  of  beans,  which  I  found  very  good.  The  dish  of 
salt  cod  which  he  brought  me  as  a  second  course  was 
1  The  French  Inquisition,  p.  75  (Engl.  trans.). 


112  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

better  still.  The  morsel  of  garlic  with  which  it  was 
seasoned  would  have  tickled  the  palate  even  of  a  Gascon 
epicure.  The  wine  was  not  first-rate,  but  passable. 
There  was  no  dessert — one  could  not  expect  everything 
— but,  on  the  whole,  I  was  very  well  satisfied  with  my 
dinner  in  prison. 

'  As  I  was  getting  up  from  the  table,  and  Bury  was 
just  going  to  sit  down,  for  there  was  enough  left  for 
him,  back  came  my  two  gaolers  with  pyramids  of  new 
dishes  in  their  hands.  When  we  saw  this  service  of 
fine  linen  and  china,  and  a  silver  fork  and  spoon,  we 
saw  we  had  made  a  mistake ;  however,  we  made  no 
remark  until  our  gaolers  had  retired,  and  then  Bury 
said  to  me,  "  Since  you  have  eaten  my  dinner,  sir, 
perhaps  you  will  allow  me  to  eat  yours.''  "  That  is 
only  fair,"  said  I,  and  the  walls  of  the  chamber  were,  I 
think,  greatly  astonished  to  hear  our  laughter.  This 
dinner  was  gras,  and  was  made  up  of  an  excellent 
soup,  a  succulent  slice  of  beef,  the  leg  of  a  boiled  capon 
running  with  fat,  a  small  dish  of  artichokes,  some 
spinach,  a  fine  pear,  some  grapes,  a  bottle  of  old 
Burgundy  and  a  cup  of  the  best  Mocha.  This  formed 
Bury's  dinner,  with  the  exception  of  the  coffee  and  the 
fruit,  which  he  was  kind  enough  to  reserve  for  me.' 

Scarcely  a  single  word  has  come  down  to  us  which 
will  enable  us  to  picture,  otherwise  than  by  analogy  with 
these  records  of  other  prisoners,  the  kind  of  life  led  by 
our  own  particular  prisoner  in  the  third  Bertaudiere. 
But  the  tradition  in  the  Bastille  itself  seems  to  have 
been  clear  that  he  was  treated  with  a  good  deal  of  con- 
sideration, and  such  a  tradition,  though  quite  likely  to 
be  exaggerated,  would  probably  be  accurate  in  the 
main  fact.  As  regards  spiritual  matters,  we  have  the 
definite  order  that  he  was  to  be  allowed  to  confess  and 


SAINTE-MARGUERITE   AND  THE   BASTILLE    113 

communicate  as  often  as  he  pleased ;  and  this  privilege, 
rarely  granted  to  prisoners  at  that  time,  was  probably 
the  counterpart  of  others  of  a  more  worldly  nature. 
His  long  and  patiently  borne  confinement  may  well 
have  won  him  this  much  alleviation. 

Now  we  come  to  the  last  scene  of  all — in  the  grave- 
yard of  St.  Paul.  Once  again  Du  Jonca  is  our  only 
authority;  without  him  we  should  never  have  been 
able  to  identify  the  death.  '  On  Monday,  November  19, 
1703,  the  unknown  prisoner,  who  always  wore  a  mask 
of  black  velvet,  and  had  come  with  M.  de  Saint-Mars 
from  the  lies  Sainte-Marguerite,  having  been  a  long 
time  in  his  charge,  having  felt  somewhat  ill  yesterday 
on  coming  out  from  Mass,  died  to-day  at  ten  o'clock  in 
the  evening  without  any  great  illness  :  indeed  he  could 
not  have  had  less.  M.  Giraut,  our  chaplain,  confessed 
him  yesterday.  Surprised  by  death,  he  did  not  receive 
the  sacraments,  but  our  chaplain  exhorted  him  for  a 
few  moments  before  he  died.  This  man,  who  had 
been  so  long  a  prisoner,  was  buried  on  Tuesday  at  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  in  the  churchyard  of  St.  Paul, 
our  parish  church.  They  have  given  him  an  unknown 
name  on  the  mortuary  register,  which  was  signed 
by  M.  de  Eosarges,  the  major,  and  by  Arreil,  the 
surgeon.' 

1 1  learned  afterward  that  they  gave  the  name  of 
M.  de  Marchiel  on  the  register.  His  burying  cost 
40  francs.1 

The  register  at  St.  Paul's  is  as  follows  : — 

'  On  the  19th  Marchioly,  aged  forty-five  or  there- 
abouts, died  in  the  Bastille,  whose  body  was  buried  in 
the  churchyard  of  Saint  Paul,  his  parish,  the  20th  of 
this  month,  in  the  presence  of  M.  Rosage,  major  of  the 

I 


114  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Bastille,  and  M.  Keglhe,  surgeon-major  of  the  Bastille, 
who  have  signed—  '  KOSARGES, 

'  EEILHE.' 

So  at  last  we  leave  him,  as  great  a  mystery  as  ever. 
We  have  followed  his  fortunes  in  his  hard  lot  of 
captivity  from  the  time  when  he  was  brought  across 
France  by  the  major  of  Dunkirk  to  be  buried  alive  in 
Pignerol.  For  more  than  thirty-three  years  he  has 
lived  alone,  speaking  to  no  one  except  perhaps  Saint- 
Mars  himself,  and  at  Exiles  to  La  Riviere,  and  all  the 
time  never  seen  by  any  mortal  man  except  his  gaolers. 

The  central  mystery  of  all,  the  cause  of  all  this 
secrecy,  remains  unsolved. 

What  was  the  business  on  which  *  Eustache  Dauger ' 
had  been  employed  before  ever  he  came  to  Pignerol  ? 

That  question  it  will  be  our  object  to  solve  in  the 
remaining  portions  of  this  volume. 


BOOK  II 

CHARLES  II.  AND  THE  CATHOLIC 
CHUKCH 

CHAPTER 

I.  A  CONVERSION  TO  THE  CATHOLIC  RELIGION 

II.  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  ROME 

III.  THE  STRANGE  HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE  LA  CLOCHE 

IV.  THE  GREAT  SECRET 

V.     VIOLENT  STORMS  AND  A  HAPPY  ENDING 


117 


CHAPTEK  I 

A   CONVERSION    TO   THE    CATHOLIC   RELIGION 

EVERY  schoolboy  knows,  as  Macaulay  would  have 
said — and  the  statement  would  probably  be  true  at 
least  for  all  such  as  have  been  made  to  read  that 
author's  '  History  of  England  ' — that  King  Charles  II. 
died  a  Catholic  and  was  received  into  the  Church  on 
his  death-bed  by  Dom  John  Hudleston  of  the  Order 
of  St.  Benedict.  But  what  is  much  less  widely  known 
and,  indeed,  is  only  just  creeping  slowly  into  our 
standard  histories,  is  that  Charles  was  a  Catholic  at 
heart,  so  far  as  intellectual  opinion  is  concerned,  for 
the  last  thirty  years  of  his  life,  and  was  so  far  from 
being  the  sceptic  that  he  has  ordinarily  been  depicted 
that,  at  least  during  the  earlier  part  of  his  reign,  his 
desire  to  embrace  the  Catholic  religion  and  to  be  at 
liberty  to  practice  it  openly,  was  the  leading  idea  of  his 
mind,  the  pivot  upon  which  his  whole  policy  really 
turned. 

Throughout  the  whole  of  his  reign  Charles  in 
religious  matters  wore  a  mask.  No  single  person,  not 
even  his  brother  the  Duke  of  York,  was  given  the 
whole  of  his  confidence.  Openly  and  to  the  world  at 
large  he  was  a  sceptic,  the  licentiousness  of  whose  life 
matched  well  with  his  total  want  of  religion,  to  whom 
everything  holy  was  tedious  if  not  contemptible.  That 
he  had  more  respect  for  Catholicism  than  for  any  other 


118  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

form  of  religion  was,  indeed,  obvious,  and  many  of  the 
keener  observers  about  his  Court  thought  he  would 
not  be  displeased  could  that  religion  be  again  established 
in  England,  as  being  more  concordant  with  an  absolute 
monarchy  than  was  any  other.  The  mask,  however, 
was  never  really  lifted  even  to  his  most  intimate 
friends,  and  it  is  only  by  the  light  that  has  been  thrown 
on  his  policy  by  documents  long  buried  in  foreign  col- 
lections— the  counterparts  of  which  have  been  carefully 
kept  out  of  our  national  records — that  we  have  lately 
come  to  realise  how  great  a  part  his  religious  yearnings 
really  played  in  his  life  and  policy.  It  was  not  only 
because  of  a  desire  for  absolute  power  that  he  encouraged 
Catholicism,  though  that  desire  was  certainly  present 
in  him,  as  in  all  the  Stuarts,  but  because  there  was  a 
real  wish  to  regularise  his  religious  position  and  to  live 
openly  as  a  Catholic,  as  he  was  one  secretly  already  by 
intellectual  conviction. 

Another  point  which  has  only  recently  been  made 
clear  is  the  relation  on  these  matters  which  existed' 
between  himself  and  his  brother  the  Duke  of  York. 
It  has  commonly  been  thought  in  the  past  that  it  was 
the  intense,  perhaps  bigoted,  faith  of  James  which 
influenced  Charles  all  through  his  life  and  led  to  his 
death-bed  reception.  The  documents,  which  are  now 
available,  and  with  which  we  are  going  to  deal,  show 
clearly  enough  that  this  was  not  the  case.  So  far  from 
James  having  led  the  way  and  Charles  having  followed 
haltingly  after  him,  we  find  that  Charles  was  convinced 
perhaps  twenty  years  before  his  brother,  and  that  he 
had  been  for  years  conducting  negotiations  with  Home 
and  with  France  of  which  James  had  never  been 
allowed  to  know  anything  at  all.  Even  at  the  last, 
although  it  was  James,  no  doubt,  who  actually  brought 


A   CONVERSION   TO   THE   CATHOLIC   RELIGION   119 

the  priest  to  his  brother's  bedside,  he  did  not  do  so  on 
his  own  initiative,  for  he  knew  so  little  of  his  brother's 
real  mind  that  he  fancied  he  had  given  up  all  inclina- 
tion towards  Catholicism.  Charles,  too,  needed  no 
persuasion  from  him,  but  acceded  eagerly  to  the  pro- 
position as  soon  as  it  was  put  before  him. 

So,  again,  with  regard  to  Charles'  negotiations 
with  Louis  XIV.,  which  culminated  in  the  secret 
clauses  of  the  treaty  of  Dover.  It  has  been  the  fashion 
to  represent  Louis  as  keenly  anxious  for  Charles'  con- 
version as  the  means  of  introducing  the  Catholic  religion 
by  force  into  England,  and  Charles  as  accepting  money 
from  him  as  the  price  of  a  feigned  religious  feeling  by 
which  Louis  was  duped.  The  study  of  the  actual 
documents  shows  us  that  this  is  an  absolute  inversion  of 
the  truth.  It  was  Charles  who  was  eager  to  avow  his 
Catholicism,  and  Louis  who,  on  the  whole,  was  holding 
him  back.  Louis'  object  was  to  get  Charles'  help  to 
enable  him  to  crush  the  Dutch.  He  had  to  pay  for 
that  help,  and  the  price  which  Charles  asked  was  the 
support  of  French  money  and  perhaps  of  French  arms 
if  the  open  avowal  of  his  religion  should  lead  to  political 
disturbances  in  his  dominions.  This  is  'the  great 
secret '  of  which  we  shall  have  more  to  say  hereafter. 
For  the  moment  the  point  is  that  Charles'  projected 
change  of  religion  was  not  an  item  added  in  to  please 
Louis,  but  the  very  mainspring  of  the  whole  negotia- 
tion ;  but  for  which  there  would  have  been  no  negotiation 
at  all.  It  was  Charles  who  approached  Louis  on  the 
subject — not  Louis  who  came  to  Charles.  With  these 
preliminary  observations  we  pass  on  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  subject  more  in  detail. 


120  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

*  Fortune  had  now  twice  counterfeited  and  double- 
gilt  the  trophies  of  rebellion,  and  its  brazen  trumpet 
repeated  victory  betrayed  and  prostituted,  before  at 
Dunbar,  and  now  ravished  at  Worcester  by  numerous 
overpowering  forces,  on  that  black  and  white  day, 
September  3,  1651,  in  the  dusk  of  which  fatal  evening, 
when  the  ashamed  sun  had  blushed  in  his  setting  and 
plunged  his  affrighted  head  into  the  depth  of  luckless 
Severn,  and  the  night,  ready  to  stain  and  spot  her 
guilty  sables  with  loyal  blood,  was  attiring  herself 
for  the  tragedy.'  That  is  to  say,  in  somewhat  less 
turgid  language  than  the  original  chronicler  has  made 
use  of  in  this  gem  of  English  prose,  it  was  just 
after  the  disastrous  defeat  at  Worcester  had  put  an 
end,  at  least  for  a  time,  to  all  hopes  of  Royalist 
success.  The  king  himself  was  a  fugitive,  hiding 
where  he  could  from  the  pursuit  of  the  victorious 
Roundheads,  and  trying  to  make  his  way  to  some 
southern  port  from  whence  he  could  take  ship  and 
get  to  France. 

For  two  nights  he  had  been  at  Boscobel  spending 
his  days,  according  to  the  well-known  tale,  in  the 
branches  of  a  spreading  oak,  which  concealed  him  from 
view,  and  his  nights  in  *  the  priest's  hole  '  in  Boscobel 
House.  One~of  his  followers,  Lord  Wilmot,  had  mean- 
while found  shelter  a  few  miles  off  at  Moseley  Hall, 
the  residence  of  Mr.  Whitgreave,  a  Catholic  gentleman, 
where  Father  John  Hudleston,  a  Benedictine  monk, 
was  also  residing  in  the  capacity  of  tutor  to  Mr.  Whit- 
greave's  nephews,  and  to  young  Sir  John  Preston. 
Father  Hudleston  would,  of  course,  have  been  dressed 
as  a  layman,  and  the  fact  that  he  was  a  priest  would 
not  have  been  known  to  any  except  the  faithful 
Catholics  of  the  neighbourhood. 


A   CONVERSION   TO   THE   CATHOLIC   RELIGION    121 

To  Moseley  Hall  on  the  morning  of  Sunday, 
September  7,  there  came  over  from  Boscobel  John 
Peiidrell,  one  of  that  faithful  peasant  family  who  did 
so  much  to  save  the  king,  with  the  news  that  Charles 
was  in  great  danger  of  being  captured,  since  search 
was  everywhere  being  made  for  him,  and  they  despaired 
of  being  able  much  longer  to  keep  his  presence  at 
Boscobel  a  secret. 

On  this  news  '  Mr.  Whitgreave  and  Mr.  Hudleston, 
deeply  moved  at  the  king's  danger  and  calamity,  having 
first  offered  to  God  their  Sunday  duty  for  his  majesty's 
safety,'  made  arrangements  for  the  king  to  come  to 
Moseley,  a  plan  which  was  duly  carried  out ;  the  king, 
disguised  as  a  young  peasant  and  called  by  the  name 
of  *  Will  Jones,'  riding  over  upon  a  mill  horse,  attended 
by  the  Pendrells.  The  disguise  was  so  complete  that 
Mr.  Whitgreave,  had  he  not  known  all  the  others, 
would  have  been  quite  unable  to  distinguish  the  king. 
'  He  had  on  his  head  a  long  white  steeple-crowned  hat, 
without  any  other  lining  than  grease,  both  sides  of  the 
brim  so  doubled  up  with  handling  that  they  looked 
like  two  spouts ;  a  leather  doublet  full  of  holes,  and 
half  black  with  grease  above  the  sleeves,  collar,  and 
waist,  an  old  green  wood-reeve's  coat,  threadbare,  and 
patched  in  most  places,  with  a  pair  of  breeches  of  the 
same  cloth  and  in  the  same  condition,  the  flap  hanging 
down  loose  to  the  middle  of  his  legs ;  hose  and  shoes 
of  different  parishes ;  the  hose  were  grey,  stirrups  much 
darned  and  clouted,  especially  about  the  knees,  under 
which  he  had  a  pair  of  flannel  riding  stockings  of  his 
own  with  the  tops  cut  off.  His  shoes,  too,  had  been 
cobbled  with  leather  patches,  both  on  the  soles  and  on 
the  seams,  and  the  upper  leathers  so  cut  and  slashed  to 
adapt  them  to  his  feet,  that  they  could  no  longer 


122  THE  MAN  OF   THE  MASK 

defend  him,  either  from  water  or  dirt.' l  His  hair  had 
been  cut  short  by  the  ears,  and  his  face  and  hands, 
dark  though  he  was  by  nature,  had  been  darkened  still 
more  by  walnut-tree  leaves. 

Altogether  it  was  not  a  very  kingly  appearance  that 
he  presented,  and  Lord  Wilmot's  services  were  required 
to  effect  a  dignified  introduction,  which  he  made  in 
these  words:  'Gentlemen,  the  person  whom  you  see 
here  under  this  disguise  is  both  your  master  and  mine, 
and  the  master  to  whom  we  all  owe  our  duty  and 
allegiance/  Thereupon  both  Mr.  Whitgreave  and 
Father  Hudleston  knelt  down  and  kissed  the  king's 
hand,  while  he  in  turn  was  graciously  pleased  to  promise 
that  he  in  future  would  never  forget  the  service  they 
were  doing  him,  and  '  never  would  be  unmindful  either 
of  them  or  theirs.' 

At  Moseley  Hall  the  king  remained  in  hiding  for 
three  days,  living  for  the  most  part  in  the  ordinary 
rooms  and  sleeping  at  night  on  a  bed  which  is  still 
religiously  preserved.  He  took  his  meals  in  Father 
Hudleston's  room,  old  Mrs.  Whitgreave  sitting  with  him 
at  the  table  and  carving  the  meat,  while  Mr.  Whitgreave 
and  Father  Hudleston  waited  upon  them.  The  three 
boys,  who  knew  nothing  more  than  that  a  cavalier 
friend  of  their  tutor's  was  hiding  in  the  house,  kept 
watch  at  the  garret  windows  for  soldiers  and  other 
dangerous  persons,  ready  to  give  a  timely  warning  in 
case  any  such  should  be  seen  approaching,  so  that  the 
king  might  at  once  be  placed  in  a  secure  hiding-place. 

On  Tuesday,  September  9,  Charles  had  a  long  talk 
with  Father  Hudleston.  He  asked  especially  how 
Catholics  were  faring  under  the  Puritan  government. 
Father  Hudleston  replied  that  they  were  persecuted 

1  The  quotations  are  from  F.  Hudleston's  own  narrative. 


A   CONVERSION  TO  THE   CATHOLIC  RELIGION   123 

alike  for  their  religion  and  for  their  loyalty,  yet  they 
did  not  neglect  the  duties  of  their  Church.  He  then 
took  the  king  upstairs  into  the  garret — the  usual  place 
for  worship  in  a  Catholic  house  in  those  days  of 
persecution — and  showed  him  the  chapel,  'little,  but 
neat  and  decent.'  '  The  king,  looking  respectfully 
upon  the  altar,  and  regarding  the  crucifix  and  candle- 
sticks upon  it,  said  he  had  an  altar,  crucifix  and  silver 
candlesticks  of  his  own,  till  my  Lord  of  Holland  brake 
them,  which,  added  the  king,  he  hath  now  paid  for.' 

Then  they  came  downstairs  again  and  began  to 
look  over  Father  Hudleston's  books.  One  of  these 
appeared  to  interest  the  king  especially.  It  was  a  short 
treatise  in  manuscript,  written  by  '  Mr.  Eichard  Hudle- 
ston,  a  Benedictine  monk,'  the  uncle  of  Father  John 
Hudleston  and  a  member  of  the  Cassinese  congregation, 
and  was  entitled  '  A  Short  and  Plain  Way  to  the  Faith 
and  Church.'  This  treatise  his  majesty  read  through 
attentively,  and  when  he  had  finished  he  expressed  his 
opinion  of  it  in  very  definite  terms.  *  I  have  not  seen,' 
he  said,  '  anything  more  plain  and  clear  upon  this  sub- 
ject. The  arguments  here  drawn  from  succession  are  so 
conclusive,  I  do  not  conceive  how  they  can  be  denied.' 
He  also  took  up  a  copy  of  Mr.  Turbervill's  catechism, 
and  said  '  it  was  a  pretty  book,  and  he  would  take  it 
along  with  him.' 

Just  at  this  juncture  there  came  a  disturbance. 
Soldiers  were  seen  coming  towards  the  house,  and 
timely  warning  of  their  approach  was  given  by  one  of 
the  servants.  The  king  was  forthwith  hurried  into 
the  private  hiding-place  and  remained  there  while  the 
soldiers  interviewed  Mr.  Whitgreave  down  below. 
They  had  no  suspicion  of  Charles'  presence  in  the 
house,  but  wanted  to  arrest  Mr.  Whitgreave  as  having 


124  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

fought  in  Worcester  fight.  He,  however,  was  able 
to  bring  friends  to  prove  that  he  had  never  left  his 
house,  and  so  persuaded  them  to  leave  him  unmolested 
and  his  house  unsearched,  and  they  accordingly  went 
away  without  taking  further  action. 

So  soon  as  the  soldiers  were  clear  of  the  house  and 
the  danger  had  for  the  moment  passed  away,  they 
helped  the  king  out  of  his  confinement.  Hudleston, 
who  knew  that  Charles  was  aware  of  his  priestly 
character,  thereupon  took  the  opportunity  of  reminding 
him  of  the  fact  that  all  priests  in  England  had  lived 
habitually  for  a  hundred  years  past  under  the  conditions 
which  the  king  had  just  experienced.  '  Your  majesty 
is,  in  some  sort,  in  the  same  condition  with  me  now — 
liable  to  dangers  and  perils;  but  I  hope  God,  that 
brought  you  hither,  will  preserve  you  here,  and  that 
you  will  be  as  safe  in  this  place  as  in  any  castle  of  your 
dominions.'  The  king  then,  addressing  himself  to  both 
Mr.  Whitgreave  and  Father  Hudleston,  replied  :  '  If  it 
please  God  I  come  to  my  crown,  both  you  and  all  your 
persuasion  shall  have  as  much  liberty  as  any  of  my 
subjects.' 

The  '  priest's  hole '  where  Charles  passed  that 
unpleasant  hour  may  still  be  seen.  It  is  entered 
nowadays  through  a  trap-door  in  the  corner  of  a  cup- 
board off  the  old  panelled  bedroom  in  which  Charles 
was  sleeping,  but  in  those  days  it  could  be  approached 
only  through  a  secret  door  in  the  panelling.  '  Devoid 
of  light  and  almost  of  air,  the  only  accommodation 
provided  in  this  dismal  hiding  hole  is  a  rude  seat  of 
brick  at  one  end.  Liquid  food  was  usually  conveyed 
by  means  of  a  quill  or  a  reed  passed  through  some 
hidden  chink  in  the  moulding  of  the  brickwork  or 
timber  beams,  to  unfortunate  priests  hidden  in  these 


A   CONVERSION   TO   THE   CATHOLIC  RELIGION   125 

contrivances  for  days  and  weeks  at  a  stretch.' x  The 
king,  no  doubt,  found  even  an  hour  or  two  quite  long 
enough  to  spend  in  such  a  place. 

Charles  left  Moseley  Hall  that  same  night,  and  after 
many  adventures  succeeded  in  reaching  Shoreham  and 
thence  escaping  to  the  Continent.  From  that  time 
onwards  he  seems  to  have  been  intellectually  a  Catholic, 
and  the  cause  of  his  conversion  was  this  little  pamphlet 
of  Father  Kichard  Hudleston,  which  he  saw  at  Moseley 
Hall.  That  at  least  is  very  definitely  asserted  by  Father 
John  Hudleston,  who  certainly  ought  to  have  known 
the  truth,  in  the  letter  addressed  to  the  queen  pub- 
lished after  Charles'  death,  and  prefixed  to  the 
pamphlet  in  question.  But  intellectual  conviction  still 
left  him  a  long  way  from  being  a  Catholic  in  reality. 
He  placed  himself  more  or  less  under  instruction  with 
M.  Olier,  the  founder  of  the  Sulpicians  in  Paris ;  he 
wrote  kind  letters  and  made  many  promises  to  Catholic 
convents  on  the  Continent ;  he  went  so  far  as  to  call 
himself  a  Catholic  in  private  conversations  and  among 
intimate  friends ;  but  he  never  could  make  up  his  mind 
to  take  the  actual  and  final  step.  If  he  could  have  been 
received  privately,  and  still  allowed  to  perform  the 
offices  of  religion  demanded  by  the  Established  Church, 
he  would,  no  doubt,  have  availed  himself  gladly  of  the 
permission.  But  that  was,  of  course,  impossible,  and 
so  he  drifted  on.  He  had  no  mind  to  lose  his  throne 
and  position.  If  Henri  IV.  held  that  '  Paris  was  well 
worth  a  Mass/  Charles  II.  in  like  manner  held  that 
the  throne  of  England  was  worth  more  to  him  than 
fidelity  to  his  religious  opinions,  and  so  he  remained  to 
the  very  last  hours  of  his  life  a  Papist  at  heart,  but  too 
timid  to  declare  himself ;  shielding  his  fellow-Catholics 
1  Fea,  Flight  of  the  King,  p.  76. 


126  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

when  he  could  do  so  without  too  much  danger  to 
himself,  but  often,  on  the  other  hand,  whenever  pressure 
became  too  strong  for  him,  acquiescing  in  their  torture 
and  death ;  and  consoling  himself  for  his  inability  to 
follow  the  religion  in  which  alone  he  had  come  to 
believe,  not  only  by  constant  indulgence  in  unlawful 
pleasures,  but  by  continual  mocking  at  the  ministra- 
tions of  the  Established  Church,  of  which  he  was 
nominally  a  member,  but  which  he  heartily  despised. 
No  wonder  that  he  won  for  himself  among  his  contem- 
poraries the  reputation  of  a  sceptic  and  unbeliever, 
which  has  stuck  to  him  so  persistently  ever  since,  and 
which  yet,  as  we  shall  hope  to  show,  is  so  very  far 
removed  from  the  actual  truth.  It  is  not,  it  must  be 
confessed,  an  heroic  picture  that  we  have  to  present,  but 
it  does  afford  an  interesting  psychological  study,  and  it 
puts  before  us  the  story  of  one  who  must  have  been 
beyond  most  men  a  very  miserable  man,  although  to 
the  outside  world  he  was  known  as  the  *  Merry 
Monarch.' 

Matters  were  in  this  state  when  the  events  of  1660 
called  Charles  to  the  throne.  He  came  to  it,  there 
can  be  little  doubt,  intending  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment  to  declare  his  religion,  and  to  take  the  neces- 
sary steps,  as  his  predecessor,  Queen  Mary,  had  done 
before  him,  to  bring  back  the  kingdom  to  the  obedience 
of  the  Holy  See.  He  might  well  be  excused  for  utterly 
misapprehending  the  difficulties  of  so  doing,  for  he  had 
lived  so  much  abroad  that  he  could  know  but  little  of 
the  true  temper  of  the  English  people,  so  that  he  could 
hardly  be  expected  to  realise  that  his  first  Parliament,. 
'  more  episcopal  than  the  bishops,  more  royalist  than 
the  king,'  was  at  the  same  time  just  as  bitterly  anti- 
Papal  as  any  of  its  Eoundhead  predecessors  could 


A  CONVERSION  TO  THE  CATHOLIC  RELIGION   127 

possibly  have  been.  It  cannot  have  taken  long  for 
Charles  to  discover  that  any  immediate  step  was  utterly 
out  of  the  question. 

Nevertheless,  all  the  king's  actions  from  the  very 
beginning  of  his  reign  were  aimed  constantly  in  this 
direction.  Almost  his  first  act  was  to  make  arrange- 
ments for  the  reopening  of  his  mother's  palace  and 
chapel  at  Somerset  House,  thus  providing  the  Catholics 
of  London  once  more  with  a  place  where  Mass  could 
be  heard  without  fear  of  persecution.  This  was  done 
with  a  great  want  of  tact ;  and,  though  hostile  feeling 
was  inevitable  under  the  circumstances,  much  more 
was  aroused  than  was  in  any  way  necessary,  and  the 
relief  which  the  opening  of  this  semi-public  chapel  un- 
doubtedly brought  to  the  Catholics  of  the  city  was  very 
nearly  forfeited  in  consequence.  The  king  favoured 
Catholics  in  every  way  that  he  dared,  and  though  the 
penal  laws  against  them  still  remained  on  the  Statute 
book,  in  practice  their  execution  was  very  much  re- 
strained. 

The  next  important  matter  to  be  taken  in  hand  was 
the  king's  marriage.  The  names  of  various  Protestant 
princesses  were  suggested,  but  Charles  would  not  hear 
of  any  one  of  them,  declaring  that  the  very  thought  of 
marrying  a  Protestant  made  him  sick.  He  would  not 
hear  of  any  but  a  Catholic  bride ;  and,  accordingly, 
after  some  abortive  negotiations  with  the  King  of 
France,  a  marriage  was  duly  arranged  with  the  Princess 
Catherine  of  Portugal,  whose  father  was  as  yet  by  no 
means  sure  upon  his  throne,  and  was  consequently 
willing  to  give  a  good  dowry  with  his  daughter  in  the 
hope  of  securing  the  support  of  England. 

The  new  queen  arrived  at  Portsmouth  from 
Portugal  on  May  13,  1662.  Contrary  to  the  usual 


128  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

custom  in  such  cases,  the  marriage  had  not  been  per- 
formed by  proxy  before  she  started.  The  ostensible 
reason  given  for  this  was  that  Portuguese  susceptibilities 
would  not  allow  of  the  ceremony  being  gone  through 
with  a  proxy  who  was  not  a  Catholic  ;  rather  an  odd 
scruple  considering  that  they  apparently  had  no  objec- 
tion to  a  bridegroom  who  was  in  the  same  position. 
The  real  reason  probably  was  that  the  Pope  had  not 
yet  recognised  the  right  of  Catherine's  father  to  the 
throne  of  Portugal,  so  that  he  would  have  been 
described  in  the  dispensation  necessary  for  a  mixed 
marriage  only  as  Duke  of  Braganza,  which  was  not 
consonant  with  his  dignity.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the 
fact  remains  that  no  marriage  had  taken  place  in 
Portugal,  so  it  became  necessary  to  solemnize  the  cere- 
mony immediately  on  her  arrival  in  England.  Charles 
hurried  down  to  Portsmouth  to  meet  her,  and  the 
marriage  took  place  in  Catherine's  bedroom,  performed 
by  Lord  d'Aubigny,  her  almoner,  no  one  else  being, 
present  except  Father  Philip  Howard,  the  Portuguese 
ambassador,  and  two  or  three  Portuguese  noblemen 
and  ladies.  Sheldon,  the  Bishop  of  London,  who  had 
come  down  for  the  purpose  of  performing  the  ceremony, 
thus  found  himself  forestalled,  and  if  he  had  chosen  to 
make  mischief  serious  trouble  might  easily  have  ensued. 
He  contented  himself,  however,  with  little  more  than 
a  formal  declaration  that  the  marriage  had  been  pro- 
perly performed,  without  saying  by  whom  it  had  been 
done,  and  in  this  way  public  scandal  was  averted. 
Sheldon  was  rewarded  for  his  complaisance  in  this 
matter  by  promotion  to  the  see  of  Canterbury  when 
that  fell  vacant  a  year  or  two  later. 

The  fact  that  there  were  now  two  Catholic  queens 
in   England   necessitated   the   provision   of    a   second 


A  CONVERSION  TO  THE  CATHOLIC  RELIGION  129 

Chapel  Royal  for  the  new  queen's  use,  and  this  was 
accordingly  erected  at  St.  James's,  in  the  building  now 
known  as  the  German  Chapel,  the  queen  dowager 
being  left  in  undisturbed  possession  of  Somerset  House. 
The  charge  of  the  new  chapel  was  given  to  D'Aubigny, 
who  had  with  him  two  distinct  houses  of  religious  : 
the  one  a  number  of  Portuguese  Franciscans  of  the 
reform  of  St.  Peter  of  Alcantara,  who  lived  in  a  convent 
just  where  the  Guards'  Club  now  is,  and  the  other  of 
English  Benedictines,  under  Dom  Bennet  Stapylton, 
among  whom  was  included  that  same  Father  John 
Hudleston  of  whom  we  have  already  spoken. 

In  each  of  the  two  chapels  the  Catholic  service 
was  now  performed  quite  openly  and  with  a  good  deal 
of  splendour,  and  attended  by  crowds  not  only  of 
Catholics  but  of  curious  sightseers.  Among  these 
latter  we  find  Mr.  Pepys,  who,  the  first  time  that  he 
ventured  in,  stood  gazing  at  the  bottom  of  the  church 
until  he  was  told  sharply  either  to  kneel  down  or  to 
go,  whereupon  he  took  his  departure.  A  few  years  later 
he  was  much  more  at  home  when  he  went  to  midnight 
Mass  on  Christmas  Day,  and  stayed  from  'nine  at 
night  till  two  of  the  morning  in  a  very  great  crowd, 
and  there  expected  but  found  nothing  extraordinary, 
there  being  nothing  but  a  highe  Masse.'  Even  at  two 
o'clock,  when  he  left,  there  were  still  people  receiving 
the  sacrament,  so  the  crowd  must  indeed  have  been 
great.  Pepys  had  expected  to  have  seen  a  '  child  born 
and  dressed  there,'  and  so  far  the  service  had  been  a 
disappointment ;  but  he  had  liked  the  music  and  also 
looking  at  '  my  Lady  Castlemaine,  who  looked  prettily 
in  her  night  clothes.' 

The  history  of  the  Catholic  Chapels  Koyal  under 
the  Stuart  kings  is  so  little  known  nowadays  that  it 

K 


130  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

may  be  of  interest  to  spend  a  few  moments  upon 
them,  especially  as  it  is  not  easy  to  understand  cer- 
tain episodes  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II. — the  details, 
for  instance,  of  the  pretended  Popish  Plot — without 
some  knowledge  of  their  arrangements.  The  queens 
of  England  in  those  days  had  their  own  separate  palace 
at  Somerset  House,  which  was  their  own  private  pro- 
perty for  life.  Here  they  lived,  if  they  chose  to  do  so, 
even  during  their  husbands'  lifetime,  and  it  remained 
theirs,  as  a  dower-house,  in  the  event  of  their  surviving 
the  king.  The  king's  palace  at  this  period  was 
Whitehall ;  and  St.  James's  Palace,  though  also  his 
property,  was  given  over  to  a  large  extent,  much  as  it 
is  at  present,  to  other  members  of  the  royal  family.  In 
Charles  II.'s  reign  it  was  the  London  residence  of  the 
Duke  of  York. 

At  the  Restoration,  therefore,  Somerset  House  was 
not  available  for  the  palace  of  the  queen  consort.  It 
was  the  private  property  of  the  queen  dowager, 
Henrietta  Maria,  for  life ;  though  she  had  not  been  in 
enjoyment  of  her  property  during  the  period  of  the 
Commonwealth.  In  that  palace  there  had  been 
secured  to  her  by  treaty  at  the  time  of  her  marriage 
with  Charles  I.  the  right  to  a  public  chapel  with  full 
Catholic  rites,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  priests  for 
keeping  up  the  services.  She  had  built,  accordingly,  a 
chapel  of  some  pretensions,  where  the  tennis  court  had 
formerly  stood ;  and  this  had  been  served  in  the  days  of 
Charles  I.  by  ten  French  Capuchin  priests,  with  whom 
were  associated  two  Oratorians.  These  priests  seem  to 
have  lived,  not  in  Somerset  House  itself,  but  in  the 
adjoining  palace  of  the  Savoy,  which  was  also  included 
in  the  queen's  possessions.  The  name  of  Friary  Court 
survived  until  the  destruction  of  the  Savoy  in  1750. 


A  CONVERSION  TO  THE  CATHOLIC  RELIGION   131 

During  the  Cromwellian  period  Somerset  House 
seems  to  have  belonged  to  the  Protector,  though  he 
very  seldom  occupied  it.  Its  convenient  situation, 
between  London  and  Westminster,  caused  it  to  be 
chosen,  however,  for  his  lying  in  state  after  death. 
The  chapel,  no  doubt  dismantled,  was  handed  over  to 
French  Protestants,  and  a  preacher  of  the  name  of 
Mons.  d'Espagne  was  appointed  to  the  charge. 

In  1660  Henrietta  resumed  possession  of  her  palace, 
and  the  French  Protestant  intruders  were,  no  doubt, 
given  short  notice  to  clear  out.  She  determined  to 
return  at  once  to  England,  and  started  on  her  journey 
one  day  at  the  end  of  October.  The  weather  was  very 
different  from  that  which  had  prevailed  on  the  dis- 
astrous day  when  she  had  quitted  the  country  to  which 
she  was  now  returning,  when  a  great  storm  had  raged, 
and  all  the  furniture  of  her  chapel,  including  the  great 
relic  of  the  Holy  Cross,  which  had  been  its  most 
precious  possession,  had  been  lost  in  the  shipwreck. 
Then  Henrietta  herself  had  been  alone  unmoved  amid 
the  lamentations  of  her  ladies,  remarking  proudly  that 
'  Queens  do  not  drown.'  On  this  occasion  there  pre- 
vailed an  extraordinary  calm  which  made  the  sea  look 
like  glass,  and  there  was  not  sufficient  wind  to  fill  the 
sails.  Hence,  the  journey  from  Calais  to  Dover,  which, 
as  the  queen's  chaplain  observes,  'may  with  a  fair 
wind  sometimes  be  accomplished  in  three  hours,'  took, 
in  spite  of  the  utmost  efforts  of  the  crew,  no  less  than 
two  full  days. 

The  king  met  the  party  at  Dover,  and  a  feast  was 
made  at  Dover  Castle,  at  which  the  French  Capuchins 
at  once  began,  probably  with  the  approval  of  their 
mistress,  the  same  ill-advised  procedure  which  had 
done  so  much  harm  in  former  days.  The  king's 

K   2 


132  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

chaplain  said  grace,  as  was  clearly  his  right,  and 
blessed  the  food  in  the  Protestant  fashion,  but  Pere 
Gamache,  the  head  of  the  newly  arrived  Capuchins, 
was  not  going  to  be  set  aside  in  this  way,  and  promptly 
rose  and  said  the  Catholic  grace,  Benedic  Domine  nos, 
in  a  loud  and  solemn  voice,  at  the  same  time  making  a 
great  sign  of  the  cross  over  the  dishes  which  had  been 
set  upon  the  table.  This  bold  proceeding,  as  may  be 
supposed,  caused  considerable  annoyance  to  the 
Puritans,  the  Independents,  and  the  Quakers  (trem- 
bleurs),  who  were  present  in  large  numbers  as 
spectators.  Their  discontent  was  by  no  means  lessened 
when  the  next  morning  the  good  priest  proceeded  to 
celebrate  High  Mass  before  the  queen  in  the  chief 
hall  of  Dover  Castle,  with  all  the  doors  open,  and  in 
the  presence  of  a  great  number  of  people,  many  of 
whom,  as  he  says,  were  inflamed  with  rage,  '  from  the 
blind  and  most  criminal  aversion  which  they  bear  to 
the  Boman  Church.'  These  proceedings  might  easily 
have  stirred  up  a  revolt,  and  gone  far  to  lose  the  king 
the  crown  he  had  so  recently  and  unexpectedly  re- 
gained, but  the  indiscretions  were  apparently  rather 
encouraged  by  the  queen-mother. 

Sometimes  the  contest  between  the  two  chaplains, 
Catholic  and  Protestant,  was  pushed  to  a  most  unseemly 
extent,  though  of  course  the  Catholic  had,  in  right,  no 
position  at  all,  the  reigning  king  being  still  nominally 
a  Protestant  and  England  a  Protestant  country.  On 
one  occasion,  for  instance,  before  Somerset  House  was 
yet  ready  for  occupation,  it  happened  at  the  palace  of 
Whitehall,  where  the  queen  was  staying  as  the  guest 
of  her  son,  that  the  dishes  were  already  on  the  table 
and  their  majesties  waiting  for  grace,  but  neither 
chaplain  had  as  yet  arrived.  Each  hurried  to  be  there, 


A  CONVERSION   TO  THE   CATHOLIC  RELIGION   133 

and  raced  to  arrive  there  first,  forcing  their  way  with 
some  violence  through  the  people  that  filled  the  room. 
The  minister  fell  to  the  ground  in  the  struggle,  amidst 
shouts  of  laughter  from  the  lords  and  gentlemen  round 
the  king,  who  called  out  that  Protestantism  was  upset, 
knocked  down  and  floored,  and  that  the  Catholic  Church 
was  victorious.  For  the  priest  had  said  the  grace  and 
dinner  was  begun  before  the  minister  had  recovered 
from  his  tumble  or  gained  his  place. 

The  preparation  of  Somerset  House  for  the  queen- 
mother's  residence  was  at  once  put  in  hand.  It  was 
much  dilapidated  and  could  not  be  occupied  without 
repair.  '  Kuins  and  desolation,'  said  Henrietta,  *  are 
everywhere  about  and  around  me.'  While  the  repairs 
were  in  progress  the  queen  went  back  for  a  time  to 
France,  where  the  Princess  Henrietta  was  married  to 
*  Monsieur,'  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  younger  brother  of 
Louis  XIV.,  and  it  was  not  till  July  1662  that  she  at 
length  again  returned  to  England. 

The  marriage  of  Charles  II.  with  the  Infanta 
Catherine  of  Portugal  had  by  that  time  taken  place, 
and  there  was,  consequently,  now  a  second  Catholic 
queen  in  England,  possessed,  like  the  first,  of  a  treaty 
right  to  a  chapel  royal  and  an  ecclesiastical  establish- 
ment of  her  own.  Since  Somerset  House  would  not 
be  available  for  this  purpose  until  the  death  of  the 
dowager  queen,  orders  were  given  to  prepare  a  second 
chapel  at  St.  James's. 

The  queen-mother's  establishment  was  arranged 
on  a  scale  of  considerable  magnificence.  She  had  as 
her  lord  almoner  the  Abbe  Montague,  brother  to  the 
Earl  of  Manchester.  He  was  at  the  head  of  her  chapel, 
which  was  served  by  the  same  Capuchins  and  Oratorians 
as  before.  After  a  time  the  Oratorians  were  sent  away, 


134  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

and  the  Capuchins  remained  alone.  The  old  services 
were  all  resumed,  and  the  chapel  became  once  more,  as 
it  had  been  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I.,  the  centre  of 
Catholic  life  in  London — a  great  boon  to  the  dwellers 
in  the  city  because  of  its  great  accessibility.  There 
was  an  Order  in  Council  which  forbade  any  except  the 
queen's  own  household  to  attend  either  there  or  at  St. 
James's,  but  in  all  probability  this  order,  which  was 
issued  in  July  1662,  was  never  meant  to  be  enforced, 
but  was  put  forth  only  to  provide  an  answer  in  case  the 
king  should  be  attacked  in  Parliament  upon  the 
subject.  In  any  case,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  real 
difficulty  put  in  the  way  of  Catholics  going  either  to 
Somerset  House  or  St.  James's,  and  many  who  were 
not  Catholics  seem  to  have  gone  also  without  fear  of 
consequences.  Mr.  Pepys  went  to  both  in  one  day  in 
1664,  and  found  Somerset  House  '  made  very  fine,  and 
was  ten  times  more  crowded  than  the  queen's  chapel 
at  St.  James's,  which  I  wonder  at.* 

In  1665,  when  the  Plague  broke  out,  the  French 
Capuchins  did  noble  work  among  the  sufferers,  going 
everywhere  without  fear  to  carry  the  sacraments  to  the 
dying.  Two  of  their  number  themselves  fell  victims  to 
the  disease,  and  they  thus  won  a  transient  popularity 
from  the  people  of  London. 

The  unfinished  building,  which  had  been  com- 
menced some  forty  years  before  in  the  western  portion 
of  St.  James's  Palace  to  form  a  Catholic  chapel  for 
Henrietta  Maria  on  her  marriage,  was  now  put  in  hand 
again  for  Queen  Catherine.  It  is  not  very  clear 
wherher  it  ever  had  been  occupied  at  all,  since  the  time 
of  Charles  I.,  but  in  any  case  it  was  now  so  much  out 
of  repair  as  to  need  to  be  practically  rebuilt  before  it 
could  fitly  be  used  for  Divine  service.  The  work  was  a 


A  CONVERSION  TO  THE   CATHOLIC  RELIGION  135 

long  time  in  hand,  and  the  chapel  was  not  complete 
and  ready  for  use  until  September  1662. 

In  the  staffing  of  this  new  chapel  Charles  saw  his 
chance  of  doing  something  towards  the  fulfilment  of 
the  promises  he  had  made  before  his  accession,  and 
especially  of  showing  his  gratitude  towards  the  English 
Benedictines,  who  had  shown  him  many  kindnesses 
during  his  exile,  one  of  which,  that  of  Dom  John 
Hudleston  at  Moseley,  has  already  been  recorded. 
Accordingly,  he  opened  negotiations  with  their  chief, 
Father  Austin  Hungate,  offering  a  sum  of  one  hundred 
pounds  annually  for  the  support  of  each  of  six  fathers, 
and  fifty  pounds  each  for  such  lay  brothers  as  might  be 
considered  necessary.  They  were  to  live  together  in 
community  at  the  palace,  and  to  have  the  charge  of 
the  royal  chapel. 

As  may  be  supposed,  the  Benedictines  were  not 
very  long  in  making  up  their  minds  to  accept  this  very 
liberal  and  quite  unexpected  offer.  To  men  who  had 
been  accustomed  never  to  visit  their  native  land 
except  at  the  risk  of  being  sentenced,  if  they  should 
unfortunately  be  detected,  to  the  most  terrible  and 
humiliating  of  deaths  as  public  traitors — and  who  had 
themselves  in  many  instances  spent  years  together  in 
an  English  dungeon  for  no  other  offence  than  their 
priesthood — such  an  offer  must  have  presented  itself  as 
brilliant  indeed.  They  were  no  longer  to  be  proscribed 
by  the  law,  no  longer  to  be  fugitives,  hunted  like  wild 
beasts  from  shelter  to  shelter,  and  living  under  per- 
petual fear  of  apprehension ;  but  were  to  be  allowed  to 
reside  at  the  Court  itself,  free  to  live  in  community  and 
to  exercise  all  the  duties  of  their  religious  life,  and  to 
minister  to  all  comers  in  a  large  public,  or  at  least  semi- 
public,  church  in  the  metropolis  itself.  Who  could 


136  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

say  of  what  developments  this  might  not  be  the  humble 
beginning  ? 

The  priests  chosen  for  this  work  were  Dom  Bennet 
Stapylton,  of  the  Yorkshire  family  of  that  name ;  Anselm 
Touchet,  son  of  Lord  Castlehaven ;  Lionel  Sheldon, 
Placid  Adelham,  Austin  Latham,  and,  lastly,  John 
Hudleston. 

Some  years  later,  in  1666,  the  queen  determined  to 
increase  her  ecclesiastical  establishment  at  St.  James's 
by  bringing  over  some  Portuguese  Franciscans.  For 
these  she  built  a  new  convent  to  the  west  of  the  palace. 
The  buildings  were  ready  by  the  beginning  of  1667,  and 
the  fathers  were  already  in  residence  when  Pepys  came 
to  pay  a  visit  to  Father  Howard,  the  lord  almoner. 
'  I  saw  the  dortoir,'  he  tells  us,  '  and  the  cells  of  the 
priests,  and  we  went  into  one,  a  very  pretty  little  room, 
very  clean,  hung  with  pictures,  set  with  books.  The 
priest  was  in  his  cell,  with  hair  clothes  to  his  skin, 
•  bare  legged,  with  a  sandal  only  on,  and  his  little  bed 
without  sheets,  and  no  feather  bed,  but  yet,  I  thought, 
soft  enough.  His  cord  about  his  middle,  but  in  so 
good  company,  living  with  ease,  I  thought  it  a  very 
good  life.  A  pretty  library  they  have,  and  it  was  in 
the  refectoire,  where  every  man  his  napkin,  knife,  cup 
of  earth  and  basin  of  the  same,  and  a  place  for  one  to 
sit  and  read,  while  the  rest  are  at  meals.  And  into  the 
kitchen  I  went,  where  a  good  neck  of  mutton  at  the 
fire,  and  other  victuals  boiling.  I  do  not  think  they 
fared  very  hard.  Their  windows  all  looking  into  a  fine 
garden  and  the  park,  and  mighty  pretty  rooms  all.  I 
wished  myself  one  of  the  Capuchins.' 

The  very  next  year,  however,  Mr.  Pepys's  curiosity 
in  Catholic  matters  received  a  rude  shock.  On  Octo- 
ber 26,  1668,  he  had  gone  upstairs  to  have  his  head 


A  CONVERSION  TO  THE  CATHOLIC  RELIGION  137 

•combed  by  Deb,  his  wife's  maid,  '  which  occasioned  the 
greatest  sorrow  to  me  that  I  ever  knew,  for  my  wife 
coming  up  suddenly  did  find  me  embracing  the  girl.' 
Mrs.  Pepys's  indignation  knew  no  bounds,  and  she 
4  grew  quite  out  of  order.'  However,  after  careful 
pondering,  she  hit  upon  an  ingenious  scheme  of  revenge, 
and  about  two  in  the  morning  waked  her  unfaithful 
spouse  to  tell  him,  among  many  tears  and  as  a  great 
secret,  that  '  she  was  a  Koman  Catholique  and  had 
received  the  holy  sacrament.'  The  plan  worked  admir- 
ably. Pepys  was  thoroughly  disturbed  and  frightened, 
though  much  relieved  a  few  weeks  afterwards  to  find 
that  after  all  '  she  is  not  so  strictly  a  Catholique  as  not 
to  go  to  church  with  me,  which  pleased  me  mightily.' 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  she  does  not  appear  ever  to  have 
been  a  Catholic  in  any  sense  at  all,  but  she  so  succeeded 
in  alarming  her  husband  that  from  that  time  forward 
he  fails  us  altogether  as  an  authority  upon  the  doings 
in  connection  with  the  queens'  chapels. 

The  later  history  of  the  two  chapels  need  not  detain 
us  long.  In  1669  Queen  Henrietta  Maria  died  in  France, 
and  Somerset  House  passed  to  Queen  Catherine,  who, 
after  an  interval,  shut  up  the  chapel  at  St.  James's,  and 
moved  her  establishment,  Benedictines,  Franciscans, 
and  all.  For  a  time  the  palace  had  been  closed  and  the 
chapel  left  without  services,  which  was  a  matter  of  great 
distress  to  the  Catholics  of  the  city.  There  was  an  idea 
at  one  time  of  handing  it  over  to  the  Portuguese  ambas- 
sador, but  this  was  not  carried  out,  and  at  length  the 
queen  determined  to  move  her  own  Court  there,  and  to 
shut  up  the  chapel  at  St.  James's.  The  migration 
took  place  on  May  30,  1671. 

Two  years  later,  in  1673,  the  Duke  of  York  was 
married  to  Mary  of  Modena.  He  was  anxious  to  be 


138  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

allowed  to  reopen  the  chapel  at  St.  James's  for  the 
use  of  himself  and  his  wife,  but  things  were  already 
becoming  very  difficult,  and  Charles  absolutely  refused 
to  allow  the  opening  of  a  second  semi-public  chapel  at 
that  juncture.  James  had,  therefore,  to  content  himself 
with  a  private  chapel  inside  St.  James's  Palace,  which 
was  served  by  two  of  the  Benedictines,  who  were  now 
living  in  the  Savoy  and  attached  to  Somerset  House. 
It  was  from  this  little  private  chapel  that  the  Sacra- 
ment was  procured,  and  brought  to  Charles  on  his 
deathbed. 

The  next  year,  1674,  popular  anti-Catholic  clamour 
had  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  thought 
wise  that  Father  Howard,  the  queen's  almoner,  should 
leave  England.  He  withdrew  to  his  own  convent  of 
Bornheim,  and  was  shortly  afterwards  summoned  to 
Rome  and  created  Cardinal.  This  withdrawal,  however, 
was  by  no  means  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  Protestant 
demands,  and  in  1675  Charles  yielded  to  the  storm  so 
far  as  to  issue,  in  spite  of  the  protests  of  the  Duke  of 
York,  an  Order  in  Council  commanding  all  English- 
born  priests  to  leave  England  at  once  and  not  to  return. 
There  was,  however,  one  priest  exempted  by  name — 
'  Mr.  John  Hudlestone,  who  was  eminently  serviceable 
to  His  Majesty  in  his  escape  from  Worcester.'  The 
queen's  chapel  was  expressly  included,  but  there  was 
no  mention  made  of  the  Duke  of  York's,  which,  being 
private,  was  very  likely  hardly  known  to  exist.  The 
two  Benedictines  who  were  living  at  St.  James's  accord- 
ingly stayed  on  in  London,  although  their  position 
must  henceforth  have  been  difficult  and  even  dangerous, 
but  the  others  had  to  leave  Somerset  House  at  once, 
and  from  that  time  onward  the  chapel  there  was  served 
solely  by  the  Portuguese  Franciscans.  Only  '  Mr.  John 


A  CONVERSION   TO  THE  CATHOLIC  RELIGION  139 

Hudlestone '  was  left,  and  he  stayed  on  at  Somerset 
House  for  the  remaining  years  of  Charles'  reign — the 
only  Catholic  priest  of  English  birth  for  all  those  years 
who  could  venture  to  go  abroad  without  fear,  and 
without  disguising  his  sacred  calling. 


140  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 


CHAPTEE  II 

NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   ROME 

THE  accession  of  Charles  to  the  throne  had  taken 
place  amid  such  universal  signs  of  acceptance  that  he 
himself  may  easily  have  been  deceived  as  to  the  real 
feelings  of  the  nation.  He  had  lived  so  long  abroad, 
out  of  touch  with  his  own  people,  that  he  hardly 
realised  the  depth  and  intensity  of  English  sentiment 
at  this  period  on  all  subjects  connected  with  Rome  and 
the  Papacy,  and  may  have  thought  such  a  reconciliation 
as  he  had  dreamed  of  in  the  days  of  his  exile  would  prove 
to  be  much  more  feasible  than  it  really  was.  What 
might  not  a  king  be  able  to  do  who  came  to  his  throne 
among  such  scenes  of  joy  and  enthusiasm  ?  His  Parlia- 
ment seemed  to  him  unlikely  to  stand  in  his  way,  and 
might,  he  thought,  be  bent  without  difficulty  to  his 
will.  He  had  yet  to  learn  how  bitterly  anti-Catholic 
were  even  Clarendon  and  the  most  loyal  of  the 
Cavaliers,  and  that  in  any  desire  to  see  the  Pope 
brought  back  to  England  he  stood  absolutely  alone, 
with  scarcely  a  single  supporter  whom  he  could  trust 
without  reserve.  But  this  discovery  came  later.  At 
the  moment  of  his  restoration  he  was  sanguine  and 
full  of  hope  that  before  many  years  had  passed  he 
would  be  reigning  as  a  Catholic  king  over  an  England 
once  more  united  to  the  Roman  See. 

We  can  trace  these  aspirations  in  all  the  acts  of  his 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  ROME  141 

first  years  upon  the  throne.  In  the  declaration  which 
he  sent  from  Breda  to  General  Monk  before  he  took 
ship  for  England  he  announced  himself  as  being  in 
favour  of  religious  toleration,  and  after  his  arrival  in 
England  he  did  all  he  could  with  safety  to  favour  the 
religion  he  desired  to  adopt.  These  various  actions 
are  duly  recorded  and  set  forth  in  the  memorial  sent  to 
Kome,  the  story  of  which  we  are  now  going  to  tell. 

Towards  the  end  of  1662,  when  he  had  been  on 
the  throne  for  two  years,  the  king  determined  on  a 
more  definite  step,  which  was  no  less  than  to  communi- 
cate with  Eome  itself,  and  to  try  to  open  up  negotia- 
tions for  the  reconciliation  of  the  kingdom  with  the 
Holy  See.  He  could  not  but  be  aware,  however,  that 
for  such  a  step  the  profoundest  secrecy  was  necessary. 
To  communicate  with  Kome,  no  matter  what  the  object 
might  be,  would  have  appeared  the  deadliest  of  sins  to 
most  of  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded,  and  the 
premature  disclosure  of  his  intentions  might  well  have 
raised  such  a  storm  as  would  have  driven  him  once 
more  from  his  throne  and  sent  him  again  into  banish- 
ment. We  must  not  wonder,  therefore,  that  in  con- 
sequence of  this  secrecy  no  trace  of  such  a  mission 
appears  to  remain  among  the  English  records.  Pro- 
bably the  papers  relating  to  it  never  went  beyond  the 
king's  own  hands,  and  were  by  him  destroyed  when 
there  was  no  longer  hope  of  a  successful  issue.  It  is 
in  Eome,  and  to  a  lesser  degree  in  Paris,  that  the 
documentary  evidence  of  the  fact  can  still  be  found, 
and  it  is  from  the  Eoman  and  the  French  records  that 
the  papers  we  propose  to  quote  have  been  given  to  the 
world. 

The  agent  on  whom  Charles  fixed  his  choice  waa 
one  Eichard  Bellings,  an  Irish  gentleman  of  good 


142  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

family,  who  was  acting  as  private  secretary  to  Queen 
Henrietta  Maria  at  Somerset  House.  He  was,  as  need 
scarcely  be  said,  a  Catholic.  He  started  from  England 
in  the  autumn  of  1662,  ostensibly  visiting  the  Continent 
for  private  reasons  of  his  own,  and  bent  his  steps 
towards  Rome  so  soon  as  he  was  free  from  observation. 
The  primary  object  of  his  journey,  or  rather  the 
business  which  he  was  instructed  to  bring  forward  in 
the  first  place,  and  which  he  was  to  allow  to  be  thought 
the  sole  object  for  which  he  had  come,  was  to  make 
request  on  behalf  of  the  king  for  a  cardinal's  hat  for 
his  kinsman,  the  Abbe  d'Aubigny.  This  was  Ludovic 
Stuart,  a  son  of  the  Duke  of  Lennox  and  Gordon,  who 
had  been  educated  abroad  and  whom  Charles  had 
brought  with  him  to  England  and  had  made  lord 
almoner  to  his  consort,  Queen  Catherine  of  Braganza, 
at  St.  James's  Palace.  To  this  end  Bellings  was  en- 
trusted with  a  memorandum  on  the  subject,  which 
for  greater  secrecy  had  been  drawn  up  entirely  by 
Clarendon  himself,  who  was  then  Lord  Chancellor, 
and  copied  by  his  own  son.  Every  page  of  this  memo- 
randum bore  the  royal  signature  in  proof  of  its 
authenticity,  and  the  whole  was  dated  from  London, 
October  25,  1662.  He  had  with  him  also  autograph 
letters  of  introduction  from  the  king  to  Cardinal  Chigi, 
the  nephew  of  the  reigning  Pope,  Alexander  VII.,  who 
was  then  acting  as  secretary  of  state,  and  to  Cardinal 
Barberini,  who  was  cardinal  protector  of  Great  Britain 
and  its  affairs  at  the  pontifical  court.  Both  these 
letters  appear  to  have  perished,  but  two  other  letters, 
one  from  the  queen-mother  and  the  other  from  Queen 
Catherine,  both  addressed  to  Cardinal  Orsini,  the  Pro- 
tector of  Portugal,  still  survive.  They  are  both  written 
in  French,  of  which  the  following  is  a  translation  : 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  ROME  143 

'  To  my  Cousin  the  Cardinal  Orsini. 

'  My  Cousin, — I  beg  you  to  favour  with  your  protec- 
tion and  support  the  business  which  Mr.  Bellings,  the 
bearer  of  this,  is  to  negotiate  on  my  part  in  the  Court 
of  Eome,  particularly  in  regard  to  my  cousin,  Monsieur 
d'Aubigny,  high  almoner  to  my  daughter-in-law.  His 
near  relationship  to  the  king,  my  son,  and  his  other 
merits  make  me  hope  for  a  happy  issue  to  the  request 
which  I  am  pressing  with  great  insistence  on  his 
Holiness.  I  shall  be  greatly  obliged  for  the  trouble 
which  you  will  take  in  this  matter,  and  when  occasion 
offers  I  will  not  fail  to  give  you  proof  of  my  gratitude, 
being  '  My  Cousin, 

'  Your  very  good  Cousin, 

'  HENEIETTA  MAEIA  K. 
'  From  London,  the  30th  October,  1662.' 

Queen  Catherine's  letter  was  of  the  same  tone,  but 
even  more  insistent : 

*  My  Cousin, — Amid  the  many  reasons  I  have  for 
joy,  I  cannot  fail  to  be  deeply  touched  by  the  strange 
condition  of  the  Church  in  the  kingdoms  of  the  king, 
my  brother,  and  in  these.  Nobody  knows  better  than 
you  how  they  are  in  Portugal,  since  you  have  so 
generously  undertaken  its  protection ;  but  I  can  tell 
you  that  I  should  have  great  apprehension  of  the  ill 
effects  of  the  grief  of  the  king,  my  lord  and  husband, 
and  of  his  ministers,  if  the  Court  of  Eome  persists  in 
refusing  him  the  favour  which  he  asks  for  his  relation, 
Monsieur  d'Aubigny,  my  high  almoner.  I  leave  it  to 
Mr.  Bellings,  whom  I  send  to  assure  his  Holiness  of 
my  obedience,  to  fully  explain  everything  to  you,  and 
1  beg  you  to  give  him  entire  credence. 
'  I  am,  my  Cousin, 

'  Your  very  affectionate  Cousin, 
'  London  :  25th  October,  1662.'         '  CATHEEINE  E. 


144  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

The  original  memorandum  has  not  yet  come  to- 
light,  if  it  still  exists,  but  a  brief  precis  of  its  contents,, 
or  at  least  of  the  instructions  under  which  Bellings, 
was  to  act,  and  which  presumably  was  put  in  writing 
by  Bellings  himself,  is  still  extant.  It  is  summarised 
under  three  heads  as  follows  : — 

'  1.  His  Majesty  requests  this  promotion  for  the 
advantage  of  his  kingdom,  and  in  order  to  secure  for 
the  Catholic  party  an  authorised  head,  closely  allied  to 
the  king  by  the  ties  of  blood,  on  whom  he  can  rely 
under  all  circumstances  with  the  utmost  confidence. 
The  king,  to  use  his  own  words,  sees  in  the  elevation 
to  the  cardinalate  of  M.  1'Abbe  d'Aubigny  "  a  con- 
dition essential  to  the  good  understanding  which  ought 
to  reign  between  the  Pope  and  himself,  and  he  judges 
this  measure  to  be  of  the  greatest  importance  for  the 
general  good  of  his  Roman  Catholic  subjects  through- 
out the  whole  extent  of  his  dominions." 

*  2.  When  once  he  is  named  cardinal,  his  Majesty 
engages  to  support  him  with  all  the  splendour  which 
befits  his  dignity  and  title  as  a  kinsman  of  the  king. 

*  3.  His   Majesty  commands   his   Minister  not  to 
enter  upon  any  other  business  till  he  has  obtained 
entire  satisfaction  as  to  the  promotion  of  M.  d'Aubigny. 
In  case  of  refusal  the  envoy  is  to  take  leave  and  to 
return  without  saying  a  word  on  the  other  points  on 
which  his  Majesty  has  charged  him  to  negotiate.' 

Bellings  arrived  in  Rome  very  early  in  1663,  and  at 
once  set  about  the  work  with  which  he  had  been 
charged.  He  called  upon  a  number  of  the  cardinals 
whom  he  judged  most  likely  to  be  of  service,  and  found 
them,  so  far  as  we  can  gather,  by  no  means  hostile  to 
the  matter  in  hand.  Cardinal  Orsini  wrote  a  letter  on 
his  behalf  to  Cardinal  Sforza  Pallavicini.  This  letter,. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  ROME  145 

with  another  one  written  on  the  following  day,  has 
survived  among  Cardinal  Pallavicini's  papers.  In  the 
first  Cardinal  Orsini  says  that  he  is  leaving  Eome  the 
next  day  on  business  connected  with  his  estates,  but 
that  he  is  writing  to  introduce  Mr.  Bellings,  with  whom 
he  has  just  had  an  interview,  and  who  has  left  him 
with  the  intention  of  calling  upon  Cardinal  Barberini, 
and  then,  unless  he  were  too  long  delayed,  of  going  on 
the  same  evening  to  call  on  Cardinal  Pallavicini.  He 
goes  on :  — 

1 1  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  let  your  Eminence  know 
this  beforehand,  at  the  same  time  begging  you,  as  I 
have  already  done  in  conversation,  to  help  forward  in 
every  way  you  can  the  success  of  a  matter  whose 
results  may  be  so  happy  for  the  Catholic  religion.  I 
write  this  to  your  Eminence,  so  that  in  case  you  should 
wish  to  speak  with  me  on  the  subject,  or  it  should  be 
necessary  for  me  to  act  in  any  way,  you  may  know  that 
it  will  be  sufficient  to  communicate  with  Mgr.  Orsini, 
and  in  a  very  few  hours  I  shall  be  back  in  Eome. 
Meanwhile,  Mr.  Bellings  will  come  to  see  you,  and  I  have 
already  done  with  him  all  that  seems  to  me  most  likely 
to  lead  to  the  happy  termination  of  the  business.' 

In  the  second  letter,  written  the  following  day,  he 
merely  says  that  he  has  decided  after  all  to  put  off  his 
journey  and  not  to  leave  Eome. 

One  other  letter,  which  throws  light  on  Bellings' 
proceedings  at  Eome,  has  survived  among  the  archives 
of  the  Jesuits.  It  was  written  by  Bellings  himself  to 
Father  Thomas  Courtenay,  an  English  Jesuit  at  Eome, 
who  held  office  as  one  of  the  confessors  attached  to 
St.  Peter's.  He  says : 

'  I  shall  punctually  obey  the  orders  of  Cardinal 
Barberini,  and  shall  be  careful  to  arrive  in  time  to  visit 

L 


146  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

the  Cardinal  of  Aragon.  The  king,  his  master,  if  I  am 
well  informed,  is  exceedingly  desirous  of  the  friendship 
of  ours,  and  I  shall  not  fail  to  make  his  Eminence 
understand  that  nothing  will  conduce  more  efficaciously 
to  that  end  than  loyal  service  in  the  matter  of  which  I 
have  come  to  treat.  I  am  just  returned  from  Cardinal 
Chigi,  who  received  me  with  much  kindness,  and  has 
given  me  good  hopes  that  his  assistance  is  secured.  A 
thousand  thanks  to  Fr.  Vicar 1  for  all  his  kindness. 

'I  am, 

'K.  BELLINGS.' 

Meanwhile,  much  as  Pope  Alexander  VII.  and  the 
Cardinals  desired  to  accede  to  Charles's  request,  there 
were  grave  difficulties  in  the  way.  The  Pope  referred 
the  matter  to  one  of  the  congregations  of  cardinals,  of 
which  apparently  Cardinal  Pallavicini  was  acting  as 
secretary,  and  for  their  guidance  a  votum,  or  skilled 
opinion,  was  drawn  up  by  the  theologians  attached  to 
that  congregation  in  the  capacity  of  consultors.  This 
votum  has  been  preserved,  and  is  of  considerable 
interest  : 

'  MOST  EMINENT  AND  MOST  EEVEREND  LOKD, — 

'  The  request  of  the  King  of  England  to  our  Lord 
(the  Pope)  for  the  promotion  to  the  Cardinalate  of  his 
kinsman  Aubigny,  appears  to  merit  kindly  considera- 
tion from  your  Eminence,  on  account  of  the  great  good 
to  Catholicism  which  may  be  hoped  for  if  it  is  granted, 
and  also  the  great  evil  which  may  be  feared  if  it  is 
refused. 

*  When  King  James,  the  grandfather  of  Charles  II., 
at  the  moment  when  he  had  been  declared  the  successor 

1  This  would  be  Father  Paul  Oliva,   afterwards  General  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  ROME  147 

of  Elizabeth,  asked  Pope  Clement  VIII.  to  be  so  good  as 
to  create  an  English  Cardinal,1  the  answer  was  that  he 
would  willingly  do  so,  so  soon  as  the  king  should  himself 
have  brought  about  some  alleviation  of  the  sufferings 
of  Catholics  in  his  dominions.  Now,  the  condition 
which  was  then  imposed  upon  James  has  been  spon- 
taneously fulfilled  by  Charles,  his  grandson.  In  fact, 
from  the  very  hour  in  which  he  first  set  foot  in  his 
kingdom,  the  king  has  been  opposed  to  the  penalties 
enacted  against  the  Catholics,  nor  has  he  to  this  day 
allowed  any  layman,  or  any  missionary,  to  be  molested 
for  their  faith.  He  has  been  able  to  prevent  any  of 
them  being  sought  out  to  take  the  double  oath  of 
allegiance  and  supremacy,  although  Parliament  has 
continued  to  enforce  this  upon  Presbyterians  and  all 
other  dissenters.  Thus,  in  the  last  session  of  Parlia- 
ment, which  was  prorogued  till  February  1663,  when 
certain  Catholics  presented  a  memorial  for  the  total 
abrogation  of  the  Penal  Laws,  and  there  were  secretly 
proposed  certain  limiting  clauses  which  tended  to 
divide  the  Catholics  among  themselves  and  to  prejudice 
the  authority  of  the  Pope,  the  king  suppressed  the 
memorial  and  prevented  the  plan  from  succeeding,  lest 
they  should  be  involved  in  internal  dissensions  and  end 
by  exposing  those  who  remained  faithful  to  the  Pope 
to  all  the  rigours  of  the  previously  existing  laws.  .  .  . 
Further,  when  that  protestation  was  presented  by  the 
Irish,  so  contrary  to  the  obedience  due  to  the  Apostolic 
See,  he  never  consented  to  receive  it  or  to  approve  it, 
thus  manifesting  his  respectful  consideration  for  the 
august  person  of  the  Eoman  Pontiff.  It  cannot  be 

1  Is  there  any  other  evidence  of  this  request  and  its  refusal  ?  Queen 
Anne  of  Denmark,  the  consort  of  James  I.,  made  a  request  of  this  kind 
at  a  later  date  on  behalf  of  Conn. 

L  2 


148  .      THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

doubted  that  the  tranquillity  which  is  at  this  moment 
enjoyed  by  the  English  Catholics  depends  solely  upon 
the  goodwill  of  the  king  and  upon  his  sympathies  with 
the  Pope  and  with  Catholicism.  There  is  only  one 
obstacle  which  hinders  Parliament  from  proposing  new 
measures  of  persecution,  and  the  Protestant  bishops 
and  the  royal  Law  Courts  from  putting  into  effect  all 
the  cruellest  details  of  the  old  legislation,  and  that 
obstacle  is  the  fear  of  incurring  thereby  his  majesty's 
displeasure.  But  for  this  fear,  and  the  conviction  that 
the  king  really  has  the  peace  of  Catholics  at  heart,  all 
the  scenes  of  persecution  which  have  for  so  many  years 
desolated  the  Church  of  England  would  soon  reappear. 
We  have  therefore  judged  that  it  is  highly  desirable  to 
accede  to  the  promotion  of  Lord  Aubigny,  and  to  this 
act  of  condescension  to  confirm  the  good  inclinations 
of  the  king  towards  the  Pope  and  the  Catholics.' 

To  this  votum,  or  formal  opinion  of  the  theologians 
to  whom  the  question  was  remitted,  there  is  appended 
a  summary  of  the  various  ways  in  which  the  king  had 
already  shown,  in  the  two  years  since  his  restoration, 
his  desire  to  help  on  the  cause  of  the  oppressed 
Catholics  of  his  realm.  This  summary  was  probably 
drawn  up  by  Cardinal  de  Eetz,  who  was  visited  by 
Bellings  in  Paris  on  his  way  out  to  Borne,1  and  is  of 

1  Memoirs  of  Guy  Joli,  vol.  ii.  p.  81,  where  it  is  stated  that  Cardinal 
de  Retz  made  a  special  journey  to  Hamburg  in  order  to  interest  Queen 
Christina  of  Sweden  in  the  project.  It  is  also  stated  that  Charles 
decided,  at  the  instigation  of  Cardinal  de  Eetz,  to  send  a  fleet  of  twenty 
ships  of  war  through  the  Straits  to  lie  off  Civita  Vecchia,  with  a  view 
to  intimidating  the  Pope  and  frightening  him  into  granting  what  was 
asked.  It  is  unlikely,  however,  that  this  was  actually  done,  though 
very  possibly  it  is  true  that  De  Beta  made  the  suggestion.  It  seems  to 
be  altogether  inconsistent  with  what  we  know  of  the  attitude  of  Charles 
at  this  time  towards  the  Holy  See. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  ROME  149 

very  considerable  interest,  as  no  other  record  of  several 
of  these  actions  has  been  preserved.  As,  so  far  as  we 
are  aware,  it  is  by  no  means  generally  known,  it  will 
be  as  well  to  quote  it  at  length,  in  spite  of  its  being 
rather  long. 

'  Benefits  which  the  Catholics  of  England  have 
received  from  his  Britannic  Majesty : — 

*  (1)  The  king  has  raised  the  sequestration  imposed 
throughout  the  kingdom,  during  the  protectorate 
of  Cromwell,  upon  the  property  of  a  multitude  of 
Catholics. 

'  (2)  He  has  suspended  the  execution  of  penal  laws 
which  bear  with  extreme  severity  on  the  Eoman 
Catholics ;  as,  for  instance,  in  the  case  of  the  rich,  to 
undergo  the  confiscation  of  two-thirds  of  their  lands, 
and  of  their  goods ;  in  the  case  of  the  poor,  to  pay  two 
pieces  of  silver  every  time  that  they  did  not  present 
themselves  on  Sunday  at  the  Protestant  temple ;  and 
other  regulations  not  less  arbitrary. 

'  (3)  He  has  set  at  liberty  all  the  priests  and  reli- 
gious who  were  imprisoned  in  various  parts  of  the 
kingdom,  and  among  them  several  who  had  been  con- 
demned to  death  for  no  other  reason  than  that  they 
were  priests. 

'  (4)  He  has  put  a  check  on  the  despotic  action  of 
the  agents  of  the  public  force  and  the  collectors  of 
taxes,  who  have  been  in  the  habit  of  ransacking  the 
houses  of  Catholics  in  the  hope  of  discovering  priests 
hidden  therein  ;  an  intolerable  vexation,  since  any  in- 
fraction of  the  law  on  this  point  involved  for  the  delin- 
quent the  loss  of  all  his  goods,  as  well  as  perpetual 
imprisonment. 

'  (5)  He  has  insisted  on  marrying  a  Catholic, 
although  heretic  princesses  were  proposed  to  him  who 


150  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

were  possessed  of  an  equal,  or  even  a  more  considerable 
dowry. 

*  (6)  He  has  authorised  the  opening  in  the  town  of 
London  of  two  Catholic  chapels  royal ;  the  one,  that 
of  the  queen  mother,  served  by  English  Benedictines, 
who  there  sing  the  canonical  hours  wearing  the  habit 
of  their  order ;  the  other,  that  of  the  queen  consort, 
of  which  the  administration  is  in  the  hands  of   the 
Capuchins.     In  these  two   sanctuaries  the  Catholics 
can,  to  their  great  consolation,  assist  at  divine  service 
with  complete  liberty. 

*  (7)  He  has  made  frequent  gifts   to   the  English 
religious  women  established  in  Flanders.     To  those  of 
Ghent  in   particular,   directly  he  was  proclaimed  in 
London,  and  while  he  was  still  in  Holland,  he  sent 
1,600  crowns,  with  a  message  that  these  were  only  the 
earnest  of  the  assistance  that  he  pledged  himself  to 
give  them  at  a  later  date. 

'  (8)  These  same  nuns  of  Ghent  have  received  from 
him  permission  to  build  themselves  another  convent, 
with  a  church,  at  Dunkirk.  The  buildings  are  nearly 
completed,  and  the  king  has  contributed  towards  them 
not  less  than  12,000  crowns. 

'  (9)  He  has  deigned  on  several  occasions  to  admit 
to  his  audience,  with  great  affability,  priests  and  reli- 
gious, notably  two  Provincials  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
the  present  one  and  his  predecessor,  and  to  all  he  has 
promised  cordially  his  royal  protection. 

'  (10)  On  a  certain  great  feast  day  he  attended  in 
person,  with  all  his  suite,  at  the  chapel  of  the  queen 
consort,  where  he  heard  a  great  part  of  the  Mass  with 
much  devotion,  outside  the  tribunes  l  and  in  full  view 

1  A  tribune  is  any  kind  of  private  box  or  enclosed  place  from  which 
Mass  can  be  heard  without  the  occupants  forming  part  of  the  general 
congregation. 


NEGOTIATIONS    WITH  ROME  151 

of  all.  At  the  moment  of  consecration  he  was  seen  to 
give  all  the  signs  of  profound  respect. 

'  (11)  Thanks  to  him,  the  Catholic  peers  have 
entered  in  fair  numbers  into  the  Upper  House  of 
Parliament,  with  rights  equal  to  those  of  the  Protestant 
members,  the  like  of  which  has  not  been  known  since 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 

'  (12)  In  the  ports  of  the  United  Kingdom  Catholics 
are  no  longer,  as  formerly,  obliged  to  submit  on  enter- 
ing or  leaving  the  kingdom  to  the  humiliating  oath  of 
fidelity. 

'  (13)  Among  the  royal  troops  of  the  City  of 
London,  some  thirty  Catholics  having  refused  to  take 
the  accustomed  oath,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  con- 
trary to  their  consciences,  the  oath  was  modified  in 
their  favour,  so  that  now  it  only  speaks  of  fidelity  to 
the  king,  and  says  nothing  about  the  Pope,  as  the 
legal  formula  requires. 

1  (14)  In  various  parts  of  the  kingdom  and  at  the 
Court  he  has  raised  several  Catholics  to  positions  of 
high  dignity  and  much  confidence.  There  are  several 
Catholics  among  the  guards  immediately  attached  to 
his  person. 

'  (15)  At  the  beginning  of  the  present  year  1662, 
when  there  was  an  agitation  in  Parliament  for  reviving 
the  penal  laws  against  the  Catholics,  the  king  cut 
short  the  discussion  and  severely  reproached  several 
members  of  the  chamber  for  desiring  to  persecute  his 
most  faithful  subjects  and  best  friends.  Such  were  the 
terms  that  this  good  prince  applied  to  the  Catholics. 

'  (16)  Lastly,  by  his  opposition  to  the  law  in  virtue 
of  which  Catholics,  proved  to  be  such,  are  condemned 
to  forfeit  two-thirds  of  their  property,  the  king  deprives 
his  treasury  of  a  considerable  revenue.  The  same  is 


152  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

true  with  regard  to  the  confiscations  and  heavy  fines 
which  accrue  to  him  whenever  a  priest  is  found  in  a 
layman's  house  or  a  layman  is  detected  assisting  at 
Mass  or  at  any  other  religious  ceremony. 

'  Meanwhile  it  can  be  fairly  objected,  on  the  other 
side,  that  this  monarch  has  allowed  the  introduction 
of  a  form  of  oath  or  protestation  of  fidelity  of  which 
the  sense  is  hostile  to  the  authority  of  the  Vicar  of 
Christ.  But  it  is  only  fair  to  observe  that  the  larger 
part  of  the  wrong  belongs  to  N.  N.,  who,  after  having 
composed  and  publicly  promulgated  this  form  of  oath, 
has  persuaded  the  king  that  it  really  in  no  way  wounds 
a  Catholic  conscience.' 

There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  Alexander  VII., 
thus  encouraged  by  the  report  of  the  theologians, 
would  have  been  quite  willing  to  accede  to  the  request 
that  had  been  made,  and  to  create  D'Aubigny  a 
cardinal ;  and  the  more  so  as  he  would  have  been  able 
by  so  doing  to  please  not  only  King  Charles  II.,  but. 
also  Louis  XIV.  and  Cardinal  de  Eetz,  the  man  to 
whom,  before  all  others,  he  owed  his  own  elevation  to 
the  pontifical  throne.  But,  unfortunately,  there  was 
a  difficulty  which  arose  from  the  personality  of 
D'Aubigny  himself.  In  his  youth  he  had  been  carried 
away  by  the  errors  of  Port-Koyal,  and  had  been  a 
declared  adherent  of  Jansenism.  From  this  he  was 
won  back  by  the  efforts  of  M.  Olier  and  the  priests  of 
St.  Sulpice,  and  for  many  years  had  been  considered 
free  from  all  taint  of  unorthodoxy.  At  a  later  date, 
however,  he  had  reverted  more  or  less  to  his  earlier 
opinions,  and  certain  letters  of  his  to  Arnauld  and 
others  show  that  he  was  prepared  to  go  far  in  that 
direction.1  This  was  known  at  Kome,  and  the  Pope 

1  Vw  de  M.  Olier,  vol.  ii.  p.  238. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   ROME  153 

felt  that  it  was  impossible  to  put  the  ecclesiastical 
affairs  of  England  into  such  hands  lest  the  result  should 
only  be  to  add  a  fresh  difficulty  and  danger  to  those  by 
which  Catholicism  in  England  was  already  so  harassed 
and  distressed.  There  was  nothing  to  be  done  except  to 
refuse,  but  the  refusal  should  be  couched  in  language 
as  conciliatory  as  possible,  and  so  skilfully  was  this 
done  that  Charles  at  once  acknowledged  the  force  of 
the  argument ;  and,  far  from  breaking  off  relations 
with  the  Holy  See,  as  he  had  threatened  to  do  in  his 
-earlier  instructions  to  his  agent,  sent  his  commands  to 
him  to  proceed  at  once  with  the  more  secret  and  much 
more  important  business  which  had  been  entrusted  to 
his  care. 

This  further  negotiation,  the  secret  of  which  was 
most  jealously  kept,  and  was  probably  not  confided  to 
anyone,  either  in  England  or  Rome,  except  to  the  two 
queens,  to  Richard  Sellings,  and  to  the  Pope  himself, 
with  perhaps  the  cardinal-nephew  who  was  acting  as 
secretary  of  state,  had  to  do  with  a  far  more  important 
matter  than  the  mere  bestowal  of  a  cardinal's  hat.  It 
was  nothing  less  than  a  formal  proposal  of  a  scheme 
by  which,  as  it  seemed  to  the  king,  the  three  kingdoms 
of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  might  be  brought 
back  to  the  obedience  of  the  Holy  See.  Of  this  further 
scheme  Clarendon  at  least  knew  nothing,  and  he  would 
undoubtedly  have  been  bitterly  opposed  to  it  from 
every  point  of  view.  He  had  pushed  complaisance 
with  his  master's  wishes  as  far  as  he  possibly  could  in 
assenting  to  the  sale  of  Dunkirk,  and  in  preferring  a 
request  to  Rome  for  the  promotion  to  the  cardinalate 
of  the  king's  cousin.  But  at  this  very  time,  while 
Bellings  was  still  absent  on  his  mission,  he  was  ventur- 
ing from  his  place  as  Lord  Chancellor  in  the  House  of 


154  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Lords  to  oppose  in  every  way  that  he  could  the  pro- 
posal of  the  king  to  grant  liberty  of  conscience  to  all  his 
subjects,  Nonconformist  as  well  as  Catholic.  Eoyalist 
and  Cavalier  as  he  was,  he  was  also  bitterly  anti- 
Catholic,  and  no  scheme  which  favoured  reunion  with 
Home  could  possibly  have  found  a  moment's  favour 
with  him.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  on  a  point  on  which  it 
was  necessary  to  keep  Clarendon  in  the  dark,  any  other 
courtier  or  statesman  would  have  been  taken  into  the 
king's  confidence.  At  this  early  stage  of  the  negotia- 
tion it  would  be  better  for  the  safety  of  all  concerned, 
and  for  the  ultimate  success  of  the  vast  project  which 
was  thus  initiated,  that  as  few  as  possible  should  be 
entrusted  with  so  dangerous  a  secret. 

The  principal  documentary  matter  which  Sellings 
was  now  instructed  to  lay  before  the  Pope  was  a  formal 
profession  of  faith  on  the  part  of  the  king,  intended 
to  serve  as  the  basis  of  consultation  concerning  the 
possibility  of  a  concordat.  This  document  was  written 
originally  in  Latin,  and  we  give  it,  on  account  of  its 
great  importance  and  interest,  in  its  entirety. 

*  A  proposition  made  on  the  part  of  Charles  II.,  King 
of  Great  Britain,  for  the  reunion,  which  is  so  much  to 
be  desired,  of  his  three  kingdoms  of  England,  Scotland, 
and  Ireland  with  the  Apostolic  and  Roman  See. 

'  His  Majesty  the  King,  and  all  those  who  aspire 
with  him  to  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  Church,  will 
accept  the  profession  of  faith  which  Pius  IV.  compiled 
from  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  also  all  the  decrees  set 
forth,  either  in  that  council  or  in  any  other  of  the 
general  councils,  on  the  subject  of  faith  or  morals, 
and  further,  all  that  has  been  decided  by  the  last  two 
Pontiffs  in  the  matter  of  Jansenius ;  only  reserving,  as- 
is  done  in  France  and  certain  other  places,  certain. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  ROME  155 

special  rights,  and  certain  customs  which  usage 
has  consecrated  in  each  particular  church.  They 
understand  these  decrees  in  the  sense  of  all  those 
restrictions  which  other  oecumenical  councils,  acting  in 
all  prudence,  and  after  due  consideration,  have  im- 
ported into  them,  of  which  the  said  profession  of  faith 
is  an  example.  Whence  it  follows  that  nothing  which 
is  not  contained  in  these  must  at  any  time  be  imposed 
either  on  the  king  or  on  any  of  his  Catholic  subjects, 
and  that  if  at  any  time  any  of  them  should  express  his 
opinion  on  any  one  of  these  points,  he  is  not  to  be  con- 
sidered as  thereby  committing  a  crime  or  as  favouring 
heresy.  On  these  conditions  his  majesty  is  prepared 
at  once  to  break  with  all  Protestants  and  other  religious 
bodies  not  in  union  with  the  Roman  Church.  Especi- 
ally, he  declares  that  he  detests  the  deplorable  schism 
and  heretical  teaching  introduced  by  Luther,  Zwingli, 
Calvin,  Memnon,  Socinius,  Brown  and  other  wicked 
men  of  like  sort,  for  he  knows  by  bitter  experience,  and 
better  than  anyone  else  in  his  dominions,  how  great  are 
the  evils  which  have  been  introduced  by  the  so-called 
Eeformation,  which  ought  rather  to  be  called  a. 
Deformation.  For  it  has  overthrown  all  settled 
government,  and  has  introduced  Babylonian  confusion 
both  in  Church  and  State,  so  that  all  three  kingdoms, 
and  especially  England,  have  come,  in  civil  matters  as- 
well  as  in  ecclesiastical,  to  be  simply  the  theatre  of  a 
series  of  terrible  disturbances  enacted  before  the  eyes 
of  the  whole  world.' 

This  remarkable  declaration  of  faith  on  the  part  of 
King  Charles  is  followed  by  a  long  series  of  twenty- 
four  '  Notes ' ;  in  which  is  drawn  out  in  considerable  detail 
the  plan  which  it  was  proposed  to  follow  in  the  execu- 
tion of  this  difficult  project,  should  the  Pope  see  his 


156  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

way  to  giving  his  adhesion.  The  whole  matter  had 
evidently  been  thought  out  with  considerable  care,  and 
a  scheme  finally  arrived  at  which  was  thought  likely 
to  cause  the  smallest  possible  amount  of  friction  or 
disturbance  of  vested  interests.  The  existing  arch- 
bishops and  bishops  were  to  remain,  on  giving  in  their 
adhesion  to  the  general  plan,  but  they  were  to  be  re- 
consecrated by  three  Apostolic  Legates  sent  from  Rome 
for  this  purpose  and  for  no  other.  The  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  was  to  be  raised  to  the  dignity  of  Patriarch 
of  the  three  realms,  and  the  whole  administration  of 
the  ecclesiastical  affairs  within  those  realms  was  to  be 
centred  in  him,  without  any  appeal  to  Borne  except  in 
a  very  few  matters,  the  decision  of  which  was  to  be 
specially  reserved  to  the  Apostolic  See.  Even  these 
reserved  causes  were  to  be  decided  within  the  kingdom 
by  a  legate  who  was  to  reside  in  Great  Britain  and  to 
be  chosen  from  among  the  native-born  subjects  of  the 
king.  For  the  further  government  of  the  Church,  it 
was  provided  that  provincial  synods  should  be  held 
every  year,  and  a  national  council  was  to  be  summoned 
at  fixed  intervals.  All  the  existing  local  privileges  of 
the  Church  were  to  be  retained ;  the  king  was  always 
to  nominate  to  any  episcopal  see  that  might  fall  vacant ; 
and  ecclesiastical  property  alienated  to  lay  hands  in  the 
preceding  reigns  was  in  all  cases  to  be  secured  to  the 
existing  holders.  Liberty  of  conscience  was  to  be 
granted  to  all,  and  neither  Charles  himself,  nor  any  of 
his  successors,  were  to  be  bound  to  treat  harshly  any 
of  his  subjects  who  preferred  to  risk  their  souls  by 
remaining  Protestant.  All  such  were  to  be  allowed 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  though  at  their  own 
expense,  and  were  to  be  reclaimed,  if  possible,  to  the 
Church  by  force  of  argument  without  any  kind  of 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  ROME  157 

coercion.  With  regard  to  the  smaller  details  of  the 
settlement,  all  bishops  and  clergy  who  accepted  Catholic 
ordination  were  not  merely  to  retain  their  benefices 
but  were  to  be  allowed  to  keep  their  wives,  celibacy 
being  introduced  only  for  those  who  should  be  un- 
married, or  ordained  at  a  later  period.  The  Holy 
Eucharist  was  to  be  given  in  both  kinds  to  all  who 
desired  it  to  be  so  done,  and  the  Mass,  though  cele- 
brated in  Latin,  was  to  be  accompanied  by  English 
hymns.  A  summary  of  Catholic  doctrine,  carefully 
drawn  up  with  full  proofs  from  Holy  Scripture,  was  to 
be  published,  and  Catholic  priests  in  their  disputations 
with  Protestants  were  to  be  instructed  not  to  lay  very 
great  stress  on  miracles  of  post-Apostolic  date,  and  in 
especial  not  to  speak  of  material  fires  in  connection 
with  the  doctrine  of  purgatory.  Seminaries  for  the 
clergy  were  to  be  instituted  as  the  Council  of  Trent 
directs.  Some  of  the  religious  orders  were  to  be 
revived,  as,  for  instance,  the  Benedictines  of  St.  Maur, 
for  the  public  recitation  of  the  Divine  Office ;  others, 
again,  for  the  sake  of  their  life  of  enclosure  within  the 
cloister ;  others,  for  the  care  of  the  sick ;  even  the 
Jesuits  to  teach  in  the  schools ;  but  all  such  religious, 
whatever  might  be  their  order  or  congregation,  were 
to  be  subject  to  the  ordinary  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops 
and  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy.  Finally,  it  was  pro- 
vided that  those  questions  which  were  most  hotly 
debated,  such  as  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope,  his 
superiority  over  councils,  and  his  right  to  depose  kings, 
were  not  to  be  discussed  either  in  the  pulpit,  or  in 
printed  writings,  or  in  any  other  way. 

Such  were  the  lines  on  which  it  seemed  to  Charles  that 
a  reconciliation  could  be  effected,  and  England  brought 
back  to  Catholic  obedience.  The  scheme  was  certainly 


158  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

skilfully  drawn  up,  and  perhaps  contained  nothing  which 
Rome  would  have  regarded,  in  theory,  as  absolutely 
impossible  to  concede,  but  we  can  see  clearly,  looking 
at  it  in  the  light  of  the  later  events  of  the  reign,  how  en- 
tirely visionary  and  impracticable  it  really  was.  Charles 
was  utterly  mistaken  in  his  estimate  of  the  real  feelings 
of  the  nation,  which  were  intensely  Protestant,  and 
bitterly  anti-Catholic.  No  possible  scheme  for  reunion 
with  Borne  would  have  stood  the  smallest  chance  of 
getting  a  hearing  in  either  House  of  Parliament,  and 
the  attempt,  had  it  been  made,  would  almost  certainly 
have  cost  Charles  his  throne,  and  brought  the  Stuart 
dynasty  to  a  rapid  close. 

How  the  negotiations  really  prospered  we  have  no 
knowledge.  The  Pope  may  have  understood  the  state 
of  affairs  in  England  better  than  Charles  himself.  Or 
again,  the  state  of  opinion  in  Eome  may  have  been 
such  as  to  make  it  impossible  even  to  discuss  the  grant- 
ing of  such  concessions  as  those  which  the  king, 
demanded.  No  information  on  the  point  has  come 
down  to  us,  so  there  is  no  material  on  which  to  form 
an  opinion.  The  extreme  secrecy  with  which  the  whole 
affair  was  conducted  has  been  successful  in  effectually 
concealing  its  result.  All  that  we  know  is  that  the 
Pope  did  send  an  answer  to  the  king,  and  that  Bellings 
brought  it  back  to  England.  We  know  this  on  the 
authority  of  Charles  himself,  in  a  letter  written  by  him 
some  five  years  later  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits. 
But  what  that  answer  contained  and  in  what  terms  it 
was  couched  we  shall  never  know,  unless  some  day  a 
copy  of  it  is  discovered  among  the  secret  archives  of 
the  Vatican.  The  original,  being  too  compromising  to 
be  preserved,  was,  in  all  probability,  destroyed  by  Charles 
himself,  either  immediately  after  he  received  it,  or  else 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  KOME  159 

a  few  years  later  when  the  nation  had  gone  mad  over 
the  inventions  of  Titus  Gates  and  the  pretended  Popish 
plot.  At  any  rate,  no  trace  of  it,  or,  indeed,  of  any- 
thing connected  with  Bellings'  mission,  has  been 
allowed  to  remain  among  the  English  archives. 


160  THE  MAN   OF  THE  MASK 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   STRANGE   HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE  LA  CLOCHE 

AFTER  the  failure  of  his  attempt  at  opening  negotiations 
directly  with  Borne,  Charles  let  things  go  on  for  some 
time  without  any  further  effort  to  bring  matters  to  a 
crisis.  Gradually  it  was  dawning  upon  him  that  the 
matter  he  had  at  heart  was  more  difficult  and  complex 
than  he  had  at  first  supposed,  and  that  it  wanted  more 
than  the  mere  example  of  their  sovereign  to  induce  the 
English  nation  as  a  whole  to  change  their  religion. 
Things  were  no  longer  as  they  had  been  in  the  time  of 
the  Tudors  and  the  early  days  of  the  Eef ormation,  when 
cujus  regio,  ejus  religio  had  seemed  a  possible  maxim; 
not  only  in  Germany,  but  also  in  England.  The  Great 
Rebellion  and  the  period  of  the  Commonwealth  had 
made  men  much  more  ready  to  resist  the  sovereign's 
will  when  it  happened  to  run  counter  to  any  strongly- 
held  tenet  of  their  own,  and  a  change  of  religion  was 
far  more  difficult  to  bring  about  than  it  had  been  in 
the  time  of  Mary  or  Elizabeth.  Men  had  grown  up 
in  the  Eeformed  religion,  and  had  got  used,  long  since, 
to  the  idea  that  it  was  possible  to  have  men  of  varying 
religious  views  living  side  by  side,  without  thereby 
necessarily  endangering  the  stability  of  the  State.  A 
wholesale  conversion  of  the  English  nation  was  now 
out  of  the  question. 

Under  these  circumstances  Charles  must  by  degrees 


STRANGE  HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE   LA   CLOCHE     161 

have  come  to  understand  that  he  must  act  in  this 
matter  alone.  But  to  do  so  was  to  run  great  risk  of 
losing  his  kingdom,  if  not  his  life,  for  the  conversion  of 
the  king  of  England  to  the  Eoman  Catholic  religion 
was  only  too  likely  to  lead  to  armed  resistance  and 
rebellion  on  the  part  of  his  subjects.  And  Charles, 
however  undecided  he  might  be  on  other  matters, 
was  on  this  one  inflexibly  determined,  that,  come  what 
might,  he  '  had  no  mind  to  set  forth  on  his  travels 
again.' 

This  probability  of  an  armed  rebellion  made  it 
obviously  advisable  to  be  prepared  with  men  and  money 
to  resist,  and  if  possible  to  prevent,  any  such  rising. 
The  difficulty  was  that  he  could  obtain  neither  men 
nor  money  without  Parliament,  and  Parliament  would 
be  against  him.  There  was  one  course,  and  one  course 
only,  open  to  him.  The  great  Catholic  power  of  France 
could  help  him  if  it  would.  Hence  it  was  that  in  1664 
he  made  an  application  to  Louis  for  an  alliance ;  an 
application  of  which  we  know  almost  nothing  except 
through  allusions  in  later  correspondence.  But  the 
time  for  this  had  not  yet  come,  for  Charles  had  nothing 
to  offer  in  return  for  the  help  that  he  asked  for. 
Meanwhile  a  new  development  of  affairs  seemed  to 
open  another  door  through  which  he  might  perhaps 
pass  to  the  fulfilment  of  his  hopes. 

In  the  year  1646,  when  he  was  a  youth  of  sixteen 
or  thereabouts,  Prince  Charles,  as  he  then  was,  found 
himself  in  Jersey,  whither  he  had  come  from  Holland, 
charged  with  a  mission  to  raise  assistance  in  any  way 
he  could  for  his  father,  who  was  already  hard  pressed 
by  the  Parliamentary  army.  While  he  was  there  he 
became  the  father,  young  as  he  was,  of  the  first  of  the 
long  series  of  his  natural  sons,  the  mother  being,  as  he 

M 


162  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

himself  wrote  in  later  years, '  a  young  lady  of  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  families  in  the  realm.' 

The  name  of  this  lady,  Charles  II.'s  earliest  love, 
was  always  kept  by  him  inviolably  secret.  Modern 
investigators  of  the  story  have  all  been  misled  and 
started  upon  a  false  track  by  the  statement  made  in 
the  will  of  an  impostor  who  died  at  Naples,  whose 
story  we  will  give  a  little  later,  that  her  name  was 
the  Lady  Mary  Henrietta  Stuart,  of  the  family  of 
the  Barons  of  San  Marzo,  a  wholly  mythical  personage, 
of  whom  no  search,  however  minute  and  careful,  has 
been  able  to  reveal  any  traces.  The  evidence  by  which 
we  may  at  last  discover  the  secret  of  an  identity  so 
long  and  so  jealously  guarded  has  only  recently  been 
made  public.1 

The  only  clues  which  are  available  are  the  express 
statement  of  Charles  himself  that  the  lady  was  of  one 
of  the  first  families  of  his  kingdom,  and  the  fact  that  it 
was  in  Jersey  that  the  birth  of  the  boy  took  place  in 
1647.  Now,  Charles'  stay  in  Jersey  at  this  time  was 
not  a  long  one.  He  arrived  on  April  17,  1646,  and  he 
went  on  to  France  with  all  his  suite  on  June  27.  The 
fact  that  the  boy  was  born  in  Jersey,  and  is  always 
spoken  of  in  later  life  as  belonging  to  that  island, 
shows  therefore,  clearly  enough,  that  it  is  among 
the  leading  local  families,  rather  than  among  Charles' 
immediate  attendants,  that  we  must  look  for  the  lady 
to  whom  he  thus  gave  his  boyish  affections. 

Now,  beyond  all  comparison,  as  Charles  himself 
wrote  in  1682,  in  a  letter  preserved  in  the  Actes  des 
fitats  of  the  island,  the  chief  family  of  Jersey  at  that 
time  was  the  de  Carterets.  They  had  been  Seigneurs 

1  For  what  follows  I  desire  to  acknowledge  my  obligations  to  The 
Channel  Islands,  by  E.  F.  Carey. 


STRANGE    HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE   LA   CLOCHE      163 

of  St.  Ouen  in  unbroken  descent  for  more  than  six 
hundred  years,  and  recently  another  of  the  four  great 
Seigneuries,  that  of  Trinity,  had  come  into  their  hands 
by  marriage.  In  1646  Sir  George  Carteret  was 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  island,  his  cousin,  Sir 
Philip,  was'  Seigneur  of  St.  Ouen,  and  a  third  member 
of  the  family,  'Joshua  de  Carteret,  was  Seigneur  of 
Trinity. 

It  is  to  a  daughter  of  this  latter  house,  whose 
family  place,  Trinity  Manor,  was  but  three  miles  from 
Elizabeth'  Castle,  where  Charles  was  staying,  that 
popular  tradition1  in  Jersey  assigns  the  doubtful 
honour  of  Charles'  love.  Marguerite,  the  only  un- 
married daughter  of  the  Seigneur  of  Trinity,  was  in 
1646  about  twenty  years  of  age,  some  four  years  older 
than  i  Charles  himself.  '  Her  picturesque  old  home  now 
stands  empty  and  desolate,  the  paths  are  overhung 
with  rank  unpruned  bushes,  mosses  and  lichens  encrust 
the  old  stone  cross  under  which  the  heart  of  a  de 
Carteret  lies  buried,  and  the  vampire  ivy  embraces  the 
grey  granite  walls,  spectators  of  so  many  revels  in 
bygone  days.' 2  '  It  possessed  formerly  a  well-stocked 
library,  and  the  largest  collection  of  family  and  other 
portraits  to  be  found  in  the  island,  among  which  was  a 
large  and  valuable  portrait  of  Charles  II.  by  Lely,  a 
gift  from  the  king.  On  the  lawn  there  still  exists  a 
stone  table  connected  by^tradition  with  many  a  jovial 
feast  given  in  honour  of  the  '  Merrie  Monarch '  while  a 
visitor  in  Jersey.3  In  1656  Marguerite,  then  in  her 
thirty- first  iyear,  married  Jean  la  Cloche,  son  of  the 

1  Given  Aby,  Miss  Carey  on  the  authority  of  Dr.  Hoskins,  author  of 
Charles  II.  in  the  Channel  Islands.    He  became  aware  of  this  tradition 
too  late  to  include  it  in  his  book. 

2  Carey,  Channel  Islands,  p.  131. 

3  J.  B.  Payne,  Armory  of  Jersey,  p.  110, 

M  2 


164  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Rev.  Etienne  la  Cloche,  rector  of  St.  Ouen,  her  husband 
always  afterwards  calling  himself  *  de  la  Cloche,' 
whereas  his  ancestors  were  invariably  styled  '  la  Cloche  ' 
simply.  The  name  which  by  this  marriage  she  came 
to  bear  is  one  which  we  shall  meet  with  constantly  in 
the  history  of  her  son.  She  died  in  1713  at  the  age  of 
eighty-seven,  and  was  buried  in  the  church  of  St. 
Heliers. 

The  whole  of  this  evidence  connecting  Marguerite 
with  Charles  II.,  and  with  the  boy  whose  history  we 
are  about  to  trace,  is,  as  will  be  seen,  circumstantial, 
and  therefore  to  some  extent  inconclusive,  but  at  the 
same  time  it  fits  so  well  with  all  that  is  otherwise 
known  to  us  that  we  can  scarcely  be  in  doubt  upon 
the  matter.  Two  other  details  of  evidence  are  worth 
recording,  as  bearing  to  some  extent  in  the  same 
direction.  The  first  is,  that  in  1651  we  find  Joshua  de 
Carteret,  Marguerite's  brother,  in  arms  against  the 
king,  and  inciting  his  fellow-citizens  to  mutiny  and 
sedition.  Some  cause  seems  to  be  called  for  as  an 
explanation  of  such  conduct  on  the  part  of  one  who 
belonged  to  so  conspicuously  loyal  a  family,  and  it  may 
be  that  the  cause  is  supplied  by  secret  circumstances 
connected  with  his  family  history  which  left  him  in 
no  mood  to  fight  for  the  author  of  his  sister's  shame. 
The  second  is  the  fact  that,  although  there  is  no  record 
of  the  baptism  of  any  illegitimate  son  of  Marguerite  de 
Carteret  in  the  register  of  Trinity  Church,  there  is  a 
mutilation  of  that  record  between  the  numbers  two 
and  five  of  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1648.  Two 
entries  have  been  removed,  and  in  their  place  two 
others  have  been  written  upon  the  opposite  page.  The 
fact  of  course  proves  nothing — it  is  merely  negative ; 
but  the  coincidence  is,  to  say  the  least,  somewhat 


STRANGE    HISTORY   OF  JAMES  DE   LA   CLOCHE     165 

remarkable.  The  Carterets  were  quite  sufficiently 
powerful  in  Jersey  to  secure,  had  they  wished  it,  the 
destruction  of  any  such  evidence  of  the  shame  of  a 
daughter  of  their  house. 

The  child  was  sent  abroad  at  a  very  early  age, 
possibly  on  account  of  the  trouble  which  now  befell  the 
Stuart  dynasty,  or  perhaps  in  crder  to  save  the  good 
name  of  his  mother,  and  was  educated  in  Holland  and 
in  France,  living  under  an  assumed  name.  In  1665, 
however,  when  he  would  have  been  about  seventeen 
years  of  age,  he  came  to  London  and  was  with  his 
father  for  a  time.  Indeed,  it  seems  to  have  been  the 
intention  of  the  king  to  keep  him  with  him  always, 
and  no  doubt  to  ennoble  him  and  to  advance  him,  as  he 
did  his  other  and  younger  illegitimate  sons,  to  some 
position  of  importance.  The  young  man,  however,  was 
studiously  inclined,  and  shrank  from  the  life  of  the 
court.  He  therefore  asked  permission  to  leave  England 
and  to  resume  his  studies  abroad,  which  permission  was 
granted  ;  and  before  he  left  he  received  from  the  king 
the  following  very  curious  document,  written  in  French 
on  parchment,  with  his  own  royal  hand,  and  sealed 
with  the  king's  private  seal : 

*  Charles,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  England, 
France,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. — We  confess  and 
acknowledge  as  our  natural  son  Mr.  James  Stuart, 
who  by  our  order  and  command  has  lived  in  France 
and  other  countries  under  a  feigned  name  up  to  the 
year  1665,  when  we  took  him  under  our  own  care. 
After  the  same  year,  he  being  in  London,  we  of  our 
express  will  and  for  just  reasons  have  commanded  him 
still  to  live  under  another  name,  that  of  De  la  Cloche 
du  Bourg  de  Jersey,  and  for  important  reasons  affecting 
the  peace  of  the  realm,  the  which  we  have  always  pro- 


166  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

moted,  we  forbid  him  to  speak  of  this  until  after  our 
death.  Then  he  shall  be  at  liberty  to  present  to  Par- 
liament this  our  declaration,  which  we  now  consign  to 
him  with  entire  good  will  and  justice  at  his  own 
request,  written  in  his  own  language  to  remove  every 
excuse  for  his  showing  it  to  any  other  person  to  be 
interpreted. 

'  Given  at  Whitehall,  27  September,  1665.  Written 
and  subscribed  by  our  hand,  sealed  with  our  ordinary 
seal  for  letters  without  any  alteration. 

(Seal.)  '  CHARLES.' 

The  youth  went  to  Holland  and  continued  his 
studies.  He  was  well  supplied  with  money  and  other 
necessaries  by  his  father,  but  seems  to  have  felt  anxious 
about  his  future,  and  to  have  written  to  ask  that  some 
further  provision  for  him  might  be  made.  To  this 
request  he  received  the  following  reply  : — 

'  Charles,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  England, 
France,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. — Mr.  James  Stuart, 
whom  we  have  already  acknowledged  as  our  natural 
son,  and  who  lives  under  the  name  of  De  la  Cloche, 
has  represented  to  us  that  he,  should  he  survive  our 
death,  might  be  in  want  of  sustenance,  if  not  recog- 
nised by  our  Parliament,  and  through  other  difficulties 
he  might  meet  with  in  this  matter.  We  therefore,  at 
his  request,  have  thought  it  right  to  assign  and  leave 
him  a  charge  on  our  dominions,  if  it  so  please  the 
successor  to  the  crown  and  our  Parliament,  to  the 
amount  of  500Z.  sterling  per  annum  ;  which  sum  he 
shall  not  be  permitted  to  enjoy  save  on  the  terms  of 
his  residing  in  London  in  the  religion  of  his  fathers 
and  observing  the  English  liturgy. 

'At  Whitehall,  February  7,  1667.  Written  and 
sealed  by  our  own  hand.  CHARLES.' 


STRANGE   HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE  LA  CLOCHE     167 

It  is  natural  at  first  sight,  and  in  the  light  of  later 
events,  to  draw  the  deduction  from  the  concluding 
paragraph  of  this  document  that  the  king  had  already 
heard  something  of  the  interest  his  son  was  taking  in 
the  Catholic  religion,  and  that  the  intention  was  to 
warn  him  that  if  he  became  a  Catholic  he  would 
thereby  forfeit  all  claim  to  consideration  at  his  father's 
hands.  It  does  not,  however,  seem  probable  that  this 
was  so.  It  would  be  difficult  in  that  case  to  reconcile 
the  king's  conduct  on  this  occasion  either  with  the 
known  fact  that  he  was  himself  at  heart  a  Catholic  all 
the  time,  or  with  the  way  in  which  he  acted  a  little 
later  when  his  son's  conversion  had  become  an  actual 
fact.  It  seems  more  likely  that  it  was  Puritanism, 
and  not  Catholicism,  which  was  aimed  at.  The  boy 
had  been,  we  know,  brought  up  in  strictly  Protestant 
surroundings.  His  views  were  Presbyterian  and 
Calvinistic.  This  Puritan  education  may  very  likely 
have  made  the  levity  of  his  father's  court  very  dis- 
tasteful to  him,  and  have  been  the  real  cause  of  his 
leaving  England.  Charles  II.  would  have  had  no  mind 
to  be  known  as  the  father  of  a  Puritan  son,  and  so  had 
probably  arranged  that  his  surroundings  should  now 
be  of  a  different  theological  complexion.  At  the  same 
time  he  insured,  as  he  thought,  that  his  name  should 
not  be  connected  with  Puritanism  at  any  future  date, 
by  this  stipulation  that  he  should  live  in  London  and 
conform,  at  least  outwardly,  to  the  usages  of  the 
Established  Church. 

The  religious  views  of  the  boy  had,  however, 
changed  far  more  rapidly  than  his  father  knew.  The 
next  glimpse  we  have  of  him  we  find  him  in  Germany, 
at  Hamburg,  where  the  Jesuits  had  at  that  time  an 
establishment  of  some  importance.  There  he  made 


168  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

his  abjuration,  and  was  received  into  the  Catholic 
church  on  July  29, 1667.  The  famous  Queen  Christina 
of  Sweden,  who  was  already  a  Catholic,  and  was  alter- 
nately scandalising  and  edifying  Europe  by  her  piety 
and  eccentricities,  was  at  this  time  residing  in  Ham- 
burg, and  the  young  man  made  himself  known  to  her. 
The  queen  wrote  to  Charles  for  a  confirmation  of  his 
story,  and  received  an  autograph  letter  from  him  in 
return.  On  the  strength  of  this  she  gave  the  young 
convert  a  certificate  written  in  Latin,  which  he  might 
take  with  him  to  Eome,  whither  he  now  desired  to  go 
in  order  that  he  might  there  become  a  novice  in  the 
great  order  to  which  he  already  owed  his  conversion 
to  the  Catholic  faith. 

'  James  Stuart,  who  is  designedly  passing  under  the 
incognito  of  De  la  Cloche  du  Bourg,  was  born  in  the 
island  of  Jersey,  and  is  the  natural  son  of  Charles  II., 
King  of  England.  His  Britannic  Majesty  has  privately 
acknowledged  him  as  such  to  us.  He  was  brought  up 
in  the  Calvinistic  sect,  but  has  now  left  it  and  joined 
himself  to  the  Holy  Koman  Church  at  Hamburg  on 
the  29th  of  July,  1667.  We  have  thought  good  to 
confirm  and  attest  this  with  our  own  hand,  even  though 
it  is  not  customary  for  us  to  do  so,  in  order  that  in 
these  extraordinary  circumstances  he  may  be  able  to 
open  his  mind  to  his  director  in  confession,  and  seek 
counsel  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul. 

(Seal.)  *  CHRISTINA  ALEXANDRA.' 

Armed  with  this  certificate,  James  Stuart  set  out 
for  Eome,  where  he  arrived  early  in  1668.  The  next 
step  was  to  get  a  dispensation  from  the  impediment  of 
illegitimate  birth,  which  no  doubt  was  granted  to  him 
without  difficulty,  and  then,  on  April  11,  he  was  admitted 
to  the  novitiate  of  the  Jesuits,  which  was  at  that  time 


STRANGE  HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE  LA  CLOCHE     169 

located  in  the  church  and  monastery  of  S.  Andrea  al 
Quirinale,  as  every  visitor  to  Borne  who  has  seen  the 
rooms  of  St.  Stanislas  will  no  doubt  remember. 

There  is  still  to  be  seen,  in  a  book  belonging  to  the 
Jesuits  and  entitled  '  Ingressus  Novitiorum  ab  anno 
1631  ad  1675,'  a  list  of  the  belongings  he  brought  with 
him  on  coming  to  the  novitiate,  countersigned  by  him- 
self, '  Giacomo  della  Cloche  manu  propria.'  It  runs 
as  follows  : — 

*  James  de  la  Cloche,  of  the  island  of  Jersey  under 
the  King  of  England,  aged  twenty-four,1  came  to  S. 
Andrea,  April  11,  1668.  He  had  with  him  a  hat ;  a 
mantlet  and  priest's  dress  of  silk ;  a  doublet  and  breeches 
of  black  stuff ;  under  waistcoat  (camiciuola)  of  yellow 
skin ;  a  leather  sword-belt  of  the  colour  of  musk ;  a 
pair  of  white  silk  stockings ;  two  shirts  and  an  over- 
shirt  ;  a  pair  of  under  breeches  and  stockings  of  thread ; 
three  handkerchiefs  and  a  cap  of  white  linen;  two 
pairs  of  shoes ;  three  collars ;  three  pairs  of  cuffs  ;  a 
pair  of  gloves  ;  a  hair  brush ;  a  pair  of  boots ;  two 
pairs  of  thread  buttons  to  fasten  the  collar.' 

No  doubt  he  had  written  to  inform  his  father  of  the 
step  he  had  taken,  and  of  that  which  he  now  proposed 
to  take.  The  letter,  so  far  as  we  know,  is  not  now 
extant ;  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  king  was  aware 
of  all  that  was  happening,  and  that  not  only  was  he 
not  angry,  as  we  might  have  expected  would  be  the 
case,  but  that  he  was  exceedingly  pleased  with  the 
news  he  had  received.  He  wrote  with  his  own  hand 
two  long  letters,  one  to  the  general  of  the  Jesuits,  and 
one  to  his  son,  which  bear  respectively  the  dates  of 
August  3  and  4,  1668.  These  letters  are  still  in  exist- 
ence, and  are  of  very  considerable  interest,  as  throwing 
1  He  was  really  only  twenty-one. 


170  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

light  on  the  inner  beliefs  and  opinions  of  the  king  at 
this  period ;  beliefs  and  opinions  which,  of  course, 
ought  to  be  given  careful  consideration,  as  being  most 
important  factors  in  the  shaping  of  the  ecclesiastical 
legislation  of  the  time. 

In  his  letter  to  the  general  of  the  Jesuits,  the  king 
begins  by  excusing  himself  for  writing  in  French, 
rather  than  in  Latin,  which  he  did  not  feel  himself 
competent  to  do  personally,  and  was  unwilling  to  trust 
any  other  to  do  for  him.  He  is,  however,  sure  that 
one  who  rules  over  so  important  an  institution  as  the 
Society  of  Jesus  will  be  sure  to  understand  French, 
and  he  is  especially  anxious  that  no  Englishman  should 
have  to  be  called  in  as  interpreter.  He  goes  on  to  say 
that  he  has  long  prayed,  amid  the  cares  of  royalty,  that 
he  might  find  one  single  person  to  whom  he  could 
safely  confide  the  affairs  of  his  soul  without  thereby 
leading  the  Court  to  suspect  that  he  was  in  fact  a 
Catholic.  True,  there  were  priests  at  St.  James's  and 
at  Somerset  House  in  the  service  of  the  queens,  and 
others  in  various  parts  of  London,  but  he  dared  not  be 
seen  talking  to  them,  even  if  they  were  disguised,  for 
that  would  soon  lead  to  the  secret  being  discovered. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  seems  to  him  to  be  pro- 
vidential that  his  son  should  have  become  a  Catholic, 
for  however  lacking  he  may  be  in  experience,  he  will 
at  least  be  capable  of  administering  the  sacraments  of 
confession  and  communion  which  it  is  his  desire  to 
receive  frequently. 

'This  son/  he  continues,  'is  a  young  cavalier 
whom  you  have  admitted  into  your  society  in  Kome, 
under  the  name  of  De  la  Cloche  de  Jersey.  He  was 
born  when  we  were  not  much  more  than  sixteen  or 
seventeen  years  old,  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished 


STRANGE  HISTORY   OF  JAMES  DE  LA  CLOCHE     171 

young  ladies  in  our  realms,  more  through  our  youthful 
frailty  than  deliberate  wickedness.'  The  secret  of  his 
birth  was  known  to  no  one  in  London  except  the  two 
queens,  and  he  is  very  dear  to  the  king ;  and  all  the 
more  so  because  of  his  having  become  a  Catholic,  for 
he  is  sure  from  his  knowledge  of  his  character  that  he 
has  done  so  with  judgment,  reason,  and  knowledge. 

Great  care  is  to  be  exercised  about  answering  the 
letter.  It  must  not  come  from  Rome,  or  great  trouble 
will  follow.  Nor  must  Queen  Christina  be  trusted,  for 
prudent  as  she  is,  still  she  is  a  woman,  and  that  is 
enough  to  make  the  king  feel  sure  that  she  cannot  keep 
a  secret.  If  she  asks  about  the  young  man,  she  is  to  be 
told  that  he  has  gone  as  a  missionary  to  Jersey  or  any- 
where else.  Meanwhile,  let  the  youth  go  to  Paris,  or 
perhaps  to  London,  and  be  secretly  ordained.  The  king 
desires  much  to  see  him,  not  to  dissuade  him  from 
becoming  a  Jesuit  priest,  but  to  embrace  him.  He  can 
live  with  the  Jesuits  while  in  England,  but  not  in 
London,  and  afterwards  will  be  allowed  to  return  to 
Home  and  to  the  novitiate. 

This  letter  may  have  enclosed  a  second,  for  the  king's 
son,  addressed, '  To  our  most  honourable  son  the  Prince 
Stuart,  living  among  the  Reverend  Fathers  of  Jesus 
under  the  name  of  Signer  De  la  Cloche  at  Eome.' l 
In  this  letter  the  king  mentions  that  he  had  placed 
money  for  his  son's  maintenance  in  the  hands  of  the 
Queen  of  Sweden.  He  is  not  to  travel  in  autumn  if  he 
thinks  the  weather  too  bad,  but  to  wait  for  spring.  In 
that  case  he  is  not  to  write  to  his  father,  for  no  one  in 
England  has  the  smallest  suspicion  that  the  king  is 

1  This  letter  reads  very  like  a  forgery.  The  address  to  the  '  Prince 
Stuart '  is  suspicious,  and  the  internal  evidence  seems  almost  conclusive 
against  it. 


172  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

a  Catholic.  The  queens  are  most  anxious  to  see  him, 
for  they  have  been  told  that  he  has  embraced  the 
Eoman  religion.  They  have  advised  the  king  to  write 
that  no  hindrance  will  be  put  in  the  way  of  his  con- 
tinuing a  Jesuit,  and  that,  indeed,  he  hopes  that  he 
may  be  able  to  persevere  as  such  all  his  life. 

'  At  the  same  time,'  the  king  goes  on,  '  measure 
your  strength  well,  and  consider  your  constitution, 
which  seems  to  us  rather  weak  and  delicate.  One  can 
be  a  good  Catholic  without  being  a  religious.  You  must 
remember,  too,  that  we  have  always  had  the  intention 
of  recognising  you  publicly  after  some  years,  although 
it  is  not  possible  to  do  so  at  present  on  account  of  the 
temper  of  Parliament  and  the  condition  of  public  affairs. 
Still,  you  must  take  into  consideration  that  you  have  a 
right  to  claim  from  us  titles  as  great  and  perhaps  even 
greater  than  those  enjoyed  by  the  Duke  of  Monmouth, 
who  is  no  older  than  you.  If  liberty  of  conscience  and 
the  Catholic  religion  are  restored  in  this  country,  you 
might  even  have  hope  of  the  crown,  for  we  can  assure 
you  that  if  God  permits  us  and  our  honoured  brother 
the  Duke  of  York  to  die  without  issue,  the  kingdom 
falls  to  you,  and  Parliament  cannot  lawfully  oppose  it, 
except  on  the  ground  that  liberty  of  conscience  is  not 
restored,  and  that,  therefore,  you  as  a  Catholic  cannot 
succeed,  since  all  kings  must,  as  at  present,  be  Protestants. 

'  This  is  what  the  queens  have  advised  us  to  write. 
If,  however,  after  weighing  the  whole  matter,  you 
prefer  to  serve  God  in  the  Institute  of  the  Jesuits,  we 
will  not  oppose  ourselves  to  the  will  of  God,  for  we 
have  already  offended  Him  too  much  by  our  sins.  We 
therefore  will  not  oppose  your  following  this  state,  if 
God  inspires  you  to  do  so ;  we  only  wish  you  to  give 
the  matter  full  consideration. 


STRANGE   HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE   LA   CLOCHE     173 

'We  are  grieved  to  see  you  forced  to  live  thus 
incognito.  However,  have  patience  for  a  while,  for  we 
hope  to  be  able  after  a  while  so  to  arrange  the  Parlia- 
ment that  everyone  may  know  who  you  are.  Then  it 
will  only  depend  on  yourself  to  be  free  from  your 
present  privations  and  to  live  in  the  freedom  and 
pleasure  which  are  the  right  portion  of  one  of  your 
birth.  That  is,  of  course,  supposing  that  God  does  not 
strongly  inspire  you,  and  your  own  wish  is  not  to 
continue  the  religious  life  which  you  have  com- 
menced. .  .  . 

'We  desire  to  show  our  good  will  towards  the 
Jesuits  who  have  received  you,  and  we  will  aid  them 
in  some  fitting  manner,  feeling  sure  that  whatever  we 
give  will  be  employed  for  the  service  of  God.  Besides, 
we  do  not  choose  that  a  person  of  your  rank  should 
remain  with  them  without  some  provision  being  made 
in  consideration  of  his  condition.' 

The  letter  then  terminates  with  the  expression  of 
the  wish  that  the  young  man  should  come  to  London, 
and  regrets  that  it  is  not  possible,  for  fear  of  its  becoming 
known  in  England  that  the  king  was  in  communication 
with  Borne,  to  send  a  sum  of  money  sufficient  to  enable 
him  to  travel  in  proper  state.  The  concluding  words 
are :  'I  am,  your  affectionate  father,  Charles,  King  of 
England,  France,  Scotland,  and  Ireland.' 

These  two  letters  may  serve  as  a  sample  of  the 
whole  series  of  five  which  still  exist.  The  others  are 
still  concerned  with  the  same  matter,  the  coming  of 
the  young  man  to  London,  and  the  precautions  which 
are  necessary.  In  one  of  them  the  king  warns  the 
general  of  the  Jesuits  that  none  of  these  precautions 
are  to  be  omitted,  for,  he  says,  '  no  more  terrible  mis- 
chief could  possibly  be  done  than  letting  it  be  known 


174  THE  MAN    OF  THE  MASK 

that  we  are  Catholic.  If  this  were  once  known  in 
England  our  death  would  infallibly  follow,  and  great 
tumult  would  ensue  in  our  realms.'  Hence  it  is  to  be 
arranged  that  the  youth  should  go  to  Genoa  to  the 
Jesuits  there,  and  there  change  his  dress.  After  that 
he  is  to  go  on  board  an  English  ship,  great  care  being 
taken  that  nothing  is  known  on  board  as  to  his  con- 
nection with  the  Jesuits,  and  to  pass  under  the  name 
of  Henri  de  Eohan,  which  is  the  family  name  of  a 
certain  French  Calvinistic  prince  with  whom  the  king 
is  on  intimate  terms.  All  arrangements  have  already 
been  made,  and  a  careful  watch  will  be  kept  on  all 
ships  coming  to  England,  which  can  easily  be  done 
*  under  colour  of  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  the  realm,  and 
under  the  pretext  of  maintaining  the  Protestant  religion, 
to  which  we  feign  ourselves  to  be  more  and  more 
attached,  although  before  God,  Who  sees  the  hearts, 
we  abhor  it  as  utterly  false  and  pernicious.'  No  fears 
need  be  entertained  as  to  the  danger  of  the  voyage,  for 
the  king  '  has  consulted  physicians  about  the  effects  of 
sea-sickness  on  persons  of  weak  constitution,  and  has 
been  assured  that  sea-sickness  never  yet  killed  anyone, 
but  is,  on  the  contrary,  very  often  beneficial  to  the 
health.'  He  once  more,  too,  reasserts  that  his  religious 
vocation  will  be  in  no  danger.  '  So  far  from  hindering 
him  from  following  his  vocation,  either  in  the  Catholic 
religion,  or  in  your  Company,  we  and  the  queens  will 
press  it  upon  him  more  urgently  than  any  director  he 
could  possibly  have.' 

About  the  middle  of  October  1668  '  Henri  de 
Kohan '  left  Kome,  carrying  with  him  a  short  letter 
from  the  general  to  the  king,  couched  in  quite  general 
terms  and  bearing  no  signature.  This  letter  is  dated 
from  Leghorn,  so  it  was  probably  from  that  port  and 


STRANGE   HISTORY   OF  JAMES  DE   LA  CLOCHE     175 

not  from  Genoa  that  the  departure  was  made.  He 
seems  to  have  got  to  England  very  quickly,  and  to 
have  remained  there  for  only  a  very  short  time,  for  we 
have  one  more  letter  from  the  king,  which  bears  the 
date  of  November  18,  1668.  It  states  that  his  son, 
now  once  more  described  as  *  Mr.  de  la  Cloche,  Jesuit,' 
had  desired  to  return  to  Eome,  in  order  that  he  might 
act  as  ambassador  on  an  exceedingly  important  and 
secret  matter  between  the  king  and  the  general  of  the 
Jesuits.  At  his  request  the  king  is  sending  the  sum  of 
800?.  to  be  used  for  the  payment  of  the  debts  and 
for  the  repairs  and  maintenance  of  S.  Andrea  al 
Quirinale,  this  sum  being  described  in  the  bill  at  six 
months,  which  is  the  form  in  which  it  was  paid,  as 
'  being  for  the  maintenance  and  travelling  expenses  of 
our  most  dear  and  honoured  son,  a  Jesuit,  living  under 
the  name  of  De  la  Cloche.' 

With  this  letter  the  history  of  James  de  la  Cloche, 
so  far  as  the  Society  of  Jesus  is  concerned,  comes  to 
an  abrupt  termination.  We  see  that  he  must  have 
arrived  at  Eome,  probably  in  the  early  days  of 
December,  because  this  letter  which  he  carried  is  in 
the  Jesuit  archives.  But  from  that  time  onward  he 
makes  no  appearance  of  any  kind  in  the  records  of  the 
society.  There  is  no  Father  James  Stuart  known  to 
history,  nor  does  the  name  of  De  la  Cloche  ever  appear 
again.  If  he  went  back  to  England  and  carried  the 
answer  to  the  question  he  had  been  charged  to  ask,  it 
must  have  been  under  another  alias,  a  proceeding 
which,  under  the  circumstances,  would  be  natural 
enough,  seeing  that  an  exiled  Sieur  de  Eohan  could 
hardly,  as  Lord  Acton  has  remarked,  'twice  in  two 
months  seek  an  asylum  in  England  without  awaken- 
ing the  suspicions  of  that  suspicious  age.'  From  the 


176  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

known  facts  we  should  expect  that  he  would  have 
persevered  in  his  desire  to  lead  a  religious  life.  He 
must  have  told  his  father  that  that  was  his  desire — 
that  is  implied  in  Charles'  last  letter  to  the 
general — and  therefore  he  must  have  refused  the 
brilliant  prospects  at  the  English  Court  which  were 
then  open  to  a  son  of  the  king.  Nevertheless,  we 
are  utterly  unable  to  trace  his  later  career  in  the 
Society  under  either  of  the  names  which  he  had  borne 
up  to  that  time.  So  far  as  the  Society  is  concerned,  he 
vanishes  away  completely  and  altogether. 

Just  at  this  juncture,  however,  there  arrived  at 
Naples  two  travellers  of  condition.  The  one  was,  or 
gave  himself  out  to  be,  a  Knight  of  the  Order  of 
St.  John  of  Jerusalem.  The  other  passed  as  an 
Englishman,  although  he  could  speak  only  French, 
and  gave  no  name.  He  had  come,  he  announced,  for 
his  health,  and  would  go  on  to  England  in  the  spring. 
After  a  few  days  the  cavalier  left — it  was  said  for  Malta, 
but  the  other  man  stayed  on  at  Naples,  and  went  to 
lodge  at  the  house  of  a  Signor  Corona,  whose  wife 
and  daughter  he  had  seen  at  church,  and  whose  ac- 
quaintance he  had  made  through  the  medium  of  his 
confessor.  A  few  weeks  later  he  married  his  host's 
pretty  daughter  Teresa  at  the  cathedral,  having  avowed 
himself  a  Catholic  before  the  archbishop.  The  name 
under  which  he  married  her  was  James  Henry  de 
Bovere  Eoano  Stuardo. 

Trouble  began  for  the  newly-married  couple  almost 
at  once.  The  young  man,  who  was  fairly  well  supplied 
with  money,  desiring  that  his  bride  should  not  come  to 
him  quite  empty-handed,  had  given  a  good  deal  to  his 
father-in-law,  to  serve  as  her  dowry,  and  Corona  seems 
to  have  been  rash  in  talking  about  his  rich  son-in-law 


STRANGE  HISTORY   OF  JAMES  DE   LA   CLOCHE      177 

and  showing  the  money.  People  began  to  talk,  and  to 
say  that  there  was  something  very  strange  about  this 
rich  Englishman  who  travelled  incognito  and  had 
married  Corona's  daughter ;  and  the  upshot  of  it  all 
was  that  the  matter  came  to  the  ears  of  Don  Pedro,  the 
Spanish  viceroy  of  Naples,  and  that  he  sent  to  have 
the  young  man  arrested  on  suspicion  of  being  a  coiner 
of  false  money.  On  searching  his  effects  they  found  in 
his  boxes  a  large  sum  of  money,  a  number  of  jewels, 
and  some  letters  addressed  to  him  with  the  title  of 
1  Highness.'  The  young  man  himself,  too,  now  made 
the  claim  that  he  was  the  natural  son  of  the  king  of 
England,  and  begged  that  the  general  of  the  Jesuits 
might  be  written  to,  and  asked  to  vouch  for  his  identity. 

The  viceroy  was  puzzled.  On  the  one  hand,  this 
young  man  might  be  what  he  claimed  to  be.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  could  speak  no  word  of  English,  had  no 
papers  which  clearly  proved  his  identity,  nor  did  any  of 
the  English  in  Naples,  not  even  the  consul,  Mr.  Browne, 
know  anything  about  the  existence  of  any  such  son  of 
Charles  II.  On  the  whole,  he  thought  it  wisest  to 
detain  him  in  custody,  sending  him  to  Gaeta  with 
orders  that  he  should  be  treated  provisionally  as  being 
a  king's  son,  and  providing  liberally  for  his  main- 
tenance, while  he  sent  a  letter  to  Charles  himself  to 
find  out  how  matters  really  stood.  Meanwhile,  as  may 
be  imagined,  the  whole  affair  was  discussed  with  the 
greatest  gusto  by  '  the  nation,'  as  the  English  colony 
at  Kome  and  Naples  was  pleased  to  call  itself,  and 
opinion  was  fairly  evenly  divided  as  to  whether  in  the 
event  the  young  man  would  prove  to  be  '  or  prince  or 
cheate.' 

The  letter  from  the  king  of  England  was  received 
after  some  six  or  seven  weeks,  arriving  about  the  first 


178  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

week  in  June.  In  it,  so  the  viceroy  gave  out,  Charles 
denied  that  the  young  man  was  anything  to  him,  and 
altogether  disowned  him.  In  consequence,  the  rumour 
ran  through  the  city  that  he  would  be  brought  to 
Naples  on  the  morrow  and  whipped  at  the  cart's  tail 
as  a  common  impostor,  for  thus  daring  to  mix  himself 
up  with  the  sacred  names  of  royalty.  But  this  charit- 
able hope  was  doomed  to  disappointment.  He  was 
brought  to  Naples,  indeed,  and  cast  into  the  Vicaria, 
the  common  prison ;  but  after  an  imprisonment  of  a 
single  day  was  set  at  liberty  and  allowed  to  return  to 
his  wife  and  the  Corona  family.  Men  said  that  this 
unexpected  leniency  was  due  to  interest  that  had  been 
made  by  his  wife's  relations  through  the  vicereine. 

1  Giacomo  Stuardo,'  or  whatever  his  true  name  may 
have  been,  did  not  stay  in  Naples.  He  left  almost  at 
once  for  France,  saying  that  he  was  going  to  visit  his 
mother,  and  after  an  absence  of  two  months  returned, 
giving  out  that  his  mother  was  dead,  and  that  he  had 
now  a  sum  of  50,000  pistoles,  rather  more  than  the' 
same  number  of  pounds  sterling,  at  his  command.  He 
intended  to  remove  himself  and  all  his  new  relations 
away  from  Naples,  where  they  had  been  so  badly 
treated,  and  to  go  to  Venice  ;  but  he  was  unable  to 
carry  out  his  plans,  for  he  fell  ill  of  fever  and  died  the 
next  month.  He  made  a  most  edifying  end,  protested 
to  the  last  that  the  account  he  had  given  of  himself 
was  true  in  every  detail,  received  the  last  consolations 
of  the  Church  with  the  utmost  piety,  and  left  behind 
him  a  will  disposing  of  his  property,  drawn  up  and 
signed  on  his  deathbed. 

This  will,  when  opened  and  read,  proved  to  be  of  a 
most  astonishing  character.  It  is  entirely  in  Italian,  a 
language  which  the  testator  did  not  understand,  and  is 


STRANGE  HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE  LA  CLOCHE      179 

a  most  magniloquent  document.  He  names  his  *  cousin,' 
the  king  of  France,  executor,  and  calls  upon  him  to 
see  justice  done.  He  claims  to  be  the  illegitimate  son 
of  Charles  II.  by  the  Lady  Mary  Henrietta  Stuart  of 
the  Barons  of  St.  Marzo  (Saint-Mars  in  the  contem- 
porary English  translation  preserved  at  Venice),  a 
description  which  does  not  enable  us  to  identify  either 
her  or  her  family.  He  commends  his  unborn  child  to 
his  father's  care,  asking  that  he  may  be  given,  should 
it  prove  to  be  a  boy,  '  the  ordinary  principality,  either 
of  Wales  or  Monmouth,  or  such  other  province  as  is 
customary  to  be  given  to  the  natural  sons  of  the  crown,' 
of  the  value  of  100,000  scudi.  The  rest  of  the  legacies 
are  on  the  same  scale.  To  Corona  and  his  wife  and 
each  of  their  three  other  children  he  leaves  50,000  scudi 
each,  to  be  paid  at  one  time  by  his  Britannic  Majesty. 
To  his  heirs,  male  or  female  as  he  or  they  might  prove 
to  be,  he  bequeaths,  besides  the  principality  above 
mentioned  of  the  value  of  100,000  scudi,  a  further  sum 
of  80,000  scudi  annually,  being  the  property  of  D.  Maria 
Stuardo,  his  mother,  and  now  belonging  to  him  as  her 
proper  heir.  He  leaves  the  king  of  France  not  merely 
executor  of  his  will,  but  guardian  of  his  children ;  and 
in  order  to  secure  the  punctual  payment  of  his  legacies, 
which  amount  in  all  to  291,000  scudi  per  annum,  he 
assigns  and  gives  his  lands,  called  the  marquisate  of 
Juvignis,  which  he  asserts  to  be  of  the  yearly  value  of 
300,000  crowns,  but  which  both  as  to  title  and  lands 
seems  to  have  had  no  existence  outside  his  own  brain. 
'  Soe  this  is  the  ende  of  that  princely  cheate,  or 
whatever  he  was,'  is  the  way  in  which  the  whole 
story  is  summed  up  by  Kent,  the  British  agent  at 
Borne,  and  we,  with  our  much  fuller  knowledge,  still 
find  ourselves  in  somewhat  the  same  predicament  in 

N    2 


180  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

attempting  to  assess  the  value  of  his  pretensions.  We 
know  now  (as  no  one  knew  who  was  then  living,  except 
only  Charles  himself  and  his  queen,  Queen  Christina, 
and  the  general  of  the  Jesuits)  that  there  actually  was 
a  natural  son  of  the  king  who  bore  the  name  of  James 
Stuart,  that  he  was  born  at  Jersey  and  spoke  no 
language  but  French ;  that  he  was  at  that  time  engaged, 
as  this  man  claimed  to  be,  on  an  important  mission  in 
connection  with  the  Catholic  Church ;  that  he  had 
passed  under  the  name  of  Eoano  or  De  Rohan ;  that 
he  was  acquainted  with  the  general  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  had  certificates  both  from  him  and  from  the  queen 
of  Sweden  attesting  to  his  birth,  and,  lastly,  that  all 
authentic  traces  of  him  end  exactly  at  the  moment 
when  this  James  Stuart  appears  at  Naples.  All  this 
intimate  knowledge  of  real,  though  secret  facts,  makes 
strongly  in  his  favour.  How  could  any  outsider  have 
obtained  this  knowledge,  the  whole  of  which  was 
scarcely  possessed  at  that  time  by  any  single  being, 
except  only  Charles  himself  and  the  real  James  de  la 
Cloche  ?  Nor  is  our  opinion  shaken  by  the  mere  fact 
that  Charles  disowned  him.  What  else  could  he 
possibly  be  expected  to  do  ?  He  had  never  yet  acknow- 
ledged him  publicly  as  his  son,  why  should  he  do  so 
now  when  such  an  action  was  most  inconvenient,  if  not 
actually  perilous  ?  We  should  expect  such  a  man  as 
Charles  undoubtedly  was,  one  who  was  not  unduly 
scrupulous  in  the  matter  of  truth,  to  act  precisely  as 
he  seems  to  have  done — disowning  the  relationship  in 
public,  but  at  the  same  writing  privately  to  the  viceroy 
asking  that  the  young  man  should  not  be  punished. 
How  otherwise  can  we  account  for  his  being  set  at 
liberty  after  an  imprisonment  that  lasted  but  a  single 
day. 


STRANGE  HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE   LA  CLOCHE      181 

Moreover,  his  actions  do  not  seem  those  of  an  im- 
postor with  stolen  papers.  He  makes  no  claim  to  be 
his  father's  son  until  he  is  driven  to  do  so  by  his  arrest, 
and  by  the  dangerous  position  in  which  he  found 
himself.  He  gets  no  money  from  any  one,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  gives  it  to  Corona.  He  does  not  attempt  to 
win  a  richly  dowered  bride,  or  one  of  high  position, 
but  marries  a  daughter  of  the  people.  All  through  he 
is  most  devout,  wins  the  highest  opinions  from  his 
father-confessors,  and  makes  a  most  edifying  end.  All 
this  is  not  the  way  in  which  we  should  have  expected 
him  to  behave  were  he  only  a  thievish  servant  who 
had  made  off  with  his  master's  money,  and  possessed 
himself  also  of  all  the  secrets  it  was  most  important 
for  him  to  keep  inviolate. 

If  he  was  indeed  the  true  James  Stuart,  there  can 
be  little  doubt  as  to  what  must  have  happened.  He 
must  have  arrived  at  Eome,  obtained  the  answer  to 
the  question  which  he  was  charged  to  ask,  and  left 
again,  still  a  fervent  Jesuit  novice,  on  his  way  back  to 
England  vid  Naples.  While  he  was  at  Naples  he  fell 
hopelessly  in  love  with  a  pretty  face  which  he  saw  at 
church.  He  had  been  willing  and  anxious  up  to  that 
moment  to  give  up  everything  for  the  religious  life  and 
for  the  important  matters  in  which  he  now  found 
himself  involved.  But,  like  a  true  son  of  his  father, 
he  could  now  think  of  nothing  except  the  face  that 
had  enthralled  him,  and  was  ready  to  sacrifice  every- 
thing if  only  he  could  win  the  girl  to  be  his  bride. 
After  all,  he  was  in  a  way  free ;  he  had  not  as  yet  taken 
any  step  that  finally  bound  him ;  he  was  only  in  the 
first  days  of  his  novitiate,  and  there  was  no  reason  in 
conscience  why  he  should  not  do  as  he  pleased,  since  his 
intentions  towards  the  girl  were  perfectly  honourable. 


182  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Thus  stated,  the  case  must  be  admitted  to  be  not 
devoid  of  a  certain  probability.  This  boy  was  not  the 
first,  nor  will  he  be  the  last,  to  count  the  world  well 
lost  for  the  sake  of  a  woman's  smile.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  must  be  admitted  that,  even  when  we  have 
made  out  the  best  case  possible,  there  remain  certain 
points  which  are  far  from  satisfactory.  He  seems  to 
have  had  papers  to  prove  his  claim,  especially  the  two 
nobili  testimonianze,  as  Armanni  calls  them,  from  the 
queen  of  Sweden  and  the  general  of  the  Jesuits,  but 
these  seem  to  have  been  taken  from  him  and  sent  to 
the  Jesuits  as  being  their  lawful  owners.  The  certifi- 
cate from  Queen  Christina,  at  any  rate,  lies  in  the 
Jesuit  archives  to  this  day.  He  would  hardly  have 
been  deprived  of  his  papers  in  this  way  if  the  viceroy 
at  heart  believed  in  him  on  Charles'  authority.  Then, 
next,  is  the  matter  of  the  50,000  pistoles  he  said  he 
was  possessed  of  when  he  came  back  to  Naples.  There 
is  no  evidence  whatever  to  show  that  this  money  had 
any  real  existence.  Then  there  is  the  will.  We  may 
suppose  that  it  is  just  conceivable  that  a  youth  who 
spoke  no  English  and  had  never  lived  in  England  or 
with  English  people  might  really  think  that  any  royal 
bastard  might  be  created  Prince  of  Wales,  and  that  the 
title  had  an  actual  monetary  value  and  income  attached 
to  it ;  but  is  it  possible  to  believe  that  the  princely 
legacies  can  have  been  left  seriously?  Charles  had 
already  assigned  to  him  the  provision  he  thought 
appropriate,  and  it  amounted  to  the  sum  of  500Z.  a 
year.  Why  should  he  suppose  that,  when  he  was 
dead,  his  father  would  be  willing  to  allow  his  widow — 
a  woman  of  no  birth — and  a  posthumous  child,  with 
others  of  her  low-born  relations,  an  allowance  more 
nearly  approaching  60,OOOZ.  yearly.  Then  there  is  the 


STRANGE  HISTORY   OF  JAMES  DE   LA   CLOCHE      183 

wholly  apocryphal  '  marquisate  of  Juvignis,'  'of  the 
annual  value  of  300,000  crowns.'  We  may  not  feel 
able  to  go  all  the  way  with  him,  but  we  must  admit 
that  there  is  something  to  be  said  for  Lord  Acton's 
opinion  when  he  lays  it  down,  solely  on  account  of  this 
will,  without  going  further  into  the  evidence  (the  whole 
of  which,  indeed,  was  not  before  him),  that  it  is  abso- 
lutely '  certain  that  it  was  not  the  real  James  Stuart 
who  died  at  Naples.' 

The  expected  child  was  born  in  due  course  and 
proved  to  be  a  son.  He  was  born  on  November  11 
and  baptised  on  December  10  in  the  church  of  Santa 
Sofia,  when  he  was  given  his  father's  name  of  James. 
The  existence  of  this  posthumous  son  was  unknown 
to  Armanni ;  but  Dr.  Brady  has  managed  to  get 
together  a  certain  amount  of  information  about  him,1 
and  more  may  be  derived  from  some  papers  lately 
added  to  the  manuscripts  of  the  British  Museum.2 
Nothing  is  known  about  him  until  the  year  1711,  when 
he  would  be  forty -two  years  of  age.  In  that  year  he 
went  to  Rome,  apparently  because  Naples,  which  had 
passed  out  of  Spanish  into  Austrian  dominion,  was  no 
longer  a  pleasant  place  of  abode  for  him.  At  Eome 
he  married  one  Donna  Lucia  Minelli  della  Eiccia,  and, 
having  by  this  means  attracted  attention  to  himself, 
was  arrested  by  Pope  Clement  XI.  as  a  vagabond  and 
impostor,  with  no  claims  to  be  the  prince  he  repre- 
sented himself  to  be.  An  inquiry  was  instituted,  and 
the  case  lasted  a  whole  year,  during  which  time  he  lay 
in  prison.  At  the  end  of  that  time  he  was  set  free, 
was  admitted  to  a  public  audience  with  the  Pope,  and 
presented  with  an  illuminated  diploma  retailing  his 

1  Anglo-Roman  Papers,  p.  Ill  seq. 

2  Add.  MSS.  20646,  fol.  57. 


184  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

descent,  and  was  accorded  royal  honours;  while  the 
documents  by  which  his  cause  had  been  triumphantly 
proved  were  deposited  in  the  office  of  the  Camera 
Apostolica,  sealed  with  three  seals,  and  endorsed 
'  Causa  Magna  Stuarda.' 

Armed  with  this  papal  diploma,  no  doubt  as  to  the 
validity  of  his  pretensions  remained.  He  stayed  some 
time  longer  in  Eome,  and  then  went  on  to  Vienna, 
where  he  was  received  with  great  favour  by  the 
Emperor  Charles  VI.,  and  where  he  remained  for 
some  years.  He  then  made  a  tour  of  many  German 
capitals,  and  was  everywhere  received  with  honour. 
An  account  of  the  honours  paid  him  at  Cologne  in 
1724  was  printed.  The  Elector  of  Bavaria  treated 
him  with  especial  regard. 

In  1726  he  was  at  Venice,  and  here  his  claims  seem 
once  more  to  have  been  called  in  question.  A  certifi- 
cate was  consequently  obtained  from  Naples,  issued  by 
Cardinal  Pignatelli,  the  archbishop,  to  the  effect  that 
the  marriage  of  his  parents  'D.  Jacobus  Enricus  de 
Boveri  Koano  Stuardo,'  natural  son  of  Charles  II., 
king  of  England,  and  *  Teresia  Corona  Napolitana  ' 
had  really  taken  place  in  the  cathedral  at  Naples,  and 
that  James  Stuart  was  the  posthumous  son  of  that 
marriage.  Having  thus  once  more  made  good  his 
position,  he  remained  in  Venice  till  1734,  or  there- 
abouts, and  then  moved  to  Genoa.  Here  the  arch- 
bishop of  Naples  once  more  came  to  his  help,  and 
wrote  to  the  archbishop  of  Genoa  on  his  behalf.  In 
spite  of  the  kindness  of  the  archbishop,  he  found 
himself  in  great  poverty — so  much  so,  indeed,  that  in 
1741  he  writes  to  the  Propaganda  at  Eome  enclosing  a 
statement  of  all  his  past  life  and  asking  assistance. 
He  encloses  also  a  certificate  from  his  parish  priest, 


STRANGE  HISTORY  OF  JAMES  DE  LA   CLOCHE      185 

the  custode  of  the  cathedral  at  Genoa,  saying  that  he 
had  been  for  some  years  resident  in  that  parish,  '  and  is 
now  in  extreme  necessity  and  obliged  to  inhabit  a  small 
room  unprovided  with  necessaries.'  He  appeals  for  help 
especially  on  the  ground  of  the  great  aid  he  has  given 
to  Catholics  in  England,  but  does  not  supply  any  details 
to  tell  us  what  it  was  that  he  had  been  able  to  do  for  them. 

Now  all  this  story,  if  only  it  came  to  us  on  satis- 
factory authority,  would  seem  to  make  it  clear  beyond 
a  doubt  that  the  man  who  died  at  Naples  was,  indeed, 
James  de  la  Cloche.  His  son  would  hardly  have  been 
received  in  this  way  at  Kome  and  elsewhere  if  he  had 
not  been  able  to  prove  his  case.  But,  unfortunately, 
the  authority  is  as  bad  as  it  well  can  be.  It  all  depends 
on  the  writer's  own  assertions,  made  under  conditions 
which  do  not  inspire  confidence,  and  sent  as  begging - 
letters  to  people  who  might  be  likely  to  give  pecuniary 
assistance.  Where  investigation  is  possible  it  breaks 
down.  No  trace  of  the  '  Causa  Magna  Stuarda '  seems 
to  exist  in  the  archives  of  the  Vatican. 

The  papers  in  the  British  Museum  are  of  a  similar 
character,  but  carry  the  story  on  a  little  further.  The 
first  is  a  written  letter,  signed  in  another  and  feeble 
hand,  II  Principe  Stuardo,  and  evidently  served  merely 
as  a  covering  letter  to  the  printed  document  which 
accompanied  it.  This  latter  is  a  license  to  ask  alms 
in  the  diocese  of  Naples,  signed  by  the  Vicar-General, 
and  giving  an  account  of  the  petitioner.  It  begins 
with  his  two  trump-cards,  the  undoubtedly  genuine 
certificate  of  identity  given  by  Cardinal  Pignatelli  in 
1726  from  the  evidence  of  the  Naples  registers,  and  the 
sympathetic  account  of  his  father's  marriage  and  early 
death  from  the  Lettere  of  Armanni.  Then  follows 
a  long  biography,  much  on  the  lines  of  that  given  by 


186  THE  MAN  OJF  THE  MASK 

Dr.  Brady  (from  a  similar  document  at  Home,  but 
dwelling  much  less  on  his  triumphant  acquittal  at 
Rome  and  his  reception  at  the  various  courts  he  after- 
wards visited.  The  reason  for  this  is  clear  enough,  for 
he  goes  on  to  say  that  in  1743,  a  year  or  two  later  than 
his  last  application  from  Genoa  to  Propaganda,  he 
went  once  more  to  Rome,  where,  so  far  from  being 
received  as  a  prince,  he  was  at  once  arrested  and  thrown 
into  prison  '  as  an  impostor  and  false  prince.'  After 
three  months'  imprisonment  he  was  condemned  to  be 
exiled  as  an  impostor,  was  stripped  of  his  clothes  down 
to  his  shirt,  put  in  a  carriage  and  driven  down  to  the 
Ripa  Grande.  There  he  was  put  in  an  open  boat  and 
sent  back  to  Naples,  where  he  arrived  in  much  distress, 
and  would  have  perished  had  he  not  been  succoured  by 
his  relation,  Orsino  Galeotti. 

This  story  undoubtedly  puts  a  very  different  com- 
plexion on  the  affair.  Why,  if  his  account  of  what 
happened  at  Rome  in  1711  be  really  true,  was  he  again 
arrested  on  setting  foot  once  more  in  the  city  in  1743  ? 
Why  was  the  verdict  given  in  the  '  Causa  Magna 
Stuarda  '  not  at  once  appealed  to  ?  Why  was  an  old 
man  of  seventy-eight,  with  royal  blood  in  his  veins, 
treated  with  such  astonishing  brutality  ?  And  why, 
above  all,  did  not  the  real  Stuarts,  James  III.  and  the 
Cardinal  of  York,  who  were  then  living  at  Rome  and 
possessed  of  very  great  influence,  do  something*-  to  aid 
their  unfortunate  cousin  ?  It  is  something,  no  doubt, 
in  his  favour  that  this  damaging  story  comes  ibo  us  from 
his  own  lips,  but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  his  credit  is 
thereby  greatly  diminished.  Had  the  earlier  recogni- 
tions any  real  existence,  or  were  they,  as  also  the 
*  Causa  Magna  Stuarda,'  only  the  offspring  of  his  own 
imagination  ? 


STRANGE  HISTORY   OF  JAMES  DE   LA   CLOCHE      187 

There  remains  another  section  of  the  printed  paper 
to  be  examined.  In  it  the  petitioner  states  that  his 
father  died  possessed  of  the  following  property,  viz. 
twopalazzi  or  town  mansions,  the  one  at  S.  Giovanni 
a  Carbonara,  and  the  other  at  Capua  '  opposite  the 
Jesuits/  and  further,  a  deposit  in  the  Bank  of  Naples 
of  a  sum  of  500,000  ducats  (say  250,OOOZ.  sterling)  sent 
from  London  and  deposited  in  the  joint  names  of  Carlo 
Erigio  and  Francesco  Coronari  for  the  benefit  of  James 
Henry  Stuart.  The  proofs  that  this  property  belongs 
to  him  are  unfortunately  among  the  papers  of  which 
he  has  been  quite  recently  deprived  at  Kome.  He 
admits,  however,  that  the  two  houses  are  in  the 
occupation  of  others,  and  that  no  rent  has  been  paid 
for  at  least  forty  years.  The  money  at  the  bank  has 
apparently  been  lying  there  untouched  and  unclaimed 
for  eighty  years.  Why  he  did  not  claim  it  while  he 
still  had  his  papers,  and  while  he  was  living  in  such 
abject  poverty  at  Genoa  he  does  not  explain.  The 
whole  affair  has  so  mythical  a  sound  that  one  can 
hardly  help  going  back  in  remembrance  to  'the 
Marquisate  of  Juvignis  of  an  annual  value  of  300,000 
crowns,'  to  the  50,000  pistoles  of  ready  money  which 
yet  were  not  available  for  the  owner's  funeral,  and  to 
all  the  extravagances  of  the  father's  will. 

A  further  piece  of  evidence,  hitherto  unpublished, 
may  be*f$und  in  a  despatch  written  by  Lionne  to  the 
French  ambassador  in  London  in  the  autumn  of  1669, 
and  mentioAing  that  the  general  of  the  Capuchins  had 
been  requested  by  the  Corona  family  to  interest  the 
Eang  of  France  on  their  behalf  in  order  to  obtain  pay- 
ment of  the  legacies  of  the  soi-disant  James  Stuart 
from  Charles  II.  '  I  only  mention  this,'  says  Lionne, 
4  that  you  may  have  something  to  make  your  Court 


188  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

laugh.  For  myself  I  marvel  that  anyone  should  have 
dared  thus  to  deceive  an  honest  family  in  the  very  hour 
of  his  death,  as  if  he  had  not  already  injured  them 
enough  by  marrying  into  their  house.' l 

On  the  whole,  but  little  doubt  can  remain  after  all 
this  evidence  but  that  the  younger  James  Stuart  at 
least  was  a  mere  impostor  with  no  real  documentary 
proof  to  support  his  claim.  His  only  importance  for 
our  present  story  lies  in  the  fact  that  we  cannot 
altogether  dissociate  his  career  from  that  of  his  father. 
In  the  light  of  the  son's  adventures  the  weak  points  in 
the  father's  case  assume  a  new  importance.  It  looks 
very  much  as  though,  plausible  as  his  story  undoubtedly 
was,  and  in  spite  of  the  belief  of  his  confessors,  and 
through  them  of  Armanni,  in  the  truth  of  his  claims, 
he  too  must  have  been  an  impostor,  saved  from  complete 
exposure  only  by  his  early  death.  Lord  Acton  had 
much  less  evidence  before  him  than  is  now  at  our 
command,  but  we  still  come  very  much  to  the  conclu- 
sion which  was  drawn  by  him  from  the  consideration 
of  the  will :  '  Though  the  Neapolitan  adventurer  was 
an  impostor,  he  enjoyed  good  sources  of  information, 
and  possessed  the  secrets  of  King  Charles'  son.  He 
knew  that  he  was  born  in  Jersey,  and  that  his  birth 
had  been  recognised  by  his  father ;  and  he  had  secured 
some  of  his  papers  and  some  of  his  property.  .  .  .  He 
had  certainly  either  accompanied,  as  his  servant,  the 
man  he  represented,  or  stolen  his  letters.  Whatever 
be  the  secret  of  this  strange  adventure,  it  is  so  certain 
that  it  was  not  the  real  James  Stuart  who  died  at 
Naples  in  August  1669,  that  it  is  worth  while  to  in- 
stitute a  further  inquiry  as  to  the  probable  events  of 
his  subsequent  career.' 2 

1  MSS.  Affaires  Strangles.    Corr.  d'Angl.  vol.  xcvi. 

2  Home  and  Foreign  Review,  i.  163.    Essays,  p.  108. 


189 


CHAPTEK  IV 

THE   GEEAT   SECEET 

THE  moment  in  1668  when  James  de  la  Cloche  landed 
in  England  was  one  of  peculiar  interest  from  a 
Catholic  point  of  view.  The  Duke  of  York,  who  up  to 
that  time  had  been  a  staunch  Anglican,  and  had  there- 
fore been  kept  entirely  in  the  dark  with  regard  to  his 
brother's  schemes  for  catholicising  England,  now  be- 
came converted  to  the  Catholic  faith.  Exact  dates  are 
difficult  to  give,  for  our  only  real  authority  is  James' 
own  autobiography,  the  original  of  which,  long  pre- 
served at  the  Scots'  College  in  Paris,  perished  in  the 
French  Revolution.  At  present  we  only  have  it  at 
second  hand,  and  in  a  form  the  authenticity  of  which 
is  not  always  quite  above  suspicion,  in  the  edition  pub- 
lished by  the  Eev.  J.  S.  Clarke  in  1816,  from  a  copy 
which  survived  among  the  Stuart  papers. 

Many  causes  contributed  to  James'  change  of  reli- 
gious opinion,  but  his  brother's  influence  was  not  among 
them.  He  had  read  a  treatise  by  an  English  bishop, 
sent  him  by  the  author,  in  which  the  arguments  for 
the  Anglican  position  were  duly  set  forth;  but  the 
effect  upon  his  mind,  as  not  uncommonly  happens  in 
similar  cases,  was  the  exact  opposite  of  that  which  was 
intended.  Another  influence  was,  no  doubt,  the  con- 
version of  Turenne,  his  great  hero,  which  took  place 
about  this  time,  and  can  scarcely  have  failed  to  affect 


190  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

him  deeply.  His  wife's  influence  again — she  died  a 
Catholic  a  year  or  two  later — will  have  been  all  in  this 
direction,  although  James  appears  to  have  actually 
made  up  his  mind  the  earlier  of  the  two. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  causes,  proximate  and 
remote,  of  his  change  of  thought,  his  doubts  became  so 
serious  that  he  sent  for  a  priest,  a  Jesuit  named  Lobbs 
who  passed  under  the  name  of  Symons ;  and  after  a 
few  talks  with  him,  became  clear  that  he  could  no 
longer,  consistently  with  the  safety  of  his  soul,  remain 
a  member  of  the  Anglican  Church.  He  came,  accord- 
ingly, to  tell  this  to  the  king,  and  learnt  with  surprise, 
so  little  had  he  been  allowed  to  share  in  what  was 
passing  in  Charles'  mind,  that  he  also  was  of  the  same 
way  of  thinking. 

The  characters  of  the  brothers  were  in  some  points 
strangely  dissimilar.  Lord  Clarendon  summed  both 
up  very  brilliantly,  when  he  said  of  them  that  '  Charles 
could  if  he  would,  but  James  would  if  he  could.'  In 
nothing  is  the  difference  more  marked  than  in  their 
dealings  with  the  Catholic  Church.  That  Charles  could 
have  become  a  Catholic,  if  only  he  would,  was  true  of 
him  at  any  time  after  the  battle  of  Worcester,  if  not 
before,  but  he  lacked  the  will  to  face  the  inevitable 
results  of  doing  his  duty.  James  was  much  longer  in 
being  convinced;  but  the  moment  he  saw  his  way 
clear  his  decision  was  taken,  and  he  resolved  that,  what- 
ever the  result  might  prove  to  be,  he  would  be  a 
Catholic  if  he  could.  That  resolve,  honourable  to  him- 
self as  it  undoubtedly  was,  lost  the  crown  of  England 
to  the  Stuart  dynasty,  brought  untold  disaster  upon 
Catholics  in  England,  and  almost  plunged  the  country 
into  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 

Charles,   slowly   as   he  was  content  to  work,  had 


THE   GREAT   SECRET  191 

never  given  up  the  idea  of  eventually  carrying  out  his 
design  of  becoming  a  Catholic  king.  When  his  nego- 
tiations with  Home  had  fallen  through,  and  he  had 
come  to  understand  that  no  scheme  of  '  corporate 
reunion '  was  within  the  field  of  practical  politics,  he 
fell  back  upon  an  earlier  idea.  He  saw  clearly  enough 
that  the  announcement  of  his  conversion  was  likely  to 
lead  to  disturbances,  quite  possibly  to  armed  rebellion. 
At  the  best  it  was  almost  certain  that  Parliament 
would,  for  a  time  at  least,  cut  off  supplies.  Only  one 
way  seemed  open  whereby  he  could  secure  himself 
against  these  dangers,  and  that  lay  in  the  active  support 
of  France.  If  Louis  XIV.  could  be  induced,  in  the 
event  of  difficulties  occurring,  to  guarantee  money, 
and,  if  necessary,  military  support,  Parliament  need 
not  be  summoned,  the  danger  would  be  indefinitely 
lessened,  and  Charles  would  be  almost  sure  of  being 
able  to  attain  his  end. 

Negotiations  in  this  direction  had  been  begun  at 
the  very  commencement  of  Charles'  reign,  in  connection 
with  the  search  for  a  Catholic  bride.  They  had  been 
conducted  through  Foucquet,  then  at  the  height  of  his 
power  in  France,  but  had  come  to  nothing,  nor  do  we 
know  exactly  what  was  then  proposed.  In  1664  the 
matter  came  up  again,  but  once  more  without  result, 
probably,  as  has  already  been  said,  because  Charles  had 
nothing  to  offer.  Louis  XIV.  was,  no  doubt,  after  his 
own  peculiar  fashion,  a  strong  Catholic,  and  would 
have  liked  to  see  England  once  more  under  a  Catholic 
king,  but  he  was  not  prepared  to  do  much  in  order  to 
bring  this  about.  The  one  thing;  he  cared  for  was 
la  gloire,  the  political  advancement  of  France  and  the 
increase  of  her  power  in  Europe ;  and  that,  in  1664, 
Charles  could  do  little  to  forward.  In  the  glory  of  God 


192  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

he  took,  no  doubt,  a  certain  and  definite  interest,  but 
it  came  altogether  second  in  his  mind  to  the  glory  of 
the  king  of  France.  Now,  at  last,  in  1668,  Charles' 
opportunity  had  come.  There  were  at  least  two 
matters  in  which  the  support  of  England  was  of  vital 
importance  to  the  success  of  Louis'  schemes.  These 
were  the  question  of  the  Spanish  succession  and  the 
humiliation  of  Holland ;  and  in  each  matter  Charles' 
inclination  went  with  Louis'  need.  He  had,  therefore, 
once  more  put  out  feelers,  and  this  time  Louis  had 
unmistakably  nibbled  at  the  bait.  Huvigny,  probably 
as  being  too  strong  a  Protestant,  had  been  recalled,  and 
in  his  place  Colbert  de  Croissy,  brother  of  the  great 
J.  B.  Colbert,  Foucquet's  successor  in  the  Ministry  of 
Finance,  had  come  to  England  as  French  ambassador. 
Matters  were  all  prepared  for  the  delicate  negotiations 
to  be  commenced  which  sooner  or  later  would  bring 
about  what  Charles  desired. 

James'  conversion  just  at  this  juncture  was,  there- 
fore, a  rather  uncomfortable  fact.  For  James  was  not 
like  Charles,  willing  to  wait  indefinitely  until  the 
opportunity  for  action  came  along.  In  the  first  fervour 
of  his  conversion  he  was  unwilling  to  put  off  his 
reception  into  the  Church  a  day  longer  than  was 
necessary,  and  yet  it  was  clear  that  a  publicly  acknow- 
ledged conversion  just  at  that  particular  moment  would 
render  all  Charles'  plans  nugatory,  and  precipitate  the 
resistance  he  feared  before  he  was  prepared  to  meet  it. 

The  duke  suggested  a  compromise.  Everyone 
knew,  he  said,  that  the  Pope  could  grant  a  dispensation 
whereby  he  could  toe  received  privately,  and  yet  in 
public  go  on  appearing  as  a  member  of  the  Church 
of  England,  until  a  fitting  opportunity  occurred  for 
making  his  conversion  public.  'All  the  Church  of 


THE  GREAT  SECRET  193 

England  doctors,'  he  said,  'believed  or  at  least  said 
that  such  dispensations  were  constantly  granted,'  and 
it  was  not  to  be  supposed,  if  this  were  so,  that  one 
would  be  refused  in  such  a  case  as  this.  He  put  the 
matter  to  Father  Symons,  who,  of  course,  would  have 
none  of  it,  '  insisting  that  even  the  Pope  himself  had 
not  the  power  to  grant  such  a  dispensation,  for  it  was 
an  unalterable  law  of  the  Catholick  Church  not  to  do  ill 
that  good  might  follow.' 1  James,  however,  declined  to 
believe  him,  and  determined,  probably  with  the  king's 
consent,  to  write  directly  to  the  Pope  himself  upon  the 
subject.  Surely,  it  could  not  be  that  *  all  the  Church 
of  England  doctors '  were  wrong  upon  such  a  simple 
point.  This,  then,  we  are  pretty  safe  in  concluding, 
must  have  been  the  mission  with  which  young  '  De  la 
Cloche '  was  charged  when  he  left  London  for  Eome 
in  November  1668.  He  was  to  find  out  from  the 
Pope,  through  the  good  offices  of  the  general  of  the 
Jesuits,  whether  such  a  dispensation  could  be  granted 
or  not,  and  he  was  to  return  to  England  with  all 
reasonable  speed,  bringing  back  with  him  the  answer 
to  this  important  question.  The  journey  from  London 
to  Eome  would  take  about  three  weeks  in  each  direc- 
tion, so  that  his  return  might  be  expected  in  about  two 
months.  The  letter  from  the  king  which  he  carried 
with  him  is  dated  November  18,  so,  making  reasonable 
speed,  and  supposing  that  no  great  difficulties  were  met 
with  on  the  way,  and  no  unreasonable  delay  imposed  at 
Borne,  he  might  be  expected  back  any  time  after  the 
middle  of  January. 

Now,  whether  the  answer  was  brought  by  James 
de  la  Cloche  or  not,  it  is  quite  clear  that  an  answer  of 

1  Macpherson,   Original  Papers,  containing  the  secret  history  of 
Great  Britain,  vol.  i.  p.  130.    Clarke,  i.  441. 

O 


194  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

some  kind  did  arrive,  and  that  it  came  much  about  the 
time  when  James,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  events, 
might  be  expected  back.  This  is  proved  by  the  fact 
that  on  January  25,  1669,  a  most  important  meeting 
was  held  in  the  Duke  of  York's  lodgings  at  St.  James's 
Palace,  to  which  there  were  invited,  besides  the  king 
and  the  duke,  three  of  the  most  trusted  of  the  king's 
advisers — Lord  Arlington,  Lord  Arundell  of  Wardour, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Clifford.  At  this  meeting  the  king  for 
the  first  time  broke  silence,  and  told  these  chosen 
few  what  were  his  plans  for  the  future.  The  idea 
of  a  private  reception  had  already  been  given  up,  and 
Charles  had  resolved  without  delay  to  make  a  public 
acknowledgment  of  his  faith.  Our  authority  for  what 
passed  is  James'  Autobiography.  The  king  told 
them  'how  uneasy  it  was  to  him  not  to  profess  the 
faith  he  believed,  and  said  that  he  had  called  them 
together  to  have  their  advice  about  the  ways  and 
methods  fittest  to  be  taken  for  the  settling  of  the 
Catholic  religion  in  his  kingdoms,  and  to  consider  of 
the  time  most  proper  to  declare  himself,  telling  them 
withal  that  no  time  ought  to  be  lost.'  He  acknow- 
ledged that  he  expected  great  difficulty  in  bringing 
about  what  he  desired,  but  said  that  '  he  chose  rather 
to  undertake  it  now,  when  he  and  his  brother  were  in 
their  full  strength  and  able  to  undergo  any  fatigue, 
than  to  delay  it  till  they  were  grown  older  and  less  fit 
to  go  through  with  so  great  a  design.  This  he  spake 
with  great  earnestness,  and  even  with  tears  in  his 
eyes,  and  added  that  they  were  to  go  about  it  as  wise 
men  and  good  Catholics  ought  to  do.' l 

The  result  of  this  declaration  was,  that,  after  a  long 

1  Autobiography  of  James  II.,  quoted  in  Clarke's  Life  of  James  II., 
p.  440  se%. 


THE   GREAT   SECRET  195 

debate,  it  was  resolved  that  France  was  the  only 
Catholic  power  from  whom  the  necessary  assistance 
could  be  obtained,  Austria  being  too  weak  and  too 
much  involved  in  internal  troubles.  It  was  deter- 
mined, therefore,  that  an  alliance  should  be  sought 
with  France,  and,  if  necessary,  that  the  existing  triple 
alliance  with  Sweden  and  Holland  should  be  broken 
up,  and  war  declared  again,  with  Louis  as  an  ally, 
against  the  Dutch. 

Charles  II.  never  gave  his  whole  confidence  to  any 
single  person  all  through  his  reign,  and  even  here  he 
made  no  exception  to  his  general  rule.  It  is  quite 
clear  that  James  and  the  others  thought  that  in  pro- 
ducing this  plan  they  were  doing  something  quite 
original,  and  initiating  a  new  policy  for  England.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  they  were  only  following  Charles' 
guidance,  quite  unconsciously,  and  deciding  on  a  policy 
which  he  had  long  before  determined  upon.  Indeed, 
as  we  may  see  from  the  letters  written  by  the  king  to 
1  Madame,'  as  his  sister  Henrietta,  the  Duchess  of 
Orleans,  was  called  in  France ;  at  least  a  week  before 
this  meeting  took  place  he  had  already  written  to 
Louis  to  express  in  formal  terms  his  desire  for  a  strict 
alliance. 

Dr.  Lingard,  when  discussing  Charles'  conduct  on 
this  occasion,  suggests  that  he  was  not  in  earnest,  but, 
*  being  the  most  accomplished  dissembler  in  his 
dominions,'  was  deliberately  deceiving  both  Louis  of 
France  and  the  Duke  of  York.  Here  he  seems  to 
show  less  than  his  usual  acumen  and  to  misread  the 
character  of  the  king.  Charles'  desire  to  become  a  real 
Catholic  has  every  mark  of  reality  and  sincerity.  Had 
he  been  so  fortunate  as  to  have  lived  in  other  times,  or 
in  a  less  prominent  position,  he  would,  no  doubt,  have 

o  2 


196  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

been  reconciled  to  the  Church,  and  have  lived  a  much 
better  life  within  her  fold  than  he  actually  did  outside 
it.  But  he  knew  that  to  avow  his  opinions  publicly 
might  very  possibly  mean  the  loss  of  his  throne,  and 
so  he  continued  a  miserable  and  dissolute  life ;  with  a 
conscience  never  at  ease  and  without  the  restraints 
of  religion ;  condemned  to  participate,  and  to  feign 
belief,  in  the  solemn  religious  acts  of  a  Church  with 
which  he  had  no  sympathy  and  whose  ministrations  he 
judged  sacrilegious.  Now  and  again  he  plucked  up 
courage  and  made  an  effort,  as  on  this  occasion,  to 
free  himself  from  the  bonds  he  found  so  hateful ;  nor, 
though  in  the  event  he  did  not  persevere,  but  fell  back 
into  a  meaner  slavery  than  ever,  is  there  any  reason  to 
doubt  that  for  the  moment  he  was  perfectly  sincere 
and  deeply  in  earnest. 

Lingard  was  not  in  possession  of  all  the  facts,  and 
it  seems  almost  certain  he  was  entirely  mistaken. 
Charles  was  much  too  clever  to  place  himself  in  such  a 
position  as  Lingard  imagines,  where  he  would  have 
had  everything  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain.  Louis 
cared  comparatively  little  about  Charles'  religion, 
though  he  cared  a  great  deal  about  his  political  sup- 
port. The  bribe — if  bribe  it  was — was  thrown  away 
on  him.  On  the  other  hand,  Charles,  if  his  words  at 
this  meeting  had  become  generally  known,  might  easily 
have  lost  everything.  Why  should  he  run  such  a 
terrible  risk  quite  needlessly  ?  The  friendship  of  the 
Northern  States  was  more  important,  politically  speak- 
ing, both  for  Charles  and  England,  than  was  the 
alliance  with  France;  and  money,  if  that  were  his 
only  aim,  could  be  procured  from  Louis  with  equal 
ease  as  the  price  of  assistance  against  Holland, 
without  any  mention  of  religion  at  all.  The  only  key 


THE   GREAT  SECRET  197 

which  makes  the  situation  reasonable  is  to  suppose 
that  Charles,  for  once  in  his  life,  was  deadly  in  earnest, 
and  that  his  desire  to  regularise  his  religious  position 
and  to  win  toleration  for  his  fellow  Catholics  was  the 
real  motive  which  governed  his  political  action  at  this 
period. 

Matters,  however,  developed  themselves  but  slowly. 
Negotiations  were  at  once  begun  in  earnest  between 
Charles  and  Louis.  Neither  Colbert  de  Croissy,  the 
French  ambassador  in  England,  nor  Montagu,  the 
English  ambassador  in  France,  were  allowed  to  know 
anything  whatever  of  what  was  going  on.  Colbert 
knew  only  that  Louis  desired  Charles  to  be  drawn  into 
an  alliance  with  France  ;  and,  believing  Charles  to  be 
unwilling,  nearly  caused  grave  complications  by  trying 
to  stir  up  domestic  difficulties  in  England  in  the  hope 
of  thus  driving  him  into  the  arms  of  France.1  Montagu 
knew  absolutely  nothing  at  all.  The  negotiations  were 
carried  on  in  Paris  between  Lord  Arundell  of  Wardour 
and  Sir  Richard  Bellings,  who  were  sent  over  for  the 
purpose  to  represent  Charles,  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
Louis  himself  and  Madame.  How  far  Lionne,  the 
French  foreign  minister,  was  allowed  to  enter  into  it 
remains  uncertain.  The  Earl  of  St.  Albans,  on  pretence 
of  visiting  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  who  was  now  living 
in  France,  and  to  whom  some  said  he  was  secretly 
married,  went  backwards  and  forwards  more  than 
once  to  carry  news  and  messages  between  Charles  and 
Louis . 

One  difficulty,  and  one  only,  stood  in  the  way  of  a 

successful  end  to  these  negotiations.     Each  of  the  two 

kings  wanted  that   matter  in  which  he  himself  was 

particularly  interested  to  have  precedence  over  the  rest 

1  See  Mignet,  Documents  Intdits,  iii.  p.  99. 


198  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

and  to  be  first  put  in  hand.  Each  of  them  had  entered 
upon  the  discussion  with  one  great  object  in  view,  and 
each  was  willing,  in  order  to  gain  that  object,  to  accede 
to  other  demands  made  upon  them.  Charles  was  only 
anxious  to  declare  himself  a  Catholic,  and  in  order  to 
be  able  to  do  so  was  willing  to  aid  Louis  in  his  attack 
on  Holland.  Louis  was  only  anxious  to  crush  Holland 
and  to  add  her  domains,  or  a  large  part  of  them,  to 
France.  He  could  not  do  this  without  the  help  of 
England,  and  to  get  that  help  he  was  willing  to  agree 
to  pay  by  helping  Charles  in  his  religious  trouble.  But 
each  wanted  his  own  project  to  have  precedence. 
Charles,  stiffened  no  doubt  by  the  Duke  of  York,  was 
eager  to  proclaim  his  religion  at  once,  and  then,  when 
any  trouble  which  might  be  caused  had  settled  down, 
he  would  give  his  help  to  Louis  against  the  Dutch. 
Nothing,  on  the  other  hand,  would  satisfy  Louis  but 
an  immediate  declaration  of  war  against  Holland ;  after 
which,  when  peace  was  made  again  and  victory  had 
been  won,  he  was  ready  to  lend  his  help  to  Charles  in 
England.  Parliament,  he  saw  perfectly  well,  would 
never  agree  to  a  war  against  Holland,  once  Charles' 
conversion  was  announced.  So  the  matter  dragged  on 
all  through  the  year  1669  and  for  the  first  six  months 
of  1670. 

The  negotiations  were  brought  at  last  to  a  successful 
close  by  the  influence  of  Madame  herself,  who  came 
over  to  England  in  June  1670  to  visit  her  brother. 
Charles  came  down  to  Dover  to  meet  her,  and  with  him, 
ostensibly  to  pay  his  respects  to  his  master's  sister-in- 
law,  came  Colbert,  the  French  ambassador,  now  for 
some  months  admitted  to  a  full  knowledge  of  the  whole 
affair.  Unfortunately,  at  this  important  moment 
Charles  was  without  the  stronger  will  of  his  younger 


THE   GREAT   SECRET  199 

brother.  The  Duke  of  York  had  remained  in  London, 
where  some  disturbance  was  expected  on  account  of  the 
Conventicles  Bill.  In  his  absence  Charles,  sick  and 
tired  with  the  long-drawn  bargainings,  yielded  to  his 
sister's  persuasions  and  agreed  to  let  Louis  have  his 
way.  The  treaty  was  to  stand  as  it  was — the  clauses 
about  Charles'  religion  still  holding  the  place  of  honour, 
but  Charles  gave  his  word  more  or  less  definitely  that,  in 
practice,  the  Dutch  war  should  have  precedence.  With 
that  understanding  the  treaty  was  signed,  Colbert  signing 
alone  as  representing  Louis,  and  Arlington,  Arundell,  and 
Clifford  signing  on  behalf  of  Charles.  A  few  days  later 
the  formal  ratifications  were  exchanged  between  the 
two  monarchs.  The  treaty  itself,  for  greater  safety 
and  to  preserve  the  keeping  of  the  secret,  was  handed 
to  Clifford,  and  is  still  preserved  among  the  archives  of 
his  descendant,  Lord  Clifford  of  Chudleigh.  It  never 
took  its  place  among  the  public  records,  nor  were  the 
.other  ministers,  such  as  Ashley,  Buckingham  and 
Lauderdale,  ever  informed  of  what  had  taken  place.  A 
few  months  later,  however,  in  order  to  avoid  any  diffi- 
culties upon  this  score,  Buckingham  was  allowed  to 
negotiate  a  fresh  treaty  with  Louis,  practically  identical 
with  this  one,  except  that  the  clauses  relating  to  Charles' 
Catholicism  were  left  out.  In  this  way  Charles'  Pro- 
testant ministers  were  kept  in  the  dark  and  knew 
nothing  of  the  real  motives  which  had  actuated  their 
king. 

The  secret  clauses,  which  alone  concern  us  for  our 
present  purpose,  were  as  follows  : — l 

'  The  king  of  Great  Britain,  being  convinced  of  the 

1  See  the  original  treaty  in  Lingard,  Hist.  ix.  505.  It  was  kept  secret 
till  1830,  when  Lord  Clifford  allowed  Lingard  to  publish:it.  Dalrymple 
had  previously  published  an  incorrect  draft  from  French  sources. 


200  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

truth  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  resolved  to  make  a 
declaration  of  it,  and   to  reconcile  himself  with  the 
Eoman  Church  so  soon  as  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom 
may  permit  him  to  do  so,  has  every  reason  to  hope  for 
and  promise  himself  the  affection  and  fidelity  of  all  his 
subjects,  so  that  none  of  them,  even  among  those  to 
whom  God  has  not  as  yet  given  sufficient  grace  to  lead 
them  to  follow  this  august  example  and  be  converted, 
should  ever  fail  in  that  inviolable  obedience  which  all 
peoples  owe  to  their  sovereign,  even  when  they  are  of 
contrary  religions.     Nevertheless,  since  unquiet  spirits 
are  sometimes  to  be  found  who  are  especially  apt  to 
disturb  the  public  peace  when  they  can  do  so  under 
the  pretext  of  religion,  the  king,  who  has  nothing  more 
at  heart  (after  the  repose  of  his  conscience)  than  that 
his  people  should  continue  to  enjoy  what  the  gentleness 
of  his  government  has  already  given  them,  has  thought 
that  the  best  means  of  preventing  any  change  would 
be  to  be  assured  in  case  of  need  of  the  help  of  his  most 
Christian  majesty,  who,  in  order  to  give  the  king  of 
Great  Britain  indubitable  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  his 
friendship  .  .  .  has  promised  and  hereby  promises  to 
give  for  that  purpose  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain  the 
sum  of  two  million  limes   tournoises   (160,0002.),   of 
which  half  is  to  be  paid  three  months  after  the  ex- 
change of  the  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty  .  .  , 
and  the  other  half  three  months  later.     Further,  the 
said    most    Christian    king  undertakes  to  assist  his 
majesty  of  Great  Britain  with  troops  to  the  number  of 
6,000  footmen  if  he  needs  them,  and  further  to  raise 
and  support  these  forces  at  his  own  expense,  the  same 
being  transported  by  the  vessels  of  the  king  of  Great 
Britain  to  any  ports  or  places  he  may  think  best  for  his 
service,  and  being  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  king  of 


THE  GREAT  SECRET  201 

Great  Britain,  though  paid  by  the  most  Christian  king. 
The  time  of  his  declaration  of  Catholicity  is  left  entirely 
to  the  choice  of  the  said  king  of  Great  Britain.' 

Full  of  the  triumph  of  her  successful  diplomacy, 
Henrietta  returned  to  France  after  the  treaty  was 
signed,  but,  alas  !  only  to  die.  Less  than  a  month  had 
passed  when  the  corridors  of  the  palace  were  ringing 
with  the  terrible  cry,  immortalised  for  us  by  the  burn- 
ing words  of  Bossuet  spoken  at  her  funeral — *  Madame 
se  meurt !  Madame  est  morte ! '  Young,  beautiful, 
and  pious  though  she  was,  and  endowed  with  her  full 
share  of  Stuart  attractiveness,  her  life  had  never  been 
a  happy  one,  and  its  end  was  very  sad  and  terribly 
sudden.  The  doctors  failed  to  diagnose  her  malady, 
and  people  talked,  as  they  always  did  in  those  days,  of 
poison,  and  even  of  a  jealous  husband.  For  this,  how- 
ever, there  does  not  seem  to  have  been  any  foundation. 
The  Duke  of  Orleans  had  never  loved  her,  nor  had  he 
been  at  all  a  good  husband  to  her,  but  of  this  crowning 
iniquity  he  was  entirely  innocent.  Her  death,  although 
sudden  and  mysterious,  was  no  doubt  due  to  natural 
causes. 

To  Charles  the  loss  of  his  sister  must  have  been  a 
terrible  blow.  She  was  the  person  he  loved  most  in 
all  the  world,  and  one  of  the  few  really  good  influences 
that  still  remained  to  him.  But  her  death  at  once 
opened  up  a  new  danger.  To  her  he  had  written, 
during  the  months  of  the  negotiations,  with  far  more 
openness  than  he  had  shown  to  any  other  person.  If 
those  letters  were  now  to  get  into  wrong  hands,  irrepar- 
able mischief  might  easily  be  done.  He  wrote  off  at 
once  to  Louis  on  the  subject,  and  Louis  had  the  letters 
brought  to  him.  That  is  how  we  come  now  to  possess 
them,  for  they  were  placed  with  the  other  crown  papers 


202  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

at  Versailles.  But  the  letters  which  had  passed  since 
the  negotiations  had  become  definite — those  written, 
namely,  after  June  24  of  the  preceding  year — were 
destroyed  by  Louis  lest  any  eye  but  his  should  learn 
the  secrets  they  contained.  To  us  the  loss  is  irrepar- 
able, for  in  them  there  perished  the  only  source  from 
which  we  could  ever  hope  to  learn  the  details  of  the 
bargaining  of  that  eventful  year.  After  the  death  of 
Madame  things  dragged  on  slowly  enough. 

Now  that  he  had  actually  been  brought  to  the  point 
and  the  treaty  was  definitely  signed,  Charles'  vacillating 
character  began  to  show  itself.  He  shrank  from  every- 
thing which  looked  like  a  definite  step,  and  put  difficulties 
in  the  way  whenever  Louis  pressed  action  upon  him. 
A  fresh  hindrance  had  come  to  him  also  in  the  person 
of  Louise  de  la  Keiouaille,  a  beautiful  French  girl 
whom  he  had  seen  in  the  train  of  his  sister  when  she 
came  to  Dover,  and  for  whom  he  had  conceived  a  guilty 
passion.  He  was  enough  in  earnest  about  his  religion 
to  mean  to  reform  his  life  if  once  he  formally  embraced 
it,  and  the  thought  that  in  that  case  he  must  break  off 
this  new  liaison  made  him  all  the  more  inclined  to 
procrastinate  and  to  exaggerate  difficulties. 

Colbert's  letters  in  1671  and  1672  are  full  of  his 
excuses  and  prevarications.  To  begin  with,  he  can  do 
nothing,  because  it  is  only  right  that  the  Pope  should 
be  consulted  first ;  then  there  is  a  difficulty  about 
choosing  a  priest  to  go  to  Rome  on  his  behalf.  Louis 
suggested  the  Bishop  of  Laon  as  a  fitting  man,  but 
Charles  must  have  an  Englishman  to  go  with  him,  and 
cannot  find  one.  Nor,  again,  is  he  willing  to  send  to  a 
Pope  who  is  said  to  be  a  dying  man,  but  would  rather 
wait  till  his  successor  is  elected.  Then  at  last,  in 
November  1670,  he  selects  his  man — the  head  of  the 


THE  GREAT  SECRET  203 

English  college  at  Douay,  but,  now  the  messenger  is 
chosen,  fresh  difficulties  are  raised  about  his  instructions, 
and  when  these  in  turn  are  settled  and  brought  to  him, 
he  turns  round  and  says  that  the  times  are  not  pro- 
pitious, that  he  cannot  at  that  moment  declare  his 
religion,  nor  is  he  prepared  to  send  any  messenger  to 
Rome  at  that  precise  juncture. 

This  was  in  February  1671,  and  the  matter  was 
allowed  to  rest  for  more  than  a  year.  In  March  1672 
the  king  asked  that  a  theologian  might  be  sent  over 
from  Paris  to  instruct  him  in  the  Catholic  religion, 
but  asked  especially  that  he  might  be  a  good  chemist ; 
obviously  with  a  view  to  covering  up  their  interviews 
under  the  pretext  of  chemical  experiments,  in  which 
he  was  known  to  take  great  interest.  To  this  date, 
perhaps,  rather  than  to  '  the  heat  of  the  Popish  plot ' 
to  which  it  is  given  by  the  narrator,  ought  we  to  assign 
the  story  in  '  Welwood's  Memoirs  '  (p.  146),  which  runs 
as  follows : — '  King  Charles  had  at  that  time  some 
secret  matters  to  manage  by  means  of  a  Eomish  priest 
then  beyond  sea,  whom  he  ordered  to  be  privately  sent 
for.  And  the  gentleman  employed  betwixt  the  king 
and  him,  (from  whom  I  had  the  story,)  was  directed  to 
bring  him  in  a  disguise  to  Whitehall.  The  king  and 
the  priest  were  a  considerable  time  alone  together  in  a 
closet,  and  the  gentleman  attended  in  the  next  room. 
At  last  the  priest  came  out  with  all  the  marks  of  fright 
and  astonishment  in  his  face;  and,  having  recovered 
himself  a  little,  he  told  the  gentleman  that  he  had  run 
the  greatest  risque  ever  man  did;  for,  while  he  was 
with  the  king,  his  majesty  was  suddenly  surprised 
with  a  fit,  accompanied  with  violent  convulsions  of  his 
body  and  contorsions  of  his  face,  which  lasted  for  some 
moments,  and  when  he  was  going  to  call  out  for  help, 


204  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

the  king  held  him  by  force  till  it  was  over,  and  then 
bid  him  not  be  afraid,  for  he  had  been  troubled  with 
the  like  before ;  the  priest  adding  what  a  condition  he 
should  have  been  in,  considering  his  religion  and  the 
present  juncture  of  affairs,  if  the  king  had  died  in 
that  fit,  and  nobody  in  the  room  with  him  besides 
himself/ 

This  desire  to  see  and  consult  with  a  priest  looked 
hopeful,  but  a  month  or  two  later  Colbert  writes  again 
(June  7,  1672),  to  say  that  Charles  has  put  off  his  con- 
version, and  will  do  nothing  till  the  end  of  the  cam- 
paign. Moreover,  he  had  gone  back  to  his  old  ideas  of 
ten  years  before,  and  was  then  talking  once  more  of  a 
Uniat  Church,  with  special  concessions  from  Rome  in 
the  way  of  permitting  communion  under  two  kinds, 
and  allowing  Mass  to  be  said  in  the  vulgar  tongue.1 
After  this  the  question  was  dropped,  and  nothing  more 
was  said  upon  the  subject,  about  which  after  all  Louis 
cared  but  little.  For  Charles  the  golden  opportunity 
had  passed  away,  doubts  and  hesitations  had  succeeded 
to  his  former  zeal,  and  he  was  only  too  content  to  be 
left  alone. 

Colbert  was  too  keen  an  observer  to  be  in  any  doubt 
as  to  the  cause.  The  one  and  only  real  difficulty  was 
the  evil  life  that  Charles  was  leading,  and  from  which 
he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  break  away.  Other 
dangers  were  very  evident  to  the  minds  of  those  who 
shared  his  secret,  but  these  hardly  seemed  to  weigh  at 
all  in  the  thoughts  of  the  king.  '  Ces  perils  ne  peuvent 
rien  neanmoins,'  wrote  Colbert  to  Louis,  '  sur  1'esprit 

1  For  all  this,  see  the  letters  of  Colbert  de  Croissy  to  Lionne.  They 
are  in  the  DepCt  des  Affaires  Etrangdres :  Correspondance  Anglaise, 
vols.  xcv.  xcvii.  xcviii.  c.  ci.  There  are  no  transcripts  of  these  letters  in 
our  own  Record  Office. 


THE  GREAT  SECRET  205 

du  roy ;  mais  un  peu  de  libertinage  (si  j'ose  parler 
ainsi),  le  fait  differer  le  plus  qu'il  peut.' 1 

As  always  happens  with  irresolute  characters,  the 
longer  he  put  things  off  the  more  impossible  they 
appeared.  '  The  slothful  man  saith,  there  is  a  lion  in 
the  path.'  Meanwhile,  all  the  influence  which  Louis 
could  bring  to  bear  was  exercised  in  the  same  direction, 
urging  him  to  begin  the  Dutch  war,  and  to  leave 
religious  questions  to  settle  themselves  afterwards. 
Indefinite  delay  was  not  possible,  and  at  last  Charles, 
who  had  long  been  pushing  on  his  preparations  with 
all  the  secrecy  possible,  agreed  that  the  war  should  be 
actually  commenced. 

But  although  Charles,  influenced  by  the  motives  to 
which  we  have  alluded,  was  not  altogether  unwilling  to 
defer  any  personal  change  of  religion,  he  cared  too 
much  for  the  cause  he  was  advocating  to  relegate  its 
interests  altogether  to  the  future.  He  determined, 
therefore,  to  make  one  more  supreme  effort  to  suspend 
the  action  of  the  penal  laws  of  Elizabeth,  almost  un- 
paralleled among  civilised  nations  for  their  savage 
brutality,  which  still,  in  spite  of  the  promise  he  had 
made  at  his  coronation,  and  the  effort  he  had  made 
to  redeem  that  promise  in  1662,  weighed  heavily 
upon  his  Catholic  subjects.  The  Commons  were 
notoriously  bent  on  intolerance,  and  the  restoration  of 
the  bishops  to  their  places  in  the  House  of  Lords  had 
taken  away  all  hope  of  a  more  generous  policy  finding 
acceptance  in  that  assembly.  The  Established  Church 
was  supreme,  and  stood  solid  for  increased  persecution. 
Charles  stood  practically  alone  in  his  kingdom  for 
religious  liberty  for  all  his  subjects.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, since  there  was  no  help  to  be  got  from  any 

1  May  15, 1670,  Affaires  Etrangtres  :  Corr.  d'Angleterre,  vol.  xcvii. 


206  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

quarter,  he  had  to  act  by  himself.  He  would  « essay 
what  could  be  done  of  his  own  royal  authority.'  The 
result  was  the  celebrated  Declaration  of  Indulgence 
issued  on  March  15,  1672,  two  days  before  war  was 
declared  against  the  United  Provinces. 

It  is  part  of  the  general  lack  of  justice  which  has 
been  meted  out  by  Protestant  historians  to  the  later 
Stuarts  that  so  little  credit  is  ever  given  to  Charles 
for  this  action.  Everyone  else  is  judged  by  the 
standard  of  the  twentieth  century.  '  Bloody  Mary  '  is 
unhesitatingly  condemned  for  doing  what  every  one  in 
Europe  in  her  time  thought  she  was  justified  in  doing. 
She  would  have  been  held  to  have  sinned  grievously 
against  all  law,  human  and  divine,  had  she  not  acted 
as  she  did.  Only  in  '  Utopia '  at  that  period  had  a 
licensed  division  of  opinion  in  matters  of  religion  been 
dreamt  of.  But  Charles  II.,  who  in  this  matter  was 
two  hundred  years  ahead  of  his  time,  and  really  stood, 
and  stood  alone,  for  religious  toleration  as  we  under- 
stand it,  is  represented  as  being  bent  on  autocratic 
government  and  as  the  destroyer  of  English  liberty, 
when  he  tried,  with  a  courage  that  demands  our 
admiration,  to  do  all  that  lay  in  his  power  to  check 
persecution  for  religious  opinions. 

If  any  one  desires  to  see  how  sincere  was  Charles' 
devotion  to  the  principle  of  toleration,  it  is  to  the 
Colonies  and  not  to  England  that  we  must  look.  There 
he  could  carry  his  intentions  into  effect.  '  The  charters 
of  Ehode  Island  and  Carolina,  the  instructions  to  the 
governors  of  Jamaica  and  Virginia,  attest  the  king's 
tolerant  policy.' l  He  was  '  in  his  nature,'  to  use  his 
words  to  Parliament,  '  an  enemy  to  all  severity  for 
religion  and  conscience,  how  mistaken  soever  it  be, 
1  Cambridge  Modern  History,  v.  p.  101.  (Professor  Firth.) 


THE  GREAT  SECRET  207 

when  it  extends  to  capital  and  sanguinary  punishment.' 
Noble  words,  but  words  which  unfortunately  roused 
not  the  faintest  echo  in  the  breasts  of  the  triumphant 
members  of  the  Established  Church  before  whom  they 
were  spoken. 

For  the  moment,  though  he  had  not  declared  his 
own  religion,  Charles  had  attained  his  object  for  his 
fellow-Catholics.  If  the  king  himself  could  not,  all 
other  Catholics  in  England  were  free,  for  the  time,  to 
worship  undisturbed  and  in  security.  True,  through 
the  bigotry  of  Bridgeman,  the  lord  chancellor,  who 
refused  to  affix  the  great  seal  on  any  other  condition, 
Catholics  were  still  not  granted  what  was  given  to  all 
other  nonconformists,  the  liberty  of  worshipping  in 
public.  Mass  might  be  said  in  private  houses  and  with 
closed  doors,  and  that  was  all.  But  to  men  in  their 
condition  even  that  was  much.  It  was  a  great  thing 
to  feel  that,  for  the  first  time  since  Elizabeth  had  put 
forth  the  iniquitous  laws  a  hundred  years  before,  now 
at  last  no  priest  in  England  could  be  butchered  alive 
for  the  sole  fact  of  his  priesthood,  nor  could  any  layman 
be  fined  and  imprisoned  for  no  other  offence  than  that 
he  had  worshipped  God  in  the  way  that  his  forefathers 
before  him  had  done  for  more  than  a  thousand  years. 
That  this  was  so  was  due  to  the  action  of  the  king 
alone,  acting  in  direct  opposition  to  both  Houses  of 
Parliament  and  to  the  great  majority  of  his  subjects. 


208  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 


CHAPTEE  V 

VIOLENT   STORMS  AND   A  HAPPY  ENDING 

UNFORTUNATELY  Charles'  great  and  heroic  effort  came 
already  too  late.  Since  1669  the  position  had  really 
been  growing  steadily  darker,  and  the  chances  of  a 
successful  issue  had  become  constantly  less.  Although 
nothing  definite  had  leaked  out  about  the  Treaty  of 
Dover,  suspicions  had  been  aroused  everywhere ;  and 
suspicions,  as  so  often,  had  greater  effects  than  would 
have  been  produced  by  actual  knowledge.  Nothing  is 
so  hard  to  bear  as  uncertainty. 

The  Duke  of  York  had,  there  can  be  but  little 
doubt,  completed  his  formal  submission  to  the  Church 
very  soon  after  the  answer  came  back  from  Borne  at 
the  beginning  of  1669.  He  did  not  think  it  consistent 
with  the  safety  of  his  soul,  as  he  himself  has  told  us,  to 
delay  this  step,  and  he  probably  took  it  in  strict  privacy 
at  the  first  practicable  moment.  There  was  no  need, 
of  course,  for  him  to  proclaim  the  fact,  although  it  was 
not  lawful  for  him  to  do  anything  inconsistent  with  his 
Catholicism,  so  that  he  could  not  any  longer  receive  the 
Anglican  sacraments.  His  absence  from  England  for 
long  periods  together,  in  command  of  the  English  fleet, 
saved  him  from  awkward  situations,  and  for  some  time 
no  suspicions  even  were  aroused,  though  before  very 
long  events  happened,  one  after  another,  which  set 
people  talking,  and  gradually  brought  the  nation  into  a 


VIOLENT  STORMS  AND  A  HAPPY  ENDING     209 

perfect  frenzy  of  alarm.  The  first  of  these  was  the 
death  of  Anne  Hyde,  the  wife  of  the  duke,  and  daughter 
of  Lord  Clarendon.  It  became  known  that  she  had 
died  a  Catholic,  and  had  refused  the  ministrations  of 
the  Bishop  of  Worcester  on  her  deathbed.  Then,  too, 
although  nothing  was  certainly  known  about  the  king, 
men  knew  that  something  mysterious  was  going  on  with 
France,  and  these  vague  suspicions  and  general  con- 
sciousness of  mystery  worked  on  men's  imaginations, 
and  frightened  them  much  more  than  would  any  bold 
assertion  of  the  king's  intentions  and  religious  belief. 

In  December  1672  the  Duke  of  York  was  at  home, 
and  it  was  evident  to  the  king  that  if  he  did  not,  as 
was  customary,  receive  the  Holy  Communion  in  the 
Anglican  Church  on  Christmas  Day,  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  keep  the  fact  of  his  change  of  religion  any 
longer  from  the  public  knowledge.  He  sent  to  implore 
him  to  make  some  concession  to  public  polity,  but 
James,  as  might  have  been  expected  by  anyone  with 
knowledge  of  his  character,  utterly  declined  to  sacrifice 
his  conscience.  His  absence  from  the  altar  was  noticed, 
as  the  king  had  foreseen,  and  was  taken  as  proof  posi- 
tive of  the  rumours  which  were  spreading  everywhere. 
Parliament  was  summoned  to  meet  in  February  1673. 
It  had  become  absolutely  necessary  to  summon  it,  much 
as  Charles  disliked  the  step,  for  his  want  of  money  was 
fast  becoming  acute.  The  expenses  of  the  Dutch  war, 
over  and  above  what  Louis  was  contributing,  had  to  be 
met  somehow,  and  the  other  money  that  Louis  had 
promised  could  not  be  claimed  until  Charles  on  his  side 
was  ready  to  fulfil  his  pledge  and  declare  his  religion 
openly.  What  Charles  meant  to  do  was  probably  to  get 
from  Parliament  a  subsidy,  as  large  as  he  could  obtain, 
for  the  expenses  of  the  war  and  for  carrying  on  the 

p 


210  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

government  of  the  country.  When  he  had  obtained  this 
he  intended  to  dissolve  and  to  govern  without  a  Parlia- 
ment, declaring  his  religion,  and  living  for  a  time,  until 
the  storm  blew  over,  on  the  funds  that  Louis  was  to 
give  him.  Unfortunately  for  his  plans  the  favourable 
moment  for  such  a  scheme  was  already  past  and  gone. 

The  first  act  of  Parliament  was  to  enter  a  vigorous 
protest  against  the  Proclamation  of  Indulgence  which 
Charles  had  issued  about  a  year  before.  Essentially, 
this  was  an  extended  use  of  the  right  of  pardon  which 
was  undoubtedly  inherent  in  the  Crown,  and  consisted 
in  the  suspension  of  all  penalties  against  Catholics  and 
other  dissenters  for  holding  their  religious  services. 
While  not  denying  the  royal  prerogative  of  mercy, 
Parliament  resolved  that  its  exercise  in  this  wholesale 
manner,  amounting  as  it  did  to  the  repeal,  at  the  sole 
will  of  the  king,  of  laws  on  the  statute  book  of  the 
nation,  was  unconstitutional,  and  could  not  be  allowed. 

Charles  fought  hard  for  his  Declaration,  and  actually 
went  down  to  Parliament  himself  in  person  to  use  all 
his  influence  on  its  behalf.  He  spoke  for  it  ably  and  feel- 
ingly, and,  when  he  saw  that  prejudice  was  still  strong 
against  him,  went  on  to  attempt  to  quell  the  rising 
storm  by  personal  authority.  '  I  shall  take  it  very  ill/ 
he  told  the  Commons, '  to  receive  contradiction  in  what 
I  have  done.  And  I  will  deal  plainly  with  you  ;  I  am 
resolved  to  stick  to  my  Declaration.'  The  position 
was  an  awkward  one,  for  the  king's  action,  though  un- 
precedented on  so  large  a  scale,  was  admittedly  in 
accordance  with  his  rights.  If  Catholics  had  been  left 
out  of  the  matter  there  would  have  been  little  opposi- 
tion, but  anti-Catholic  bigotry  was  the  life-breath  of 
the  Church  party.  The  Commons  at  length  carried  by 
168  to  116  an  utterly  illogical  resolution,  '  That  penal 


VIOLENT  STOKMS  AND  A  HAPPY  ENDING     211 

statutes  in  matters  ecclesiastical  cannot  be  suspended, 
but  by  Act  of  Parliament/  and  followed  it  up  by  a 
respectful  petition  to  the  king  to  allow  the  laws  of  the 
realm  once  more  to  take  their  course. 

For  Parliament  alone  Charles  cared  but  little,  since 
they  had  already  voted  the  requisite  supplies  for  the 
carrying  on  of  the  war.  They  could  now  easily  be  got 
rid  of  by  the  simple  process  of  dissolution.  But  he 
found  himself  face  to  face  with  treachery  among  his 
ministers.  Shaftesbury,  now  lord  chancellor,  went 
over  openly  to  the  other  side,  and  Colbert  wrote  to 
Louis  that  Arlington  had  followed  suit.  In  this  he 
was  possibly  mistaken,  but  the  story  had  its  effect  in 
France.  True  to  his  invariable  practice  of  always  sub- 
ordinating religious  to  political  advantage,  Louis  wrote 
to  press  Charles  to  abandon  the  Indulgence,  for  he 
feared  the  loss  of  his  ally.  Let  him  yield  for  the 
moment,  he  wrote,  to  the  popular  will,  and  take  up  the 
matter  again  under  the  prestige  that  would  accompany 
the  successful  close  of  the  war.  If  he  would  do  that, 
Louis  would  help,  when  the  opportunity  came,  even 
more  decisively  than  he  had  already  promised  to  do. 

Finding  himself  utterly  alone,  opposed  not  only  by 
Parliament  but  by  his  own  ministers  and  his  own  ally ; 
with  even  the  dissenters,  who  had  benefited  by  his 
action,  ranged  against  him  through  their  hatred  of 
popery,  and  led  by  his  own  lord  chancellor ;  Charles 
yielded  to  the  storm.  He  went  down  to  the  House 
and  withdrew  his  Declaration.  The  priest-catcher  and 
the  informer,  the  hangman  and  the  quarterer,  the  burn- 
ing of  bowels  while  the  victim  still  lived,  and  the  public 
exhibition  of  heads  and  fragments  of  slaughtered  priests, 
all  the  hateful  concomitants  of  the  existing  penal  laws, 
were  once  more  brought  into  action.  London  was 

F  2 


212  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

beside  itself  with  joy,  and  bonfires  were  lighted  all  over 
the  town. 

The  victory,  however,  was  not  enough  to  satisfy 
the  general  bigotry,  and  Parliament  went  on,  doubtless 
on  account  of  James'  absence  from  the  altar  the  pre- 
ceding Christmas,  to  introduce  a  '  Test  Bill ' ;  providing 
that  all  who  held  office  under  the  Crown  should  receive 
Holy  Communion  in  the  Anglican  Church  within  one 
month,  or  at  once  resign  their  offices.  This  Bill  passed 
the  Commons  just  before  Easter ;  in  fact,  upon  Easter 
Eve,  March  29,  1673 ;  and  the  greatest  excitement  pre- 
vailed in  consequence  to  see  whether  the  duke  would 
or  would  not  present  himself  with  the  king  for  Com- 
munion on  the  following  day.  Evelyn  went  on  purpose 
to  Whitehall,  and  was  terribly  shocked  and  upset  when 
he  found  that  the  duke  did  not  communicate.  *  It 
gave,'  he  tells  us,  '  exceeding  grief  and  scandal  to  the 
whole  nation  that  the  heir  of  it,  and  the  son  of  a 
martyr  for  the  Protestant  religion,  should  thus  aposta- 
tise. What  the  consequence  of  this  will  be,  God  only 
knows,  and  wise  men  dread.' 

After  this  scandal  the  passing  of  the  Test  Act 
followed  as  a  matter  of  course,  feeling  running  so  high 
that  the  king  dared  not  refuse  -his  assent.  By  this  Act 
James,  who  could  not  comply  with  the  test  required — 
a  test  more  or  less  identical  with  that  still  required  of 
the  sovereign  at  his  accession,  though  nowadays  of  no 
one  else — was  forced  to  resign  the  post  of  lord  high 
admiral;  and  the  popular  alarm  was  enormously  in- 
creased when  Lord  Clifford,  the  lord  high  treasurer, 
was  also  obliged  to  refuse  to  comply,  and  other  lesser 
folk  similarly  resigned  their  posts. 

Not  unnaturally  people  lost  their  heads  and  began 
to  suspect  Jesuit  intrigues  and  Popish  plots  in  all 


VIOLENT   STORMS   AND  A  HAPPY  ENDING     213 

kinds  of  unlikely  places,  a  state  of  mind  which  was  not 
altered  for  the  better  by  the  news  which  reached 
England  in  October  of  the  same  year.  This  was  that 
the  Duke  of  York,  about  whom  nobody  had  suspected 
anything  of  the  kind  since  he  had  never  left  London, 
had  been  actually  married  by  proxy  on  September  20 
to  Mary,  the  young  daughter  of  the  reigning  Duke  of 
Modena ;  who  was,  of  course,  a  Catholic.  Up  to  that 
moment  people  had  comforted  themselves  with  the 
thought  that,  even  if  James  should  survive  his  brother, 
and  so  there  should  be  a  Catholic  king  once  more  upon 
the  throne,  it  could  not,  in  the  nature  of  things,  last 
very  long.  After  him  would  come  his  daughter  Mary, 
herself  a  staunch  Protestant,  and  married  to  one,  like 
herself,  utterly  beyond  suspicion  of  any  Popish  leanings. 
Now,  however,  there  seemed  to  be  every  prospect  of  a 
son  being  born  to  James  by  this  second  wife,  '  the 
Pope's  eldest  daughter,'  as  men  told  each  other  she 
really  was.  The  right  of  such  a  son  to  the  throne 
would,  of  course,  take  precedence  over  that  of  his 
elder  sisters.  There  would  in  that  case  be  a  Catholic 
dynasty  to  reign  over  a  nation  at  heart  almost  entirely 
Protestant. 

In  the  general  atmosphere  of  intrigue  and  mystery 
nothing  seemed  incredible  or  impossible,  and  no  tale 
was  too  far-fetched  to  find  believers.  Men  went  abso- 
lutely wild  with  apprehension,  and  lost  all  power  of 
considering  evidence  or  forming  a  reasonable  judgment. 
The  hour  produced  the  man,  and  Titus  Gates  and  the 
horrors  of  the  Catholic  persecution  were  the  natural 
and,  perhaps,  the  inevitable  result.  Charles'  chance  of 
openly  declaring  his  religion  became  more  hopelessly 
remote  than  at  any  previous  time. 

There  is  no  need  for  us  to  deal  at  length  with  the 


214  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

terrible  and  humiliating  story  of  the  fictitious  '  Popish 
plot.'  The  events  of  that  period  naturally  fill  a  Catholic 
writer  with  an  indignation  against  his  countrymen 
which  is  almost  beyond  words ;  but  we  need  not  go 
to  express  our  feelings  beyond  the  admissions  which 
have  been  made  by  the  greatest  of  Whig  historians. 
Shaftesbury  is  throughout  the  devil  of  the  piece — one 
of  the  most  satanic  figures  in  English  history.  Panic 
may  be  some  excuse  for  Englishmen  at  large,  but 
Shaftesbury  did  not  share  in  the  panic,  and  deliberately 
fanned  the  flames  of  hatred.  Gates'  story  was  only  '  a 
hideous  romance  resembling  rather  the  dreams  of  a 
sick  man  than  any  transaction  which  ever  took  place 
in  the  real  world.'  Standing  alone  '  it  would  not  have 
sufficed  to  destroy  the  humblest  of  those  whom  he  had 
accused.' l  Shaftesbury  had  to  supply  other  witnesses, 
and  he  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  them  for  a  considera- 
tion. '  Soon  from  all  the  brothels,  gambling-houses, 
and  sponging-houses  of  London  false  witnesses  poured, 
forth  to  swear  away  the  lives  of  Koman  Catholics.' 
.  That  he  knew  their  witness  to  be  false  and  their 
victims  utterly  innocent  was  to  Shaftesbury  or  to 
Buckingham  less  than  nothing.  '  It  was  a  romance 
which  served  their  turn,  and  to  'their  seared  consciences 
the  death  of  an  innocent  man  gave  no  more  uneasiness 
than  the  death  of  a  partridge.' 

At  no  time  in  our  history  had  the  administration  of 
justice  fallen  so  low  or  been  so  shamelessly  partial  as 
it  was  in  these  years.  The  judge  on  the  bench  indulged 
in  all  the  onesidedness  and  far  more  than  the  violence 
of  the  counsel  for  the  prosecution.  '  The  juries  par- 
took of  the  feelings  then  common  throughout  the 
nation,  and  were  encouraged  by  the  bench  to  indulge 
1  Macaulay,  Hist,  of  England,  chap.  ii. 


VIOLENT   STORMS  AND  A   HAPPY  ENDING     215 

those  feelings  without  restraint.  The  multitude 
applauded  Gates  and  his  confederates,  hooted  and 
pelted  the  witnesses  who  appeared  on  behalf  of  the 
accused,  and  shouted  with  joy  when  the  verdict  of 
guilty  was  pronounced.  It  was  in  vain  that  the 
sufferers  appealed  to  the  respectability  of  their  past 
lives,  for  the  public  mind  was  possessed  with  the  belief 
that  the  more  conscientious  a  Papist  was  the  more 
likely  he  must  be  to  plot  against  a  Protestant  govern- 
ment. It  was  in  vain  that,  just  before  the  cart 
passed  from  under  their  feet,  they  resolutely  affirmed 
their  innocence,  for  the  general  opinion  was  that  a 
good  Papist  considered  all  lies  which  were  serviceable 
to  his  Church  as  not  only  excusable,  but  meritorious.' 1 

If  it  should  be  thought  by  anyone  that  Macaulay's 
words,  Whig  though  he  was,  are  over  strong,  a  very 
brief  study  of  the  actual  records  of  the  '  State  Trials ' 
of  the  period  will  very  soon  disabuse  him  of  any  such 
idea.  Take,  for  example,  the  case  of  William  Atkins, 
a  poor  old  man  of  eighty  years  of  age,  for  six  years 
before  that  paralysed,  bedridden,  quite  deaf,  and  nearly 
speechless.  He  was  accused  of  high  treason,  '  for  that 
being  a  seminary  priest  he  was  in  the  country.'  That 
was  all ;  there  was  no  kind  of  charge  of  any  overt  act, 
nor  was  any  evidence  adduced  except  to  show  that  he 
had  acted  as  a  priest.  Here  is  the  summing  up  of 
Lord  Chief-Justice  Scroggs  against  him,  as  given  in 
the  official  record : — 

'  L.C.-J. — Look  you,  gentlemen  of  the  jury.  Here 
is  as  full  and  as  positive  an  evidence  as  can  be  against 
the  prisoner.  The  two  first  witnesses,  Wilder  and 
Jarvis,  are  positive.  Wilder  swears  he  heard  him  say 
his  prayers  in  an  unknown  tongue ;  and,  further,  says 

1  Macaulay,  Hist,  of  England,  chap,  ii. 


216  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

that  he  gave  the  sacrament  to  seven  or  eight  according 
to  the  manner  of  the  Church  of  Borne  in  a  wafer  at 
Mrs.  Stanford's  house  in  Wolverhampton.  Jarvis,  the 
other  witness,  swears  he  hath  been  at  confession  with 
him,  and  hath  oftentimes  received  the  sacrament  of 
him.  Here  are  two  other  honest  men  that  speak  very 
full  as  to  circumstances,  so  that,  in  the  whole,  you 
cannot  have  a  more  clear  evidence  ;  and,  gentlemen, 
I  must  tell  you,  it  is  to  these  sorts  of  men  we  owe  all 
the  troubles  and  hazards  we  are  in,  the  fear  of  the 
king's  life,  the  subversion  of  our  government,  and  the 
loss  of  our  religion.  It  is  notorious  by  what  they  have 
done,  that  they  are  departed  from  the  meekness  and 
simplicity  of  Christ's  doctrine  and  would  bring  in  a 
religion  of  blood  and  tyranny  amongst  us.  As  if  God 
Almighty  were  some  omnipotent  mischief  that  delighted 
and  would  be  served  with  the  sacrifices  of  human  blood ! 
I  need  not  say  more  to  you,  the  matter's  plain.  I  think 
you  need  not  stir  from  the  bar  ;  but  do  as  you  will. 

'  Cl.  of  Arr. — Is  he  guilty  of  the  high  treason  whereof 
he  stands  indicted,  or  not  guilty  ?  Jury. — Guilty. 

'He  received  the  sentence  usual  in  cases  of  high 
treason/ l 

Or,  again,  take  the  charge  to  the  jury  of  the  same 
Chief-Justice  Scroggs  in  the  case  of  Father  Ireland, 
with  Pickering  and  Grove  : — 

'What  shall  I  judge  of  these  men?  when  they 
have  licences  to  lie  and  indulgences  for  falsehoods; 
nay,  when  they  can  make  him  a  saint  that  dies  in  one, 
and  then  pray  to  him.  .  .  .  They  eat  their  God,  they 
kill  their  king,  and  saint  the  murderer.  They  indulge 
all  sorts  of  sins  and  no  human  bonds  can  hold  them.  .  .  . 
They  have  not  the  principles  that  we  have,  therefore 

1  Cobbett,  State  Trials,  vii.  726. 


VIOLENT   STORMS  AND  A  HAPPY  ENDING     217 

they  are  not  to  have  that  common  credence  which  our 
principles  and  practices  call  for.' 

Or,  again,  after  the  verdict  of  high  treason,  a 
foregone  conclusion  after  his  violent  oration,  was  duly 
found :  *  L.C.-J. — You  have  done,  gentlemen,  like  very 
good  subjects  and  very  good  Christians,  that  is  to  say, 
like  very  good  Protestants,  and  much  good  may  their 
30,000  masses  do  them.' 1 

So,  one  by  one,  during  the  slow  agony  of  four  dismal 
years,  Catholics  passed,  wholly  innocent  though  they 
were  of  all  thought  of  evil,  to  the  long-drawn  horrors 
of  their  end ;  a  noble  and  a  venerable  band.  They 
were  of  all  ranks  and  ages  —  from  gentle  Thomas 
Pickering,  the  Benedictine  lay  brother,  to  the  provincial 
of  the  Jesuits,  and  to  William  Howard,  Lord  Stafford, 
who  was  a  peer  of  the  realm.  And  over  all  alike,  with 
added  taunts  and  savage  gibes  from  the  convicting 
judge,  was  pronounced  the  same  terrible  sentence : 
'  That  you  be  conveyed  from  hence  to  the  place  from 
whence  you  came,  and  from  there  be  drawn  to  the 
place  of  execution  upon  hurdles.  That  you  be  there 
hanged  by  the  neck.  That  you  be  cut  down  alive.  .  .  ,a 
That  your  bowels  be  taken  out  and  burnt  in  your  view. 
That  your  head  be  severed  from  your  body ;  that  your 
body  be  divided  into  four  quarters,  and  your  quarters 
to  be  at  the  disposition  of  the  king.  And  the  God  of 
infinite  mercy  be  merciful  to  your  soul.  Amen.' 3 

During  those  miserable  years,  we  only  now  and 
then  get  a  glimpse  of  what  the  king  was  really  think- 
ing. To  his  Court  he  took  refuge  behind  the  mask  of 
a  scepticism  that  scoffed  at  all  religion ;  to  drown  his 

1  Cobbett,  State  Trials,  vii.  p.  136. 

2  Et  prcBcidantur  gemtalia  tua. 

3  State  Trials,  ii.  911. 


218  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

thoughts  he  plunged  into  the  one  vice  that  amused 
him,  and  he  seemed  to  the  world  at  large  to  have  found 
all  that  he  desired.  He  made  efforts,  more  or  less 
feebly,  to  shield  the  victims  of  Gates'  and  Bedloe's 
perjuries;  but  sooner  or  later  always  yielded  to  the 
storm  and  signed  the  warrants  for  their  execution.  A 
refusal  in  the  then  temper  of  the  nation  would,  no 
doubt,  only  have  led  to  more  extensive  bloodshed,  and 
it  was  probably  in  this  way  that  he  satisfied  his 
conscience,  and  forced  himself  to  act  as  he  did ;  but 
the  excuse  is,  at  best,  a  poor  one.  Most  men  imagined 
that  he  cared  so  little  about  serious  things  that  he 
could  do  all  this  with  a  light  heart  as  well  as  a  smiling 
face ;  but  now  and  again  the  veil  is  lifted,  and  we  get 
a  glimpse  of  his  real  feelings.  Take,  as  an  instance, 
the  pathetic  story  of  the  king,  when  safe  from  obser- 
vation in  the  queen's  apartments,  going  from  one  to 
another  of  the  pictures  of  the  five  Jesuits  who  had 
been  put  to  death,  kissing  their  hands,  and  saying  that 
he  knew  they  were  innocent  of  the  crime  which  had 
been  laid  to  their  charge,  that  where  they  were  now 
they  knew  that  he  had  only  acted  under  force,  and  that 
he  trusted  he  might  not  be  held  guilty  of  their  innocent 
blood.1 

Things  brightened  for  him,  no  doubt,  before  the 
end,  and  in  the  strong  reaction  which  followed  on  the 
fall  of  Shaftesbury  and  the  discovery  by  the  nation  of 
the  way  in  which  it  had  been  duped,  Charles  got 
nearer  to  his  ideal  of  absolute  government  than  any 
other  English  sovereign  has  ever  managed  to  do.  Louis, 
who  all  through  played  callously  for  his  own  hand, 
regardless  of  the  interests  of  Catholicism,  or,  indeed, 
of  any  interests  but  his  own,  had  held  aloof  from 
1  Foley,  Jesuit  Records,  xii. 


VIOLENT  STORMS  AND  A  HAPPY  ENDING     219 

Charles  in  his  time  of  trouble,  and  had  even  gone  so 
far  as  to  suborn  the  Whig  leaders,  including  Lord 
Russell  and  Algernon  Sydney,  with  gifts  of  French 
money.  Now  that  Charles'  star  was  again  in  the 
ascendant,  he  gave  up  this  policy,  and  once  more 
entered  into  close  relations  with  him.  In  1681  a  secret 
agreement  was  again  arrived  at,  but  it  was  never  put 
into  writing,  and  the  precise  terms  have  never  been 
known.  It  does  not  seem,  however,  to  have  included 
any  provision  calling  upon  Charles  to  fulfil  his  promise 
of  1670  and  declare  his  Catholicism.  That  he  should 
do  so  was  of  no  advantage  to  Louis ;  nor,  from  a 
worldly  point  of  view,  were  the  times  even  then  pro- 
pitious. Charles  drifted  on,  in  the  way  that  by  this 
time  had  become  a  second  nature,  still  holding  to 
Catholicism  as  the  one  and  only  true  religion,  and  yet 
never,  even  in  conversation  with  his  closest  friends, 
making  any  effort  to  make  his  faith  effective.  The 
Duke  of  York,  who  would  have  known,  one  would 
suppose,  if  any  man  did,  how  matters  stood,  thought 
that  he  had  altogether  given  up  religion,  and  that  all 
desire  to  be  a  Catholic  had  become  for  him  a  mere 
memory  of  the  past.  Then  suddenly  came  the  crisis, 
and  on  February  2,  1685,  London  was  startled  with 
the  news  that  the  king  was  dying. 

The  Anglican  prelates  did  their  duty,  and  came  to 
Whitehall  to  exhort  Charles  and  to  prepare  him  for 
his  end.  Sancroft  and  Ken,  one  after  another,  did  their 
best  to  induce  him  to  realise  the  gravity  of  his  state. 
Charles  listened  to  all  they  had  to  say,  said  he  was 
sorry  for  all  that  he  had  done  amiss,  but  could  not  be 
induced  to  allow  any  further  ministrations.  When 
pressed  to  say  that  he  died  in  the  Church  of  England, 
he  turned  away  his  head,  and  seemed  not  to  hear  or 


220  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

understand  what  was  being  said.  A  table  with  bread 
and  wine  was  brought  and  put  by  his  bedside,  but  he 
could  not  be  persuaded  to  let  the  sacrament  be  adminis- 
tered. *  There  was  time  enough  for  that,'  he  said,  and 
when  he  was  pressed  again,  he  said  he  was  too  weak 
to  receive  it  then,  and  must  wait  till  he  felt  stronger. 

It  is  a  clear  proof  how  completely  James  was  out 
of  touch  with  his  brother's  mind,  and  how  entirely  he 
had  given  up  all  hope  of  ever  seeing  him  a  Catholic, 
that  these  indications  passed  him  quite  unheeded. 
Others  outside  the  sick  room  were  more  alert.  The 
queen  sent  down  to  the  Duchess  of  York  begging  that 
something  might  be  done,  but  James  thought  it  useless 
to  broach  the  subject.  Pere  Mansuete,  the  duke's  con- 
fessor, sent  a  message  also,  but  it  is  not  certain  that  it 
ever  reached  him.  God  works  sometimes  through 
strange  instruments,  and  the  person  who  actually  was 
the  cause  of  Charles  seeing  a  priest  was  no  other 
than  Louise  de  la  Kerouaille,  Duchess  of  Portsmouth 
and  paramour  of  the  king. 

Barillon,  the  French  ambassador,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Colbert,  or  rather  Kuvigny,  some  years  before, 
finding  time  hang  heavy  in  the  ante-rooms  at  Whitehall, 
paid  the  duchess  a  visit.  He' found  her  overwhelmed 
with  sorrow,  but  she  would  not  speak  of  her  own  grief, 
for  other  things  were  of  more  pressing  importance. 
She  took  him  into  a  private  room,  and  told  him  she 
was  going  to  let  him  into  '  the  greatest  secret  in  all 
the  world,'  and  that  her  own  head  would  be  in  danger 
if  it  were  known  what  she  was  doing.  *  The  king,' 
said  she,  '  is  a  Catholic  at  the  bottom  of  his  heart  and 
no  one  is  helping  him.'  She  implored  Barillon  to  go 
at  once  to  the  Duke  of  York,  and  to  beg  him  to  do 
what  he  could  to  save  the  king's  soul.  '  Go,'  she  said, 


VIOLENT  STORMS  AND  A   HAPPY  ENDING     221 

'  as  quickly  as  you  can,  for  if  you  delay  it  will  be  too 
late.' 

Barillon  hurried  at  once  to  the  duke,  and  told  him 
what  the  Duchess  of  Portsmouth  had  said  to  him. 
James  started  as  if  waking  from  a  sleep,  and  said, 
*  You  are  right :  there  is  no  time  to  lose ;  I  will  risk 
everything  rather  than  fail  in  my  duty  on  this  occasion/ 
He  went  at  once  into  the  sick-room,  leaving  Barillon 
waiting ;  but  it  was  by  no  means  easy  to  find  an  oppor- 
tunity to  say  what  he  wished,  for  it  is  no  part  of  the 
royal  prerogative  either  to  be  born  or  to  die  in  privacy, 
and  the  room  was  full  of  Protestants. 

At  last  he  determined  to  speak  to  the  king  in  their 
presence,  but  in  a  low  voice.  He  went  to  the  bed  and 
leant  over  it,  putting  his  face  close  to  the  king.  He 
had  to  repeat  his  words  two  or  three  times  before 
Charles  could  catch  them,  but  then  the  king  replied 
aloud  so  that  all  could  hear,  *  Yes,  with  all  my  heart ; 
with  all  my  heart.'  No  one  present  knew  that  by  those 
words  he  was  expressing  a  desire  to  be  reconciled  to 
the  Catholic  Church  before  his  death. 

A  fresh  difficulty  at  once  presented  itself.  How  was 
a  priest  to  be  obtained,  and  how  could  he  be  brought 
unrecognised  to  do  his  duty  at  the  king's  bedside.  Such 
action  by  the  laws  of  England  would  constitute  a  capital 
offence— to  reconcile  a  penitent  even  of  low  degree  with 
the  Catholic  Church  was  to  incur  the  penalties  of  high 
treason  with  all  its  ghastly  concomitants ;  and  though 
priests,  thank  God,  have  seldom  proved  deficient  in 
courage  when  duty  has  called  them,  it  is  not  every 
priest  who  is  always  ready  and  eager  for  a  martyr's 
death.  The  duchess'  priests  were  too  well  known,  and 
could  not  fail  to  be  recognised  ;  the  queen's  priests  were 
actually  in  the  palace,  having  come  to  ask  for  news,  but 


222  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

they  were  all  Portuguese,  and  not  one  of  them  could 
speak  English.  Then  someone,  probably  Count  Castel 
Melhor,  suggested  Dom  John  Hudleston,  so  obviously 
the  proper  man  for  the  purpose,  and  he  was  sent  for 
at  once  and  came  without  delay.  What  happened  after 
his  arrival  had  better  be  told  in  the  good  father's  own 
words  : 

'Upon  Thursday,  the  5th  of  February,  1685, 
between  seven  and  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  I  was 
sent  for  in  haste  to  the  queen's  backstairs  at  White- 
hall, and  desired  to  bring  with  me  all  things  necessary 
for  a  dying  person  ;  accordingly  I  came,  and  was 
ordered  not  to  stir  from  there  till  further  notice. 
Being  then  obliged  to  wait,  and  not  having  had  time 
to  bring  along  with  me  the  most  holy  sacrament  of 
the  altar,  I  was  in  some  anxiety  how  to  procure  it. 
In  this  conjecture,  the  Divine  Providence  so  disposing, 
Father  Bento  de  Lemos,  a  Portuguese,  came  thither, 
and,  understanding  the  circumstances  I  was  in, 
readily  proffered  to  go  to  St.  James's  l  and  bring  the 
most  holy  sacrament  along  with  him.' 

Meanwhile,  in  the  king's  bedroom  everyone  had 
been  asked  to  withdraw  except  the  Earl  of  Faversham 
and  the  Earl  of  Bath.  Botlfof  these  were  Protestants, 
but  James  thought  that  he  could  count  on  their  fidelity 
and  silence.  When  all  was  ready  the  other  door  was 
opened  and  Father  Hudleston  was  shown  in.  He  now 
once  more  takes  up  the  narrative. 

'  Soon  after  Father  Bento's  departure  I  was  called 
into  the  king's  bedchamber,  where,  approaching  to 
the  bedside  and  kneeling  down,  I  in  brief  presented 
his  majesty  with  what  service  I  could  perform  for 

That  is  to  the  duke's  little  chapel  in  the  palace.  The  queen's 
chapel  royal  was  closed. 


VIOLENT  STORMS  AND  A  HAPPY  ENDING     223 

God's  honour  and  the  happiness  of  his  soul  at  this  last 
moment  on  which  eternity  depends.  The  king  then 
declared  himself  that  he  desired  to  die  in  the  faith 
and  communion  of  the  Holy  Koman  Church ;  that 
he  was  most  heartily  sorry  for  all  the  sins  of  his  life 
past,  and  particularly  for  that  he  had  deferred  his 
reconciliation  so  long;  that  through  the  merits  of 
Christ's  passion  he  hoped  for  salvation ;  that  he  was 
in  charity  with  all  the  world ;  that  with  all  his  heart 
he  pardoned  his  enemies,  and  desired  pardon  of  all 
those  whom  he  had  any  ways  offended ;  and  that  if 
it  pleased  God  to  spare  him  longer  life  he  would 
amend  it,  detesting  all  sin. 

'  I  then  advertised  his  majesty  of  the  benefit 
and  necessity  of  the  sacrament  of  penance,  which 
advertisement  the  king,  most  willingly  embracing, 
made  an  exact  confession  of  his  whole  life  with 
exceeding  compunction  and  tenderness  of  heart, 
which  ended,  I  desired  him,  in  further  sign  of  repent- 
ance and  true  sorrow  for  his  sins,  to  say  with  me  this 
little  short  act  of  contrition  : 

1  "  0,  my  Lord  God,  with  my  whole  heart  and 
soul  I  detest  all  the  sins  of  my  life  past  for  the  love 
of  Thee,  Whom  I  love  above  all  things,  and  I  firmly 
purpose  by  Thy  holy  grace  never  to  offend  Thee 
more.  Amen,  sweet  Jesus,  amen.  Into  Thy  hands, 
sweet  Jesus,  I  commend  my  soul;  mercy,  sweet 
Jesus,  mercy." 

'This  he  pronounced  with  a  clear  and  audible 
voice,  which  done  and  his  sacramental  penance 
admitted,  I  gave  him  absolution.  After  some  time 
thus  spent  I  asked  his  majesty  if  he  did  not  also 
desire  to  have  the  other  sacraments  of  the  Holy  Church 
administered  to  him.  He  replied,  "  By  all  means  ;  I 


224  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

desire  to  be  partaker  of  all  the  help  and  succour 
necessary  and  expedient  for  a  Catholic  Christian  in 
my  condition."  I  added,  "And  doth  not  your 
majesty  also  desire  to  receive  the  most  precious  body 
and  blood  of  our  dear  Saviour,  Jesus  Christ,  in  the 
most  holy  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist  ? "  His 
answer  was  this  :  "  If  I  am  worthy,  pray  fail  not  to 
let  me  have  it."  I  then  told  him  it  would  be  brought 
to  him  very  speedily,  and  desired  his  majesty  that,  in 
the  interim,  he  would  give  me  leave  to  proceed  to  the 
sacrament  of  extreme  unction.  He  replied,  "  With 
all  my  heart."  I  then  anoyled  him,  which,  as  soon 
as  performed,  I  was  called  to  the  door,  whither  the 
blessed  sacrament  was  now  brought  and  delivered 
to  me. 

'Then  returning  to  the  king,  I  entreated  his 
majesty  that  he  would  prepare  and  dispose  himself  to 
receive,  at  which  the  king,  raising  himself,  said,  "  Let 
me  meet  my  heavenly  Lord  in  a  better  posture  than 
in  my  bed  " ;  but  I  humbly  begged  his  majesty  to 
repose  himself ;  God  Almighty,  who  saw  his  heart, 
would  accept  of  his  good  intentions.  The  king,  then, 
having  again  recited  the  pre-mentioned  act  of  con- 
trition with  me,  he  received-  the  most  holy  sacrament 
for  his  viaticum  with  all  the  symptoms  of  devotion 
imaginable.  The  communion  being  ended,  I  read 
the  usual  prayers,  termed  the  recommendation  of  the 
soul,  appointed  by  the  Church  for  Catholics  in  his 
condition.  After  which  the  king  desired  the  act  of 
contrition,  "  O  my  Lord  God,"  &c.,  to  be  repeated  ; 
this  done,  for  his  last  spiritual  encouragement  I  said : 
"  Your  majesty  hath  now  received  the  comfort  and 
benefit  of  all  the  sacraments  that  a  good  Christian, 
ready  to  depart  out  of  this  world,  can  have  or  desire. 


VIOLENT   STORMS   AND   A   HAPPY  ENDING      225 

Now  it  rests  only  that  you  think  upon  the  death  and 
passion  of  our  dear  Saviour,  Jesus  Christ,  of  which  I 
present  unto  you  this  figure  (showing  him  a  crucifix) ; 
lift  up  therefore  the  eyes  of  your  soul,  and  represent 
to  yourself  your  sweet  Saviour  here  crucified ;  bowing 
down  His  head  to  kiss  you  ;  His  arms  stretched  out 
to  embrace  you  ;  His  body  and  members  all  bloody 
and  pale  with  death  to  redeem  you ;  and  as  you  see 
Him  dead  and  fixed  upon  the  Cross  for  your  redemp- 
tion, so  have  His  remembrance  fixed  and  fresh  in 
your  heart ;  beseech  Him  with  all  humility  that  His 
most  precious  blood  may  not  be  shed  in  vain  for 
you ;  and  that  it  will  please  Him,  by  the  merits  of 
His  bitter  death  and  passion,  to  pardon  and  forgive 
you  all  your  offences,  and  finally  to  receive  your  soul 
into  His  blessed  hands ;  and  when  it  shall  please 
Him  to  take  it  out  of  this  transitory  world,  to  grant 
you  a  joyful  resurrection,  and  an  eternal  crown  of 
glory  in  the  next ;  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of 
the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost. — Amen." 

«  So,  recommending  his  majesty  on  my  knees, 
with  all  the  transport  of  devotion  I  was  able,  to  the 
Divine  mercy  and  protection,  I  withdrew  out  of  the 
chamber. 

'  In  testimony  of  all  which  I  have  hereunto 
subscribed  my  name, 

J.  HUDLESTON.' 

The  king  did  not  pass  away  at  once  after  he  had 
thus  received  the  last  sacraments.  He  lingered  on  till 
the  next  day,  apologising,  with  a  whimsical  pathos,  as 
all  will  remember,  to  those  who  stood  watching  around 
his  bed,  for  keeping  them  so  long  waiting  and  being 
'  such  an  unconscionable  time  in  dying.'  But  it  was 
plain  even  to  those,  like  Burnet,  who  most  strongly 

Q 


226  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

disapproved  of  his  action,  how  great  a  relief  his  sub- 
mission to  the  Catholic  Church  had  brought  to  his 
mind.  He  wins  back  for  himself,  by  the  dignity  and 
gentleness  of  his  closing  hours,  much  of  the  respect  his 
character  had  won  from  all  in  his  earlier  years,  but 
which  in  later  life  he  had  forfeited  by  his  irregular  life, 
his  indolence  and  his  timidity.  One  cannot  help 
feeling  that  the  faults  which  so  mar  his  reputation 
were  partly  the  result  of  his  miserable  religious 
position,  and  that,  had  he  had  the  courage  to  follow  his 
conscience  in  spite  of  possible  consequences  at  an 
earlier  period  of  his  reign,  he  would  probably  have 
lived  a  much  better  life  and  have  been  in  every  way  a 
far  happier  man.  If  any  are  still  inclined  to  form  a 
harsh  judgment  and  to  speak  unkindly  of  his  actions, 
it  must  be  admitted  that  there  is  no  lack  of  material 
for  censure.  It  is  easy  to  condemn,  and  even  to  despise 
him,  for  his  lack  of  courage  and  want  of  moral  fibre, 
but  we  ought  at  the  same  time  to  recognise  the  real 
difficulties  of  the  position,  and  perhaps  to  wonder 
whether  we  ourselves,  if  we  had  been  placed  in  cir- 
cumstances as  difficult,  would  have  passed  through  the 
ordeal  so  much  more  creditably  than  did  the  king. 


BOOK  III 

THE   MYSTEEY   SOLVED 

CHAPTER 

I.     THE  MOCK  ASTROLOGER 
H.     OBJECTIONS  AND  EXPLANATIONS 


Q2 


229 


CHAPTEE  I 

THE   MOCK  ASTBOLOGEB 

'  IT  is  so  certain,'  wrote  Lord  Acton,  *  that  it  was  not  the 
real  James  Stuart  who  died  at  Naples  in  1669,  that  it 
is  worth  while  to  institute  an  inquiry  as  to  the  probable 
events  of  his  subsequent  career.' 1 

We  lose  sight  of  him,  it  will  be  remembered,  at 
Eome  in  the  early  part  of  December  1668.  His  arrival 
at  Home  is  proved  by  the  survival  among  the  Jesuit 
archives  of  the  letter  from  Charles  II.  to  the  general, 
of  which  he  was  the  bearer.  From  that  point  nothing 
whatever  of  his  further  adventures  has  hitherto  been 
known ;  his  name  figures  no  more  in  the  books  of  the 
Society,  and,  if  we  ever  discover  more  about  his  later 
life,  we  shall  no  doubt  find  him  passing  under  yet 
another  name. 

That  he  returned  to  England  and  to  his  father's 
court  without  delay  seems  clear  from  the  fact  that  the 
answer  to  Charles'  inquiry  must  have  arrived  in  London 
before  January  25,  1669.  For  it  was  on  that  day  that 
the  great  meeting  was  held  in  St.  James's  Palace — 
when  the  hope  of  being  privately  received  into  the 
Church  was  definitely  abandoned,  and  a  bolder  and 
more  straightforward  policy  was  finally  chosen  and  set 
in  action. 

1  Lord  Acton,  Hist.  Essays,  p.  108. 


230  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

When  the  viceroy  of  Naples  wrote  to  Charles  II. 
about  the  man  who  was  claiming  to  be  his  son,  it  took 
some  six  weeks  for  the  answer  to  arrive.  The  period, 
therefore,  of  nine  weeks  which  elapsed  between  Novem- 
ber 18,  1668— the  day  on  which  the  king's  letter  was 
written — and  January  25,  1669,  would  be  just  about 
enough  to  allow  of  a  fairly  comfortable  journey  to  Borne 
and  back,  with  a  reasonable  stay  at  Rome  while  the 
business  was  being  transacted.  If  the  messenger 
travelled,  as  no  doubt  he  would,  especially  on  the  home- 
ward journey,  by  the  ordinary  communications,  he 
might  have  been  expected  to  arrive  by  the  weekly 
packet  which  crossed  from  Calais  to  Dover  every 
Wednesday.  That  would  have  brought  him  to  London 
on  the  19th  or  20th  of  January,  a  date  which  would 
suit  our  theory  very  well,  as  it  would  give  time  for 
consideration  and  for  planning  the  new  policy  before 
the  meeting  was  called  for  the  Monday  following. 

Now  it  appears  from  one  of  Charles'  letters  to 
Madame,  written  on  January  20, 1669,  that  a  mysterious 
messenger  actually  did  arrive  at  Whitehall  on  the 
evening  of  that  day — a  messenger  who  may  very  well 
have  been  no  other  than  James  Stuart.  '  I  had  written 
thus  far,'  writes  the  king,  <  when  I  received  yours  by 
the  Italian,  whose  name  and  capacity  you  do  not  know, 
and  he  delivered  your  letter  to  me  in  a  passage,  where 
it  was  so  dark  as  I  do  not  know  his  face  again  if  I  see 
him ;  so  as  the  man  is  likely  to  succeed,  when  his 
recommendation  and  reception  are  so  suitable  to  one 
another ! ' 

In  considering  this  letter  and  all  the  letters  that 
follow,  it  must  always  be  remembered  that  we  are 
dealing  with  an  intricate  negotiation  in  which  no  one 
of  the  players  is  laying  all  his  cards  upon  the  table. 


THE  MOCK   ASTROLOGER  231 

We  have,  therefore,  always  to  consider,  before  we  go 
on  to  interpret  the  meaning  of  any  document,  how 
much  knowledge  was  possessed  by  the  writer  and  the 
recipient  respectively,  and  what  in  consequence  was  the 
impression  that  the  document  was  intended  to  produce. 
It  may  be  well,  therefore,  before  going  further,  to  pause 
to  consider  exactly  what  amount  of  knowledge  was 
possessed  by  each  individual  at  this  juncture,  in  order 
that  we  may  be  able  in  each  case  duly  to  apply  the 
necessary  personal  equation. 

No  one  at  all  in  England,  except  only  the  king  and 
James  Stuart,1  knew  anything  as  yet  of  Charles'  inten- 
tions. The  Duke  of  York  and  the  others  were  to  learn 
them  on  January  25,  and  to  be  led  to  think  they  had 
to  some  extent  themselves  inspired  them.  In  France 
Charles'  intentions  were  known  to  Madame,  and  in  a 
rather  less  degree  to  Louis  XIV.  Possibly  they  were 
also  known  to  some  extent  to  Lionne,  the  foreign 
secretary,  and  to  Henrietta  Maria,  the  queen-mother  of 
England.  Colbert  de  Croissy  knows  nothing,  except 
that  his  master  is  anxious  to  draw  England  into  an 
alliance  against  the  Dutch.  Montagu,  the  English 
ambassador  in  Paris,  knows  nothing  at  all — or,  at 
most,  has  a  knowledge  that  a  commercial  treaty 
between  France  and  England  is  on  the  tapis.  No 
one,  except  Charles  himself  and  perhaps  his  wife  and 
mother,  has  even  heard  of  the  existence  of  James 
Stuart ;  nor,  since  that  young  man  has  now  resolved 
to  live  and  die  a  Jesuit,  has  Charles  any  motive  for 
revealing  his  parentage  in  the  future.  Madame,  in 
particular,  it  must  be  remembered,  has  never  heard  of 

1  Letter  of  December  27,  1668,  Charles  to  Madame :  '  I  assure  you 
that  nobody  does,  nor  shall,  know  anything  of  it  here,  but  myself  and 
that  one  person  more.' 


#*, 


fe' 


232  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

him ;  nor  has  Charles,  much  as  he  trusted  her  in  every 
other  way,  any  intention  of  enlightening  her  in  this 
matter. 

Bearing  all  this  in  mind  we  go  back  to  Charles' 

letter.     *  The  Italian '  need  not  mean  more  than   '  a 

messenger    coming    from  Italy.'      The  use  of  veiled 

language,  which  will  be  intelligible  to  the  recipient, 

but  misleading  to  others,  is  constant  in  these  letters ; 

and,  indeed,  a  great  part  of  them  is  written  in  actual 

cypher.      We  have,  then,  a  messenger  from  Italy,  of 

whose    name    and    capacity    Madame    was    in  total 

ignorance,  calling  upon  her  at  Paris   on  his  way  to 

England,  and  showing  such  credentials  as  induced  her 

forthwith  to  entrust  him  with  an   extremely   private 

letter  to  her  brother — a  letter  so  private  that  it  could 

not  be  sent  in  the  ordinary  way   through   the   post. 

These  '  recommendations  '  were  themselves  '  dark  '  and 

secret,  such  as  would  be  a  source  of  danger  were  they 

made  known.     Taken   in   conjunction   with   the  fact 

that  he  came  from  Italy,  this  suggests  either  the  Pope 

or  the  general  of  the  Jesuits  as  their  author.     It  will 

be  noticed  that  Charles  does  not  actually  say  that  he 

does  not  know  the  messenger  by  sight,  though  perhaps 

his  words  were  meant  to  suggest  this,  but  only  that, 

so  far  as  any  knowledge  gained  by  that  interview  went, 

he  would  not  know  him  again. 

The  date  and  description  fit  so  well  with  the  missing 
'  Mr.  James  de  la  Cloche,  Jesuit,'  that  we  can  hardly 
be  thought  rash  if  we  assume  the  identity  and  consider 
that  we  have  once  more  picked  up  the  lost  trail.  Here, 
then,  we  will  suppose  we  have  James  Stuart  arrived  in 
London,  travelling  under  a  name  which  we  do  not 
know,  and  lying  hidden  in  some  friendly  house  in 
London  until  fresh  arrangements  could  be  made  for 


THE   MOCK  ASTROLOGER  233 

him.  Such  arrangements  would  have  to  be  made  if 
he  were  to  be  able  to  see  his  father  frequently.  An 
occasional  interview  in  a  dark  passage  might  no  doubt 
be  managed  without  much  difficulty ;  but  Charles 
wanted  more  than  that,  so  some  means  of  covering 
up  his  presence  would  have  to  be  contrived. 

Just  at  this  juncture  a  new  play,  '  The  Mocke 
Astrologer/  was  being  acted  at  the  king's  playhouse 
and  attracting  a  certain  amount  of  attention.  Mr. 
Pepys  went  to  see  it  on  March  8,  but  was  not  very 
favourably  impressed.  It  was  adapted  from  a  comedy 
of  Calderon,  *  El  Astrologo  Fingido,'  through  a  French 
edition  by  Thomas  Corneille,  younger  brother  of  the 
greater  Pierre.  The  plot  is  based  upon  the  assumption 
of  the  role  of  an  astrologer  by  a  friend  of  certain  lovers 
whose  affairs  were  going  wrong,  in  order  to  work  upon 
the  superstitions  of  an  obdurate  father  arid  thus  extort 
from  him  an  unwilling  assent.  The  only  other  point 
in  the  play  which  is  important  for  our  purpose  is  that 
the  lover  in  question,  though  supposed  to  have  gone  to 
France,  was  really  lying  hidden  at  a  friendly  house, 
hoping  that,  according  to  the  old  proverb,  his  absence 
would  make  his  lady's  heart  grow  fonder. 

This  play  seems  to  have  given  Charles  the  idea 
which  was  actually  carried  out.  Why  should  not 
James  Stuart  pose  as  an  astrologer,  sent  by  the  French 
Court  to  Charles ;  or,  better  still,  recommended  by 
Monmouth,  who  had  just  lately  come  back  from 
France,  and  could  easily  be  made  to  enter  thus  far  into 
the  plot  without  being  told  anything  more  about  it  ? 
And  why,  again,  should  he  not  lie  hid  in  London,  until 
such  time  as  imaginary  letters  of  introduction  could  be 
obtained  from  France,  which  he  could  take  to  Colbert, 
posing  as  a  new  arrival  from  that  country  ?  He  should 


234  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

come  as  an  ecclesiastic,  for  priests  who  dabbled  in 
astrology  were  not  rare  in  France,  and  it  would  make 
the  practice  of  his  religion  a  simple  matter  ;  he  should 
have  an  Italian  name,  since  he  had  come  from  Italy, 
and  it  was  there  that  astrology  flourished  most ;  and, 
lastly,  since  he  was  a  Jesuit,  a  name  just  then  much 
suspected  in  England,  and  since  Benedictines  and 
'  Seminaries  '  were  not  in  much  better  odour,  let  him 
call  himself  a  Theatine,  a  comparatively  small  Italian 
Order  scarcely  known  in  England  either  for  good  or 
evil,  under  colour  of  whose  name  Jesuits  at  that  time 
were  not  infrequently  wont  to  pass. 

It  will  be  seen  at  once  how  cleverly  this  plan  fits 
the  requirements  of  the  case.  A  home  is  found  for 
James  at  the  French  Embassy,  where  he  would  have 
what  was  so  difficult  to  obtain  for  him  in  London  at 
that  time — free  access  to  a  church  of  his  own  religion. 
He  could  visit  the  king  at  Whitehall  at  all  times  under 
the  guise  of  an  astrologer  who  could  predict  the  future, 
and  a  scientist  who  could  help  the  king  in  his  experi- 
ments in  chemistry.  At  the  same  time,  there  was  no 
danger  of  arousing  Colbert's  suspicions  or  jealousy,  for 
he  would  believe  that  James  Stuart  was  acting  as  an 
agent  of  France,  and  that  Charles  was  being  duped  by 
his  superstitions  into  an  alliance  of  which  in  his  heart 
he  strongly  disapproved.  The  whole  situation  would 
be  full  of  humour,  a  comedy  after  Charles'  own  heart, 
where  he  alone  would  be  in  possession  of  all  the  secrets, 
of  the  piece,  and  could  pull  the  strings  and  make  the 
puppets  dance,  as  things  developed  at  his  own  sweet  will. 

There  is  no  evidence  extant  that  Charles  wrote  to 
Louis  at  this  time,  but  the  events  that  follow  seem  to 
imply  a  more  or  less  detailed  communication  on  the 
lines  given  above.  The  next  mail  for  France  after 


THE   MOCK  ASTROLOGER  235 

January  25  left  on  the  28th,  and  would  be  delivered  in 
Paris  about  February  7,  allowing  for  the  ten  days' 
difference  in  time  caused  by  the  fact  that  France  had 
adopted  'new  style,'  while  England  still  remained 
devoted  to  the  old  calendar.  The  next  mail  for  Eng- 
land would  leave  on  the  10th,  but  it  would  perhaps  be 
too  much  to  hope  for  an  answer  by  return  to  a  request 
which  obviously  needed  careful  consideration.  But 
the  next  mail  but  one  after  that  brought  a  letter  from 
Lionne  to  Colbert  which  fits  in  so  extraordinarily  with 
the  plan  we  have  suggested  as  being  in  Charles'  mind, 
that  it  is  only  natural  to  suppose  that  it  is  really  in  the 
main  Charles'  own  writing,  and  has  only  been  copied 
out  by  Lionne  to  send  to  the  ambassador  in  England. 
The  presence  of  James  Stuart  in  London  is  apparently 
being  *  covered  up '  at  Charles'  request,  although  the 
French  authorities  are  still  left  entirely  ignorant  who 
it  is  for  whom  they  are  doing  this  kindly  office,  even 
to  the  extent  of  hoodwinking  their  own  ambassador  in 
England. 

'  The  king  '  [writes  Lionne  to  Colbert  in  this  re- 
markable letter]  '  has  very  often  felt  that  in  the  case 
of  one  who  is  accredited  as  you  are  to  a  prince  who 
is  naturally  very  irresolute  and  easily  persuaded,  it 
would  be  greatly  to  your  advantage  to  have  at  your 
entire  disposition  a  person  whom  you  could  trust  and 
who  is  also  capable,  who  could  enter  at  all  times 
into  the  king's  amusements  and  his  most  secret  occu- 
pations, from  which  your  character  as  ambassador 
necessarily  exclude  you.  Such  a  person  could  be 
used  by  you  to  insinuate  ideas  which  you  cannot 
yourself  suggest,  or  which  would  come  better  from 
a  third  party,  and  could  keep  you  informed  of 
all  that  is  going  on,  while  you  could  use  him  or 


236  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

leave  him  unemployed  just  as  you  thought  best. 
Acting  on  this  idea  the  king  [Louis]  has  gladly 
embraced  an  opportunity  which  has  offered  of  pro- 
viding you  with  just  such  a  person. 

'  You  are  no  doubt  aware  who  Father  Pregnani  is. 
He  is  a  Theatine,  whom  the  king  has  taken  from  the 
cloister  and  made  an  abbe.  You  will  know  also  that 
he  has  as  perfect  a  knowledge  of  judiciary  astrology 
as  is  possible  in  a  science  that  is  so  uncertain,  and 
by  its  means  he  has  got  a  great  name  here  in  Paris, 
especially  among  the  ladies,  who  are  always  curious 
about  the  future,  and  want  to  know  their  fortune. 

'  The  Duke  of  Monmouth,  when  he  was  here  last 
year,  saw  him  often,  and  was  altogether  enchanted 
with  the  things  he  told  him  about  his  past,  and  the 
hopes  he  raised  for  his  future.  They  became  great 
friends,  and  when  they  parted  the  duke  pressed  him 
to  manage  to  come  over  to  England,  since  the  king 
his  father,  from  what  the  duke  had  told  him,  had 
conceived  a  great  desire  to  see  him,  for  he  is  very 
fond  of  astrology,  and  gives  it  a  great  deal  of  credence. 
I  must  also  say  that  the  abbe  is  very  learned  in 
chemistry,  which  also,  as  we  know  here,  is  a  great 
study  of  King  Charles,  who  shuts  himself  for  hours 
at  a  time  with  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  having 
experiments  made  before  him. 

1  Now,  some  few  days  ago,  the  duke  wrote  to  the 
abbe  reminding  him  of  his  promise  to  go  to  England, 
and  the  abbe  came  and  told  the  king,  who  had,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  for  the  reasons  I  have  already  said, 
caused  him,  through  me,  to  try  to  get  such  a  letter 
written.  The  king  was,  therefore,  extremely  pleased, 
and  has  laid  down  the  following  conditions  upon 
which  the  abbe  is  to  act.  He  is  to  manage  to  enter 


THE   MOCK  ASTROLOGER  237 

into  the  amusements  and  occupations  of  the  king  of 
England,  and  to  use  every  effort  to  assist  you,  as  you 
may  direct  him,  for  he  has  been  told  nothing  what- 
ever here.  He  is  not  to  say  anything  whatever 
about  the  king's  business  [Louis]  either  to  the  duke 
or  to  milord  [Arlington  ?]  or  to  any  one  else,  except 
by  your  express  direction;  and,  lastly,  although  he 
is  to  give  you  a  daily  account  of  all  that  passes, 
under  such  conditions  as  you  may  wish  and  as  may 
give  no  reason  to  any,  even  to  King  Charles,  to 
suspect  that  you  are  acting  in  concert,  he  is  not  to 
write  one  word  here  while  he  is  in  England,  not  even 
to  me ;  his  majesty  not  wishing  to  hear  anything 
except  through  you,  as  is  only  right.  Consequently, 
he  is  to  tell  you  everything,  even  if  he  be  charged 
to  keep  it  a  secret  from  you.  If  he  fails  to  do 
this  and  sends  it  on  here  without  your  sharing  in 
it,  his  majesty,  no  matter  how  much  the  thing 
may  be  to  his  advantage,  will  at  once  recall  him. 

*  I  think,  Monsieur,  that  under  these  conditions, 
in  which  he  will  not  dare  to  fail  if  he  does  not  want 
to  ruin  himself  over  here,  which  he  will  not  desire  to 
do,  the  resolution  the  king  has  come  to  may  be  very 
advantageous  to  you  in  your  negotiation.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  the  king  of  England  may  be  per- 
suaded on  astrological  grounds,  since  he  puts  much 
faith  in  them,  that  his  only  good  and  sure  alliance  is 
with  France,  and  that  any  other  entanglements  may 
ruin  his  affairs  and  his  authority.  You  will  find,  I 
am  sure,  that  the  abbe  has  a  great  deal  of  wit,  and  a 
marvellous  dexterity  in  gaining  his  end,  and  that  he 
will  do  marvels,  especially  with  the  help  and  guidance 
he  will  have  from  you.  I  have  told  him  to  descend 
at  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's,  so  as  not  to  give  any 


238  THE   MAN  OF   THE   MASK 

suspicion  of  his  arrival,  and  that  he  is  to  send  to  you 
this  letter  at  the  same  time  by  his  servant,  so  that 
it  may  be  deciphered  by  the  time  that  he  comes  to 
pay  you  his  respects  for  the  first  time.' 

Judging  by  the  last  words  of  this  letter,  the  Abbe 
Pregnani  was  supposed  to  be  starting  at  once  and 
carrying  it  to  England  himself.  If  we  allow  for  the 
difference  of  style,  he  ought  to  have  arrived  in  London 
by  February  17,  and  have  presented  himself  at  the 
French  Embassy  a  day  or  two  after  that  date.  He  did 
not  actually  arrive  until  a  week  later,  at  least  he  did 
not  send  this  letter  on  to  Colbert  until  Friday, 
February  26,  and  came  to  see  him  on  the  following 
day.  Charles  saw  him  during  the  week,  for  he  writes 
to  Madame  on  March  7,  *  I  find  your  frind  1'Abbe 
Pregnany  a  man  very  ingenious  in  all  things  I  have 
talked  with  him  upon,  and  I  find  him  to  have  a  great 
deal  of  witt,  but  you  may  be  sure  I  will  enter  no  further 
with  him  than  according  to  your  carracter.' 

On  the  8th  the  king  went  to  Newmarket  and 
expressed  his  desire  of  having  the  abbe  there  with 
him.  Doubtless  interviews  were  more  easily  managed 
in  the  comparatively  free  life  which  the  king  lived 
there  than  would  be  possible  among  the  prying  eyes  at 
Whitehall.  The  abbe  travelled  down  apart  from  the 
king,  and  apparently  by  the  ordinary  coach  that  ran  to 
Cambridge,  for  he  rode  from  Audley  End,  and  was 
very  much  fatigued  by  the  unusual  experience,  as  well 
as  astonished,  when  he  arrived  at  Newmarket,  at  the 
novel  scenes  around  him,  and  especially  by  the  English 
devotion  to  horse-racing  and  other  forms  of  sport. 

On  the  whole,  the  most  probable  solution,  taking 
into  consideration  all  the  evidence  before  us,  seems  to 
be  that  James  Stuart  returned  to  France  at  once  after 


THE   MOCK  ASTBOLOGER  239 

the  meeting  of  January  25,  still  travelling  incognito, 
and  without  giving  a  name.  He  will  have  crossed  by 
the  packet  of  January  28  (English  style),  and  arrived  in 
Paris  about  February  10  (French  style),  and  will  have 
been  charged  with  a  letter  to  Madame,  asking  her  to 
arrange  the  business  of  sending  him  back  to  England 
in  the  character  of  an  astrologer.  No  such  letter  has 
survived,  but  then  we  have  no  letter  from  Charles  to 
his  sister  between  January  20  and  March  7,  and  many 
letters  have  undoubtedly  been  destroyed  for  political 
reasons.  If  this  surmise  be  right,  Madame  will  have 
seen  the  Italian  again  during  the  fortnight  or  three 
weeks  he  was  in  Paris,  which  will  account  for  several 
expressions  in  Charles'  letters  to  her,  implying 
acquaintance,  more  or  less  intimate,  with  the  abbe. 
She  seems  to  have  written  to  her  brother,  urging 
him  not  to  put  too  much  faith  in  this  person,  and 
especially  on  no  account  to  tell  him  'the  great  secret.' 
Evidently  she  distrusted  the  whole  proceeding,  not 
knowing  who  '  the  profett '  really  was,  and  that  he 
already  knew  quite  as  much,  and  perhaps  more,  about 
the  whole  business  than  she  did  herself  ;  but  the  fact 
that  she  wrote  thus  is  surely  a  clear  proof  that  he  was 
not  the  mere  French  agent  he  professed  to  be. 

At  Newmarket  the  possession  of  a  private  prophet  of 
his  own  seemed  to  Monmouth  an  admirable  chance  of 
making  money.  The  abbe  was  requested  to  consult 
his  books  and  to  find  out  from  the  stars  which  horses 
were  going  to  win.  If  only  he  had  possessed  a  good 
knowledge  of  horseflesh  here  was  a  golden  chance  for 
him  to  establish  his  reputation,  but  his  knowledge  of 
horses  and  of  racing  was  less  even  than  his  knowledge 
of  astrology,  so  the  experiment  ended  in  disaster. 
Monmouth  was  no  doubt  surprised  when  he  heard  the 


240  THE   IVfAN   OF  THE  MASK 

names  of  the  animals  selected,  but  his  faith  in  his 
prophet  was  such  that  he  backed  them  heavily 
himself  and  induced  his  household  to  do  the  same, 
with  effects  that  were  by  no  means  those  for  which  he 
was  so  confidently  hoping.  The  poor  abbe's  reputa- 
tion as  a  competent  astrologer  suffered  a  sudden  but 
lasting  eclipse,  and  Charles,  who  no  doubt  was 
enormously  amused  by  the  turn  that  things  had  taken, 
writes  it  all  to  Madame. 

On  his  return  to  London  about  March  20  Charles 
paid  a  visit  to  Colbert,  and  could  not  resist  poking  a 
good  deal  of  fun  at  the  poor  abbe  and  his  unfortunate 
predictions,  saying  that  Monmouth's  servants  were 
going  to  bring  an  action  against  him  to  recover  the 
money  they  had  lost,  since  not  a  single  one  of  his 
selections  had  succeeded  in  winning  a  race.  Colbert, 
who  believed  entirely  in  the  bona-fides  of  his  guest  and 
fellow  envoy,  sat  down  and  wrote  a  letter  to  Lionne, 
bearing  the  not  inappropriate  date  of  April  1,  in  which 
he  tells  him  his  great  misgivings  that  Charles  would 
never  pay  much  regard  to  any  predictions  the  abbe  might 
make  in  order  to  try  to  lead  him  into  an  alliance  with 
France,  since  he  had  evidently  lost  all  his  credit  through 
his  unfortunate  errors  in  tire  practical  business  of 
picking  winners.  Colbert  had  not  lost  all  hope,  how- 
ever, for  it  might  well  be  that,  though  he  scoffed  so 
loudly  in  public,  in  private  the  king's  superstitions 
might  yet  be  sufficient  to  overpower  his  judgment. 
Meanwhile  Pregnani  is  preparing  a  horoscope  which  will 
predict  great  misfortunes  unless  Charles  allies  himself 
with  France.  He  has  hopes  of  success  himself,  but 
says  that  Charles  is  a  difficult  subject,  since  he  always 
prefers  trifling  even  to  the  most  important  matters. 

A  later  letter  from  Charles  to  his  sister,  dated  May  6, 


THE   MOCK  ASTROLOGER  241 

says  that  he  finds  '  the  poore  abbe '  very  much  dis- 
tressed at  hearing  that  she  has  been  told  about  his 
ill  success  in  foretelling  the  horse  matches.  He  is 
afraid  that  Madame  will  in  consequence  be  prejudiced 
against  him,  and  that  through  her  others  may  be  led 
to  the  same  opinion.  Charles  has,  therefore,  promised 
to  tell  her  that  he  was  only  trying  new  tricks  which  he 
had  read  of  in  books  and  that  '  he  gave  as  little  credit 
to  them  as  we  did ' — a  '  we '  which  apparently  must 
not  be  taken  as  including  Monmouth.  He  begs  her, 
too,  to  do  her  best  to  ensure  that  no  prejudice  should 
come  to  him  on  that  score,  'for  the  man  has  witt 
enough,  and  is  as  much  your  servant  as  possible,  which 
makes  me  love  him/ 

Pregnani's  fear  that  his  credit  would  suffer  with 
the  French  Government  through  his  ill  success  at 
Newmarket  proved  only  too  well  founded,  for  already, 
when  Charles  penned  the  words,  Lionne  had  written 
to  Colbert  to  say  that  as  Pregnani  was  having  so  little 
success  he  had  better  come  back  to  France  at  once. 
The  ostensible  reason  was  perhaps  not  the  real  one,  and 
a  more  probable  one  may  be  found  in  the  possibility 
that  Louis  was  getting  anxious,  wondering  who  the 
abbe  really  was,  and  whether  it  was  at  all  safe  to  trust 
him  so  completely.  Colbert  had  written  at  once  on  his 
arrival  to  say  that  he  proposed  to  tell  him  everything  in 
order  that  he  might  have  every  chance  of  persuading 
the  king,  and  his  subsequent  letters  showed  that  he 
had  actually  carried  out  his  intention.  Pregnani  knew 
as  much,  or  almost  as  much,  as  Colbert  himself  of  the 
intentions  of  the  French  Government,  and  it  was  quite 
possible  that  instead  of  telling  Charles'  secrets  to  Colbert, 
as  that  minister  fondly  imagined  was  the  case,  he  was 
all  the  time  telling  the  secrets  of  the  French  Govern- 

B 


242  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

ment  to  the  king  of  England.     Colbert  had  received 
him  only  too  warmly  and  with  too  little  reserve. 

In  any  case  so  rapid  a  recall  because  of  so  small  a 
matter  seemed  to  Colbert  very  unnecessary,  and,  instead 
of  communicating  the  message  to  Pregnani,  he  wrote 
back  to  Lionne  urging  that,  after  all,  Pregnani  was 
himself  the  best  judge  as  to  how  far  he  had  a 
chance  of  success,  and  saying  that  he  still  thought  his 
prospects  far  from  hopeless.  The  only  result  was  that 
Lionne  wrote  twice  more  pressing  his  immediate  return 
to  France,  and  on  the  receipt  of  the  second  of  these 
letters  Colbert  did  not  venture  to  temporise  further 
— though  he  wrote  to  his  brother  to  hint  that  he 
thought  a  mistake  was  being  made — but  communicated 
the  contents  of  Lionne's  three  letters  to  Pregnani 
himself. 

The  abbe  was  very  much  disconcerted  and  dis- 
appointed, and  made  no  secret  of  the  fact.  He 
admitted  that  he  did  not  think  the  king  would  be 
brought  to  a  quick  decision,  and  consented  to  go  back 
to  France.  He  will  start,  Colbert  writes  on  June  17, 
in  about  a  week  from  that  time,  and  will  travel  straight 
to  Paris  to  make  his  report  to  Lionne  on  the  state  of 
affairs  in  England.  Once  more  Colbert  assures  Lionne 
that,  if  the  abbe  has  not  succeeded,  it  has  not  been 
through  any  want  of  sympathy  and  help  on  his  own 
part,  for  he  had  concealed  nothing  at  all  from  him,  but 
had  told  him  everything  he  knew  himself.  These  words 
were  hardly  calculated  to  allay  the  fears  which  Louis 
seems  to  have  conceived,  and  which  we  have  already 
suggested  were  the  real  cause  of  the  recall. 

June  25  was  accordingly  fixed  upon  for  the  abbe's 
return  to  France.  Charles,  writing  to  Madame  upon 
the -24th,  says  that  he  proposes  to  send  another  letter 


THE   MOCK  ASTROLOGER  243 

the  following  day  by  him.  At  the  last  moment,  how- 
ever, his  journey  was  put  off  for  another  week ;  we  do 
not  know  for  what  cause,  unless  it  was  that  the  king's 
letter  was  not  ready.  For  there  is  a  letter  extant  from 
Lionne  to  Colbert  de  Croissy  dated  July  27,  which 
complains  that  the  despatch  written  by  Colbert  on 
July  4  had  been  long  delayed  in  transit — so  long, 
indeed,  that  the  later  despatches  of  the  8th  and  of 
the  llth  had  actually  arrived  before  it.  It  was  there- 
fore more  than  a  week  late.  And  the  reason  of  this 
delay,  Lionne  goes  on  to  explain,  was  the  careless 
negligence  of  its  bearer,  the  Abbe  Pregnani,  who  '  used 
no  great  diligence  in  the  matter.' 

We  know  from  another  despatch  from  Colbert  that 
Pregnani  actually  started  on  July  5.  He  would  have 
arrived  at  Calais  on  the  6th  or  7th,  according  to  the 
weather  experienced.  Then,  apparently,  something 
happened,  for  we  cannot  suppose  that  Pregnani  would 
really  be  so  careless  when  he  was  carrying  important 
despatches  as  to  linger  unnecessarily  for  several  days 
upon  the  road.  July  6  or  7  according  to  English 
reckoning  would  be,  we  must  not  forget,  the  16th  or 
17th  in  France. 

What  was  it  that  had  happened  ?  Why  did  the 
letter  which  ought  to  have  reached  Lionne  on  July  18 
at  latest  not  actually  come  into  his  hands  until  some 
eight  days  later  ? 

From  this  moment  the  Abbe  Pregnani  disappears. 
He  was  never  again  employed  as  an  agent  between 
the  two  Governments.  His  name  never  occurs  again 
in  the  official  correspondence ;  at  any  rate,  in  such 
correspondence  as  is  still  extant ;  for  Charles'  letters  to 
Madame,  which  might  perhaps  have  told  us  more  about 
him,  have  been  destroyed  by  Louis  XIV.,  into  whose 

B2 


244  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

hands  they  came  a  year  later,  from  the  date  of  June  24, 
1669,  onwards. 

In  this  total  absence  of  real  evidence,  a  hypothesis 
is  the  only  resource  that  is  open  to  us.  Is  it  possible 
that  the  abbe"  was  arrested  on  landing  in  France,  and 
detained  in  custody  on  the  ground  of  possessing  a 
dangerous  knowledge  of  French  political  secrets.  If 
so,  a  further  identification  at  once  suggests  itself.  The 
news  of  the  arrest  would  get  through  to  Paris  on 
July  17  or  18  (new  style). 

On  July  17  Lionne  writes  to  Colbert  that  he  is 
expecting  the  arrival  of  the  Abbe  Pregnani  every 
moment. 

On  July  19,  the  letter  we  have  already  quoted  in 
the  earlier  part  of  this  book  was  written  by  Louvois 
in  Paris  to  M.  de  Saint-Mars  at  Pignerol,  bidding  him 
prepare  for  another  prisoner,  who  has  been  arrested 
at  Dunkirk,  or  at  least  is  then  in  prison  in  that  town, 
and  who  will  be  brought  to  him  by  M.  de  Vauroy, 
the  king's  lieutenant. 

Calais  and  Dunkirk  are  not  more  than  about 
twenty  miles  apart,  within  an  easy  day's  ride  the  one 
of  the  other.  The  prisoner  whom  M.  de  Vauroy 
brought  was  accused  of  no  crime,  but  he  must  never 
be  allowed  to  tell  to  any  living  soul  what  was  the 
business  on  which  he  had  been  employed  before  he 
came  to  Pignerol. 

So,  too,  the  Abbe  Pregnani,  whom  we  trace  to 
Calais  or  perhaps  Dunkirk,  since  boats  from  England 
often  went  direct  to  that  town,  and  who  then  '  disappears 
from  history,'  was  possessed  of  State  secrets  of  the* 
greatest  importance,  and  had  been  engaged  on  business 
which  it  was  necessary  at  all  hazards  to  keep  from 
public  knowledge.  Had  he  told  all  that  he  knew, 


THE   MOCK  ASTROLOGER  245 

Charles  would  quite  possibly  have  lost  his  head,  and 
Louis  much  more  certainly  would  have  lost  all  possible 
chance  of  changing  England  from  an  enemy  into  an 
ally  in  his  great  project  of  crushing  Holland. 

Here,  then,  is  the  solution  we  desire  to  offer  of  the 
mystery  so  long  held  to  be  in  solvable.  The  Man  in  the 
Iron  Mask  was  no  other  than  James  Carteret  or  Stuart, 
otherwise  known  as  the  Abbe  Pregnani,  otherwise 
known  as  Henri  de  Rohan,  otherwise  known  as  '  Mr. 
de  la  Cloche,  Jesuit,'  the  eldest  natural  son  of  King 
Charles  II.,  and  the  intermediary  in  his  negotiations 
with  the  authorities  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

There  was  reason  enough  for  secrecy,  since  Charles 
knew  nothing  of  what  had  happened,  and  would  have 
been  infuriated  to  the  last  degree  had  he  known  that 
his  friend  and  would-be  ally  had  seized  upon  his  envoy 
and  sent  him  to  solitary  confinement.  The  discovery 
of  that  secret  would  have  prevented  all  chance  of  an 
alliance  being  formed,  quite  as  effectually  as  any  dis- 
closure which  could  have  been  made  by  the  unfortunate 
victim.  There  was  much  more  reason  for  secrecy,  in 
fact,  even  than  Louis  knew,  for  it  is  not  likely  that 
Louis  had  any  idea  that  he  was  imprisoning  Charles' 
son.  No  one  knew  that  fact  about  James  Stuart's 
parentage  except  Charles  himself ;  even  Madame  was 
not  allowed  to  have  any  inkling  of  it,  and  it  was 
probably  not  till  a  later  date  that  Louis  came  to  realise 
the  full  meaning  of  what  he  had  done. 

Meanwhile,  under  the  escort  of  M.  de  Vauroy,  major 
of  the  fortress  of  Dunkirk,  James  Stuart  set  forth  on 
his  long  journey  across  France,  a  nameless  prisoner,  on 
his  way  to  his  long  incarceration,  which  began  at 
Pignerol  in  August  1669  and  ended  only  with  his  death 
at  the  Bastille  on  November  19,  1703. 


246  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 


CHAPTEK  II 

OBJECTIONS  AND   EXPLANATIONS 

WHEN  a  quite  new  theory,  such  as  that  which  we  have 
just  been  propounding,  is  put  forward,  the  immediate 
effect  on  the  mind  is  on  the  one  hand  to  raise  up  a 
number  of  objections,  more  or  less  plausible,  which 
seem  to  render  the  proposed  solution  doubtful,  if  not 
impossible ;  and,  on  the  other,  if  the  theory  is  a  true 
one,  to  throw  new  light  on  a  number  of  incidental 
details,  which,  till  then,  have  seemed  unimportant  or 
altogether  valueless.  In  these  respects  this  theory  is 
no  exception  to  the  general  rule.  Obvious  objections, 
will  occur  at  once  to  every  mind  ;  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  there  are  not  wanting  many  points  to  which  it 
seems  to  give  a  meaning,  which  till  now  has  been  alto- 
gether lacking.  We  will  take  the  objections  first  in 
order. 

The  first  and  most  obvious  criticism  which  is  likely 
to  be  made  is  that  the  Masked  Man  cannot  possibly 
have  been  identical  with  the  Abbe  Pregnani,  because  of 
the  definite  statement  in  Louvois'  letter  to  Saint-Mars, 
that  no  great  preparation  need  be  made  for  his  material 
comfort,  inasmuch  as  he  is  only  a  servant.  Is  not  the 
whole  of  Mr.  Andrew  Lang's  ingenious  study  on  the 
subject,  which  gives  the  name  to  the  volume  he  has 
called  '  The  Valet's  Tragedy,'  built  up  upon  that  single 
fact? 


OBJECTIONS   AND  EXPLANATIONS  247 

The  answer  is  that  in  French  State-prison  life  in 
the  seventeenth  century  these  things  often  go  by  con- 
traries. In  the  case  of  a  prisoner  whose  identity  was 
being  so  carefully  covered  up,  Louvois  would  never 
have  been  so  foolish  as  to  put  his  real  condition  down 
in  writing,  which  might  fall  into  the  wrong  hands. 
Just  as  prisoners  in  the  Bastille  were  always,  and  as  a 
matter  of  law,  buried  under  fictitious  names,  so  also, 
where  there  was  reason  for  it,  were  they  described 
fictitiously  in  the  prison  registers.  To  prove  this,  one 
has  only  to  look  at  the  descriptions  furnished  to  Saint- 
Mars  about  his  other  prisoners,  Mattioli  and  General 
du  Bulonde.  In  the  latter  case,  the  case  of  the 
mysterious  prisoner  of  1674,  the  actual  crime  was  the 
cowardly  raising  of  the  siege  of  Cuneo  when  he  was  in 
command  of  the  royal  forces.  The  description  of  him, 
however,  which  is  furnished  to  Saint- Mars,  is  that  he  is 
to  be  kept  without  a  fire  and  fed  on  bread  and  water, 
because  'c'est  un  fripon  insigne  qui  en  matiere  fort 
grave  a  abuse  de  gens  considerables ' ;  or,  again,  as  '  un 
fripon  achieve",  qui  ne  sauroit  etre  assez  maltrait6  ni 
sounrir  la  peine  qu'il  a  meritee.' *•  Mr.  Andrew  Lang 
would  have  shown  more  perspicacity  if  he  had  argued 
from  Louvois'  words,  that  this  at  least  was  certain 
about  the  identity  of  the  prisoner,  that  whatever  else 
he  had  been  in  former  days,  it  was  not  as  a  servant 
that  he  had  gained  his  living. 

It  is,  however,  a  question  worth  discussing,  why 
that  particular  vocation  was  fixed  upon  for  his  de- 
scription. To  that  question  two  answers  suggest  them- 
selves, each  of  which  has  its  own  special  interest.  The 
first  is  the  fact  that  the  French  Government  were  at 
that  moment  interested  in,  and  making  inquiries  about, 
1  Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  March  10, 1674. 


248  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

a  man  who  actually  was  a  servant  and  living  in  England, 
and  who  it  was  thought  might  be  possessed  of  valuable 
political  information.  This  was  Martin,  the  whilom 
valet  of  Roux  de  Marsilly,  a  Protestant  adventurer  of 
French  extraction,  whose  life  was  spent  in  endeavours 
to  bring  about  political  combinations  of  the  Northern 
States,  in  opposition  on  Protestant  grounds  to  his  own 
country.  Eoux  de  Marsilly  had  lately  been  in  England 
on  this  errand,  but  he  came,  unfortunately  for  himself, 
at  the  wrong  moment.  Knowing  nothing  of  Charles' 
opinions  or  of  the  Duke  of  York's  conversion,  he  had 
tried  to  engage  their  sympathies  against  France  and 
the  Catholics,  and  had  even  gone  so  far  as  to  disclose 
to  the  Duke  of  York  the  fact  that  there  was  a  plot 
against  Louis'  life.  He  was  drawn  on  and  allowed 
to  talk,  and  was  given  interviews  and  so  forth  with 
Arlington,  being  led  to  believe  that  Charles  was  not 
averse  to  fresh  combinations  being  arranged  against 
France.  All  this  was  extremely  useful  as  a  blind  to 
the  Dutch  and  Spanish  ambassadors,  who  were  also 
involved  with  Roux  de  Marsilly,  and  it  served  to  draw 
off  attention  from  what  was  really  going  on  between 
England  and  France.  At  last  Marsilly  left  England 
for  Switzerland  some  time  early  in  April,  disappointed 
in  not  having  obtained  the  adhesion  of  England  to  his 
scheme,  but  comforted  by  a  commission  to  tell  the 
authorities  at  Zurich  that  if  they  wanted  England  to 
join  in  with  them,  they  must  first  cease  to  give  a  refuge 
to  the  regicides  concerned  in  the  death  of  Charles  I. 

In  all  this  Charles  had,  no  doubt,  been  playing  a 
somewhat  dangerous  game,  for  all  that  was  going  on 
was  pretty  well  known  to  the  French  ambassador,  who 
wrote  it  all  to  Lionne.  In  consequence  of  this,  Arlington 
was  a  good  deal  distrusted  just  then  in  France,  and 


OBJECTIONS   AND  EXPLANATIONS  249 

Madame  writes  to  Charles  as  early  as  February  12  to 
protest  against  his  being  allowed  to  take  too  prominent 
a  share  in  the  secret  negotiations.  '  The  man's  attach- 
ment to  the  Dutch  and  his  inclination  towards  Spain, 
she  wrote,  '  are  too  well  known.'  Charles,  however, 
was  able  to  reassure  her  as  to  Arlington's  fidelity,  and 
the  Duke  of  York  informed  Louis  of  Roux  de  Marsilly's 
plot  against  his  life.  It  was  through  this  information 
that  Louis  sent  to  seize  Marsilly,  on  foreign  territory 
though  he  was,  and  brought  him  to  Paris.  He  was 
tortured  to  make  him  give  up  the  names  of  his  accom- 
plices, and  this  failing,  was  broken  on  the  wheel 
(June  26)  ;  really  on  James'  information,  but,  since  this 
was  not  publicly  available,  nominally  for  a  previous 
crime  committed  at  Nismes.1 

Colbert,  who,  of  course,  knew  nothing  at  this  date 
of  the  secret  negotiations  between  England  and  France, 
was  convinced  that  he  had  unearthed  a  conspiracy 
against  France  on  the  part  of  Charles  and  Arlington ; 
and  Charles  found  it  necessary  to  send  for  him  and 
make  a  personal  explanation,  which,  however,  was  far 
from  convincing  him.  Full  of  his  idea,  it  occurred  to 
him  that  possibly  Martin,  Eoux's  late  valet,  whom  he  had 
left  in  England,  might  know  something  of  importance, 
and  accordingly  he  sent  to  interview  him.  The  man 
utterly  denied  all  knowledge  of  his  late  master's 
plottings,  but  later  in  the  conversation  seemed  to  imply 
by  nods  and  so  on  that  he  knew  more  than  he  would 
admit.  Colbert,  therefore,  suggested  that  it  would  be 

1  For  the  matter  of  Eoux  de  Marsilly,  see  Andrew  Lang's  The 
Valet's  Tragedy,  p.  29,  seq.  Mr.  Lang,  however,  gives  a  very  inadequate 
account  of  the  man  and  his  plots,  and  he  is  altogether  wrong  on  some 
points,  especially  in  the  part  he  conceives  Arlington  to  have  played.  It 
was  Buckingham,  not  Arlington,  who  had  inklings  of  what  was  going 
on  with  France.  Arlington  knew  everything. 


250  THE  MAN   OF   THE  'MASK 

a  good  thing  if  he  could  be  induced  to  go  to  France 
and  give  evidence  there.  He  went  so  far  as  to  suggest 
further  that  if  the  man  persisted  in  his  unwilling- 
ness to  go,  it  might  be  well  to  take  steps  to  compel 
him. 

This,  then,  is  the  particular  blind  alley  into  which 
Mr.  Lang  has  strayed.  He  has  jumped  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  this  valet  is  the  one  who  was  sent,  later  in 
the  same  month,  to  Pignerol,  and  who  afterwards 
became  *  the  Man  in  the  Iron  Mask.'  '  It  is  hardly 
conceivable,  at  least,'  he  writes,  '  that  when  on  July  1 
a  valet  in  England  is  "  wanted  "  by  the  French  police 
for  political  reasons,  and  when  by  July  19  they  have 
caught  a  valet  of  extreme  political  importance,  the  two 
valets  should  be  two  different  persons.  Martin  must  be 
Dauger.' l 

The  other  reason  which  may  have  caused  the 
selection  of  this  particular  designation,  *  only  a  servant/ 
for  the  prisoner,  is  one  which  is  also  very  uncertain, 
though  it  may  provide  a  useful  clue,  and  so  at  the  risk 
of  being  thought  over  ingenious  we  include  it.  It 
would  not,  however,  be  safe  to  build  much  upon  it. 

On  May  6,  1669,  a  passport  was  issued,  not  as  usual 
through  the  Foreign  Office,  but  direct  from  the  king, 
to  Matteo  Battaglia,  the  king's  servant,  to  go  to  Italy 
for  three  or  four  months  on  his  own  business  and  to 
return.2  Now  Battaglia  was  not  the  king's  servant  at 
all,  he  was  the  head  of  the  music  of  the  Queen's  Chapel 
at  St.  James's,  and  he  did  not  go  to  Italy  at  this  time, 
for  he  was  still  in  London  in  June  of  the  same  month. 
The  date,  which  exactly  coincides  with  Lionne's  first 
recall  of  the  Abbe  Pregnani,  suggests  that  that  recall 

1  The  Valet's  Tragedy. 

2  State  Papers  (Domestic),  1668-9,  p.  312. 


OBJECTIONS   AND  EXPLANATIONS  251 

was  possibly  caused  by  a  letter  from  Charles  to  Louis, 
and  that  its  object  was  to  cover  up  with  Colbert 
Pregnani's  imminent  departure  from  London  on  a 
fresh  journey  to  Eome,  this  time  under  the  name  of 
'  Matteo  Battaglia,  the  king's  servant.'  If  he  were 
actually  travelling  under  cover  of  this  passport  when 
he  was  arrested  by  Louis'  orders,  it  might  explain  the 
designation  under  which  he  went  to  Pignerol.  The 
unusual  channel  through  which  the  passport  was 
issued  and  the  singular  coincidence  of  dates  are  the 
only  real  grounds  for  suspecting  anything  of  the  kind. 
It  is,  however,  to  a  certain  extent  strengthened  by  the 
fact  that  on  October  28,  1670,  at  the  exact  moment 
when  Charles  was  sending  over  by  special  courier  his 
draft  for  the  additional  secret  codicil  to  '  the  fictitious 
treaty,'  there  is  a  similar  issue  of  a  passport  for  '  John 
Sebenico,  an  Italian  master  of  the  king,  to  go  to  his 
own  country  and  return.' 

This  suggestion — it  is  really  nothing  more — that 
when  Pregnani  left  England  on  July  T5T,  nominally  in 
response  to  Lionne's  recall,  he  was  really  on  his  way 
to  Koine  again  with  some  fresh  business  on  Charles' 
behalf,  is  probable  enough  in  itself,  and,  if  true,  may 
help  to  throw  light  on  what  otherwise  seems  a  real 
difficulty.  If  Pregnani  were  really  no  other  than 
Charles'  own  son,  would  it  not  be  certain  that  Charles 
would  at  once  have  become  anxious  at  not  hearing 
from  him  and  have  instituted  searching  inquiries  as  to 
what  had  become  of  him  ?  If,  however,  he  left  Charles 
with  the  intention  of  going  to  Italy,  nothing  would  be 
heard  of  him  in  the  ordinary  course  of  events  for  at 
least  two  months,  and,  if  his  business  was  long  delayed, 
perhaps  for  three  or  four.  Charles  would  not  become 
anxious  for  quite  a  long  time  on  the  score  of  want 


252  THE  MAN  OP  THE   MASK 

of   news,   and    meanwhile    the    trail    would    become 
increasingly  hard  to  follow. 

Moreover,  we  do  not  know  that  Charles  did  not 
make  anxious  inquiries  on  the  subject.  The  place  where 
we  should  look  for  the  record  of  such  inquiries  would 
naturally  be  his  letters  to  Madame.  She  did  not  know 
who  Pregnani  really  was,  no  doubt ;  but,  at  least,  she 
knew  more  than  anyone  else  in  France,  and  she  was  in  a 
position  to  have  inquiries  made.  The  idea  that  Louis, 
his  trusted  friend,  had  seized  and  shut  up  his  envoy 
probably  never  occurred  either  to  Charles  or  to 
Madame.  They  will  have  thought  rather  of  some 
terrible  accident  in  which  he  might  have  been  involved, 
some  sickness  which  carried  him  off  in  the  course  of 
his  long  and  lonely  journey,  or,  at  the  worst,  of  robbers 
in  some  desolate  part  of  the  road. 

But  when  we  turn  to  the  file  of  Charles'  letters  we 
find  that  they  are  wanting  for  the  very  dates  which  we 
desire.  When  the  news  of  Madame's  terribly  sudden 
death  reached  England  in  June  1670  Charles  sent  off 
a  message  at  once  to  Louis  bidding  him  secure  the 
correspondence  which  had  passed  between  him  and  his 
sister,  which  contained  too  many  secrets  to  be  safely  left 
to  fall  into  other  hands.  Louis  sent  for  them  at  once 
and  had  them  brought  to  him,  which  is  how  they  come 
now  to  be  among  the  other  royal  papers.  But  he 
carefully  destroyed  all  the  letters  after  June  24,  1669, 
beginning,  that  is  to  say,  with  the  very  one  which 
Charles  had  promised  to  write  and  to  commit  to 
Pregnani's  hands.  The  fact  that  that  particular  date 
should  be  chosen  for  the  destruction  of  all  later  letters 
— though,  of  course,  it  is  a  merely  negative  argument 
and  can  prove  nothing  whatever — is,  to  say  the  least, 
a  very  curious  coincidence. 


OBJECTIONS   AND  EXPLANATIONS  253 

Another  objection  which  at  first  sight  looks  formid- 
able, proves  on  closer  inspection  to  have  little  in  it. 
It  is  that  Charles  would  never,  under  the  circum- 
stances, have  dared  to  have  his  son  about  the  Court 
lest  the  family  likeness  should  betray  him.  But  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  Abbe  Pregnani  was  in 
no  sense  '  at  the  Court.'  He  was  not  living  at  White- 
hall, and  there  is  no  mention  of  him  in  any  of  the 
memoirs  of  the  time.  Very  few  persons  need  ever 
have  seen  him  at  all.  Then,  again,  the  respective  ages 
of  the  father  and  son  would  almost  certainly  prevent 
any  uninitiated  person  from  guessing  the  relationship. 
Charles  was  then  thirty-nine.  James  Stuart  believed 
himself  to  be  twenty-five,  as  we  see  from  the  entry  in 
the  Jesuit  novitiate,  and  very  likely  he  looked  that  age, 
though  he  was  really  three  years  younger.  It  would  not 
be  likely  to  occur  to  anyone  that  a  man  whom  all  of 
them  knew  to  be  but  thirty-nine  could  possibly  be  the 
father  of  another  who  apparently  was  as  old  as 
twenty-five.  Monmouth  was  now  twenty,  and  he  was 
universally  supposed  to  be  the  eldest  of  Charles'  natural 
children. 

This  argument  may,  however,  be  thought  to  prove 
too  much.  If  there  was  no  startling  likeness  to 
Charles  or  to  the  Stuart  family,  why  was  he  made  in 
later  years  to  wear  a  mask  ?  There  must  have  been, 
in  Louis'  opinion,  grave  danger  of  his  being  recognised. 

Here  the  answer  seems  to  be  that  no  doubt  Louis 
was  afraid  of  recognition,  but  not  so  much  through  any 
family  likeness  to  the  Stuarts  as  from  a  fear  that  he 
would  be  seen  and  known  by  someone  who  had  actually 
been  acquainted  with  him  in  earlier  years.  It  is  only 
in  later  years  that  we  find  this  anxiety  existing.  In 
the  beginning,  at  Pignerol,  the  fear  is  not  that  the 


254  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

prisoner  will  be  recognised,  but  that  he  will  tell  his 
secret.  But  in  later  years,  when  perhaps  the  secret 
was  of  less  importance,  this  new  fear  seems  to  come  in. 
The  reason  may  have  been  that  in  those  later  years, 
after  the  fall  of  James  II.,  France  was  full  of  exiled 
Jacobites  from  England,  any  one  of  whom  might  easily 
have  known  and  talked  with  the  prisoner  in  other  days 
at  Charles'  court.  The  Bastille,  it  must  be  remembered, 
was  a  prison  where  people  of  quality  were  often  con- 
fined, and  where  they  were  visited  not  infrequently  by 
friends  from  outside. 

These  seem  to  be  the  principal  difficulties  in  the 
way,  and  they  are  not  insurmountable.  Our  next  task 
will  be  to  consider  the  characteristics  of  the  actual 
prisoner  so  far  as  these  are  known  to  us,  and  to  see 
how  far  they  fit  in  with  the  theory  that  he  was  James 
Stuart,  a  Jesuit  novice,  if  not  a  priest. 

It  fits  well  enough  with  the  character  given  by 
Madame  Palatine  that  he  was  '  very  devout  and  read 
incessantly.'  It  explains,  too,  the  extraordinary  resig- 
nation of  the  prisoner,  who,  Saint-Mars  was  convinced, 
would  never  wish  to  leave  his  prison,  '  being  entirely 
resigned  to  the  will  of  God  and  of  the  king.'  He  must 
have  wondered  why  his  captivity  was  necessary,  but 
accepted  it  as  the  will  of  God  and  as  his  own  appointed 
work  for  the  Church  he  had  adopted.  Having  a  true 
religious  vocation,  he  will  have  used  his  solitary  prison 
as  the  Carthusian  uses  his  cell,  and  possibly  led  a  life 
that  was  by  no  means  unhappy  or  altogether  unsuited 
to  his  temperament. 

The  age  fits  very  well  indeed.  The  prisoner  in  the 
mask  believed  himself  to  be  about  sixty  when  he  died. 
James  Stuart,  who  thought  himself  twenty-four  in  the 
beginning  of  1668,  would  also  have  thought  himself 


OBJECTIONS  AND   EXPLANATIONS  255 

about  sixty,  thirty-five  years  later,  in  1703.  He  was 
actually  four  years  younger  than  that,  and  this  again 
fits  well  with  the  description  that  he  was  still  straight 
and  young  looking,  except  for  the  whiteness  of  his  hair. 
If  we  are  right  in  supposing  that  the  secret  of  his 
birth  leaked  out  and  became  known  to  Louis  at  some 
later  period,  that  would  account  for  the  very  different 
treatment  he  seems  to  have  received  in  his  later  years 
from  that  which  had  been  given  to  him  when  he  first 
came  to  Pignerol.  Saint-Mars  admitted  him  to  his  own 
table  on  the  way  from  Sainte-Marguerite  to  the  Bastille. 
He  would  hardly  have  sat  at  the  same  table  in  1677 
with  Foucquet's  valet,  more  especially  as  he  was  himself 
a  noble,  though  but  of  recent  creation. 

If  the  story  that  the  unknown  prisoner  was  really 
in  some  way  connected  with  the  royal  house  of  England 
be  supposed  to  have  become  known,  at  least  to  some 
small  degree,  in  the  Isle  Sainte-Marguerite,  the  various 
surmises  which  were  made  are  to  a  great  extent 
accounted  for.  That  was  why  in  1688  they  were  saying 
he  was  '  a  son  of  the  late  Cromwell,'  and  why  at  a  later 
date  men  connected  him  with  the  Duke  of  Monmouth, 
or,  as  in  Madame  Palatine's  story,  with  a  nobleman 
who  had  fought  against  William  III.  under  the  Duke 
of  Berwick.  It  is  curious  how  in  cases  of  this  kind 
some  distorted  version  of  the  truth  always  gets  about, 
no  matter  how  carefully  the  secret  may  be  guarded. 

It  is  easy  enough  to  see  that  James  Stuart  in  1669 
must  certainly  have  been  in  possession  of  secrets  which 
it  was  worth  Louis'  while  to  guard  from  the  know- 
ledge of  all,  even  at  the  cost  of  depriving  a  harmless 
and  innocent  man  of  his  liberty.  A  few  years  later,  in 
1675,  the  secrets  would  have  lost  most  of  their  value. 
In  the  height  of  the  madness  of  the  Popish  Plot  the 


256  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

chance  of  Charles  being  able  to  declare  his  religion 
looked  exceedingly  remote.  Moreover,  Louis  had  already 
obtained  all  that  he  wanted  in  the  way  of  help  against 
the  Dutch.  That,  then,  was  the  moment  when  the 
prisoner  could  with  comparative  safety  be  put  as 
servant  to  M.  Foucquet.  Even  then  he  must  not  see 
anyone  else,  and  especially  not  Lauzun,  who  would  be 
at  liberty  again  before  very  long.  But  Foucquet  could 
not  matter  much.  Louis  was  quite  determined  that 
he  should  never  be  set  free  again.  Since  he  had  once 
been  a  minister  of  state  he  knew  already  so  many 
secrets  that  one  more  in  addition  could  do  but  little 
harm;  especially  as,  with  regard  to  this  particular 
secret  of  state,  he  probably  knew  it  more  or  less 
already,  since  he  had  had  sole  charge  of  the  negotia- 
tions carried  on  with  Charles  in  1660.  The  fact  that 
our  prisoner  was  put  as  servant  to  Foucquet  certainly 
presents  much  less  difficulty  than  would  have  done  the 
choice  of  any  other  master  for  him  to  serve. 

In  1681  the  secret  is  becoming  again  of  more 
importance,  and  the  prisoner  is  to  be  taken  to  Exiles 
and  not  left  behind  at  Pignerol.  In  1682  there  is  a 
fresh  accession  of  precaution,  and  Saint-Mars  is  once 
more  especially  warned  to  see  that  his  prisoner  had  no 
chance  of  communicating  with  anyone.  This  was 
just  the  time  when  the  excesses  of  the  Popish  Plot  had 
passed  away,  and  Charles  was  once  more  opening 
negotiations  with  France.  The  secret,  therefore,  in 
1682  would  have  had  almost  the  same  importance  that 
it  had  possessed  in  1669.  Nor  did  that  importance, 
politically  speaking,  much  diminish  until  the  end  of 
the  reign  of  James  II.  in  1689. 

From  1687  to  the  end  is,  as  we  have  already  said, 
the  period  of  better  treatment  and  of  increased  anxiety 


OBJECTIONS  AND  EXPLANATIONS  257 

lest  the  face  should  be  seen  and  recognised.  That 
also  fits  in  well  with  the  theory  of  James  Stuart,  if 
we  may  suppose  his  identity  to  have  become  known 
about  that  period.  The  secret  of  Charles'  Catholicism 
and  of  his  dependence  on  French  support  would  by 
that  time  be  comparatively  unimportant,  while  the 
awkwardness  which  would  have  been  caused  by  any 
recognition  of  the  prisoner  was  increased  rather  than 
diminished  when  James  II.  was  actually  Louis'  guest 
and  living  at  St.  Germains. 

The  idea  has  never  hitherto  been  raised  that  'the 
Man  in  the  Mask '  might  conceivably  have  been  an 
ecclesiastic  or  even  a  priest.  We  exclude  the 
hypothesis  that  he  was  the  patriarch  Avedick,  for 
that  has  never  been  seriously  put  forward  since  the 
records  have  been  available.  These  records  do,  how- 
ever, lend  a  certain  support  to  the  idea,  although  by 
themselves  they  are  entirely  insufficient  to  afford  an 
actual  proof. 

We  have  mentioned  already  the  facts  that  the 
prisoner  was  very  devout  and  read  continually ;  that 
he  was  extraordinarily  resigned  and  never  complained 
of  his  lot  ;  and  to  these  points  we  may  add  one 
more,  that  his  first  request  on  arriving  at  Pignerol 
was  for  books  of  Catholic  devotion.  This  evidence 
proves  clearly  enough  that  he  was  a  good  Catholic, 
but  it  proves  nothing  more.  There  remain,  however, 
certain  other  indications,  weak  and  perhaps  apparently 
far-fetched  each  of  them  when  standing  alone,  but 
possessed,  nevertheless,  of  a  certain  cumulative  force 
when  taken  all  together. 

On  August  7,  1680,  immediately  after  the  death 
of  Foucquet,  and  when  his  two  valets  '  D auger '  and 
La  Riviere  were  already  immured  in  the  tour  d'en 

3 


258  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

las,  unknown  to  anyone  except  Saint-Mars — it  being 
generally  supposed  that  they  had  been  set  at  liberty, 
Saint-Mars  wrote  to  Louvois  to  ask  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  put  Mattioli,  who  was  at  that  time 
sharing  a  cell  with  Dubreuil  in  the  other  tower,  with 
the  mad  Jacobin  in  the  upper  chamber  of  the  tour 
d'en  bas.  Louvois  writes  on  the  16th  to  say  that 
the  king  approves  of  this  arrangement,  '  pour  eviter 
1'entretien  de  deux  aumoniers '  ('  to  avoid  keeping  two 
chaplains').  These  last  words  present  considerable 
difficulty.  All  the  prisoners  heard  Mass  together  in 
the  general  chapel  of  the  donjon,  being  in  a  specially 
arranged  gallery  where  they  could  neither  see  each 
other  nor  be  seen.  How  could  it  possibly  make  any 
difference  in  the  number  of  chaplains  employed 
whether  a  particular  prisoner  shared  the  cell  of  one 
or  another  of  his  fellow  prisoners  ? 

It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  all  these 
despatches  are  written  in  language  that  is  often  inten- 
tionally veiled,  intelligible  to  the  proper  recipient,  but 
not  to  anyone  else  into  whose  hands  they  might 
possibly  fall.  As  an  instance,  take  the  permission 
granted  to  Saint-Mars  to  visit  Catinet,  who  had  been 
staying  at  Pignerol,  but  had  now  taken  up  the  command 
at  Casale.  *Le  Boi  ne  trouvera  point  mauvais  que 
vous  alliez  voir  de  temps  en  temps  le  dernier  prisonnier 
que  vous  avez  entre  les  mains  lorsqu'il  sera  estably 
dans  sa  nouvelle  prison.'  ('  You  may  go  to  visit  your 
last  prisoner  when  he  is  settled  in  his  new  prison.') 
Except  to  Saint-Mars  himself  those  words  would  have 
no  meaning,  and  in  our  own  time  they  actually  misled 
M.  Loiseleur,  who  erected  a  whole  theory  of  his  own 
upon  them  through  interpreting  them  strictly  literally. 

Now  the  words  at  present  before  us  might  equally 


OBJECTIONS   AND  EXPLANATIONS  259 

well  be  translated,  'to  avoid  any  intercourse  between 
two  priests,'  and  this  translation  gives  a  more  intelli- 
gible meaning.  The  Jacobin  in  the  upper  chamber 
will  be  one  of  these  priests,  but  who,  on  this  interpreta- 
tion, is  the  other  ?  Clearly,  it  must  be  one  of  the  two 
in  the  other  chamber  of  the  same  tower — '  Dauger '  and 
La  Riviere — and  since  La  Riviere  is  out  of  the  question, 
'  Dauger '  remains  the  only  possible  person.  Saint- 
Mars  just  at  that  time  was  unusually  terrified 
lest  prisoners  should  communicate  with  one  another, 
for  he  had  just  discovered  the  means  by  which 
Foucquet  and  Lauzun  had  so  long  carried  on  their 
secret  intercourse.  Now  the  fact  that  he  had  two 
ecclesiastics  in  adjoining  chambers  aroused  his  fears, 
and  Mattioli  is  put  with  the  Jacobin  to  be  a  check  upon 
any  attempted  communication.  The  weak  point  of 
the  suggestion  obviously  lies  in  the  fact  that  Saint- 
Mars  could  have  attained  this  end  so  much  more 
efficaciously  by  removing  the  Jacobin  altogether,  and 
one  does  not  quite  see  why  he  could  not  adopt  that 
course. 

The  next  year  finds  them  at  Exiles,  and  here  Saint- 
Mars  writes  that  he  has  separated  off  a  portion  of  the 
chamber  occupied  by  the  two  prisoners,  so  as  to  serve 
as  a  chapel  where  Mass  can  be  said.  They  hear  Mass, 
therefore,  without  leaving  the  tower.  He  specially 
mentions  '  the  priest  who  says  Mass  for  them,'  and 
who  could  not  see  them  when  he  did  so  because  of  this 
partition.  If  this  were  not  so,  one  would  be  inclined 
to  surmise  that  the  plan  was  devised  for  the  express 
purpose  of  allowing  one  of  the  prisoners  to  say  Mass. 
For  priests  were  not  common  at  Exiles,  and  a  Mass 
said  in  a  prison  cell  would  clearly  be  of  no  use  to  Saint- 
Mars,  his  family,  and  the  men  of  the  Free  Company. 

s2 


260  THE   MAN  OF   THE   MASK 

The  only  other  probable  conclusion  would  be  that  the 
prisoners  were  allowed  the  privilege  of  a  daily  Mass  as 
Foucquet  had  been,  and  that  to  save  the  trouble  of 
bringing  them  down  each  day  to  the  general  chapel 
this  little  altar  was  fitted  up  in  the  cell  itself. 

This  opinion  is  strengthened  when  we  come  to  the 
journey  between  Exiles  and  Sainte-Marguerite.  Here 
Saint-Mars  writes  that  he  will  not  be  able  to  arrange 
for  his  prisoner  to  hear  Mass  on  the  way,  but  that 
when  he  arrives  at  the  Island  and  is  placed  in  the 
prison  which  is  being  specially  built  for  him,  he  will 
have  a  chapel  adjoining  his  cell.  Here,  again,  it  does 
not  look  as  if  it  was  merely  the  Sunday  obligation 
that  is  being  thought  of.  That  could  be  managed  with 
comparative  ease.  They  would  hardly  have  built  a 
tiny  chapel  adjoining  the  cell  and  necessitating  a 
separate  Mass,  if  Sundays  alone  were  being  considered. 
The  tradition  in  the  island  is  that  he  had  a  separate 
Mass  of  his  own,  not  that  he  was  a  priest  and  said  one 
for  himself,  and  a  very  handsome  faldstool  is  preserved 
which  he  is  said  to  have  used  at  Mass. 

The  move  to  Sainte-Marguerite  is  the  moment  when 
his  more  generous  treatment  seems  to  begin.  His  old 
worn-out  furniture  was  sold  and  left  behind  at  Exiles, 
and  a  new  outfit  was  provided.  Saint-Mars  at  the  end  of 
the  year  sends  the  gross  total  that  has  been  spent,  but 
dare  not  send  the  items  lest  some  inquisitive  person 
should  learn  from  them  more  than  he  ought  to  know 
concerning  the  prisoner's  identity.  The  fitting  up  of 
the  chapel  will  have  been  part  of  this  year's  expendi- 
ture, as  also  will  the  purchase  of  the  new  furniture  for 
the  cell. 

At  the  Bastille  there  is  no  trace  of  a  special  chapel, 
still  less  of  the  prisoner's  being  allowed  to  say  Mass. 


OBJECTIONS   AND   EXPLANATIONS  261 

He  has,  however,  a  special  permission  *  to  confess  and 
communicate  as  often  as  he  wishes.'  But,  for  anything 
that  we  know,  there  may  have  been  a  private  chapel 
provided  here  also,  and  the  great  burning  of  furniture 
and  recolouring  of  the  walls  of  his  apartment,  may 
have  been  in  part  rendered  necessary  by  the  desire  of 
obliterating  any  trace  of  this  special  privilege. 

If  we  try  to  sum  up  the  whole  matter,  we  shall 
probably  come  to  the  conclusion  that,  although  there 
is  not  enough  evidence  to  lead  us  to  think  that  the 
prisoner  ever  said  Mass  or  was  a  priest,  there  is  certainly 
evidence  which  tends  to  show  that,  at  least  in  the  later 
years  of  his  life,  he  was  allowed  religious  privileges 
which,  in  the  case  of  a  prisoner,  must  be  admitted  to 
have  been  quite  exceptional.  This  fits  in  very  well 
with  the  facts  as  known  to  us;  for  while  we  have 
no  reason  to  think  that  James  Stuart  was  ever 
ordained  priest,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  a 
very  devout  Catholic,  an  ecclesiastic,  and  even  a 
religious. 

It  by  no  means  follows,  of  course,  that,  even  if  he 
had  been  known  to  be  a  priest,  he  would  have  been 
allowed  to  say  Mass.  Louis  and  his  ministers  were,  in 
a  way,  good  theologians,  and  they  dared  not  refuse  to 
any  prisoner  the  right  to  fulfil  the  minimum  of  reli- 
gious duty  enjoined  upon  him  by  the  Church — to  hear 
Mass  on  Sundays  and  feast  days,  and  to  confess  and 
communicate  at  least  once  a  year  at  Easter  time.  At 
the  same  time,  they  knew  also  that  for  a  priest  who 
has  not  any  cure  of  souls,  the  saying  of  Mass  is  a 
privilege,  and  not,  strictly  speaking,  a  duty.  And  to  a 
privilege  no  man  is  bound ;  least  of  all  one  who  is  a 
prisoner.  We  have  no  reason  to  think  that  the  mad 
Jacobin  at  Pignerol,  or  any  one  of  the  many  priests 


262  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

who  were  confined  at  one  time  or  other  in  the  Bastille, 
were  ever  allowed  to  say  Mass. 

This,  perhaps,  is  the  best  place  to  consider  the 
possible  connection  with  James  Stuart,  and  hence  with 
the  Man  in  the  Mask,  of  the  two  pieces  of  religious 
controversy  found  in  King  Charles'  possession  after 
his  death.  These  papers,  it  will  be  remembered,  were 
found  in  Charles'  cabinet — another  account  says  in  his 
pocket — kept,  along  with  the  relic  of  the  True  Cross, 
once  the  property  of  one  of  the  martyred  Jesuits, 
among  his  most  treasured  possessions.  They  were 
entirely  in  his  own  handwriting,  but  were  not  signed  or 
docketed  in  any  way  which  would  give  a  clue  to  their 
origin. 

An  examination  of  these  papers,  one  copy  of  which, 
in  English,  was  published  by  James  II.  after  his 
accession ;  while  another,  in  French,  was  sent  to  Eome 
and  still  remains  there  in  the  Vatican  archives,  reveals 
two  important  points.  The  first  is  that,  although  the 
papers  are  in  Charles'  handwriting,  they  are  not  of  his 
composition,  but  that  they  were,  on  the  contrary,  in  all 
probability  addressed  to  him  and  were  intended  for  his 
perusal.  They  are  in  the  form  of  an  argument, 
addressed  by  one  person  to  another.  The  second  point 
is  that  the  French,  and  not  the  English,  is  the  original 
— the  English  is  only  a  translation,  and  the  papers 
were  composed  in  French.  A  still  closer  examination 
would  show,  further,  that  the  writer,  though  a  Catholic 
and  well  acquainted  with  his  religion,  was  not  a  very 
skilled  theologian  ;  that,  although  he  writes  in  French, 
he  is  in  some  sense  an  Englishman,  the  expression 
nostre  Angleterre  occurring  more  than  once ;  and  that 
he  was  on  terms  of  friendly  intercourse,  almost  of 
familiarity,  with  the  king.  There  is  none  of  the  almost 


OBJECTIONS  AND  EXPLANATIONS  263 

servile  deference  which  in  that  age,  and  especially  in 
the  case  of  one  who  had  been  brought  up  in  France, 
would  ordinarily  mark  the  language  of  a  subject 
addressed  to  a  reigning  monarch ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
a  note  of  confidence,  almost  of  equality,  pervades  them 
both. 

If  we  ask  ourselves  what  ecclesiastic  there  was  with 
whom  Charles  could  possibly  have  been  brought  into 
contact  and  who  could  have  been  the  author  of  these 
papers,  it  is  not  very  easy  to  suggest  a  name.  Father 
Howard,  Father  Stapylton,  and  the  English  Benedic- 
tines would  none  of  them  have  spoken  with  the  king 
in  French.  Father  '  Paterique  '  McGhynn,  in  spite  of 
his  Irish  patronymic,  was  more  Portuguese  than  either 
Irish  or  French ;  nor,  fond  as  the  king  undoubtedly 
was  of  him,  does  he  ever  seem  to  have  ventured  on 
controversy  of  any  kind.  D'Aubigny  fits  the  case  much 
better,  but  he,  too,  could  speak  English  perfectly  well, 
although  he  had  lived  much  in  France ;  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  think  that  his  intercourse  with  the  king  was 
carried  on  in  anything  but  English,  which,  after  all, 
was  the  native  language  of  both.  Nor,  lastly,  in  the 
case  of  any  one  of  these  priests  is  there  any  manifest 
reason  why  Charles  should  have  so  much  valued 
their  controversial  productions — productions  which  are 
not  in  themselves  of  any  very  striking  value — as  to 
have  carefully  preserved  them  for  a  course  of  years 
to  have  copied  them  out  with  his  own  hand,  and 
perhaps  to  have  carried  them  about  always  on  his  own 
person. 

If,  however,  we  turn  to  James  Stuart  the  required 
conditions  will  be  found  to  be  fulfilled  with  absolute 
exactness.  The  whilom  'Mr.  de  la  Cloche,  Jesuit,' 
may  well  have  had  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  general 


264  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

controversial  position  to  have  written  these  papers ; 
while  at  the  same  time,  since  he  had  not  yet  studied 
theology,  we  cannot  be  surprised  at  the  one  or  two 
small  mistakes  which  are  made.  His  English,  if  he 
spoke  it  at  all,  was  very  bad,  and  it  was  no  doubt  in 
French  that  his  ordinary  intercourse  with  his  father 
was  carried  on.  He  fits  the  case  exactly,  being 
an  ecclesiastic  without  theology  and  an  Englishman 
who  cannot  speak  English.  Further,  the  tone  of 
the  papers  is  just  what  we  should  have  expected  from 
one  in  his  position — a  son  writing  to  a  father  above 
him  in  station  and  of  whom  he  knows  compara- 
tively little — for  they  are  respectful  without  being 
servile,  and  intimate  without  ever  lapsing  into 
familiarity. 

We  see,  too,  on  this  hypothesis,  why  it  was  that 
the  king  kept  them  so  carefully.  They  were,  perhaps, 
the  only  relics  he  possessed  of  a  son  for  whom  he  had 
a  real  respect  and  a  sincere  affection ;  a  son  who  had 
shown  himself  to  be  all  that  he  himself  in  his  best 
moments  longed  to  be,  but  had  lacked  the  courage  and 
straightforwardness  to  make  himself ;  a  son,  too,  who 
was  the  fruit  of  his  earliest  k>ve,  born  of  a  mother 
whose  disgraceful  secret  he  had  ever,  to  his  honour, 
jealously  preserved,  so  that  only  lately  has  it  become 
known  to  us ;  a  son,  lastly,  who  had  so  strangely  disap- 
peared that  no  inquiry  had  been  able  to  reveal  anything 
of  his  fate,  by  what  means  he  had  met  his  death,  or 
even  whether  he  were  at  that  moment  alive  or  dead. 
No  wonder  that  Charles  kept  those  papers  so  carefully ; 
no  wonder  that,  when  they  wore  out  with  constant 
perusal,  he  reverently  copied  them  again  with  his  own 
hand ;  no  wonder  that  he  cared  for  them  more  than  for 
all  else  on  earth,  keeping  them  with  another  secret 


OBJECTIONS   AND   EXPLANATIONS  265 

treasure  which  he  let  none  know  of  but  himself — the 
relic  of  the  Holy  Cross  which  had  been  taken  from  the 
body  of  Father  Whitbread,  the  Jesuit,  whose  death 
warrant  for  high  treason  he  had  signed  with  his  own 
hand.  For  they  spoke  to  him  of  hopes  that  were  past 
and  gone,  of  ideals  that  he  still  longed  for  but  now 
could  never  attain,  of  a  call  unheeded  and  a  life 
misspent,  and  a  door  that  once  stood  open,  but  now 
seemed  to  have  closed  eternally. 

Thus,  then,  we  bring  our  long-drawn  story  to  its 
close.  Father  and  son,  so  strangely  different  in  their 
worldly  position,  were  yet  in  some  ways  singularly 
alike  in  destiny.  Each  alike  wore  the  mask  and  lived 
a  solitary  life,  cut  off  from  all  his  kind,  though  one  did 
it  in  a  prison  and  the  other  sat  upon  a  throne.  '  No 
one  except  myself  and  my  lieutenant,'  said  Saint-Mars, 
*  can  boast  that  he  has  ever  seen  the  face  of  my  prisoner/ 
'  No  one,'  we  can  fancy  Charles  rejoining,  *  except, 
perhaps,  my  sister  Henrietta,  can  boast  that  he  has 
ever  known  my  heart.'  The  father  wore  his  mask 
upon  the  throne,  living  solitary  in  the  midst  of  a 
crowd ;  a  mask  of  his  own  choosing,  though  it  was 
hateful  to  look  upon,  and  it  irked  and  galled  him  ;  and 
the  saddest  thing  in  his  life  is  that  no  one  realised  it 
was  a  mask  at  all.  The  son  wore  his  mask  in  a  cell, 
cut  off,  not  by  his  own  choosing,  from  all  his  kind, 
living  a  life  which  seems  almost  insupportable,  and  yet 
which  had  become  tolerable,  and  perhaps  even  not 
unpleasant,  through  his  own  courage  and  patient  re- 
signation. Nor  is  there  room  for  doubt  as  to  which 
life  was  the  happier — that  of  'the  Merry  Monarch  '  in 
the  midst  of  splendour  and  wanton  extravagance,  but 
with  the  worm  of  conscience  ever  gnawing  at  his 


266  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

heart,  or  that  of  his  son  in  the  solitude  of  the  prison 
cell  he  had  made  into  his  hermitage,  never  complaining 
or  repining  at  his  lot ;  but,  as  even  his  gaoler  is  ready 
to  confess,  living  '  content '  and  '  in  a  great  quietude,' 
'  like  a  man  wholly  resigned  to  the  will  of  God  and  of 
the  king.' 


APPENDIX 

OF 

OKIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 


269. 


BOOK  I. 

DOCUMENTS  CONCERNING  '  THE  MAN  IN  THE 
IRON  MASK/ 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  July  19th,  1669. 

LE  ROY  m'ayant  command^  de  faire  conduire  a  Pignerol  le 
nomine*  .  .  .  il  est  de  la  derniere  importance  a  son  service 
qu'il  soit  garde"  avec  une  grande  seurete",  et  qu'il  ne  puisse 
donner  de  ses  nouvelles  en  nulle  maniere,  ni  par  lettres  a  qui 
que  ce  soit.  Je  vous  en  donne  advis  par  advance,  afin  que 
vous  puissiez  faire  accomoder  un  cachot  ou  vous  le  mettrez 
seurement,  observant  de  faire  en  sorte  que  les  jours  qu'aura  le 
lieu  ou  il  sera,  ne  donnent  point  sur  des  lieux  qui  puissent 
estre  aborde"z  de  personne,  et  qu'il  y  ayt  assez  de  portes 
ferme'es,  les  unes  sur  les  autres,  pour  que  vos  sentinelles  ne 
puissent  rien  entendre.  II  faudra  que  vous  portiez  vous 
mesme  a  ce  miserable,  une  fois  le  jour,  de  quoy  vivre  toute 
la  journe'e,  et  que  vous  n'escoutiez  jamais,  soubs  quelque 
pre"texte  que  ce  puisse  estre,  ce  qu'il  voudra  vous  dire,  le 
mena9ant  tousjours  de  la  faire  mourir  s'il  vous  ouvre 
jamais  la  bouche  pour  vous  parler  d'autre  chose  que  de  ses 
necessity's. 

Je  mande  au  sieur  Poupart  de  faire  incessamment  tra- 
vailler  a  ce  que  vous  desirerez,  et  vous  ferez  preparer  les 
meubles  qui  sont  ne"cessaires  pour  la  vie  de  celui  que  Ton 
vous  ame"nera,  observant  que,  comme  ce  n'est  qu'un  valet, 
il  ne  luy  en  faut  pas  de  biens  considerables,  et  je  vous  feray 
rembourser  tant  de  la  dispenses  des  meubles,  que  de  ce  que 
vous  desirerez  pour  sa  nourriture. 

MSS.  Dep&t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  234,  fo.  272.    Printed  by  Delort. 


270  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Louis  XIV.  to  De  Vauroy,  July  28th,  1669. 

Capitaine  de  Vauroy,  etant  mal  satisfait  de  la  conduite 
du  nomm6  .  .  .  et  voulant  m'assurer  de  sa  persorme,  je  vous 
6cris  cette  lettre  pour  vous  dire  qu'aussitot  que  vous  1'aurez 
vue  vous  ayez  a  le  saisir  et  arre"ter,  et  a  le  conduire  vous- 
m.e'me  en  toute  surete  dans  la  citadelle  de  Pignerol,  pour  y 
e~tre  gard£  par  les  soins  du  Capitaine  de  Saint-Mars. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  234,  fo.  272.    Printed  by  lung. 

Louis  XIV.  to  Saint-Mars,  July  28th,  1669. 
Envoyant  a  ma  citadelle  de  Pignerol,  sous  la  conduite  du 
capitaine  de  Vauroy,  sergent-major  de  ma  ville  et  citadelle 
de  Dunkerque  le  nomm6  .  .  .  je  vous  e"cris  cette  lettre  pour 
vous  dire  que  lorsque  ledit  capitaine  de  Vauroy  sera  arriv£  en 
madite  citadelle  de  Pignerol,  avec  ledit  prisonnier,  vous  ayez 
a  le  recevoir  de  ses  mains  et  a  le  tenir  sous  bonne  et  sure 
garde,  emp§chant  qu'il  n'ait  communication  avec  qui  que  ce 
soit  de  vive  voix  ou  par  4crit. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  234,  fo.  274.    Printed  by  lung. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  August  21st,  1669.  ,*• 

M.  de  Vauroy  a  remis  entre  mes  mains  le  nomme' 
Eustache  d' Auger.  Aussitot  que  je  1'eus  mis  dans  un  lieu 
fort  sur,  en  attendant  que  le  cachot  que  je  lui  fais  pr^parer 
soit  paracheve\  .  .  .  Je  lui  dis  en  presence  de  M.  de  Vauroy, 
que  s'il  me  parloit  a  moi  ou  a  quelqu'autre,  d'autre  chose  que 
pour  ses  necessity's,  je  lui  mettrois  mon  e"pe"e  dans  le  ventre. 
.  .  .  Je  ne  manquerai  pas  de  ma  vie,  d'observer  fort 
ponctuellement  vos  commandemens. 

Printed  by  Roux  Fazillac. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  August  31st,  1669. 
II  n'y  a  rien  de  plus  vrai  que  je  n'ai  jamais  parl£  de  ce 
prisonnier  a  qui  que  ce  soit,  et  pour  marque  de  cela,  bien  de 
monde  croit  ici  que  c'est  un  Mare'chal  de  France,  et  d'autres 
disent  un  president. 

Printed  by  Eoux  Fazillac. 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       271 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  September  10th,  1669. 

J'ay  169011  vos  lettres  des  24  et  dernier  du  mois  passe\ 
Vous  pouvez  donner  a  vostre  nouveau  prisonnier  un  livre  de 
prieres,  et  s'il  vous  en  demande  quelque  autre,  le  luy  donner 
aussi.  Vous  pourrez  luy  faire  entendre,  les  dimanches  et  les 
festes,  la  messe  qui  se  dira  pour  monsieur  Foucquet,  sans 
pourtant  estre  dans  le  m§me  lieu,  et  vous  observerez  de  le 
faire  si  bien  garder  durant  ce  temps  la,  qu'il  ne  puisse 
s 'Evader  ni  parler  a  personne ;  vous  pourrez  mesme  le  faire 
confesser  trois  ou  quatre  fois  I'anne'e,  s'il  le  desire,  et  non 
point  d'avantage,  a  moins  qu'il  ne  luy  survinst  quelque 
maladie  pe'rilleuse. 

L'on  m'avoit  mande"  que  vous  aviez  dit  a  monsieur  de  la 
Bretonniere  que  Ton  vous  devroit  envoyer  un  prisonnier, 
mais  je  suis  bien  ayse  que  cela  ne  se  soit  point  trouve' 
veritable. 

Archives  Nationales,  K.  120,  68.     Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  September  25th,  1669. 

J'ay  appris,  par  vostre  lettre  du  4  de  ce  mois,  1'indis- 
position  de  monsieur  Foucquet  et  le  sentiment  qu'en  ont  les 
me'decins  ;  comme  aussy  que  le  prisonnier  qui  vous  a  este' 
envoys'  en  dernier  lieu  est  incommode' :  de  sorte  qu'il  a  besoin 
d'estre  saigne'  pour  recouvrer  sa  santd,  sur  quoy  je  vois  diray 
qu'il  n'y  a  nulle  difficult^  a  le  faire,  et  que  lors  que  de  pareilles 
choses  arriveront,  vous  pourrez  le  faire  traicter  et  me'dica- 
menter  selon  qu'il  en  sera  besoin,  sans  attendre  d'ordre  pour 
cela,  me  donnant  seulement  compte  de  ce  qui  se  sera  passe, 
comme  vous  avez  accoustum^  de  faire. 

Archives  Nationales,  K.  120,  69.    Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  March  %6th,  1670. 

.  .  .  L'on  ma  donne"  advis  que  le  sieur  Honneste,  ou  un 

dea  valetz  de  monsieur  Foucquet,  a  parl^  au  prisonnier  qui 

vous  a  este*  amene"  par  le  major  de  Dunquerque,  et  luy  a, 

entre  autres  choses,  demande"  s'il  n'avoit  rien  de  consequence 


272  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

h  luy  dire,  &  quoy  il  a  respondu  qu'on  le  laissast  en  paix :  il 
en  a  uze*  ainsy,  croyant  probablement  que  c'estoit  quelqu'un 
de  vostre  part  qui  1'interrogeoit  pour  1'esprouver,  et  voir  s'il 
diroit  quelque  chose  ;  par  la,  vous  jugerez  bien  que  vous  n'avez 
pas  pris  assez  de  precautions  pour  empescher  qu'il  n'eust 
quelque  communication  que  ce  pust  estre ;  et,  comme  il  est 
tres  important  au  service  de  sa  Majeste",  qu'il  n'en  ayt  aucune, 
je  vous  prie  de  visitter  soigneusement  le  dedans  et  le  dehors 
du  lieu  ou  il  est  enferme',  et  de  le  mettre  en  estat  que  le 
prisonnier  ne  puisse  voir  ni  estre  veu  de  personne,  et  ne  puisse 
parler  a  qui  ,que  ce  soit,  ni  entendre  ceux  qui  luy  voudroient 
dire  quelque  chose. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  April  12th,  1670. 

II  y  a  des  personnes  qui  sont  quelquefois  si  curieuses  de 
me  demander  des  nouvelles  de  mon  prisonnier,  ou  le  sujet 
pourquoi  je  fais  faire  tant  de  retranchemens  pour  ma  surete", 
que  je  suis  oblig6  de  leur  dire  des  contes  jaunes  pour  me 
moquer  d'eux. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  August  7th,  1671. 
Je  ne  puis  que  vous  mander,  Monseigneur,  si  ce  n'est  les 
maladies  qui  commencent  de  nous  venir  voir.  M.  Foucquet  a 
une  petite  fievre  qui  ne  I'incommode  pas  beaucoup,  mais  Tun 
de  ses  valets  est  tres  mal,  comme  aussi  le  prisonnier  qui  m'a 
6t6  envoye*.  J'en  aurai  soin  ainsi  que  de  les  bien  garder. 

MSS.  Dep6t  de  la  Guerre.    Printed  by  Eavaisson. 

NOTE. — '  Dauger,'  who  is  spoken  of  in  this  veiled  way  by 
Saint-Mars  writing  to  Louvois,  is  spoken  of  by  Louvois  in 
return  as  '  votre  second  prisonnier/ — Ravaisson,  Archives  de 
la  Bastille,  iii.  p.  85.  At  this  date  Foucquet,  '  Dauger,'  and 
Honneste  were  the  only  prisoners  in  Saint- Mars'  charge. 
Honneste  was  set  free  before  September  1671.  Saint- Mars 
writes  again  a  week  later :  '  Un  de  ses  valets  et  le  prisonnier 
qu'on  m'a  amene"  sont  extrSmement  malades,  ils  me  donnent 
de  1'occupation  assez  pour  leur  souhaiter  de  la  santeV  On 
September  5  :  '  M.  Foucquet  se  porte  pre'sentement  assez  bien, 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       273 

&  la  sciatique  pres  qui  Tincommode  encore  un  peu.  Pour  1'un 
de  ses  valets  et  mon  autre  prisonnier,  ils  sont  toujours  malades, 
mais  beaucoup  moins  qu'ils  n'ont  eteY — Ravaisson,  Hi.  p.  99. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  February  20,  1672. 

II  est  si  malaise  de  pouvoir  trouver  ici  des  valets  qui  se 
veuillent  enfermer  avec  mes  prisonniers  que  je  prendai  la 
libert^  de  vous  en  proposer  un  :  ce  prisonnier  qui  est  dans  la 
tour,  et  que  vous  m'avez  envoye*  par  M.  le  major  de  Dunkerque, 
serait,  ce  me  semble,  un  bon  valet.  Je  ne  pense  pas  qu'il  dit 
a  M.  de  Lauzun  d'ou  il  sort,  apres  que  je  lui  aurais  d^fendu  ; 
je  suis  stir  qu'il  ne  lui  dirait  pas  aussi  aucune  nouvelle,  ni  ne 
me  demanderais  point  de  sortir  de  sa  vie,  comme  font  tous  les 
autres.  .  .  . 

Je  doute  que  [le  premier  valet  que  j'ai  donn£  a  M.  de 
Lauzun]  ne  soit  gagn6  par  son  maitre.  Je  ne  saurais  tirer 
aucune  parole  de  lui,  et  il  fut  tout  de  m§me  qu'ont  fait  ceux 
de  M.  Foucquet  quand  ils  ont  ele"  gagne"  par  leur  maitre.  Si 
ce  gaillard  la  vient  a  tomber  malade,  je  le  retirerai  des  apparte- 
ments  de  M.  de  Lauzun,  avec  votre  permission,  et  le  mettrais 
dans  un  lieu  que  je  reserve,  qui  fait  jaser  les  muets,  apres  y 
avoir  demeure"  un  mois.  Je  saurai  par  1&  toutes  choses  de 
lui,  et  je  suis  assure"  qu'il  n'oubliera  pas  la  moindre  bagatelle 
a  me  dire.  .  .  . 

Je  n'en  chercherai  point  que  vous  ne  m'ayez  fait  la  grace 
de  me  faire  response  sur  Fhomme  de  la  tour. 

MSS.  D6p6t  de  la  Guerre.    Printed  by  Bavaisson. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  December  BOth,  1678. 
Pour  le  prisonnier  de  la  tour  que  M.  de  Vauroy  m'a  amene', 
il  ne  dit  rien,  il]  vit  content,  comme  un  homme  tout  a  fait 
re'signe'  a  la  volont6  de  Dieu  et  du  Roi. 

Printed  by  lung,  p.  195.     No  reference  given. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  January  20th,  1675. 

J'ay  re9eu  vostre  lettre  du  19  de  ce  mois,  et  j'ay  rendu 
compte  au  Roy  de  ce  qu'elle  contient.  Sa  Majeste"  approuve 

T 


274  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

que  vous  donniez,  pour  valet,  a  monsieur  Foucquet,  le 
prisonnier  que  le  sieur  de  Vauroy  vous  a  conduit;  mais, 
quelque  chose  qui  puisse  arriver,  vous  debvez  vous  abstenir  de 
le  mettre  avec  monsieur  de  Lauzun,  ni  avec  qui  que  ce  soit, 
autre  que  monsieur  Foucquet. 

C'est-a-dire  que  vous  pouvez  donner  le  dit  prisonnier  a 
M.  Foucquet,  si  son  valet  venoit  a  luy  manquer  et  non  autre- 
ment. 

Archives  Nationales,  K.  120,  167.    Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  March  llth,  1675. 

J'ay  re$eu  vostre  lettre  du  26  du  mois  passe'.  Si  vous 
pouvez  trouver  un  valet  qui  soit  propre  a  servir  monsieur 
de  Lauzun,  vous  pouvez  le  luy  donner ;  mais,  pour  quelque 
raison  que  ce  puisse  estre,  il  ne  faut  point  que  vous  luy 
donniez  le  prisonnier  que  le  sieur  de  Vauroy  vous  a  amene", 
qui  ne  doit  servir,  en  cas  de  ne'cessite',  qu'a  monsieur  Foucquet, 
ainsy  que  je  vous  Tay  mande'. 

Archives  Nationales,  K.  12,0,  168.     Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  November  23rd,  1676. 

J'ay  re9eu  vostre  lettre  du  14  de  ce  mois  et  par  laquelle 
vous  me  faites  part  de  1'estat  de  vos  prisonniers.  Je  vous  prie 
de  me  mander  qui  est  Iog6  avec  le  sieur  Dubreuil,  que  vous 
dites  est  si  fol,  me  marquant  son  nom  et  celuy  par  lequel 
il  vous  a  este"  amene* ;  et,  m'envoyant  une  copie  de  la  lettre 
qui  vous  a  est£  escritte  pour  le  faire  reQevoir,  afin  que  je  puisse 
mieux  me  remettre  dans  Fesprit  quel  il  est.  .  .  . 

Louvois  to  Foucquet,  December  23rcZ,  1678. 

C'est  avec  beaucoup  de  plaisir  que  je  satisfais  au  com- 
mandement  qu'il  a  plu  au  Boi  de  me  faire  de  vous  donner 
avis  que  S.  M.  est  en  disposition  de  donner  dans  peu  de 
temps  des  adoucissements  fort  considerables  a  votre  prison ; 
mais,  comme  elle  desire  auparavant  §tre  informe'e  si  le  nomine" 
Eustache,  que  Ton  vous  a  donn£  pour  vous  servir,  n'a  point 
par!6  devant  1'autre  valet  qui  vous  sert,  de  ce  a  quoi  il  a  ele" 


COLLECTION   OF  ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS       275 

employe"  auparavant  que  d'etre  a  Pignerol,  Sa  Majeste  m'a 
commande  de  vous  le  demander,  et  de  vous  dire  qu'elle  s'attend 
que  sans  aucune  consideration  vous  me  manderez  la  ve'rite  de 
ce  que  dessus,  afin  qu'elle  puisse  prendre  les  mesures  qu'elle 
trouvera  plus  a  propos  sur  ce  qu'elle  apprendra  par  vous  que 
le  dit  Eustache  aura  pu  dire  de  sa  vie  passe'e  a  son  camarade. 
L'intention  de  Sa  Majeste  est  que  vous  fassiez  re"ponse  a  cette 
lettre,  en  votre  particulier,  sans  rien  temoigner  de  ce  qu'elle 
contient  a  M.  de  Saint-Mars  auquel  je  mande  que  le  Boi 
desire  qu'il  vous  remette  du  papier. 

MSS.  D6p6t  de  la  Guerre.    Printed  by  Kavaisson. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  December  21th,  1678. 
Sa  Majest^  profiteroit  de  1'avis  que  vous  lui  avez  donne"  au 
sujet  du  prisonnier  que  le  sieur  de  Vauroy  lui  avait  amene". 
MSS.  Dep6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  681,  fo.  524.    Printed  by  lung. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  January  ZQth,  1679. 

M&moire  de  la  maniere  dont  le  Boy  desire  que  monsieur  de 
Saint-Mars  garde,  d  I'adventir,  les  prisonniers  qui  sont 
d  sa  charge. 

Touttes  les  fois  que  monsieur  Foucquet  descendra  dans 
la  chambre  de  monsieur  de  Lauzun,  ou  que  monsieur  de 
Lauzun  montera  dans  la  chambre  de  monsieur  Foucquet,  ou 
quelqu'autre  estranger,  monsieur  de  Saint-Mars  aura  soin  de 
retirer  le  nomine"  Eustache  et  ne  le  remettra  dans  la  chambre 
de  monsieur  Foucquet  que  lorsqu'il  n'y  aura  plus  que  luy  et 
son  ancien  valet. 

II  en  uzera  de  mesme  lorsque  monsieur  Foucquet  ira  se 
promener  dans  la  citadelle,  faisant  rester  le  dit  Eustache  dans 
la  chambre  de  monsieur  Foucquet,  et  ne  souffrant  point  qu'il 
le  suive  a  la  promenade  que  lorsque  mon  dit  sieur  Foucquet 
ira  seul  avec  son  ancien  valet  pour  se  promener  dans  le  lieu  ou 
Sa  Majest^  a  trouve  bon  depuis  quelque  temps  que  monsieur 
de  Saint- Mars  luy  faist  prendre  1'air. 

Cecy  est  la  volonte  de  Sa  Majeste". 


276  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Louvois  to  Saint- Mars,  February  15th,  1679. 

.  .  .  Le  Roy  se  remet  &  vous  de  re*gler  avec  monsieur 
Foucquet,  comme  vous  jugerez  a  propos,  ce  qui  regardera  la 
seuret^  de  la  personne  du  nomine  Eustache  Dauger,  vous 
recommandant  sur  tout,  de  faire  en  sorte  qu'il  ne  parle  a 
personne  en  particulier.  .  .  . 

MSS.  De*p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  618,  fo.  265.    Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Foucquet,  February  17th,  1679. 

J'ai  lu  au  Roi  la  lettre  que  vous  avez  pris  la  peine  de 
m'ecrire  le  3e  de  ce  mois  ;  elle  ne  desire  de  re"ponse  que  pour 
vous  faire  savoir  que  Sa  Majeste  veut  bien  se  remettre  a 
vous  de  la  conduite  qu'il  faudra  tenir  a  1'egard  d' Eustache 
Dauger. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre.    Printed  by  Bavaisson. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  September  13th,  1679. 

Votre  lettre  du  2e  de  ce  mois  m'a  6i6  rendue  par  le 
sieur  de  Blainvilliers.  .  .  .  Je  vous  prie  de  me  mander  des 
nouvelles  de  la  santo*  d'Eustache  Dauger,  et  de  ce  que  se 
passera  parmi  vos  prisonniers. 

Archives  Nationales.    Printed  by  Eavaisson. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  April  8th,  1680. 

Le  Roy  a  apris,  par  la  lettre  que  vous  m'avez  escrite  le 
23  du  mois  passe",  la  mort  de  monsieur  Foucquet,  et  le  juge- 
ment  que  vous  faictes  que  monsieur  de  Lauzun  S9ait  la 
pluspart  des  choses  importantes  dont  monsieur  Foucquet 
avoit  cognoissance,  et  que  le  nomine"  la  Riviere  ne  les  ignore 
pas  :  surquoy  Sa  Majeste"  ma  commande"  de  vous  faire  S9avoir, 
qu'apres  que  vous  aurez  faict  reboucher  le  trou  par  lequel 
messieurs  Foucquet  et  de  Lauzun  ont  communique  a  vostre 
ins9eu,  et  cela  re"tably  si  solidement,  qu'on  ne  puisse  travailler 
en  cet  endroit  .  .  .  que  vous  persuadiez  a  monsieur  de  Lauzun, 
que  les  nomme's  Eustaches  d* Augers,  et  le  dit  la  Riviere,  ont  e"t£ 
mis  en  liberte",  et  que  vous  en  parliez  de  m§sme  a  tous  ceux  qui 
pourroyent  vous  en  demander  des  nouvelles ;  que  cependant 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       277 

vous  les  renfermiez  tous  deux  dans  une  chambre,  ou  vous 
puissiez  respondre  a  Sa  Majeste"  qu'ils  n'auront  communica- 
tion avec  qui  que  ce  soit,  de  vive  voix,  n'y  par  e'scrit,  et  que 
monsieur  de  Lauzun  ne  pourra  point  s'ape^evoir  qu'ils  y 
sont  renfermez.  .  .  . 

Archives  Nationals,  K.  120,  302.    Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  July  IQth,  1680. 

J'ay  re9eu  avec  vostre  lettre  du  4  de  ce  mois,  ce  qui  y  estoit 
joint,  dont  je  feray  1'usage  que  je  dois.  II  suffira  de  faire 
confesser  une  fois  I'anne'e  les  habitans  de  la  tour  d'en  bas. 

A  1'esgard  du  sieur  de  Lestang,  j 'admire  vostre  patience,  et 
que  vous  attendiez  un  ordre  pour  traiter  un  fripon  comme  il  le 
me'rite,  quand  il  vous  manque  de  respect. 

Mandez-moi  comme  il  est  possible  que  le  nomme'  Eustache 
ayt  fait  ce  que  vous  m'avez  envoys',  et  ou  il  a  pris  les  drogues 
ne"cessaires  pour  le  faire,  ne  pouvant  croire  que  vous  les  luy 
ayez  fournies. 

Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  August  16th,  1680. 
J'ay  veu,  par  vostre  lettre  du  7  de  ce  mois,  la  proposition  que 
vous  faites  de  mettre  le  sieur  de  Lestang  avec  le  jacobin  pour 
eviter  1'entretien  de  deux  aumosniers.    Le  roy  approuve  ce 
que  vous  projetez  sur  cela,  et  vous  n'avez  qu'a  1'executer. 
Printed  by  Delort. 

Saint- Mars  to  Louvois,  September  7th,  1680. 

Depuis  que  Monseigneur  ni'a  permis  de  mettre  Jklatthioli 
avec  le  jacobin  dans  la  tour  d'en  bas,  ledit  Matthioli  a  ete 
quatre  ou  cinq  jours  a  croire  que  le  jacobin  e'toit  un  homme  que 
j  'avois  mis  avec  lui  pour  prendre  garde  a  sea  actions.  Matthioli, 
qui  est  presque  aussi  f ou  que  le  jacobin,  se  promenoit  a  grands 
pas,  son  manteau  sur  le  nez,  en  disant  qu'il  n'e'toit  pas  un 
dupe  ;  qu'il  en  savoit  plus  qu'il  n'en  vouloit  dire.  Le  jacobin, 
qui  est  toujours  assis  sur  son  grabat,  appuy^  les  deux  coudes 
sur  ses  genoux,  le  regardoit  gravement  sans  I'e'couter.  Le 


278  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

signer  Matthioli  etant  toujours  persuade  que  c'e"toit  un  espion 
qu'on  lui  avoit  donne",  fut  disabuse",  lorsque  le  jacobin  un  jour 
descendit  de  son  lit  tout  nud,  et  se  niit  a  pr£cher  tant  qu'il 
pouvoit  des  choses  sans  rime  et  sans  raison.  Moi  et  mes 
lieutenans  avons  vu  toutes  leurs  manoeuvres  par  un  trou 
au-dessus  de  la  porte. 

Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Duchaunoy  (Commissaire  des  gwrres  d  Pigne- 
rol),  May  11th,  1681. 

La  mort  de  M.  le  due  de  Lesdiguieres  ayant  fait  vaquer  le 
gouvernement  d'Exiles,  le  Roi  1'a  donne"  a  M.  de  Saint-Mars, 
et  comme  sa  Majeste  desire  que  deux  des  prisonniers  qui  sont 
a  sa  garde  y  soient  transf  foe's  pour  y  §tre  avec  autant  de  surete 
qu'a  Pignerol,  1'intention  de  Sa  Majeste  est  qu'avec  mondit 
sieur  de  Saint-Mars  vous  alliez  a  Exiles,  pour  examiner  l'6tat 
des  lieux  ou  ils  pourront  6tre  enferme's,  et  les  reparations  qu'il 
y  a  a  faire,  pour  y  retablir  une  entiere  surete,  de  la  de"pense 
desquelles  vous  m'envoyerez  un  me"moire,  observant  que  ce  n'est 
que  des  logements  de  ces  deux  prisonniers  dont  il  doit  faire 
mention,  et  que  vous  ne  devez  parler  en  aucune  maniere  d'eux 
dans  ledit  m^moire  de  1'etat  present  du  logement  du  gouverneur 
d'Exiles,  ou  des  reparations  qu'il  pourra  y  avoir  a  faire. 

MSS.  D£pot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  654,  fo.  205.    Printed  by  lung. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  May  12th,  1681. 

J'ay  leu  au  roy  vostre  lettre  du  8  de  ce  mois,  par  laquelle 
Sa  Majeste*  ayant  connu  l'extr§me  repugnance  que  vous  avez  a 
accepter  le  commandement  de  la  citadelle  de  Pignerol,  a  trouve" 
bon  de  vous  accorder  le  gouvernement  d'Exiles,  vacant  par  la 
mort  de  M.  le  due  de  Lesdiguieres,  ou  elle  fera  transporter 
ceux  des  prisonniers  qui  sont  a  vostre  garde  qu'elle  croira 
assez  de  consequence  pour  ne  les  pas  mettre  en  d'autres  mains 
que  les  vostres. 

Je  demande  au  sieur  du  Chaunoy  d'aller  visitor  avec  vous 
les  batimens  d'Exiles,  et  d'y  faire  un  me"moire  des  reparations 
absolument  ne"cessaires  pour  le  logement  des  deux  prisonniers 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       279 

de  la  tour  d'en  bas,   qui  sont,  je  crois,   les  seals  que  Sa 
Majest^  fera  transferor  a  Exiles. 

Envoyez-moi  un  me'moire  de  tons  les  prisonniers  dont  vous 
estes  charge*,  et  marquez-moy  a  coste"  ce  que  vous  savez  des 
raisons  pour  lesquelles  ils  sont  arreste's. 

A  1'esgard  des  deux  de  la  tour  d'en-bas,  vous  n'avez  qu'a 
les  marquer  de  ce  nom,  sans  y  mettre  autre  chose. 
Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  June  I1tht  1681. 

J'ay  rendu  compte  au  roy  de  vostre  lettre  du  dernier  du 
mois  passe",  et  du  me'moire  des  reparations  a  faire  a  la  tour 
d'Exiles,  que  vous  jugez  propre  a  mettre  les  prisonniers  que 
sa  Majesty  laisse  a  vostre  garde.  Le  roy  a  trouve'  bon  de  vous 
accorder  mille  escus,  tant  pour  lesdites  reparations  que  pour 
celles  que  vous  jugerez  a  propos  de  faire  a  vostre  logement : 
a  quoy,  moyennant  cela,  vous  prendrez  soin  de  faire  travailler 
incessament,  comme  si  cette  despense  se  faisoit  a  vos  despens  ; 
et  lorsque  la  prison  sera  en  estat,  I'intention  de  sa  Majeste*  est 
que  vous  y  transfe'riez  lesdits  deux  prisonniers,  conforme'ment 
a  ce  que  je  vous  ay  mand^  par  ma  derniere  lettre,  et  qu'en 
consequence  d'icelle,  et  de  1'ordre  qui  y  estoit  joint,  vous 
remettiez  en  ce  temps-la  au  sieur  de  Villebois  le  cominande- 
ment  de  la  citadelle  de  Pignerol. 

Printed  by  Delort. 

Saint-Mars  to  the  Abbe  d'Estrades,  Ambassador  at 
Turin,  June  25th,  1681. 

J'ai  re$u  hier  seulement  mes  provisions  de  gouverneur 
d'Exiles  avec  deux  mille  livres  d'appointements ;  Ton  m'y 
conserve  ma  compagnie  franche  et  deux  de  mes  lieutenants,  et 
j'aurai  en  garde  deux  merles  que  j'ai  ici,  lesquels  n'ont  pas 
d'autres  noms  que  messieurs  de  la  tour  d'en  bas ;  Matthioli 
restera  ici  avec  deux  autres  prisonniers.  Un  des  mes 
lieutenants,  nomme'  Villebois,  les  gardera.  .  .  . 

Je  ne  crois  pas  partir  d'ici  que  devers  la  fin  du  mois  qui 
vient ;  je  pourrais  bien  y  aller  de  temps  a  autre  pour  y  faire 


280  THE   MAN   OF   THE   MASK 

quelques  reparations  necessaires  pour  le  bien  du  service.  J'ai 
tous  mes  ordres  pour  m'en  aller  dans  cet  exil-la  quand  je 
jugerai  a  propos  ;  mais  comme  rien  ne  presse,  et  qu'il  me 
faudra  4tablir  en  ce  lieu  la  pour  y  passer  1'hiver  avec  toute  ma 
famille  et  les  ours,  il  faudra  du  temps  pour  m'y  accomoder  tout 
le  mieux  que  je  pourrai. 

MSS.  Estrades,  at  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale.    Printed  by  Topin. 


Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  July  12^,  1681. 

De  Pignerol  au  moment  d'aller  a  Exiles. 

Pour  que  Ton  ne  voie  point  les  prisonniers  [a  Exiles],  ils 
ne  sortiront  point  de  leur  chambre  pour  entendre  la  messe  ;  et 
pour  les  tenir  en  plus  grande  surete,  Tun  de  mes  lieutenants 
couchera  audessus  d'eux,  et  il  y  aura  deux  sentinelles  jour  et 
nuit  qui  verront  tout  le  tour  de  la  tour,  sans  qu'eux  et  les 
prisonniers  se  puissent  voir  ni  parler,  ni  pas  m6me  entendre  ; 
ce  seront  des  soldats  de  ma  compagnie  qui  seront  toujours 
pose's  en  faction  aux  prisonniers.  II  n'y  a  qu'un  confesseur 
qui  m'inquiete  un  peu  ;  mais  si  Monseigneur  le  juge  a  propos, 
je  leur  donnerai  le  cure*  d'Exiles,  qui  est  un  homme  de  bien  et 
fort  vieux,  auquel  je  lui  pourrai  de*fendre,  de  la  part  de  Sa 
Majeste,  de  ne  point  S9avoir  quels  sont  ces  prisonniers-la,  ni 
leurs  noms,  et  ce  qu'ils  ont  4t^,  et  de  ne  parler  jamais  d'eux  en 
nulle  maniere  du  monde,  ni  de  recevoir  de  vive  voix,  ni  par 
e"crit,  aucunes  communications  ni  billets. 
Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  July  %2nd,  1681. 

J'ai  re9eu  vostre  lettre  du  12  de  ce  mois,  par  laquelle  je 
voys  que  les  reparations  que  vous  faites  faire  a  Exiles  ne  vous 
permettront  pas  de  partir  de  Pignerol  avant  la  fin  du  mois 
procbain  ;  comme  le  service  du  roy  pourra  requerir  que  vous  y 
demeuriez  encore  tout  le  mois  suivant,  il  sera  bon  que  vous 
diligentiez  assez  peu  lesdites  reparations  d'Exiles  pour  que 
vous  ayez  pr^texte  de  ne  partir  de  Pignerol  que  vers  les 
premiers  jours  du  mois  d'octobre,  observant  de  vous  conduire 


COLLECTION   OF  ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS       281 

de  maniere  qu'il  ne  paroisse  point  d'affectation  au  se"jour  que 
vous  y  ferez. 

Je  vais   faire   expedier  1'ordonnance    necessaire  pour  le 
remboursement  de  la  depense  que  vous  avez  faite  pour  vos 
prisonniers,  et  vous  la  recevrez  au  premier  jour. 
Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  September  ZQth,  1681. 

Ce  mot  est  seulement  pour  accuser  la  reception  de  vostre 
lettre  du  16  de  ce  mois.  Le  Roi  ne  trouvera  point  mauvais  que 
vous  alliez  voir  de  temps  en  temps  le  dernier  prisonnier  que 
vous  avez  entre  les  mains  lorsqu'il  sera  estably  dans  sa 
nouvelle  prison  et  des  qu'il  sera  parti  de  celle  ou  vous  le  tenez. 
Sa  Majeste  desire  que  vous  executiez  1'ordre  qu'elle  vous  a 
envoye  pour  vostre  e'tablissement  a  Exiles.  Je  vous  prie  de 
rendre  le  paquet  ci- joint  en  mains  propres  a  M.  de  Richemont. 
Archives  Nationales  K.  129.  Printed  by  Delort. 

NOTE. — This  '  last  prisoner '  is  Catinat,  a  sham  prisoner 
under  the  name  of  De  Richemont.  His  *  new  prison  '  is  Casale, 
the  government  of  which  he  was  to  take  up  on  its  cession  ten 
days  later. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  November  18th,  1681. 

Le  roi  approuve  que  vous  choisissiez  un  me'decm  pour 
traitor  vos  prisonniers,  et  que  vous  vous  serviez  du  sieur  Vigon 
pour  les  confesser  une  fois  Tan. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  659,  fo.  197. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  December  &th,  1681. 
Comme  il  y  a  toujours  quelqu'un  de  mes  deux  prisonniers 
malades,  ils  me  donnent  autant  d'occupation  que  jamais  j'en 
ai  eu  autour  de  ceux  que  j'ai  garde". 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  December  14,  1681. 
Vous  pouvez  faire  habiller  vos  prisonniers,  mais  il  faut 
que  les   habits   durent   trois  ou  quatre  ans  a  ces  sortes  de 

gens -la. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  660,  fo.  383. 


282  THE  MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  March  2nd,  1682. 

Comme  il  est  important  d'emp^cher  que  les  prisonniers 

qui  sont  a  Exiles,  que  Ton  nommait  a  Pignerol  de  la  Tour  d'en 

bas,   n'aient  aucun   commerce,  le  Koi  m'a  ordonne  de  vous 

commander  de  les  faire  garder  si  sdverement  et  de  prendre  de 

telles  precautions  que  vous  puissiez  re'pondre  a  Sa  Majeste 

qu'ils  ne  parleront  a  qui  que  ce  soit,  non  seulement  de  dehors, 

mais  m§me  de  la  garnison  d'Exiles  ;  je  vous  prie  de  me  mander 

de  temps  en  temps  ce  qui  se  passera  a  leur  e"gard. 

MSS.  Dep6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  675,  fo.  36. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  March  llth,  1682. 

J'ai  re9U  celle  qu'il  vous  a  plu  me  faire  1'honneur  de 
m'ecrire  le  27  du  passe",  par  laquelle  vous  me  mandez, 
Monseigneur,  qu'il  est  important  que  mes  deux  prisonniers 
n'aient  aucun  commerce.  Depuis  le  commencement  que 
Monseigneur  m'a  fait  ce  commandement-la,  j'ai  garde*  ces  deux 
prisonniers,  qui  sont  a  ma  garde,  aussi  se"verement  et  exacte- 
ment  que  j'ai  fait  autrefois  MM.  Foucquet  et  Lauzun,  lequel 
ne  se  peut  pas  vanter  d'avoir  donne"  ni  re9u  des  nouvelles,  tant 
qu'il  a  4te  enferme.  Ceux-ci  peuvent  entendre  parler  le  monde 
qui  passe  au  chemin  qui  est  au  bas  de  la  tour  ou  ils  sont ; 
mais  eux,  quand  ils  voudroient,  ne  sauroient  se  faire  entendre  ; 
ils  peuvent  voir  les  personnes  qui  seroient  sur  la  montagne 
qui  est  devant  leurs  fen£tres,  mais  on  ne  sauroit  les  voir,  a 
cause  des  grilles  qui  sont  au-devant  de  leurs  chambres.  J'ai 
deux  sentinelles  de  ma  compagnie  nuit  et  jour  des  deux  cote's 
de  la  tour,  d'une  distance  raisonnable,  qui  voient  obliquement 
a  fenetre  des  prisonniers.  II  leur  est  consign^  d'entendre  que 
personne  ne  leur  parle,  et  qu'ils  ne  orient  point  par  leurs 
fen§tres,  et  de  faire  marcher  les  passans  qui  s'arrdteroient 
dans  le  chemin  ou  sur  le  penchant  de  la  montagne.  Ma 
chambre  e*tant  jointe  a  la  tour,  qui  n'a  d'autre  vue  que  du 
cots'  de  ce  chemin,  fait  que  j'entends  et  vois  tout,  et 
m§me  mes  deux  sentinelles,  qui  sont  toujours  alertes  par 
ce  moyen-la. 

Pour  le  dedans  de  la  tour,  je  1'ai  fait  se'parer  d'une  maniere 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       283 

ou  le  prStre  qui  leur  dit  la  messe  ne  les  peut  voir,  a  cause 
d'un  tambour  que  j'ai  fait  faire,  qui  couvre  leurs  doubles 
portes.  Les  domestiques  qui  leur  portent  a  manger,  mettent 
ce  qui  soit  de  besoin  aux  prisonniers  sur  une  table  qui  est 
la,  et  mon  lieutenant  le  prend  et  le  porte.  Personne  ne 
leur  parle  que  moi,  mon  officier,  M.  Vigneron  (le  confesseur), 
et  un  me'decin  qui  est  de  Pragelas,  a  six  lieues  d'ici,  et  en  ma 
presence.  Pour  leur  linge  et  autres  ne'cessites,  m£mes  pre- 
cautions que  je  faisois  pour  mes  prisonniers  du  passe*. 
Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  March  31s t,  1682. 

J'ai  re$u  votre  lettre  du  11  de  ce  mois,  avec  le  paquet  qui 
y  e"tait  joint.  Le  Roi  ne  veut  pas  qu'un  autre  lieutenant  que 
celui  qui  a  e*te  accoutume'  de  parler  a  vos  prisonniers  ait  com- 
merce avec  eux. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  675,  fo.  698. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  April  18th,  1682. 

Le  Roi  ne  trouve  pas  mauvais  que  vous  alliez  faire 
la  re've'rence  a  M.  le  due  de  Savoie  auparavant  son  depart  du 
Piemont,  apres  avoir  mis  ordre  a  la  surete  de  vos  prisonniers, 
de  maniere  que  pendant  votre  absence  ils  ne  puissent  avoir 
commerce  avec  personne  et  qu'il  ne  puisse  me'sarriver. 
MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  677,  fo.  251. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  11th  May,  1682. 

Votre  lettre  du  2  de  ce  mois  m'a  e"t6  rendue.  Je  ne  vois 
pas  d'apparence  que  le  Roi  puisse  consentir  que  vous  vous 
absentiez  du  gouvernement  que  Sa  Majeste  a  bien  voulu  vous 
donner.  Ainsi  vous  devez  faire  en  sorte  de  mettre  ordre  a  vos 
affaires  sans  quitter  la  place  ou  vous  £tes. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  678,  fo.  231. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  June  3rd,  1683. 
Je  crois  que  vous  savez  que  les  prisonniers  qui  sont  a  votre 
garde  ne  doivent  point  §tre  confesses  qu'ensuite  d'un  ordre  du 


284  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

Roi,  ou  dans  un  pe*ril  imminent  de  mort ;  c'est  ce  que  vous 
observerez,  s'il  vous  plait. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  693,  fo.  25. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  April  16th,  1684. 

II  y  a  longtemps  que  vous  ne  m'avez  parle"  de  vos  prison- 
niers.  Je  vous  prie  de  me  mander  comment  vous  les 
gouvernez  et  comment  ils  se  portent.  Mandez-moi  aussi  ce 
que  vous  savez  de  la  naissance  du  nomine*  La  Riviere  et 
de  1'aventure  par  laquelle  il  fut  mis  au  service  de  feu 
M.  Foucquet. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre.    Printed  by  Bavaisson. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  October  2nd,  1684. 

Je  vous  prie  de  continuer  a  m'informer  de  ce  qui  se 
passera  a  1'egard  de  vos  prisonniers. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  718,  fo.  26. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  January  5th,  1685. 

Comme  il  n'y  a  point  d'apparence  que  le  Roi  veuille  vous 
donner  presentement  le  congd  que  vous  demandez,  vous 
pouvez  m'e'crire  ce  que  vous  avez  a  me  dire  en  marquant  sur 
1'enveloppe  que  vous  mettrez  a  votre  lettre  qu'elle  me  doit  6tre 
rendue  en  mains  propres,  et  sur  celle-la  une  autre  avec  un 
adresse  a  1'ordinaire. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  741,  fo.  107. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  January  SOth,  1685. 
La  lettre  e"crite  de  votre  main  le  21  de  ce  mois  m'a  et6 
remise.     J'ai  vu  par  ce  qu'elle  contient  ce  que  vous  ont  dit 
vos  prisonniers,  qui  n'est  d'aucune  consequence. 
MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  741,  fo.  575. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  March  7th,  1685. 

J'ai  re9u  votre  lettre  du  28  du  mois  passe.  Le  Roi  veut 
bien  que  vous  alliez  prendre  1'air  dans  le  lieu  que  vous  jugerez 
convenable  a  votre  sant6  ;  mais  Sa  Majeste"  vous  recommande 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS       285 

de  dormer  de  si  bons  ordres  pour  la  suret£  des  prisonniers,  que 
personne  n'ait  communication  avec  eux  pendant  votre  absence 
et  qu'il  n'en  puisse  me'sarriver. 

MSS.  De*p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  745,  fo.  127. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  June  7th,  1685. 

Vous  pouvez  me  mander  en  detail  qu'elle  est  Fintention  de 
celui  de  vos  prisonniers  qui  veut  faire  son  testament,  et,  en 
mettant  en  dessous  de  votre  lettre  que  c'est  pour  m'Stre 
remise  en  main  propre,  personne  ne  1'ouvrira. 

MSS.  De*p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  747,  fo.  89. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  December  Z3rd,  1685. 

Mes  prisonniers  sont  toujours  malades  et  dans  les 
remedes.  Du  reste,  ils  sont  dans  une  grande  quietude. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  January  9th,  1686. 

J'ai  re£u  la  lettre  que  vous  m'avez  £crite  le  26  du  mois 
passe",  qui  ne  desire  de  r^ponse  que  pour  vous  dire  que  vous 
auriez  du  me  nommer  quel  est  celui  de  vos  prisonniers  qui  est 
devenu  hydropique. 

MSS.  De"pot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  769,  fo.  107. 

Louvois  to  Saint- Mars,  November  3rd,  1686. 

II  est  juste  de  faire  confesser  celui  de  vos  deux  prisonniers 
qui  devient  hydropique  lorsque  vous  verrez  apparence  d'une 
prochaine  mort.  Jusque-la  il  ne  faut  pas  que  lui  ou  son 
camarade  aient  aucune  communication. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  770,  fo.  23.    Printed  by  lung. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  January  8th,  1687. 

Le  Roi  ayant  bien  voulu  vous  accorder  le  gouvernement 
des  iles  Sainte-Marguerite,  je  vous  en  donne  avis  avec  plaisir, 
afin  que  vous  vous  teniez  pr§t  a  vous  transporter  aux  dites  iles 
lorsque  vous  en  recevrez  les  ordres  de  Sa  Majesty  de  laquelle 
1'intention  est  que,  aussitot  que  vous  en  aurez  re9u  vos  pro- 
visions, vous  alliez  faire  un  tour  aux  dites  iles,  pour  voir  ce 


286  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

qu'il  y  a  a  faire  pour  accommoder  un  lieu  propre  a  garder 
surement  les  prisonniers  qui  sont  a  votre  charge,  dont  vous 
m'enverrez  un  plan  et  memoire,  afin  que  je  puisse  prendre 
1'avis  de  Sa  Majeste  pour  y  faire  travailler.  Cependant  vous 
retournerez  a  Exiles,  pour  attendre  les  ordres  de  Sa  Majeste 
ne'cessaires  pour  les  y  conduire,  ainsi  que  votre  compagnie. 
Je  crois  qu'il  est  inutile  que  je  vous  recommande  de  prendre 
de  telles  mesures  que,  pendant  le  temps  que  vous  serez  a  aller 
aux  iles  Sainte-Marguerite  et  a  en  revenir,  les  dits  prisonniers 
soient  gardes  de  maniere  qu'il  n'en  puisse  me'sarriver,  et  qu'ils 
n'aient  commerce  avec  personne. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  779,  fo.  114. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  January  13th,  1687. 
J'ai  re9u   votre   lettre   du   5   de  ce  mols,   par    laquelle 
j'apprends  la  mort  d'un  de  vos  prisonniers. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  779,  fo.  231.    Printed  by  lung. 

Saint- Mars  to  Louvois,  January  20th,  1687. 
Je  suis  pene'tre  de  la  nouvelle  grace  que  je  viens  de  recevoir 
de  Sa  Majeste"  (le  gouvernement  des  iles  Sainte-Marguerite). 
Si  vous  m'ordonnez  d'y  aller  dans  peu,  je  vous  supplie  de 
permettre  que  ce  soit  par  le  Pie"mont,  a  cause  de  la  grande 
quantity  de  rieige  qu'il  y  a  d'ici  a  Embrun  ;  et  a  mon  retour, 
qui  sera  le  plus  prompt  que  faire  se  pourra,  de  trouver  bon  que 
j'aille,  en  chemin  faisant,  prendre  conge*  de  M.  le  due  de 
Savoye,  de  qui  j'ai  toujours  re9U  mille  honneurs.  Je  donnerai 
si  bien  mes  ordres,  pour  la  garde  de  mon  prisonnier,  que  je 
puis  bien  vous  en  re'pondre,  Monseigneur,  pour  son  entiere 
stirete*,  et  mSme  pour  1'entretien  que  j'ai  toujours  empeAch6 
d'avoir  avec  mon  lieutenant,  a  qui  j'ai  de"fendu  de  lui  jamais 
parler,  ce  qui  s'exe"cute  ponctuellement.  Si  je  le  mene  aux 
iles,  je  crois  que  la  plus  sure  voiture  seroit  une  chaise,  couverte 
de  toile  cire"e,  de  maniere  qu'il  auroit  assez  d'air,  sans  que 
personne  le  put  voir  ni  lui  parler  pendant  la  route,  pas  m§me 
mes  soldats  que  je  choisirai  pour  §tre  proches  de  la  chaise, 
qui  seroit  moins  embarrassante  qu'une  litiere  qui  peut  souvent 

se  rompre. 

Printed  by  Delort. 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS      287 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  February  1st  (?),  1687. 

Je  vous  envoie  les  expeditions  de  gouverneur  des  iles  Sainte- 
Marguerite,  et  vous  pouvez  aller  par  le  Piemont  pour  pouvoir 
faire  vos  compliments  a  M.  le  due  de  Savoie,  et  6viter  les 
neiges  qu'il  y  a  jusqu'a  Embrun.  Je  vous  prie  de  bien 
examiner  dans  les  iles  ce  qu'il  y  a  a  faire  pour  pouvoir  garder 
surement  votre  prisonnier,  et  de  ne  proposer  que  ce  qui  sera 
absolument  necessaire  pour  cela. 

A  regard  de  la  maniere  de  transferor  le  prisonnier,  le  Roi 
se  remet  a  vous  de  vous  servir  de  la  chaise  roulante  ferme'e  de 
la  maniere  que  vous  proposez,  ou  de  toute  autre  que  vous 
jugerez  a  propos,  pourvu  que  vous  en  puissiez  re'pondre. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  779,  fo.  506. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  March  IQth,  1687. 

J'ai  re9u  votre  lettre  du  2  de  ce  mois,  le  plan  et  le  me"moire 
qui  y  etaient  joints,  et  ce  qu'il  y  a  a  faire  pour  batir  la  prison 
et  le  logement  que  vous  demandez  (pour  rendre  sure  la  per- 
sonne  de  votre  prisonnier)  dans  File  Sainte-Marguerite,  montant 
a  5,026  livres  que  je  donne  ordres  au  tre*sorier  de  1'extraordi- 
naire  d'envoyer  aux  votres,  afin  que  vous  puissiez  faire  faire 
vous-mSme  ce  bailment  de  la  maniere  que  vous  le  de"sirez. 

Vous  trouverez  ci-joint  1'ordre  du  Roi  necessaire  pour  le 
depart  de  votre  compagnie  du  chateau  d'Exiles,  moyennant 
quoi  il  ne  tiendra  qu'a  vous  de  partir,  ce  que  je  crois  que  vous 
ne  devez  pas  diff^rer  plus  longtemps  qu'aussitot  apres  Paques, 
ne  doutant  pas  que  vous  ne  trouviez  moyen  de  faire  garder 
surement  votre  prisonnier  dans  1'ile  de  Sainte-Marguerite 
pendant  que  Ton  batira  la  prison  que  vous  lui  destinez,  de 
maniere  qu'il  ne  puisse  avoir  commerce  avec  personne  et  qu'il 
ne  puisse  m^sarriver  dans  les  batiments  qui  sont  de"ja  faits. 
Je  ne  vous  recommande  point  de  le  faire  garder  soigneuse- 
ment  dans  le  chemin,  puisque  je  suis  persuade  que  vous  n'y 
manquerez  pas. 

MSS.  Dep&t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  781,  fo.  235. 


288  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

Saint- Mars  to  Louvois,  March  23rd,  1687. 

II  y  a  trente  jours  que  je  suis  arrive"  ici,  j'en  ai  passe" 
vingt-six  au  lit,  avec  une  fievre  continue.  J'ai  tant  pris  de 
quinquina  en  poudre,  que  depuis  trois  jours  je  suis  sans  fievre. 
J'ai  envoye"  prendre  ma  litiere  a  Toulon,  pour  partir  d'ici  le 
26  du  courant,  et  j'espere  d'etre  a  Exiles  en  huit  jours,  par  la 
route  d'Embrun  et  de  Brian9on.  Des  que  j'aurai  re9u 
1'honneur  de  vos  commandemens,  Monseigneur,  je  me  remettrai 
en  marche  avec  mon  prisonnier,  que  je  vous  promets  de  con- 
duire  ici  en  toute  surete,  sans  que  personne  le  voie  ni  lui 
puisse  parler.  Je  ne  lui  ferai  point  entendre  la  messe  depuis 
son  depart  d'Exiles  jusqu'a  ce  qu'il  soit  loge"  dans  la  prison 
qu'on  lui  pre"parera  ici,  ou  il  y  aura  joignant  une  chapelle.  .  .  . 

Je  vous  re"ponds,  sur  mon  honneur,  de  la  surete"  entiere  de 

mon  prisonnier. 

Printed  by  Delort. 

Louvois  to  Saint-Mars,  April  6th,  1687. 

II  n'y  a  point  d'inconvenient  a  ce  que  vous  changiez  le 
chevalier  de  The'zut  de  la  prison  ou  il  est  pour  y  mettre  votre 
prisonnier,  jusqu'a  ce  que  celle  que  vous  lui  faites  pre"parer 
soit  en  e"tat  de  le  recevoir. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  782,  fo.  105. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  May  3rd,  1687. 

Je  suis  arrive  iei  le  30  du  mois  passe".  Je  n'ai  rests'  que 
douze  jours  en  chemin,  a  cause  que  mon  prisonnier  e"toit 
malade,  a  ce  qu'il  disoit  n'avoir  pas  autant  d'air  qu'il  1'auroit 
souhaite" ;  je  puis  vous  assurer,  Monseigneur,  que  personne  au 
monde  ne  1'a  vu,  et  que  la  maniere  dont  je  1'ai  garde"  et  conduit 
pendant  toute  ma  route  fait  que  chacun  cherche  a  deviner  qui 
peut  e"tre  mon  prisonnier.  Le  lit  de  mon  prisonnier  e"toit  si 
vieux,  si  rompu,  que  tout  ce  dont  il  se  servoit,  tant  linge  de 
table  que  meubles,  qu'il  ne  valoit  pas  la  peine  d'apporter  ici, 
Ton  n'en  a  eu  treize  e"cus.  Jai  donne"  a  huit  porteurs  qui 


COLLECTION   OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       289 

m'ont  apporte  une  chaise  de  Turin  et  mon  prisonnier  jusqu'ici, 
comptant  la  dite  chaise  203  livres,  que  j'ai  de"boursees. 
Printed  by  lung. 

Louvois  to  Saint- Mars,  May  22nd,  1687. 

J'ai  10911  votre  lettre  du  3.  C'est  de  1'argent  comptant 
que  1'ordre  que  je  vous  ai  envoys'  pour  le  nouveau  bailment 
que  vous  devez  faire  faire  aux  iles  Sainte-Marguerite,  et  vous 
n'avez  qu'a  vous  adresser  a  M.  Fintendant  qui  vous  en  ordcn- 
nera  le  payement.  Ainsi  rien  ne  doit  vous  empe'cher  de  com- 
mencer  a  faire  travailler.  Vous  pourrez  acheter  les  choses 
qui  seront  absolument  necessaires  pour  votre  prisonnier,  et  en 
m'envoyant  un  4tat  de  ce  que  tout  cela  vous  aura  coute  je  vous 
en  ferai  payer. 

Vous  trouverez  ci-joint  1'ordre  necessaire  pour  vous  rem- 
bourser  des  203  livres  que  vous  avez  depense'es  pour  votre 
prisonnier  du  chateau  d'Exiles  aux  lies  Sainte-Marguerite. 
MSS.  D6pot  de  la  Guerre  vol.  783,  fo.  156. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  January  8th,  1688. 

Je  me  donneray  Ihonneur  de  vous  dire  comme  j'ay  mis 
mon  prisonnier  quy  est  tou jours  valtudinaire  a  son  ordinaire 
dans  1'unne  des  deux  nouvelles  prisons  que  j'ay  fait  faire  suivant 
vos  commandemant.  Elles  sont  grandes,  belles  et  claire,  et 
pour  leur  bonte  je  ne  croy  pas  qu'il  y  en  ait  de  plus  fortes  ny 
de  plus  asseures  dans  1'urope,  et  maismement  pour  tout  ce 
qui  peut  regarder  les  nouvelles  de  vive  voix  de  prets  et  de 
loing,  se  quy  ne  peut  trouver  dans  tous  les  lieux  ou  j'ay  este' 
a  la  garde  de  feu  monsieur  Fouquet  depuis  le  moment  qui 
fut  areste.  Avec  peu  de  precaution,  Ton  peut  maisme  faire 
promener  des  prisonniers  dans  tout  Fisle,  sans  crainte  qu'ils 
se  puissent  sauver  n'y  donner  n'y  resevoir  auqunes  nouvelles. 
Je  prends  la  liberte",  Monseigneur,  de  vous  marquer  en  detail 
la  bontt£  de  se  lieu,  pour  quand  vous  aurie's  des  prisonniers  a 
vouloir  mettre  en  toute  seurete  avec  un  honneste  liberte*. 

Dans  toute  sette  province  Ion  dit  que  le  mien  est  monsieur 
de  Baufort,  et  d'autres  dissent  que  cest  le  fils  de  feu  Cronvel. 

U 


290  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

Voisy  sy  joint  un  petit  me'moire  de  la  d^pance  que  j'ay 
faite  pour  luy  Tanned  derniere.  Je  ne  le  met  pas  en  detail, 
pour  que  personne  par  qui  il  passe  puisse  pe*netrer  autre  chose 
que  ce  quils  croyent. 

Printed  by  M.  Loiseleur.  Given  to  him  by  M.  Mauge  du  Bois  des 
Entes,  conseiller  honoraire  at  the  Court  of  Orleans,  who  had  it  from  his 
cousin  Mademoiselle  Mathilde  de  Thury. 

Saint-Mars  to  Louvois,  June  4th,  1692. 

.  .  .  .  Le  premier  de  ces  ministres  (protestants),  qu'on  a 
conduit  ici,  chante,  nuit  et  jour,  a  haute  voix  des  psaumes, 
expres  pour  se  faire  connoitre  pour  tel  qu'il  est.  Apres  lui 
avoir  defendu  par  plusieurs  fois  de  discontinuer,  sur  peine 
d'une  grosse  discipline,  que  je  lui  ai  donnee,  ainsi  qu'a  son 
camarade,  nomine*  Salves,  qui  a  I'dcriture  en  te"te  sur  sa 
vaisselle  detain  et  sur  son  linge,  des  pauvrete's,  pour  faire 
entendre  qu'on  le  retient  injustement  pour  la  purete  de  la  foi. 
Printed  by  Delort. 

Barbezieux  to  La  Prade,  December  21th,  1693. 

Si  quelqu'un  des  prisonniers  qui  sont  attaque"s  de  fievre 
double,  tierce  et  continue,  viennent  a  mourir,  il  n'y  a  qu'a'les 
faire  enterrer  comme  des  soldats,  mais  je  suis  persuade  qu'ils 
ne  mourront  pas  encore  de  cette  maladie.  Vous  n'avez  qu'a 
bruler  ce  qui  reste  des  petits  morceaux  de  poches  sur  les- 
quelles  le  nommes  Mattioli  et  ^son  homme  ont  e"crit  ce  que 
vous  avez  trouve  dans  la  doublure  de  leur  justaucorps,  ou  ils 
les  avoient  caches. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre. 

NOTE. — Mattioli  and  his  valet  must  both  have  been  ill  and  in  bed. 
They  took  away  their  clothes  and  found  the  writing.  Mattioli  cannot 
have  been  the  one  who  died  in  January  1694,  for  La  Prade  did  not  know 
this  one's  name. 

Barbezieux  to  Saint- Mars,  January  llth,  1694. 
Le  sieur  de  la  Prade,  a  qui  le  Roy  a  confiS  la  garde  des 
prisonniers  qui  sont  detenus  par  ordre  de  Sa  Majest6  dans  le 
donjon  de  Pignerol,  m'e"crit  que  le  plus  ancien  est  mort  et 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       291 

qu'il  n'en  sait  point  le  nom.  Comme  je  ne  doute  pas  que 
vous  vous  en  souveniez  je  vous  prie  de  me  le  mander  en 
chiffres. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1242,  fo.  128. 

Saint-Mars  answered  this  on  January  28th,  but  his  answer 
has  not  been  preserved.  The  man  who  died  seems  to  have 
been  the  Jacobin. 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  March  20£/&,  1694. 

The  Minister  warns  Saint-Mars  that  three  prisoners  are 
coming  and  that  he  must  prepare  to  receive  them.  He 
continues  : 

Vous  S9avez  qu'ils  sont  de  plus  de  consequence,  au  moins 
un,  que  ceux  qui  sont  pr^sentement  aux  iles ;  vous  devez, 
pre'fe'rablement  a  eux,  les  mettre  dans  les  lieux  les  plus  surs. 
Printed  by  Topin  (incomplete  and  without  proper  reference),  p.  350. 

Barbezieux  to  La  Prade,  March  20th,  1694. 

Le  Roi  ayant  resolu  de  faire  transferor  aux  iles  Sainte- 
Marguerite  en  Provence,  aux  ordres  de  M.  de  Saint-Mars,  les 
trois  prisonniers  d'Etat  qui  sont  a  votre  garde  dans  le  donjon 
de  la  citadelle  de  Pignerol,  Sa  Majeste  m'a  ordonne  de  vous 
toire  qu'elle  vous  a  choisi  pour  les  conduire  les  uns  apres  les 
autres,  c'est-a-dire  que,  quand  vous  en  aurez  mene  un,  vous 
reviendrez  en  prendre  un  autre.  J'adresse,  pour  cet  effet,  a 
M.  le  Comte  de  Tesse'  1'ordre  de  Sa  Majeste  ndcessaire  pour  que 
M.  le  Marquis  d'Herleville  laisse  partir  du  donjon  de  Pignerol 
les  dits  prisonniers,  et  une  lettre  de  cachet  pour  le  dit  sieur  de 
Saint-Mars  que  vous  lui  remettrez  avec  le  premier  de  ces 
prisonniers.  M.  de  Tesse'  pourvoira  aux  escortes  et  vous  fera 
donner  1'argent  que  vous  lui  demanderez  pour  la  de'pense  du 
voyage.  Suivant  les  intentions  du  Roi  je  lui  explique  par  la 
lettre  que  je  viens  de  lui  6crire,  vous  observerez  de  choisir 
quelque  personne  sage  pour  prendre  en  votre  absence  le  soin 
des  deux  prisonniers  qui  resteront  pendant  que  vous  conduirez 
le  premier ;  vous  exdcuterez  de  mSme  pour  le  deuxieme 
prisonnier,  tant  que  vous  partirez  avec  le  second. 


292  THE  MAN   OF   THE  MASK 

Vous  savez  de  quelle  consequence  il  est  que  ces  gens-Ik 
ne  parlent  et  n'ecrivent  a  personne  pendant  la  route  ;  le  Roi 
vous  recommande  d'y  tenir  re'gulierement  la  main,  et  qu'il  n'y 
ait  que  vous  qui  leur  donniez  a  manger  comme  vous  avez  fait 
depuis  qu'ils  ont  e"te"  confi^s  a  vos  soins. 

Vous  ne  devez  partir  de  Pignerol  avec  le  premier  prisonnier 
que  lorsque  deux  sergents  de  la  compagnie  de  Saint-Mars  qu'il 
y  doit  envoyer  y  seront  arrives,  lesquels  il  doit  choisir  pour  vous 
aider  a  cette  conduite. 

MSS.  De"pot  dela  Guerre,  vol.  1243,  fo.  200. 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  August  ISth,  1691. 
(Written  fifteen  days  only  after  the  death  of  Louvois,  July  29th.) 
Votre  lettre  du   26   de  ce  mois  passe   m'a   e'te'  rendue. 
Lorsque  vous  aurez  quelque  chose  a  me  mander  du  prisonnier 
qui  est  sous  votre  garde  depuis  vingt  ans,  je  vous  prie  d'user 
des  m§mes  precautions  que  vous  f aisiez  quand  vous  les  donniez 
a  M.  de  Louvois. 

MSS.  De"pot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1034,  fo.  246. 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  February  9th,  1694. 

J'ai  re9u  la  lettre  que  vous  avez  pris  la  peine  de  m'^c-rire 
le  21  du  mois  passe".     Je  vous  puis  assurer  que  personne  ne  Fa 
vue  que  moi,  et  quand  vous  avez  quelque  chose  de  secret  a  me 
mander,  vous  pouvez  en  user  de  la  m£me  maniere. 
MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1242,  fo.  96. 

De  Maisonsel l  to  Barbezieux,  Pinerol,  April  7th,  1694. 

Je  pars  a  ce  moment  pour  conduire  en  seurete"  quatre 
prisonniers  d'Estat  qui  sont  a  la  citadelle  de  Pinerol,  je  les 
meneray  jusqu'a  Brianson  et  les  remettray  ensuite  a  la  con- 
duite du  sieur  de  la  Prade  major  de  la  ditte  citadelle  avec  les 
officiers  et  les  vingt  sergents  a  cheval  que  M.  le  comte  de  Tesse" 
a  detaches  de  cette  garnison  pour  les  conduire  aux  isles. 
MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1272,  fo.  125. 

NOTE. — The  dispatches  of  March  20th  say  three  only.    The  fourth 
will  be  the  valet  of  Mattioli. 

1  Captain  of  the  escort  sent  by  De  Tesse". 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       293 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  May  10th,  1694. 

J'ai  re9u  la  lettre  que  vous  avez  pris  la  peine  de  m'toire 
le  29  du  mois  pass6 ;  vous  pouvez,  suivant  que  vous  le  pro- 
posez,  faire  mettre  dans  la  prison  voutee  le  valet  du  prisonnier 
qui  est  mort,  observant  de  le  faire  garder  aussi  bien  que  les 
autres,  sans  communication  de  vive  voix  ni  par  e*crit  avec  qui 

que  ce  soit. 

MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1245,  fo.  139. 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  December  20th,  1695. 
Comme  il  est  quelquefois  arriv4  que,  par  maladie,  ou  autre- 
ment,  vous  n'avez  pu  visiter  les  prisonniers  qui  ont  e"t6  commis 
a  votre  garde,  je  vous  prie  de  me  mander  qui  a  et£  charg£  de 
ce  soin  a  votre  de'faut,  comment  Ton  en  a  use  en  ces  temps-la, 
afin  que  le  Roi  puisse  donner  ses  ordres  en  conformity  lorsque 
le  cas  arrivera. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1303,  fo.  108. 

Saint-Mars  to  Barbezieux,  January  6th,  1696. 

Vous  me  commandes  de  vous  dire  comment  Ton  en  euze 
quand  je  suis  apsent,  ou  malade,  pour  les  visites  et  precautions 
qui  se  font  iournellement  aux  prisonniers  qui  sont  commis  a 
ma  garde. 

Mes  deux  lieutenants  servent  a  manjer  aux  heures  re'gle'es 
insy  qu'ils  me  1'ont  veu  pratiquer,  et  que  je  fais  encore  tres 
sou  vent  lorsque  je  me  porte  bien ;  et  voicy  comment, 
Monseigneur.  Le  premier  venu  de  mes  lieutenants  quy  prend 
les  clefs  de  la  prison  de  mon  ensien  prisonnier  par  ou  Ton 
commence,  il  ouvre  les  trois  portes  et  entre  dans  la  chambre 
du  prisonnier  quy  luy  remet  honnestement  les  plats  et  assiettes 
qu'il  a  mis  lui-m§me  sur  les  autres,  pour  les  donner  entre  les 
mains  du  lieutenant  quy  ne  fait  que  de  sortir  deux  portes  pour 
les  remettre  a  un  de  mes  sergents  qui  le  resoit  pour  les  porter 
sur  une  table  a  deux  pas  de  la,  ou  est  le  segond  lieutenant  quy 
visite  tout  ce  quy  entre  et  sort  de  la  prison,  et  voir  s'il  n'y  a 
rien  d'e"crit  sur  les  vaisselles :  et  apres  que  Ton  luy  a  tout 
donn£  le  nese"saire,  Ton  fait  la  visite  dedant  et  dessous  son 
lit,  et  de  la  aux  grilles  de  fenestres  de  sa  chambre,  et  aux 


294  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

lieux,  insy  que  par  toute  sa  chambre,  et  fort  souvent  sur  lui  ; 
apres  luy  avoir  demande"  fort  sivilement  s'il  n'a  pas  besoin 
d'autre  chose,  Ton  ferme  les  portes  pour  aller  en  faire  toute 
autant  aux  autres  prisonniers.  Deux  fois  la  semaine  Ton  leurs 
fait  changer  de  linge  de  table,  insy  que  de  chemises  et  linges 
dont  ils  se  servent,  que  Ton  leurs  donne  et  retire  par  compte 
apres  les  avoir  tous  bien  visites. 

Lon  peut  estre  fort  atrape  seur  le  linge  qu'on  sort  et 
entre  pour  le  service  des  prisonniers  qui  sont  de  consideration, 
comme  j'en  ay  eu  qui  ont  vouleu  corompre  par  argen  les 
blanchiseuze  qui  m'ont  avoue  quels  navoit  peu  faire  ce  que 
Ion  leurs  avoit  dit,  attenden  que  je  fesois  moullier  tout  leurs 
linge  en  sortant  de  leurs  chambre,  et  lorsqu'il  etoit  blanc  et 
a  demy  sec,  la  blanchiseuse  venoit  le  passer  et  detirer  chez 
moy  en  presence  d'un  de  mes  lieutenant  quy  enfermoit  les 
paniers  dans  un  coffre  jeusque  a  se  que  Ton  le  remit  aux 
vallets  de  messieurs  les  prisonniers.  Dans  les  bougies  il  y 
a  beaucoup  a  se  mefier  ;  ien  ay  trouve  ou  il  avoit  du  papier 
au  lieu  de  meche  en  la  rompant,  ou  quand  Ion  s'en  sert.  J'en 
envoies  ageter  a  Turin  a  des  boutiques  non  affectee.  II  est 
ausy  ire's  dangereux  de  sortir  du  ruban  de  ches  un  prison- 
nier  seur  lequel  il  ecrit  comme  seur  du  linge  sans  quon  sen 


Feu  monsieur  Fouquet  fesoit  de  beau  et  bon  papier,  seur 
lequel  je  luy  laisois  ecrire,  et  apres  jalois  le  prendre  la  nuit 
dans  un  petit  sachet  quil  avoit  couseu  au  fond  de  son  au  de 
chose  que  j  'envoies  a  feu  monseigneur  votre  pere. 

A  piece  has  here  been  torn  off,  probably  by  accident. 

Pour  derniere  precausion  Ion  visite  de  temps  a  autre  les 
prisonniers  de  jour  et  de  nuit  a  des  heures  non  reglees,  ou 
souvent  Ton  leurs  trouve  quil  ont  ecrit  seur  de  mauvais  linge 
quy  ny  a  queux  qui  le  saures  lire,  comme  vous  avez  veu  par 
ceux  que  je  eu  Ihonneur  de  vous  adresser. 

Printed  by  Loiseleur,  who  obtained  it  in  the  same  way  as  that  of 
Jan.  8th,  1683. 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       295 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  January  15th,  1696. 

J'ai  re9u  la  lettre  que  vous  m'avez  e'crite  la  6  de  ce  moi3, 
sur  la  maniere  dont  vous  gouvernez  les  prisonniers  qui  sont 
commis  a  votre  garde.  J'en  ai  rendu  compte  au  Eoi,  qui  a 
e^e"  bien  aise  de  savoir  les  mesures  et  les  precautions  que 
vous  prenez  sur  cela,  a  quoi  Sa  Majeste*  n'a  pas  jug£  a  propos 
de  rien  aj outer,  et  Elle  vous  recommande  seulement  de  con- 
tinuer  a  les  faire  observer. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1339,  fo.  122. 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  November  llth,  1697. 

Vous  n'avez  point  d'autre  conduite  a  tenir  a  regard  de 
tous  ceux  qui  sont  confie's  a  votre  garde,  que  de  continuer  a 
veiller  a  leur  surete,  sans  vous  expliquer  a  qui  que  ce  soit  ce 
qu'a  fait  votre  ancien  prisonnier. 

MSS.  D^pot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1392,  fo.  171. 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  June  15th,  1698. 

J'ai  e"te  longtemps  sans  repondre  a  la  lettre  que  vous  avez 
pris  la  peine  de  m'ecrire  le  8  du  mois  passe",  parce  que  le  Eoi 
ne  m'a  pas  explique  plus  tot  ses  intentions.  Presentement  je 
vous  dirai  que  Sa  Majeste*  a  vu  avec  plaisir  que  vous  soyez 
determine  a  venir  a  la  Bastille  pour  en  §tre  gouverneur.  Vous 
pourrez  disposer  toutes  choses  pour  §tre  pr§t  a  partir  lors- 
que  je  vous  le  manderai,  et  emmener  avec  vous  en  toute 
suretd  votre  ancien  prisonnier. 

MSS.  Dep&t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1431,  fo.  126. 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  July  19th,  1698. 
Le  Eoi  trouve  bon  que  vous  partiez  des  iles  Sainte- 
Marguerite  pour  venir  a  la  Bastille,  avec  votre  ancien  prison- 
nier, prenant  vos  precautions  pour  empScher  qu'il  ne  soit  vu 
ni  connu  de  personne.  Vous  pourrez  ecrire  par  avance  au 
lieutenant  de  Sa  Majeste  du  chateau  de  la  Bastille,  de  tenir 
une  chanabre  pr£te  pour  pouvoir  mettre  ce  prisonnier  a  votre 

arrived. 

MSS.  De"p6t  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1432,  fo.  129. 


296  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

Barbezieux  to  Saint-Mars,  August  4th,  1698. 

J'ai  re9u  la  lettre  que  vous  avez  pris  la  peine  de  m'toire 
le  24  du  mois  pass4,  par  laquelle  vous  me  marquez  les  pr6- 
cautions  que  vous  devez  prendre  pour  la  conduite  de  votre 
prisonnier.  J'en  ai  rendu  compte  au  Boi,  qui  les  a  approuve"es 
et  trouve  bon  que  vous  partiez  avec  lui,  ainsi  que  je  vous  1'ai 
mande  par  une  de  mes  pre'ce'dentes,  que  je  ne  doute  pas  que 
vous  n'ayez  re9ue  pre'sentement. 

Sa  Majest6  n'a  pas  juge"  ne'cessaire  de  faire  expe'dier  1'ordre 
que  vous  demandez  pour  avoir  des  logements  sur  votre  route 
jusqu'a  Paris,  et  il  suffira  que  vous  vous  logiez,  en  payant  le 
plus  commodement  et  le  plus  surement  qu'il  sera  possible 
dans  les  lieux  ou  vous  jugerez  a  propos  de  rester. 
MSS.  Depot  de  la  Guerre,  vol.  1422,  fo.  56. 

Begistre  de  Du  Jonca,  Sept.  18th,  1698. 

Du  judy  18  de  septembre,  1698,  a  trois  heures  apres 
midy,  monsieur  de  Saint-Mars,  gouverneur  du  chateau  de  la 
Bastille,  est  arive  pour  sa  premiere  entree,  venant  de  son 
gouvernement  des  illes  Sainte-Marguerite  Honorat  aient  mene" 
avecque  luy  dans  sa  litiere  un  ensien  prisonnier  qu'il  avet  a 
Pignerol,  lequel  il  fait  tenir  tou jours  masque  dont  le  nom  ne 
se  dit  pas  et  1'aient  fait  mettre  en  desendant  de  sa  litiere 
dans  la  premiere  chambre  de  la  tour  de  la  Basiniere  en 
atandant  la  nuit  pour  le  mettre  et  mener  moymesme  &  neuf 
heures  du  soir  avec  M.  de  Ifasarges  un  des  sergens  que 
monsieur  le  gouverneur  a  mene"  dans  la  troisieme  chambre 
seul  de  la  tour  de  la  Bretaudiere  que  j'aves  fait  meubler  de 
touttes  choses  quelques  jours  avant  son  arrivee  en  aient  reseu 
1'hordre  de  M.  de  Saint-Mars  lequel  prisonnier  sera  servy  et 
sounie  par  M.  de  Rosarges  que  monsieur  le  gouverneur  norira. 

Pontchartrain  to  Saint-Mars,  November  3rd,  1698. 
Le  roy  trouve  bon  que  vostre  prisonnier  de  Provence  se 
confesse  et  communie  touttes   les   fois  que  vous  le  jugerez 
a  propos. 

Depping,  '  Collection  de  Documents  Ine"dits,'  ii.  p.  752. 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       297 


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298  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

Du  JonccCs  Journal,  April  3Qth,  1701. 

Du  samedi,  30  avril,  sur  les  neuf  heures  du  soir, 
M.  Aumont  le  jeune  est  venu,  ayant  men£  et  remis  un 
prisonnier,  le  nomm£  M.  Maranville,  sous  le  nom  de  Ricarville, 
qui  a  e"t£  officier  de  guerre,  mecontent,  parlant  trop,  et  mauvais 
sujet ;  lequel  j'ai  re9u,  suivant  les  ordres  du  roi,  expe'die's  par 
M.  le  comte  de  Pontchartrain  ;  lequel  j'ai  fait  mettre  en 
compagnie,  avec  le  nomme  Tirmon,  dans  la  seconde  chambre 
de  la  tour  de  la  Bertaudiere,  avec  1'ancien  prisonnier,  tous  les 
deux  bien  renfermes. 

Bibl.  de  1'Arsenal  MS.  5133,  f.  60.  Printed  by  Funck-Brentano, 
L&gendes  et  Archives  de  la  Bastille,  p.  95. 

Eegistre  de  Du  Jonca,  Nov.  19th,  1703. 

Du  mesme  jour,  lundy  19e  de  novembre  1703,  le  prisonnier 
inconeu  touiours  masque  d'un  masque  de  velours  noir,  que 
M.  de  Saint-Mars  gouverneur  a  men£  avecque  luy  en 
venant  des  illes  Sainte  Marguerite,  qu'il  gardet  depuis  lontamps, 
lequel  s'e"tant  trouv6  hier  un  peu  mal  en  sortant  de  la  messe  il 
est  mort  le  jourd'huy  sur  les  dix  heures  du  soir,  sans  avoir  eu 
un  grande  maladie,  il  ne  se  put  pas  moms.  M.  Giraut  notre 
homonier  le  confessa  hier.  Surpris  de  sa  mort,  il  na  point 
reseu  les  sacremens,  et  notre  homonier  la  exorte  un  moment 
avent  que  de  mourir,  et  le  prisonnier  gard6  depuis  si  lontamps 
a  este  enter^  le  mardy  a  quatre  hures  de  1'apres  midy, 
20e  novembre,  dans  le  semetiere  Saint  Paul,  nottre  paroisse. 
Sur  le  registre  mortuer  on  a  done  un  nom  aussy  inconeu  que 
M.  de  Bosarges  major  et  Arreil  sieurgien  qui  hont  signe  sur 
le  registre. 

Je  apris  du  depuis  con  lavet  nome  sur  le  registre,  M.  de 
Marchiel,  qu'on  a  pai6  401.  danteremant. 

Extract  from  Register  of  St.  Paul,  Nov.  20^,  1703. 

Le  19me  Marchioly,  age  de  quarante  six  ans  ou  environ 
est  decede  dans  la  Bastile,  du  quel  le  corps  a  este  enhume 
dans  Cimetiere  de  St.  Paul  sa  paroisse  le  20.  du  present  en 
presence  de  Monsieur  Rosage  majeur  de  la  Bastile  et  de  Mr 
Reglhe  chirurgien  majeur  de  la  Bastile  qui  ont  signe". 

Rosarges.  REILHE. 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       299 

Statement  of  M.  de  Formanoir,  1768. 

This  de  Formanoir  was  great-nephew  of  Blainvilliers  (or 
de  Formanoir),  who  was  the  nephew  and  lieutenant  of  Saint- 
Mars.  M.  de  Formanoir  was  Saint-Mars'  heir  at  Palteau. 
He  wrote  to  a  M.  Freron  in  1768  as  follows  : 

'  Comme  il  paroit  par  la  lettre  de  M.  de  Saint-Foix  que 
1'homme  au  masque  de  fer  exerce  toujours  1'imagination  de 
nos  ecrivains  je  vais  vous  faire  part  de  ce  que  je  sais  de  ce 
prisonnier.  II  n'etait  connu  aux  iles  Sainte-Marguerite  et  a 
la  Bastille  que  sous  le  nom  de  '  la  Tour.'  Le  gouverneur  et 
les  autres  officiers  avaient  des  egards  pour  lui ;  il  obtenoit 
d'eux  tout  ce  qu'ils  pouvoient  accorder  a  un  prisonnier.  II  se 
promenoit  souvent  ayant  un  masque  sur  le  visage.  Ce  n'est 
plus  que  depuis  que  le  Siecle  de  Louis  XIV  de  M.  Voltaire  a 
paru,  que  j'ai  oui  dire  que  ce  masque  etoit  de  fer,  et  a  ressorts  : 
peut-§tre  a-t-on  oublie  de  me  parler  de  cette  circonstance ; 
mais  il  n'avoit  ce  masque  que  lorsqu'il  sortoit  pour  prendre 
1'air,  ou  qu'il  etoit  oblige  de  paroitre  devant  quelque  prince 
etranger.  Le  sieur  de  Blainvilliers,  officier  d'infanterie,  qui 
avoit  acces  chez  M.  de  Saint- Mars,  gouverneur  des  iles  Sainte- 
Marguerite  et  depuis  de  la  Bastille,  m'a  dit  plusieurs  fois  que 
le  sort  de  '  la  Tour '  ayant  excite  sa  curiosite,  pour  la  satis- 
faire  il  avoit  pris  les  habits  et  les  armes  d'un  soldat  qui  devoit 
etre  en  sentinelle  dans  une  galerie,  sous  les  fen£tres  de  la 
chambre  qu'occupoit  ce  prisonnier  aux  iles  Sainte-Marguerite  ; 
que  de  la  il  1'avoit  tres  bien  vu  ;  qu'il  n'avoit  point  de  masque ; 
qu'il  6toit  blanc  de  visage,  grand  et  bien  fait  de  corps,  ayant  la 
jambe  un  peu  trop  fournie  par  le  has,  et  les  cheveux  blancs, 
quoiqu'il  ne  fut  que  dans  la  force  de  1'age.  II  avoit  passe  cette 
nuit-la  presque  entiere  a  se  promener  dans  sa  chambre. 
Blainvilliers  ajoutait  qu'il  etoit  toujours  v£tu  de  brun,  qu'on 
lui  donnoit  de  beau  linge  et  des  livres  ;  que  le  gouverneur  et 
les  officiers  restoient  devant  lui  debout  decouverts  jusqu'a  ce 
qu'il  les  fit  couvrir  et  asseoir  ;  qu'ils  alloient  souvent  lui  tenir 
compagnie  et  manger  avec  lui. 

En  1698  M.  de  Saint-Mars  passa  du  gouvernement  cles 
iles  a  celui  de  la  Bastille.    Lorsqu'il  se  mit  en  route  pour  en 


300  THE   MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

aller  prendre  possession,  il  sejourna  avec  son  prisonnier  a  sa 
terre  de  Palteau.  L'hornme  au  masque  arriva  dans  une  litiere 
qui  pre"cedoit  celle  de  M.  de  Saint-Mars ;  ils  6toient  accom- 
pagnes  de  plusieurs  gens  a  cheval.  Les  paysans  allerent  au 
devant  de  leur  seigneur.  M.  de  Saint-Mars  mangea  avec  son 
prisonnier,  qui  avoit  le  dos  oppose"  aux  croisees  de  la  salle  a 
manger  qui  donnent  sur  la  cour.  Les  paysans  que  j'ay 
interroge's  ne  purent  voir  s'il  mangeoit  avec  son  masque,  mais 
ils  observerent  tres  bien  que  M.  de  Saint-Mars,  qui  etoit  a 
table  vis-a-vis  de  lui,  avoit  deux  pistolets  a  cote  de  son 
assiette.  Ils  n'avoient  pour  £tre  serves  qu'un  seul  valet  de 
chambre  (Antoine  Ru),  qui  alloit  chercher  les  plats,  qu'on  lui 
apportoit  dans  I'antichambre,  fermant  soigneusement  sur  lui 
la  porte  de  la  salle-a-manger.  Lorsque  le  prisonnier  traver- 
soit  la  cour,  il  avoit  toujours  son  masque  sur  le  visage.  Les 
paysans  remarquerent  qu'on  lui  voyoit  les  dents  et  les  Idvres  ; 
qu'il  etoit  grand  et  avoit  les  cheveux  blancs.  M.  de  Saint- 
Mars  coucha  dans  un  lit  qu'on  lui  avoit  dresse  aupres  de 
celui  de  rhomme  au  masque.  M.  de  Blainvilliers  m'a  dit  que 
lors  de  sa  mort  arrive'e  en  1704,  on  1'enterra  secretement  a 
Saint  Paul,  et  que  Ton  mit  dans  le  cercueil  des  drogues  pour 
consumer  le  corps.  Je  n'ai  point  oui  dire  qu'il  eut  au'cun 
accent  Stranger. 


301 


BOOK  II. 

DOCUMENTS  CHIEFLY  CONCERNING  JAMES  DE  LA 
CLOCHE. 

Charles  II.  to  Pope  Alexander  VIL,  requesting  the  promotion 
to  the  Cardinalate  of  M.  d'Aubigny,  1662. 

1°.  Sa  Majest^  sollicite  cette  promotion  pour  1'avantage  de 
son  royaume,  et  afin  de  donner  au  parti  catholique  un  chef 
authorise",  e"troitement  uni  au  souverain  par  les  liens  du  sang, 
et  sur  qui  Elle  puisse  compter  en  toute  circonstance,  avec  la 
plus  complete  se'curite'.  Le  roi,  pour  nous  servir  de  ses 
propres  paroles,  voit  dans  I'e'le'vation  au  cardinalat  de  M. 
Tabbe*  d'Aubigny  'une  condition  essentielle  a  la  bonne 
intelligence  qui  doit  regner  entre  le  Pape  et  lui ;  il  juge  cette 
mesure  de  la  plus  haute  importance  pour  le  bien  general  de 
ses  sujets  catholiques  romains  dans  toute  l'e"tendue  de  ses 
domaines.' 

2°.  Le  cardinal  une  fois  nomine",  Sa  Majeste  s'engage  a 
1'entretenir  avec  tout  1'eclat  convenable  a  sa  dignite  et  a  son 
titre  de  parent  du  roi. 

8°.  Elle  ordonne  &  son  ministre  de  n'entamer  aucune 
autre  affaire  avant  d 'avoir  obtenu  satisfaction  entiere  relative- 
ment  a  la  promotion  de  Mgr.  d'Aubigny.  En  cas  de  refus, 
1' envoy6  devra  prendre  cong6  et  s'en  revenir,  sans  dire  un  mot 
des  autres  points  que  Sa  Majeste  1'avait  chargd  de  ne"gocier. 

Catherine  of  Braganza  to  Card.  Orsini,  Oct.  25,  1662. 

Mon  cousin,— Parmy  la  joye  que  j'ay  sujet  d'avoir,  je  ne 
laisse  pas  d'etre  sensiblement  touche'e  de  I'elrange  estat  de 
1'Eglise  et  aux  Royaumes  du  Roy  mon  frere,  et  dans  ceux-cy. 
Personne  ne  sait  mieux  que  vous  ce  qui  est  du  Portugal, 


302  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

puisque  vous  en  avez  si  ge'nereusement  entrepris  la  protec- 
tion ;  mais  je  puis  vous  dire  que  j'apprehenderois  beaucoup 
les  mauvaises  suites  du  chagrin  du  Boy  mon  seigneur  et 
epoux,  et  de  ses  ministres,  si  la  cour  de  Borne  persistoit  a  lui 
refuser  la  faveur  qu  il  demande  pour  son  parent  monsieur 
d'Aubigny,  mon  grand-aumonier.  Je  me  remets  au  sieur 
Bellings  que  j'envoye  pour  assurer  Sa  Saintete  de  mes 
ob&ssances,  de  vous  exposer  toutes  choses  au  large,  et  vous 
prie  de  lui  donner  entiere  cre'ance. 
Je  suis, 

Mon  cousin, 

Votre  bien  affectionne'e  cousine, 

CATHERINE  B. 

Henrietta  Marie  to  Card.  Orsini,  Oct.  80,  1662. 

Mon  cousin, — Je  vous  prie  de  vouloir  bien  f  avoriser  de  votre 
protection  et  appuy  ce  que  doit  ne"gocier  de  ma  part  dans  la  cour 
de  Borne  le  sieur  Bellings,  porteur  de  la  prdsente,  particulierement 
ce  qui  regarde  mon  cousin  monsieur  d'Aubigny,  grand-aumonier 
de  Madame  ma  belle-fi lie.  Sa  proche  parente  au  Boy  Monsieur 
mon  fils  et  ses  autres  me'rites  me  donnent  lieu  d'espdrer  une 
heureuse  issue  de  ce  que  je  demande  avec  une  instance  tres- 
grande  en  sa  faveur  a  Sa  Saintete".  Les  soins  que  vous  y 
apporterez  m'obligeront  extremement ;  et,  aux  occasions; 
je  ne  manqueray  pas  de  vous  donner  des  preuves  de  ma  re- 
cognoissance,  estant, 

Mon  cousin, 

Votre  bien  bonne  cousine, 

HENRIETTE-MARIE  B. 

Richard  Sellings  to  Father  Courtenay,  S.J.    Nov.  1662. 

J'obeirai  ponctuellement  aux  ordres  du  Cardinal  Barberino, 
et  j'aurai  soin  d'arriver  a  temps  pour  rendre  visite  au  Cardinal 
d'Aragon.  Le  roi  son  maitre,  si  je  suis  bien  instruit,  souhaite 
passione"ment  1'amiti^  du  notre  ;  et  je  ne  manquerai  pas  de 
faire  entendre  a  Son  Eminence  que  rien  ne  conduira  plus 
efficacement  a  ce  but  qu'un  loyal  service  dans  1'affaire  que  je 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS  303 

suis  venu  traiter.  Je  reviens  de  chez  le  Cardinal  Chigi :  il 
m'a  re9u  avec  une  politesse  parfaite,  et  m'a  donn4  de  bonnes 
espe'rances  que  son  concours  nous  est  assure.  Mille  graces  au 
Pere  Vicaire  pour  toutes  ses  bonte's. 

Je  suis  .... 

R.  BELLINGS. 

Certificate  by  Charles  II.  of  James  de  la  Cloche's  parentage, 
Sept.  27, 1665. 

Charles,  par  la  grace  de  Dieu  Eoy  d'Angleterre,  de  France, 
d'^cosse  et  d'Hibernie,  confessons  et  tenons  pour  nostre  fils 
naturel  le  sieur  Jacques  Stuart  qui,  par  nostre  ordre  et  com- 
mandement,  a  vescu  en  France  et  autres  pays  jusques  a  mil 
six  cent  soixante  cinq  ou  nous  avons  daign6  prendre  soin  de 
Luy.  Depuis,  la  m£me  anne'e,  s'etant  trouve  a  Londres  de 
nostre  volont^  expresse  et  pour  raison,  Luy  avons  commande 
de  vivre  sous  auttre  nom  encore,  S9avoir,  de  la  Cloche  du  Bourg 
de  Jarzais.  Auquel,  pour  raisons  importantes  qui  regardent  la 
paix  du  Royaume  que  nous  avons  toujours  recherche"e,  deffen- 
dons  de  parler  qu'apres  nostre  mort  [du  secret  de  sa  naissance]. 
En  ce  temps,  Luy  soit  lors  permis  de  presenter  au  parlement 
cette  nostre  declaration  que,  de  plein  gr4  et  avec  e'quite',  nous 
Luy  donnons  a  sa  requeste,  et  en  sa  langue,  pour  lui  oster 
occasion  de  la  monstrer  a  qui  que  ce  soit  pour  en  avoir  1'inter- 
pre"tation.— A  Wthall,  le  27  de  septembre  1665.  Escry  et 
.signe  de  nostre  main,  et  cachet^  du  cachet  ordinaire  de  nos 
lettres  sans  auttre  fason. 

CHABLES. 

Charles  IL     Certificate.    Feb.  7,  1667. 

Charles,  par  la  grace  de  Dieu  roy  d'Angleterre,  de  France, 
d'Ecosse  et  d'Hibernie.  Le  sieur  Jacques  Stuart  que  nous 
avons  ja  reconnu  par  cy-devant  pour  nostre  fils  naturel,  vivant 
sous  le  nom  de  La  Cloche,  nous  ayant  represent^  que,  survivant 
apres  nostre  de'ce's,  il  pourroit  estre  en  peine  de  sa  vie  s'il  n'est 
pas  reconnu  de  nostre  parlement,  comme  pour  les  auttres 


304  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

difficult^  qui  peuvent  arriver  en  cette  affaire;  pour  cet  effetr 
condescendants  a  ses  requestes,  avons  treuve"  bon  de  luy  assignor 
et  laisser  sur  nostre  domaine,  si  tel  est  le  bon  plaisir  de  nostre 
successeur  a  la  couronne  et  de  nostre  parlement,  la  somme 
de  500Z.  sterling  par  chacun  an.  Duquel  legs  il  ne  luy  sera 
loisible  de  jouir  sinon  en  tant  qu'il  demeurera  a  Londres,  vivant 
dans  la  religion  de  ses  peres  et  liturgie  anglaise. — A  Wthall, 
le  7  febv.  1667.  Escry  et  scelle  de  notre  main  propre. 

CHAELES. 

Charles  II.  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  Aug.  3rd,  1668. 

Monsieur  et  re've'rendissime  Pere  nous  escrivons  celle-cy  a 
vostre  reverendissime  paternite*  come  a  une  personne  que  nous 
croyons  estre  grandement  prudente  et  judicieuse,  puisque  la 
premiere  charge  qu'elle  a  d'un  Institut  si  fameux  ne  nous  le 
peut  autrement  persuader.  Nous  lui  parlons  frances,  commun 
a  touttes  personnes  de  qualite",  que  nous  croyons  que  votre 
R.  paternite  n'ignorera  pas,  plustost  qu'en  un  pauvre  latin 
dont  nous  ne  pourions  que  malaise'ment  nous  servir  pour 
estre  entendu,  nostre  but  principal  de  cecy  estant  qu'aucun 
Angles  n'y  puisse  mettre  le  nez  pour  lui  servir  d'interprette,. 
ce  qui  autrement  pourrait  nous  estre  grandement  pre*ju<lici- 
able;  pour  la  raison  que  nous  voulons  qu'elle  soit  secrette 
entre  vous  et  nous. 

Et  pour  commencer,  vostre  R.  paternite"  S9aura  qu'il  y  a 
longtemps  que,  parmy  les  embarras  de  la  couronne,  nous 
prions  Dieu  de  nous  faire  naistre  1'occasion  de  pouvoir  treuver 
une  seule  personne  dans  nos  royaumes  de  qui  nous  peussions 
nous  fier  touchant  1'affaire  de  nostre  salut,  sans  donner  ombrage 
a  nostre  cour  que  nous  fussions  catholiques.  Et  quoy  qu'il  y 
ayt  eu  icy  une  multitude  de  prestres,  tant  au  service  de  la 
reyne  dont  une  partie  a  habit£  dans  nos  palais  de  Saint-James 
et  de  Sommerset-House,  que  disperses  dans  toute  nostre  ville 
de  Londres,  touttefois  nous  ne  pouvons  nous  servir  d'aucun, 
pour  1' ombrage  que  nous  pourions  donner  a  nostre  cour  par  la 
conversation  de  telles  gens  qui,  quelques  d^guisemens  d'habits 
qu'ils  puissent  avoir,  sont  aussi  tost  connus  pour  ce  qu'ils- 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       305 

sont.  Touttefois,  entre  tant  de  difficulty's,  il  semble  que  la 
Providence  de  Dieu  a  pourveu  et  seconde  nos  de*sirs  nous 
faisant  naistre  a  la  religion  catholique  un  fils  auquel  seul 
nous  pouvons  nous  fier  dans  une  affaire  si  delicate  :  et  bien 
que  plusieurs  personnes  peut-estre  plus  versees  dans  les  mysteres 
de  la  religion  catholique  qu'il  n'est  pas  encore,  se  pourrest 
treuver  pour  nostre  service  en  ce  rencontre,  nous  ne  pouvons 
touttefois  nous  servir  d'auttres  que  de  luy  qui  sera  tou jours 
assez  capable  pour  nous  administrer  en  secret  les  sacrements 
de  la  confession  et  de  la  communion  que  nous  desirons  recevoir 
au  plustost. 

Ce  nostre  fils  est  un  jeune  cavalier  que  nous  S9avons  que 
vous  avez  receu  a  Rome  parmy  vous,  soubz  le  nom  du  sieur  de 
la  Cloche  de  Jersay,  pour  qui  nous  avons  tousjours  eu  une 
tendresse  particuliere,  tant  a  cause  qu'il  nous  est  no",  lorsque 
nous   n'avions   gueres   plus  de   seize  ou  dix-sept  ans,  d'une 
jeune  dame  des  plus  qualifiers  de  nos  royaumes  (plustost  par 
fragilite  de  nostre  premiere  jeunesse  que  par  malice),  que  a 
cause   aussi  du  naturel   excellent   que   nous  avons  toujours 
remarque  en  luy,  et  de  l'e"minente  doctrine  ou  il  s'est  avance 
par  nostre  moyen  ;  ce  qui  nous  fait  d'autant  plus  estimer  son 
rangement  a  la  religion  catholique,  que  nous  S9avons  qu'il  1'a 
fait  par  jugement,  raison  et  science.     Plusieurs  raisons  con- 
siderables et  concernantes  la  paix  de  nos  royaumes,  nous  ont 
empesche  jusques  a  present  de  le  reconnestre  publiquement 
pour  nostre  fils ;  mais  ce  sera  pour  peu  de  temps,  parce  que 
nous  sommes  maintenant  en  dessein   de   faire   en   sorte  de 
le   reconnestre  publiquement  devant  peu    d'anne"es,   1'ayant 
cependant,  en  1665,  pourveu  d'asseurances  necessaires  en  cas 
que  nous  vinssions  a  mourir,  pour  s'en  pouvoir  servir  en  temps 
et  lieu.    Et  comme  il  n'est  icy  connu  en  aucunne  fa9on,  fors  des 
reynes,  cette  affaire   s'estant  passed  fort  secrettement ;  nous 
pouvons  en  toutte  seurete  converser  avec  luy  et  exercer  en 
secret  lea  mysteres   de  la  religion  catholique,   sans  donner 
ombrage  a  qui  que  ce  soit  de  nostre  cour  que  nous  soyons 
catholique,  ce  que  nous  ne  pouvons  faire  avec  aucun  auttre 
missioneur,  tant  aussy  que  pour  la  confiance  que  nous  avons 

X 


306  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

de  lui  ouvrir  nostre  conscience  avec  toutte  liberte  et  since"rite, 
comme  a  une  partie  de  nous-m§mes.  Ainsi  nous  voyons  que, 
combien  qu'il  nous  soit  ne  dans  nostre  plus  tendre  jeunesse 
contre  les  ordres  de  Dieu,  le  mesme  Dieu  s'en  veult  servir 
pour  nostre  salut,  appartenant  a  luy  seul  de  S9avoir  tirer  le 
bien  du  mal. 

Nous  croyons  avoir  expliqu6  suffisamment  a  vostre  reveren- 
dissime  paternite"  la  necessite  que  nous  avons  de  luy ;  et  si 
vostre  R.  paternite  nous  escrit,  elle  confiera  ses  lettres  a  nostre 
seul  fils  quand  il  viendra  nous  trouver.  Car,  bien  que  nous  ne 
doutions  point  qu'elle  ne  treuvast  assez  de  voyes  secrettes 
pour  ce  faire,  touttefois  elle  nous  de"sobligeroit  grandement  de 
confier  ses  lettres  a  auttres  qu'a  lui  seul,  pour  plusieurs 
raisons  considerables  dont  vostre  R.  paternit6  en  peut  con- 
jecturer  une  partie,  que  particulierement  pour  les  accidents 
qui  nous  en  pouroist  arriver,  comme  il  fut  en  hasard  de  nous 
advenir  en  la  reception  d'une  lettre  que  nous  eusmes  de  Rome 
pour  la  reponse  d'une  que  nous  avions  escry  au  defunt  Pape, 
et  quoy  qu'elle  nous  fust  represented  avec  touttes  les  circon- 
stances  necessaires  et  par  personne  catholique,  touttefois  ce 
ne  peut  §tre  avec  tant  de  prudence  que  nous  ne  fussions 
soub9onne"s  d'intelligence  avec  le  Pape  par  les  plus  clairvoyants 
de  nostre  cour.  Mais,  ayant  trouve  le  moyen  d'e"touffer  le 
soub9on  que  Ton  commen9oit  d'avoir  que  nous  fussions 
catholique,  nous  fusmes  obliges,  crainte  de  ne  le  faire  renaistre 
dans  les  esprits,  de  consentir,  aux  occasions,  a  plusieurs  choses 
tournant  au  d£savantage  de  plusieurs  catholiques  de  nostre 
royaume  d'Hybernie  :  ce  qui  est  cause  encore  que,  bien  nous 
eussions  escry  assez  se"crettement  a  Sa  Sainctete  pour  nostre 
rangement  a  1'Eglise  catholique,  au  mesme  temps  que  nous 
prions  Sa  Sainctete  de  faire  cardinal  nostre  tres-cher  cousin  le 
milord  d'Aubigny,  dont  nous  fusmes  refuse's  pour  bonnes 
raisons,  n'avons  peu  poursuyvre  nostre  pointe. 

Et  (Aussi)  quoyque  la  reyne  de  Suede  soit  tres-prudente  et 
sage,  touttefois  c'est  assez  que  ce  soit  une  femme  pour  nous 
mettre  en  crainte  qu'elle  ne  puisse  garder  un  secret ;  et 
comme  elle  croit  S9avoir  seule  la  naissance  de  nostre  fils  bien 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       307 

ayme,  nous  luy  avons  escry  derechef  et  nous  1'avons  confirmee 
dans  son  opinion  ;  ce  qui  fait  que  vostre  Rme  paternite  luy 
tesmoignera  en  1'occasion  n'avoir  aucune  connoissance  de  sa 
naissance,  au  cas  qu'elle  luy  demande.  Comme  aussi  nous 
prions  vostre  Rme  paternite  de  ne  luy  tesmoigner,  ny  &  quelque 
auttre  personne  que  ce  soit,  le  dessein  que  nous  avons  d'estre 
catholiques,  ny  que  nous  fassions  venir  nostre  fils  pour  ce  sujet. 
Si  la  reyne  de  Suede  s'interoge  ou  il  est  alle",  vostre  Rm' 
paternite  S9aura  treuver  quelque  pretexte,  ou  qu'il  est  alle 
en  mission  en  nostre  isle  de  Terse",  ou  en  quelque  auttre  partie 
de  nos  royaumes,  ou  quelque  auttre  pre'texte,  jusques  a  ce  que 
nous  fussions  derechef  S9avoir  nos  desirs  et  volontes  sur  ces 
matieres  a  vostre  Rme  paternite. 

Nous  la  prions  done  de  nous  envoyer  au  plus  tost  nostre 
tres-cher  et  bien  ayrae"  fils,  c'est-a-dire,  au  premier  beau  temps 
que  cette  saison  ou  1'autre  le  permettront.  Nous  croyons  que 
vostre  Rme  paternite  est  trop  zelee  pour  le  salut  des  ames  et 
qu'elle  a  trop  de  respect  pour  les  testes  couronnees,  pour  ne 
pas  nous  accorder  une  demande  si  juste.  Nous  avions  eu 
quelque  pense'e  d'ecrire  a  Sa  Sainctete  et  lui  decouvrir  ce  que 
nous  avions  dans  Tame,  et  par  mesme  moyen  la  prier  de  nous 
1'envoyer ;  mais  nous  avons  creu  qu'il  suffisoit  pour  cette  fois 
de  nous  declarer  a  vostre  Rme  paternite,  reservant  a  une  auttre 
occasion  que  nous  ferons  naistre  le  plus  tost  que  nous  pourrons, 
a  escrire  et  nous  declarer  au  pape  par  un  courier  tres  secret  et 
aposte  de  nostre  part. 

Si  nostre  cher  et  bien  ayme  fils  n'est  prestre,  et  s'il  ne  peu 
pas  1'estre  sans  faire  sgavoir  publiquement  son  veritable  nom 
et  sa  naissance,  ou  pour  auttres  circonstances  (ce  que  nous 
disons  pour  ne  S9avoir  pas  vostre  maniere  d'agir  en  ces  ren- 
contres), en  ce  cas,  qu'il  ne  se  fasse  plustost  point  prestre  a 
Rome  que  de  rien  dire  aux  evesques  ou  prestres  qui  il  est, 
mais  qu'il  passe  par  Paris  et  se  pre'sente  a  nostre  tres-cher 
cousin  le  roy  de  France,  ou,  s'il  ayme  mieux,  a  nostre  tres 
honored  sceur  Madame  la  duchesse  d' Orleans  a  qui  il  tesmoi- 
gnera de  nostre  part  nostre  bon  desir  en  toute  seurete".  Us 
S9avent  assez  ce  que  nous  avons  dans  1'ame,  et  connestront 

x2 


308  THE   MAN   OF   THE  MASK 

assez  nostre  tres  cher  et  bien  ayme  fils  aux  marques  que  nous 
luy  avons  donnees  a  Londres  en  1665  ;  et  le  voyant  catholique, 
ils  treuveront  et  auront  le  pouvoir  de  le  faire  faire  prestre,  sans 
que  Ton  S9ache  qui  il  est  et  avec  tout  le  secret  possible,  comme 
nous  nous  persuadons.  Si  ce  n'est  que,  sans  tant  de  detours* 
il  ayme  mieux  venir  a  nous  sans  estre  prestre,  ce  qui  sera 
peut-estre  le  mieux,  puisque  nous  pourons  faire  la  mesme 
chose  par  le  moyen  de  la  reyne  nostre  tres  honoree  mere  ou 
de  la  reyne  regente  (regnante)  qui  pourront  avoir  a  leur  volonte" 
evesques,  missionaires  ou  auttres,  pour  faire  la  fonction,  sans 
que  Ton  S9ache  et  s'ape^oive  de  quoyque  ce  soit.  Nous 
disons  cecy  au  cas  qu'il  se  treuvast  quelques  difficultes  de  ce 
faire  a  Eome. 

Et  bien  que  nous  fassions  venir  a  nous  nostre  tres  cher 
fils,  ce  n'est  point  touttefois  notre  dessein  de  le  retirer  de 
vostre  Societe".  Bien  au  contraire,  nous  sommes  ravis  qu'il 
en  soit  toutte  sa  vie,  si  Dieu  luy  inspire  cet  estat ;  et  apres 
avoir  mis  ordre  a  nostre  conscience  par  son  moyen,  nous  ne 
1'empescherons  pas  de  retourner  a  Kome  pour  y  vivre  selon 
1'Institut  qu'il  a  embrasse  ;  et  mesme  dans  le  temps  qu'il  sera 
a  nostre  service,  nous  ne  1'empescherons  pas  de  poursuyvre, 
s'il  veult,  parmy  les  vostres  qui  sont  en  nos  royaumes,  la  vie 
encommence'e  conforme  a  1'estat  religieux  qu'il  a  embrasse' ; 
pourveu  que  ce  ne  soit  pas  a  Londres,  mais  en  quelque  ville 
ou  lieu  non  trop  esloigne"  de  notre  ville  de  Londres,  affin  que 
quand  nous  en  avons  besoin,  il  puisse  venir  avec  plus  de 
promptitude  et  facility.  Et  ^la  raison  pourquoy  nous  ne 
voulons  pas  qu'il  reste  a  Londres  parmy  les  vostres,  est  a 
cause  du  danger  qu'il  ne  fust  soub9onn6  pour  j4suitte,  le 
voyant  entrer  dans  les  lieux  ou  resident  les  vostres  qui  se 
S9avent  assez  de  plusieurs,  ce  qui  pourrait  tourner  a  nostre 
prejudice.  Ou  bien  nous  sommes  contents,  aprez  estre  absouz 
par  luy  de  I'he'resie,  et  nous  estre  r^conciliez  a  Dieu  et  & 
I'^glise,  qu'il  s'en  retourne  a  Rome  pour  y  mener  la  vie 
religieuse  qu'il  avait  entrepris,  en  attendans  nouveaux  ordres 
de  nostre  part ;  ce  que  nous  treuvons  plus  a  propos,  et  nous 
croyons  que  vostre  re've'rendissime  paternit^  sera  de  nostre 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       309 

avis  et  conseil  en  cette  derniere  pense'e.  Ainsy  faisant,  quand 
il  aura  est6  icy  quelques  sepmaines  ou  mois,  nous  le  renvoirons 
a  Rome  sous  la  conduite  de  vostre  Rme  paternite,  affin  de  se 
rendre  plus  habile  parmy  vous  pour  nostre  service.  Et  dans 
le  peu  de  temps  qu'il  sera  a  Londres,  quand  il  abouchera 
quelqu'un  des  vostres,  qu'il  se  garde  bien  de  dire  le  sujet 
pourquoy  il  est  venu.  II  peut  dire  qu'il  a  quelques  affaires 
d'importance  en  nostre  cour,  dont  vostre  Rme  paternite  et  luy 
doivent  avoir  seuls  connessance. 

Cependant,  bien  que  nous  ne  puissions  pas  tesmoigner 
ouvertement  a  toutte  vostre  illustre  Societe  1'affection  et  la 
bonne  volonte  que  nous  luy  avons,  cela  n'empesche  pas  que 
vostre  reverendissime  paternite"  ne  nous  face  S9avoir  par  nostre 
tres  cher  et  bien  aymd  fils,  s'il  y  a  quelque  endroit  ou  nous  la 
puissions  aider,  ce  que  nous  ferons  d'autant  plus  volontiers 
que  nous  S9avons  que  tout  ce  que  nous  pouvons  contribuer, 
sera  employe"  au  service  de  Dieu,  pour  la  remission  de  nos 
offenses.  En  attendant,  nous  recommendons  a  vos  prieres  et 
nos  royaumes  et  nous  qui  sommes 

CHARLES,  roy  d'Angleterre. 
A  Wthall,  ce  3  d'aout,  1668. 

Charles  II.  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  Aug.  29^,  1668. 

Monsieur  et  re"ve"rendissime  Pere,  nous  envoyons  en  gran- 
dissime  diligence  et  grandissime  secret  un  expres  a  Rome  pour 
porter  deux  lettres,  1'une  pour  vostre  reverendissime  paternite, 
affin  que  nostre  tres-cher  et  bien  ayrae*  fils  parte  au  plus  tost ; 
1'autre  a  la  reyne  de  Suede,  ayant  command^  a  1'expres 
d'attendre  sa  majeste*  en  quelque  ville  que  ce  soit  d'ltalie,  par  ou 
elle  doive  passer,  ne  voulant  pas  mesme  que  1'expres  susdit 
comparoisse  &  vostre  maison,  crainte  d'estre  connu  par  quelques- 
uns  de  vos  religieux  qui  pouroist  estre  Angles.  Estant 
personne  de  qualite",  nous  lui  avons  deffendu  pareillement  de 
tarder  plus  d'un  jour  a  Rome,  crainte  d'estre  connu  de  quelque 
Angles  qui  pouroist  estre  a  Rome. 

Nous  dirons  done  a  vostre  re"ve"rendissime  paternitd  que, 


310  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

depuis  la  premiere  que  nous  luy  avons  escry,  nous  avons  receu 
nouvelles  certaines  que  la  reyne  de  Suede  retourne  a  Eome 
centre  la  croyance  que  nous  en  avions,  ce  qui  ne  nous  a  pas 
peu  embarasse  en  raison  de  1'affaire  de  nostre  salut.  C'est 
pourquoi,  en  cet  accident  nouveau,  ayant  pris  conseil  avec  les 
reynes,  nous  avons  determine'  d'escrire  en  haste  a  la  reyne  de 
Suede,  lui  dissimulant  et  faisant  accroire,  S9avoir,  que  nostre 
tres-cher  et  bien  ayme  fils  nous  a  represente  de  luy  vouloir 
assignor  quelque  chose  de  stable  pendant  sa  vie,  affin  qu'au  cas 
qu'il  ne  peult  pas  poursuyvre  sa  vie  religieuse  encommencee, 
estant  maintenant  catholique,  il  ayt  ou  recourir  pour  vivre ;  et 
que,  quand  mesme  il  la  pouroit  poursuyvre,  il  nous  prioit  de 
lui  fonder  quelque  chose  pour  pouvoir  en  disposer  selon  sa 
devotion ;  ce  que  nous  luy  avons  accorde  :  mais  que  ne  pouvant 
pas  faire  cela  a  Rome,  nous  luy  avons  ordonne  de  s'en  aller  a 
Paris  treuver  quelques  correspondants  de  nostre  part,  et  puis 
de  la,  a  Jers6  et  a  Hanton,  ou  il  recevra  de  nous  40  ou  50,000 
ecus  pour  se  faire  un  fonds,  ou  pour  mettre  en  quelque  banque ; 
et  que  nous  luy  avons  ordonn^  de  ne  rien  dire  a  son  reveren- 
dissime  pere  general  de  sa  naissance,  mais  seulement  qu'il 
persuade  et  qu'il  feigne  a  vostre  reverence  qu'il  est  fils  d'un 
riche  predicant,  lequel  estant  mort  depuis  quelque  temps,  sa 
mere  meue  de  quelque  envie  de  se  faire  catholique  et  de  luy 
donner  le  bien  qui  luy  appartient,  luy  a  escry,  et  qu'ainsy 
vostre  reve"rendissime  paternite,  desireuse  du  salut  de  cette 
personne  et  de  la  faire  catholique,  voyant  aussy  qu'il  peut  avoir 
son  bien,  luy  permettra  facilenient  d'aller.  Voila  ce  que  nous 
avons  ordonne",  parce  qu'ainsy  elle  croira  S9avoir  seule  le 
secret  et  n'aura  point  de  sujet  de  rompre  avec  vostre  re've'ren- 
dissime  paternite  1'amitie  qu'elle  pouroit  luy  porter.  Ainsy 
nous  reme"dions  au  soub9on  qu'elle  pouroit  avoir  que  nous  le 
fissions  venir  a  nous  et  que  nous  fussions  catholiques.  Mais 
surtout  il  fault  que  nostre  tres-cher  fils  ne  1'attende  point,, 
mais  qu'il  parte  au  plus  tost ;  car,  comme  elle  a  besoin  d'argent 
(et  tellement  besoin  qu'elle  demandoit  dernierement  a  la 
diette  de  Suede  35,000  ecus  d'avance)  elle  I'embarasseroit  au 
point  que  la  trag6die  (la  piece)  que  nous  voulons  jouer,  ne  SQ. 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       311 

representeroit  que  tres-mal.    Voila  ce  que  nous  avons  ordonne 
touchant  la  reyne  de  Suede. 

Vostre  reverendissime  paternite  ne  s'estonnera  done  pas 
que,  si  la  crainte  nous  est  donne'e  pour  redouter  les  maux 
dont  nous  sommes  assie"ges,  elle  salt  par  raison  d'autant  plus 
vive  en  nous  que  les  maux  sont  plus  grands  et  trainent  des 
consequences   plus  dangereuses.     Or,  cest  une  ve'rite'  qui  ne 
re9oit  point  de  contestation  entre  les  meilleurs  esprits  que,  de 
tous  les  maux  temporels  qui  nous  peuvent  arriver,  la  preuve 
que  nous  soyons  catholiques  est  le  plus  grand,  puisque  infailli- 
blement   elle   nous  causeroit  la  mort,  et  ensemble  plusieurs 
troubles  en  nos  royaumes.     II  ne  fault  done  pas  que  vostre 
re'verendissime  paternite'  s'estonne  si  nous  pressons  tant  de 
precautions,  et  si  nous  avons  juge*   a  propos  de  lui  escrire 
encore  cette  seconde,  tant  pour  le  fait  de  la  reyne  de  Suede 
que  pour  suppleer  aux  oubliances  que  nous  avons  peu  com- 
mettre  en  la  premiere,  et  en  ensomble  pour  en  retrancher 
quelques  points  qui  sont :  que  nostre  tres-cher  et  honore"  fils 
ne  se  pr^sente  point  a  nostre  tres-cher  cousin  le  roi  de  France, 
ni  a  nostre  tres-honoree  sceur  madame  la  duchesse  d'Orleans 
auparavant  que  de  nous  avoir  parle" ;  mais  seulement  qu'il 
vienne  a  nous  soit  par  la  France,  par  Paris  ou  autres  chemins 
qu'il  plaira  a  vostre  reverendissime  paternite"  luy  determiner. 
II  s'abstiendra  durant  le  voyage  d'escrire  a  la  reyne  de  Suede, 
crainte  qu'elle  vist  que  Ton  n'observe  point  ce  que  nous  avons 
dit  cy-dessus  par  dissimulation.     Voila   ce  que  nous   avons 
determine  ensemble  avec  les  reynes,  crainte  d'eclat  ou  de 
quelque  accident. 

De  plus  nous  prions  votre  reve"rendissime  paternite  (bien 
que  Sa  Majeste"  tres-chre'tienne,  la  reyne,  et  nostre  tres-chere 
so3ur  madame  la  duchesse  d' Orleans  S9achent  secrettement  la 
bonne  volonte"  que  nous  avons  dez  longtemps  de  nous  faire 
catholique),  nous  le  prions  neantmoins  de  s'abstenir  de  leur 
escrire  en  aucune  fa9on  touchant  ces  matieres,  mais  de  tenir 
toujours  le  tout  tres-secret  jusques  a  ce  que  la  Providence  de 
Dieu  ayt  auttrement  dispose  les  affaires. 

Or,  comme  nous  de'sirons  avec  toutte  la  prudence  requise  en 


312  THE   MAN   OF   THE   MASK 

une  affaire  de  si  grande  consequence  pour  nous  et  la  paix  de 
nos  royaumes,  faciliter  a  nostre  tres-cher  et  bien  ayme  fils 
touttes  les  voyes  ne*cessaires  pour  la  negotiation  de  nostre 
salut,  et  affin  d'e"viter  les  inconvenients  qui  se  pourroist  treuver 
de  ce  costs',  nous  avons  pris  conseil  avec  les  reynes,  S9avoir, 
que  lorsqu'il  sera  arrive  seul  et  &  1'inconnu  a  Londres,  car  ainsi 
est  nostre  bon  plaisir  et  volonte,  il  prenne  son  temps  pour  se 
couvrir  et  vestir  le  plus  lestement  qu'il  lui  sera  possible,  s'il 
ne  Test  pas  assez^pour  ne  1'avoir  voulu  faire  crainte  de  se  salir 
par  les  mauvais  temps  et  chemins  fangeux  qui  peuvent  gaster 
un  coche  et  ensemble  tous  ceux  qui  sont  dedans.  Estant  en 
ordre  et  posture  convenable,  qu'il  prenne  1'occasion  de  s'adresser 
a  la  reyne  re"gente  (regnante),  ou  lorsqu'elle  sera  a  la  messe  en 
notre  palais  de  Saint- James  ou  lorsque  Sa  Majeste  a  le  mot  de 
nostre  part  de  faire  tout  ce  qu'il  fault  pour  1'introduire  devant 
nous  avec  toutte  la  prudence  possible,  dont  nous  sommes 
assures  qu'il  n'arrivera  aucun  d^sordre  ny  soub9on.  II  n'a 
auttre  chose  a  faire  sinon  a  se  laisser  conduire  selon  qu'il  sera 
averty,  et  luy  mandons  d'observer  ponctuellement  tout  ce  que 
nous  luy  avons  escry,  particulierement  ce  que  nous  avons  mis 
dans  1'enveloppe. 

Cependant  nous  renouvelons  a  votre  reverendissime  pafeer- 
nite'  la  priere  que  nous  lui  avons  faite  dans  la  premiere,  qui  est 
de  ne  nous  escrire  point  ny  de  nous  faire  aucune  reponse  que 
par  les  mains  de  nostre  tres-cher  et  bien  ayme  fils  a  qui  nous 
commandons  de  sortir  de  Rome  au  plus  tost ;  ne  voulant  pas 
que  la  reyne  de  Suede  lui  parle  pour  les  raisons  susdittes. 
Estant  sorty  de  Borne,  il  prendra  sa  commodite  pour  nous 
venir  treuver ;  nous  prions  votre  reverendissime  paternite*,  si 
cela  estoit  ntessaire,  de  le  mouvoir  a  venir  au  plus  tost,  luy 
repre'sentant  le  besoin  que  nous  en  avons.  Car  nous  S9avons 
qu'il  n'a  pas  peu  de  repugnance  a  1'Angleterre,  ce  que  nous 
attribuons  pour  n'y  avoir  pas  est£  eleve",  et  pour  se  voir  con- 
traint  d'y  vivre  inconnu,  n'ayant  jamais  peu  le  faire  y  demeurer 
qu'une  ann^e.  Encore,  devant  qu'elle  fut  finie,  il  nous  repr^- 
senta  tant  de  raisons  que  nous  fusmes  contraints  de  la  laisser 
aller  en  Hollande,  ou  il  s'est  comport^  avec  grande  louange  et 


COLLECTION  OF  OEIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       313 

grande  satisfaction  de  nostre  part,  pour  les  belles-lettres  et 
etudes  ou  il  s'est  parfaittement  avan9e. 

Nous  croyons  qu'il  a  trop  de  jugement  pour  manquer  a 
nous  obe'yr  et  a  nous  venir  treuver,  ce  que  nous  desirons  de 
luy.  Aussitot  qu'il  sera  venu,  nous  ferons  en  sorte,  par  le 
moyen  des  reynes,  de  le  faire  faire  secrettement  prestre ;  et  s'il 
y  a  quelque  chose  que  1'evesque  ordinaire  ne  puisse  pas  faire 
sans  permission  de  Sa  Sainctete',  qu'il  ne  manque  pas  d'y 
pourvoir  tres-secrettement,  en  telle  sorte  que  Ton  ne  vienne 
point  a  S9avoir  qui  il  est ;  ce  qu'il  fera,  s'il  peut,  auparavant 
que  de  partir  de  Rome.  Cependant  nous  prions  votre  re"ve- 
rendissime  paternite  de  prier  Dieu  pour  les  reynes,  nos 
royaumes  et  nous  qui  sommes 

CHAELES,  roy  d'Angleterre. 
A  Wthall,  ce  29  d'aoust  1668. 

Charles  II.  to  James  de  la  Cloche,  Aug.  &th,  1668. 

(Of  doubtful  authenticity.) 

Pour  nostre  tres  honorefils  le  prince  Stuart,  demeurant  entre 
les  Eeverends  Peres  Jesuites,  soubz  le  nom  du  sieur  de 
La  Cloche.  A  Rome. 

Monsieur,  nous  avons  escry  amplement  a  M.  vostre 
re've'rendissime  Pere  ge'ne'ral ;  il  vous  dira  nostre  volont^.  La 
reyne  de  Suede  nous  a  demand^,  en  prest,  la  somme  d'argent 
que  nous  avions  eu  le  soin  de  luy  faire  tenir  pour  vostre 
entretien,  qui  estoit  bastante  pour  plusieurs  annees.  Nous 
avons  ordonne'  ce  qu'il  fault  la-dessus  ;  c'est  pourquoi  ne  vous 
en  mettez  point  en  peine,  et  ne  lui  en  escrivez  ni  parlez  plus. 

Si  la  saison  de  1'automne  est  trop  mauvaise  pour  partir  a 
nous  venir  treuver,  et  que  vous  ne  le  puissiez  sans  vous  mettre 
en  danger  Evident  de  tomber  malade,  attendez  au  commence- 
ment du  printemps  prochain,  ayant  surtout  soin  de  la  con- 
servation de  vostre  sant^,  et  vous  tenant  en  repos  sans  nous 
escrire,  car  nous  ne  sommes  pas  peu  soub9onne's  d'estre 
catholique. 

II  ennuye  (tarde)  extremement  aux  reynes  de  vous  voir  a 
qui  nous  avons  communique  en  secret  vostre  conversion  a  la 


314  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

religion  romaine.  Elles  nous  ont  conseille  de  vous  mander 
que  nous  ne  vous  empescherons  pas  de  vivre  dans  1'Institut 
que  vous  avez  embrasse,  et  nous  sommes  ravis  que  vous  en 
soyez  toutte  vostre  vie  ;  mais  que  vous  consultiez  bien  vos 
forces  et  votre  complexion  qui  nous  a  paru  assez  foible  et 
delicate.  On  peut  estre  bon  catholique  sans  estre  religieux  ; 
et  vous  devez  considerer  que  nous  avions  dessein  de  vous  re- 
connoistre  publiquement  avant  peu  d'annees  pour  nostre  fils  : 
mais  le  parlement  ny  les  affaires  ne  1'ayant  pas  permis  jusqu'a 
present,  nous  avons  toujours  este  contraint  de  differer. 
Vous  devez  en  outtre  considerer  que  vous  pouviez  pretendre 
semblables  tittres  de  nostre  part  que  le  due  de  Monmouth,  et 
peut-e"tre  plus  amples  ;  en  outtre  que  nous  sommes  sans  enfans 
de  la  reyiie,  que  ceux  du  due  d'Yorck  sont  fort  foibles  ;  que  par 
touttes  raisons  et  a  cause  de  la  quality  de  vostre  mere,  vous 
pouviez  pretendre  de  nous  et  du  parlement  d'estre  prefere  au 
due  de  Monmouth.  En  ce  cas,  estant  jeune  comme  vous 
estes,  si  la  liberte  de  conscience  et  si  la  religion  catholique 
rentrent  en  ce  royaume,  vous  pourriez  avoir  quelque  espe"rance 
pour  la  couronne  :  car  nous  pouvons  vous  assurer  que  si 
Dieu  permet  que  nous  et  nostre  tres-honore  frere  le  due  d'Yorck 
mourions  sans  enfans,  les  royaumes  vous  appartiennent,  fit  le 
parlement  ne  peut  pas  legitimement  s'y  opposer,  si  ce  n'est 
qu'en  matiere  d'estre  catholique  vous  en  fussiez  exclus,  si  la 
liberte  de  conscience  n'estoit  pas  encore  elablie,  et  que,  comme 
a  present,  on  ne  peut  (put)  elire  auttres  rois  que  protestants. 
Voila  ce  que  nous  sommes  conseilles  par  les  reynes  de  vous 
mander.  Si  cependant,  tout  considere,  vous  aymez  mieux 
servir  a  Dieu  dans  1'Institut  de  messieurs  les  jesuites,  nous  ne 
voulons  pas  resister  aux  volontes  de  Dieu  que  nous  n'avons 
desja  que  trop  irrite  par  nos  offenses.  Nous  ne  vous  em- 
peschons  pas  done  de  poursuivre  cet  estat  si  Dieu  vous 
1'inspire  ;  mais  nous  de*sirons  seulement  que  vous  y  pensiez 
bien. 

Nous  n'avions  point  voulu  escrire  au  pape  jusques  a  ce  que 
nous  vous  ayons  parle  de  vive  voix.  Nous  avions  escry  au 
(pape)  deffunt,  affin  qu'il  fist  cardinal  nostre  tres-cher  et  bien 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       315 

ayme  cousin,  le  milord  d'Aubigny,  dont  nous  n'eusmes  pas  la 
satisfaction  que  nous  demandions.  Cependant  nous  ne  nous 
rebuttons  point  pour  tout  cela  ;  Sa  Sainctete  nous  ayons  re- 
pre'sente  quantite  de  raisons  pour  les  quelles  il  ne  pouvait  pas 
en  conscience  creer  un  cardinal  en  nos  royaumes,  les  affaires 
de  la  religion  et  auttres  estant  commes  elles  sont. 

Nous  avons  depuis  peu  escry  a  la  reyne  de  Su£de,  et  luy 
avons  recommande  de  ne  vous  escrire  point  et  de  vous  traiter 
comme  un  simple  cavalier,  sans  qu'elle  monstre  avoir  connois- 
sance  de  vostre  naissance ;  c'est  pourquoi  vous  ne  trouverez 
pas  mauvais  si  Sa  Majeste  vous  traite  de  meme.  Ce  nous  est 
un  douleur  non  petite  de  vous  voir  tou jours  contraint  de  vivre 
a  Tinconnu ;  mais  ayez  patience  encore  un  peu,  car,  avant  peu 
d'annees,  nous  tacherons  tellement  d'accomoder  les  affaires  et 
le  parlement,  que  tout  le  monde  S9aura  qui  vous  estes.  Vous 
ne  vivrez  plus  dans  ces  gesnes  et  contraintes,  et  ne  tiendra 
qu'a  vous  de  vivre  dans  la  liberte  et  les  delices  d'une  personne 
de  votre  naissance ;  si  ce  n'est  que  Dieu  vous  inspire  forte- 
ment,  et  que  vous  vouliez  absolument  continuer  la  vie  religieuse 
que  vous  avez  encommencee. 

Bien  que  nous  ne  puissions  ny  ne  devions  pas  apertement 
(ouvertement)  monstrer  la  bonne  volonte  que  nous  avons  pour 
messieurs  les  j^suittes  qui  vous  ont  receu,  touttefois,  en  at- 
tendant que  nous  puissions  plus  ouvertement  les  favoriser  de 
nostre  royale  magnificence,  s'il  y  a  quelque  lieu  ou  place  ou 
auttre  occasion  ou  ils  ayent  besoin  de  notre  ayde  et  ou  nous 
le  ferons  d'autant  plus  que  nous  S9avons  que  le  tout  sera 
employ^  au  service  de  Dieu  et  remission  de  nos  offenses,  et 
que,  aussy,  nous  ne  voulons  pas  qu'une  personne  de  vostre 
naissance  reste  parmy  eux  sans  quelque  chose  fonder  en 
me'moire  d'une  personne  de  votre  extraction.  Nous  parlerons 
a  Londres  de  cette  matiere,  si  vous  persistez  dans  vostre 
dessein  de  vivre  parmy  eux. 

Cependant,  croyez  que  nous  vous  avons  toujours  eu  en 
affection  particuliere,  non  seulement  a  cause  que  vous  nous 
estes  ne  dans  notre  plus  tendre  jeunesse,  lorsque  nous  n'avions 
guere  plus  de  seize  a  dix-sept  ans,  que  particulierement  a  cause 


316  THE   MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

de  1'excellent  naturel  que  nous  avons  toujours  remarque  en 
vous,  de  la  science  eminente  ou  vous  vous  estes  avan9^  par 
nostre  moyen,  que  vous  vous  estes  toujours  porte  en  honneste 
homme,  et  que  vous  avez  particulierement  obe"y  a  nos  ordres  ; 
ce  qui,  joint  a  1'amour  paternel  que  nous  vous  portons,  fait  un 
grand  empire  sur  nostre  volont£  a  vous  vouloir  toutte  sorte  de 
Men,  outre  la  compassion  que  nous  avons  de  vous  voir  ainsy 
inconnu  et  meprise,  ce  qui  durera  le  moms  que  nous  pourrons. 

Nous  ne  pouvons  pas  bien  secrettement  vous  faire  venir  a 
Rome  somme  d 'argent  n^cessaire  pour  une  personne  de  votre 
naissance,  et  pour  vous  mettre  en  ordre  et  estat  de  paroitre 
devant  nous  ;  ne  voulant  ni  ne  pouvant  pas  faire  ^clatter  que 
nous  avons  personne  a  Rome  avec  qui  nous  ayons  communica- 
tion. II  n'est  pas  possible  que  vous  ne  soyez  toujours  assez 
re"serv6  pour  nous  venir  treuver  si  ce  n'est  en  estat  de  personne 
de  vostre  qualite,  pour  le  moins  en  simple  cavalier,  lorsqu'il 
faudra  mettre  pied  en  Angleterre.  Finissant,  priez  Dieu  pour 
nous,  pour  les  reynes  et  nos  royaumes. 

Je  suis  vostre  affectionne  pere, 
CHARLES, 

Roy  d'Ang.,  de  Fr.,  d'Ec.  et  d'Hib. 
A  Wthall,  ce  4  aoust  1668. 

Charles  II.  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  about  Sept.  7th,  1668. 

Monsieur  et  re've'rendissime  pere,  nous  n' avons  jamais 
senty  tant  d'embarras,  quoyque  nous  en  ayons  bien  eu  dans 
nostre  vie,  qu'a  present  que  nous  voulons  penser  se"rieusement 
a  nostre  salut.  Nous  n'avons  pas  plus  tost  cachette  cette 
auttre  lettre,  que  nous  vous  prions  de  lire  auparavant  celle-cy 
qui  est  ouverte,  affin  d'entendre  mieux  nos  intentions  et  1'ordre 
dans  lequel  nous  tenons  a  les  escrire.  Les  reynes  nous  ont 
averty  et  donne*  conseil  de  ne  nous  point  presser  de  1'envoyer, 
parce  qu'elles  veulent  encore  y  joindre  et  apporter  certaines 
precautions  notables  et  tout  a  fait  n^cessaires  pour  rendre  la 
venue  de  nostre  tres-cher  et  bien-aime  fils  en  Angleterre,  et 
plus  secrette  et  plus  prudente. 


COLLECTION  OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       317 

Pour  cet  effet,  Leurs  Majestes  ayant  trouve  le  moyen  de 
S9avoir  accortement  et  avec  prudence  les  fa9ons  de  faire  de 
vostre  Socie"t£  en  ce  qui  concerne  ceux  qui  y  sont  nouvellement 
entres,  elles  nous  ont  represent^  avoir  appris  de  bonne  part 
que  les  initiants  ou  novices  de  vostre  sainte  societe,  non  plus 
que  les  auttres,  ne  sont  jamais  mandes  seuls  sans  que  quelque 
auttre  religieux  les  accompagne,  tant  pour  S9avoir  leurs 
actions  et  comportements  que  pour  en  rendre  raison  au 
superieur,  ce  que  nous  admirons  comme  une  prudence  tres- 
saincte  et  qui  ne  peut  venir  que  de  ce  divin  esprit  dont 
une  si  saincte  societe'  est  animee.  Mais,  nonobstant,  en  ce 
rencontre,  nous  prions  vostre  reverendissime  paternite  de 
dispenser  nostre  tres-cher  fils  de  ce  coste-la,  parceque  nous  luy 
commandons  absolument,  en  vertu  du  pouvoir  que  Dieu  nous 
a  donne  sur  luy,  de  venir  seul  nous  trouver,  tant  a  raison  que 
cela  s'accorde  bien  avec  la  lettre  que  nous  avons  fait  tenir  a  la 
reyne  de  Suede  qui  doit  croire  qu'il  est  alle  seul,  c'est-a-dire, 
sans  compagnie  d'aucun  auttre  religieux,  que  principalement 
a  raison  des  inconvenients  dangereux  dont  nous  serions  con- 
tinuellement  en  crainte  s'il  venait  accompagn^  de  quelque 
religieux.  Nous  avons  deja  dissimule'  (fait  accroire)  tres- 
secrettement  a  quelques  personnes  tres-sures,  dans  une  grande 
partie  des  ports  d'Angleterre  et  par  voyes  tout  a  fait  cache'es, 
qu'un  prince  estranger,  de  telle  taille,  de  telle  mine,  seul,  se 
re'fugie  a  nous,  et  le  reste  que  nous  ne  pouvons  pas  expliquer 
a  vostre  reve'rendissime  paternit^  pour  tirer  trop  en  lon- 
gueur. Nous  faisons  tout  cela,  en  partie  affin  que,  si  nous 
venions  a  estre  en  quelque  fa9on  soub9onnes  pour  estre 
avec  luy  trop  familier,  nous  ayons  de  quoy  dire  pour  lever 
le  soub9on. 

De  la  vostre  re've'rendissime  paternite  peut  voir  que  s'il  se 
rencontroit  quelque  Italien  avec  luy  qui  fut  reconnu  pour 
Italien,  soit  pour  1'accent  de  la  langue  italienne  ou  auttrement, 
cela  seroit  capable  de  renverser  tous  nos  desseins  et  la  machine 
que  nous  voulons  jouer  pour  venir  tres-seurement  a  bout  de 
nos  justes  de'sirs.  Outtre  que,  quand  mesme  il  pourroit 
avoir  un  auttre  qu'un  Italien  avec  luy,  nous  luy  deffendons 


318  THE   MAN   OF   THE   MASK 

d'en  faire  passer  aucun  en  Angleterre,  de  quelque  nation  qu'il 
soit,  pour  plusieurs  raisons  tres-conside'rables  qu'il  serait  trop 
long  d'exposer. 

II  ne  fault  pas  que  vostre  re"verendissime  paternite  s'estonne 
si  nous  sommes  si  avisos,  puisque  nous  avons  appris  au  temps 
de  Cromwel  ce  que  c'est  que  misere  et  les  choses  de  ce  monde, 
ce  que  c'est  que  d'etre  prudent  et  de  se  cacher  pour  venir  a 
bout  d'une  entreprise.  Nous  ne  doutons  point  que,  comme 
nostre  tres-cher  et  bien-ayme"  fils  est  jeune,  il  n'ayrne  la  com- 
pagnie  et  1'entretien,  et  qu'il  ne  de"sirast  d'avoir  des  rapports 
avec  quelqu'un,  par  lettres  ou  par  conversation,  car  nous 
S9avons  qu'il  n'ayme  pas  trop  la  cour.  Mais  il  fault  qu'il  ayt 
patience,  d'autant  qu'il  n'est  pas  raisonnable  que,  pour  nn 
plaisir  de  si  peu  de  consequence  et  de  duree,  il  se  mette  en 
danger  de  ruiner  tous  nos  desseins.  Outre  qu'il  doit  S9avoir 
que  des-la  qu'il  aura  mis  le  pied  en  nostre  palais,  il  n'aura 
conversation  avec  personne  qu'avec  nous  et  les  reynes  qui 
donnerons  les  ordres  necessaires  pour  ce  sujet ;  ny  escrira  a 
personne,  sinon  a  vostre  reve'rendissime  paternite,  aucunnes 
lettres  ;  et  les  lettres  qu'il  e"crira  a  vostre  reve'rendissime  pater- 
nite",  nous  les  manderons  par  un  expres  en  grandissime  secret 
a  Rome  affin  que  vostre  re've'rendissime  paternite  nous  soulage 
dans  les  besoins  qui  nous  pourront  arriver  touchant  nostre 
ame. 

Nous  nous  sommes  interroge"s  (inform&s)  des  ports  de  mer 
plus  proches  de  Rome.  Entre  plusieurs  que  Ton  nous  a 
nomine,  nous  nous  sommes  ressouvenus  de  Civita-Vecchia  et 
de  Genes.  Nous  luy  commandons  done  d'aller  a  Genes.  Nous 
avons  appris,  avec  la  prudence  qu'il  fault,  que  vostre  re've'ren- 
dissime paternite  a  la  maison  de  sa  societe.  Estant  done 
a  G£nes,  nous  voulons  qu'il  cherche  quelque  vaisseau  ou 
chaloupe  anglese,  mais  en  telle  maniere  que  nous  ne  voulons 
pas  que  messieurs  vos  religieux  le  recommandent  au  maistre 
ni  a  ceux  du  navire  pour  en  avoir  soin,  n'y  ne  monstrent  le 
connoistre  pour  raisons  tres-considerables,  et  parce  que  telles 
gens  de  navire  redisent  tout  au  port  ou  ils  arrivent.  En  outre, 
nous  voulons  qu'il  mette  et  laisse  son  vestement  religieux  en 


COLLECTION    OF   ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       319 

la  maison  de  messieurs  ses  amis  et  freres  les  je'suites  a  Ge~nes. 
II  le  revestira  au  meme  lieu  pour  s'en  retourner  a  Eome, 
quand  nous  le  renvoyerons  pour  y  poursuivre  sa  vie  religieuse 
encommence'e. 

II  abordera  done  en  nostre  royaume  seul  et  a  1'inconnu,  et 
au  premier  port  de  nostre  royaume  qu'il  abordera,  il  se  nom- 
mera,  comme  partout  ou  il  passera,  Henry  de  Rohan,  qui  est 
le  nom  de  la  famille  d'un  certain  prince  fra^ais,  calviniste, 
a  nous  tres-conniie  et  intime.  Nous  sommes  en  telle  crainte 
qu'il  n'arrive  aucun  accident  que  nous  prenons  maintenant, 
dans  les  divers  ports,  connoissance,  bien  que  tres-secrette  et 
avec  la  prudence  requise,  des  vaisseaux  qui  sont  partis  et  qui 
doivent  arriver,  et  mesme,  autant  qu'il  est  en  nous,  des  per- 
sonnes,  soubz  pretexte  de  zele  et  bien  de  nostre  royaume, 
et  soubz  pretexte  du  maintien  de  la  religion  protestante,  a 
laquelle  nous  faisons  semblant  d'estre  attache's  plus  que  jamais, 
quoyque  devant  Dieu  qui  connait  les  coeurs,  nous  1'abhorrions 
comme  tres-fausse  et  pernicieuse. 

De  plus,  nous  deffendons  a  nostre  tres-cher  et  honors'  fils 
de  passer  par  la  France  et  aultres  endroits  ou  ports  qui  sont 
vers  ces  parties-la,  pour  ne  pouvoir  pas  bien  secrettement  faire 
jouer  nos  reports  de  ce  coste";  et  ainsy  nous  n'avons  point 
treuve  de  lieu  plus  propre  que  G§nes  pour  qu'il  s'y  embarque. 
Et  cependant,  en  attendant  qu'il  soit  de  retour  a  Rome,  vostre 
reve'rendissime  paternite  fera  courir  le  bruit  qu'il  est  alls'  a 
Jerse'  ou  Hanton  voir  sa  mere  pr^tendue  qui  se  veult  faire 
catholique,  comme  nous  avons  mis  et  dissimule  dans  cette 
auttre  lettre,  et  que,  pour  arriver  plus  tost,  il  est  alle  par  mer. 

Voila  done  ce  que  nous  luy  commandons  d'observer  de 
point  en  point  par  I'autorite'  que  Dieu  nous  a  donne"  sur  luy, 
et  nous  luy  promettons,  f oy  de  roy,  que  nous  ne  cherchons 
auttre  chose  en  sa  ventie  que  le  salut  de  nostre  ame,  son  bien 
et  celuy  de  1'Institut  qu'il  a  embrasse',  que  tost  ou  tard  nous 
trouverons  moyen  de  favoriser  notablement  de  nostre  royale 
magnificence.  Et  bien  loin  de  1'empecher  de  poursuivre  sa 
vocation  tant  a  la  religion  catholique  qu'a  vostre  compagnie, 
nous  et  les  reynes  luy  prescherons  plus  qu'aucun  directeur 


320  THE  MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

qu'il  puisse  avoir.  II  est  bien  vrai  que,  lorsque  le  temps  et 
les  affaires  permettront  que  nous  escrivions  et  fassions  con- 
nestre  a  Sa  Sainctete'  Fobeissance  que  nous  luy  portons  comme 
au  vicaire  de  Christ,  nous  esperons  qu'elle  aura  trop  de  bonne 
volont£  envers  nous  pour  luy  refuser  le  chapeau  de  cardinal ; 
d'autant  que  les  conditions  qui  le  pouroist  empdcher  d'avoir 
cette  dignitd  pour  1'honneur  de  nos  personnes  et  de  nos 
royaumes,  ne  se  rencontrent  pas  en  luy,  S9avoir,  de  demeurer  en 
Angleterre,  puisque  nous  pourrons  1'envoyer  demeurer  a  Rome, 
comme  nous  pretendons,  avec  la  magnificence  royale  requise 
a  sa  naissance.  Touttefois,  si,  avec  le  temps,  il  ayme  mieux 
vivre  dans  la  vie  religieuse  encomme^ee,  nous  laisserons 
facilement  ce  qui  pourroit  estre  Fhonneur  de  nostre  couronne 
et  de  nos  personnes  plus  tost  que  de  luy  pourchasser  telles 
dignite's  centre  sa  volonte. 

Nous  nous  sommes  interroges  discrettement  de  nostre 
me'decin  si  le  mal  de  mer  peut  causer  quelques  accidents 
funestes  a  ceux  qui  sont  de  foible  complexion,  lequel  nous  a 
assures  que  le  mal  de  mer  n'en  a  jamais  fait  mourir  aucun ; 
bien  au  contraire,  estant  un  moyen  pour  estre  plus  sain. 
Touttefois  s'il  a  trop  de  peine  de  venir  tout  d'un  trait,  il 
taschera  de  faire  en  sorte  que  la  barque  ou  chaloupe  ou  il  se 
mettra,  se  repose  de  temps  en  temps  a  quelque  port.  II  pour- 
roist  bien  venir  tout  d'un  trait  a  Londres,  mais  nous  ne 
voulons  pas  pour  raisons.  Qu'il  aborde  en  d'autres  ports 
d' Angleterre  d'ou  il  viendra  par  terre  en  un  coche  jusques  a 
Londres. 

Nous  renouvelons  a  vostre  reve'rendissime  paternite'  la 
priere  de  ne  nous  point  escrire  n'y  faire  response,  si  ce  n'est 
par  les  mains  de  nostre  tres-cher  et  honors'  fils,  quand  il 
viendra  nous  treuver.  Et  s'ila  besoin  de  quelque  chose  qu'il 
n'ayt  pas  pour  faire  son  voyage  jusqu'a  Londres,  nous 
prions  vostre  re've'rendissime  paternite  d'en  avoir  soin  par- 
ticulier,  luy  fournissant  ce  dont  il  aura  besoin,  dont  nous 
tiendrons  compte. 

Nous  croyons  fermement  que  c'est  Dieu  qui  nous  a  inspire 
touttes  les  voyes  susdittes  pour  nous  faire  venir  secrettement 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       321 

nostre  tres-honore  fils,  pour  ce  qu'il  a  dit  en  sa  parolle,  que 
quand  deux  ou  trois  seront  assembles  en  son  nom,  il  sera  an 
milieu  d'eux.  Nous  voicy  justement,  la  reyne  notre  tres- 
chere  mere  et  la  reyne  regente  (regnante)  que  jugeons  le  tout 
ainsy,  non  sans  avoir  invoqu4  auparavant  Fayde  du  Saint- 
E  sprit.  Outtre  que  les  reynes  ont  commande  de  dire  quantity 
de  messes  a  leur  prestres,  selon  leur  intention  qui  n'est  auttre 
sinon  que  cette  affaire  re"ussisse  aussi  bien  que  tous  nos  projets 
ladessus  qui  ne  tendent  qu'a  nostre  bien,  celuy  de  1'Eglise 
catholique  romaine,  et  de  nos  royaumes. 
Nous  sommes 

CHARLES,  roy  d'Angleterre. 

The  General  of  the  Jesuits  to  Charles  IL,  October  14th,  1668. 

Sacra  Maesta, — Dal  latore  di  questa,  che  e  gentiluomo 
francese,  intendera  Vostra  Maestet  la  fedele  esecuzione  da  me 
data  alle  tre  sue  lettere,  e  la  mia  inesplicabile  osservanza  alia 
sua  reale  persona.  Con  la  stessa  prontezza  e  fede  eseguiro 
quanto  Vostra  Maest&  si  degnera  d'impormi ;  e  procurero  di 
essere  qual  Ella  mi  presuppone,  e  qual  mi  obbliga  ad  esserle. 
E  profondissimamente  a  V.  M.  m'inchino. 

Livorno,  14  ottobre,  1668. 

Charles  II.  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  November  18th, 

1668. 

Eecommande  en  main  de  Monsieur  de   la   Cloche,   Jesuite 

a  Borne. 

Monsieur  et  reverendissime  pere,  vous  nous  estes  trop 
necessaire,  dans  la  condition  ou  vostre  merite  vous  a  eleve", 
pour  ne  vous  estre  pas  importun  dans  celle  ou  le  malheur  de 
nostre  naissance  veult  que  nous  nous  treuvions. 

Nostre  tres  cher  et  honore  fils  vous  dira  de  nostre  part 
tout  nostre  precede",  et  comme  nous  estions  en  peine  sur  qui 
jetter  la  veiie  pour  envoyer  de  rechef  quelqu'un  a  vostre 
reverendissime  paternit6  touchant  nos  affaires.  II  nous  a 

Y 


322  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

represents  avec  instance  le  desir  qu'il  avoit  de  retourner  luy 
mesme  a  Rome  en  ambassade  secrette  de  nostre  part  vers 
vostre  reverendissime  paternite;  ce  que  nous  luy  avons 
accorde  sous  condition  qu'il  s'en  retourne  a  Londres  aussy 
tost  qu'il  aura  eu  audience  de  vostre  reverendissime  paternite,  et 
obtenu  les  choses  dont  nous  la  prions,  et  que  nostre  dit  tres  cher 
et  honore  fils  luy  expliquera  de  nostre  part  de  vive  voix,  nous 
amenant,  en  repassant  par  la  France,  le  reverend  pere  qu'il  y 
a  laisse. 

A  la  requeste  de  nostre  dit  tres  cher  et  honore  fils  qui 
nous  a  repre"sente  que  le  lieu  ou  il  a  este  receu  parmy  vous  est 
incommode  de  dettes,  et  qu'il  y  a  ne"cessite  de  quelques  basti- 
ments  et  auttres  choses,  nous  avons  fait  en  sorte  que  vostre 
maison  ou  il  a  ete  receu  puisse  recevoir  de  nous  au  plus  tost 
pour  1'expiation  de  nos  offenses  une  somme  notable,  attendant, 
s'il  vous  plaist,  que  nous  vous  donnions  avis  des  moyens  que 
vostre  reverendissime  paternite  prendra  avec  nous  pour  la 
recevoir,  qui  sera  devant  un  an.  Si  votre  reverendissime 
paternite  nous  escrit,  ce  sera  par  nostre  tres  cher  et  honore 
fils  qui  dira  a  vostre  reverendissime  paternite  touttes  nos 
intentions  que  nous  ne  mettons  pas  sur  ce  papier.  Nous 
sommes 

CHARLES,  roy  d'Angleterre. 

A  Wthall,  Londres,  ce  18  Novembre,  1668. 

S'il  arrivoit  que  nostre  tres  cher  et  honore  fils  eust  besoin 
de  quelque  chose  quelle  qu'elle  puisse  estre,  nous  prions  vostre 
reverendissime  paternite  d'en  avoir  soin  et  nous  luy  tiendrons 
compte  de  tout. 


323 


BOOK  III. 

DOCUMENTS  CONCERNING  THE  ABBE  PBEGNANI. 
Charles  II.  to  Madame,  December  14th,  1668. 

He  that  came  last,  and  delivered  me  your  letter  of  the  9th, 
has  given  me  a  full  account  of  what  he  was  charged  with  and 
I  am  very  well  pleased  with  what  he  tells  me.  I  will  answer 
the  other  letter  he  brought  to  me  very  quickly.  I  am  sure  it 
shall  not  be  my  faute  if  all  be  not  as  you  can  wish.  I  will 
send  you. a  cypher  by  the  first  safe  occasion,  and  you  shall 
then  know  the  way  I  thinke  most  proper  to  proceede  in  the 
whole  matter,  which  I  hope  will  not  displease  you.  I  will  say 
no  more  by  the  post  upon  this  businesse,  for  you  know  'tis  not 
very  sure. 

I  do  intende  to  prorogue  the  Parlament  till  October  next, 
before  which  time  I  shall  have  sett  my  affaires  in  that  posture 
as  there  will  not  be  so  many  miscarriages  to  be  hunted  after 
as  in  the  last  sessions.  I  beg  your  pardon  for  forgetting,  in 
my  last,  to  thanke  you  for  the  petticote  you  sent  me,  'tis  the 
finest  I  ever  saw,  and  thanke  you  a  thousand  times  for  it.  I 
can  say  no  more  to  you  now,  for  I  am  called  to  goe  to  the 
Play,  and  so  I  am  intierly  yours. 

O.K. 

Charles  II.  to  Madame,  December  27th,  1668. 

You  must  yett  expect  a  day  or  two  for  an  answer  to  what 
Leighton  brought,  because  I  send  it  by  a  safe  way,  and  you 
know  how  much  secrecy  is  necessary  for  the  carrying  on  of 

Y2 


324  THE   MAN  OF  THE   MASK 

the  businesse,  and  I  assure  you  that  nobody  does,  nor  shall 
know  anything  of  it  heere,  but  my  selfe  and  that  one  person 
more,  till  it  be  fitt  to  be  publique,  which  will  not  be  till  all 
matters  are  agreed  upon. 

C.  R. 

Charks  II.  to  Madame,  January  20th,  1669. 

You  will  see,  by  the  letter  which  I  have  written  to  the 
king,  my  brother,  the  desire  I  have  to  enter  into  a  personall 
frindship  with  him,  and  to  unite  our  interests  so,  for  the 
future,  as  there  may  never  be  any  jealousys  betweene  us.  The 
only  thing  which  can  give  any  impediment  to  what  we  both 
desire  is  the  matter  of  the  sea,  which  is  so  essenciall  a  point 
to  us  heere,  as  an  union  upon  any  other  security  can  never  be 
lasting,  nor  can  I  be  answerable  to  my  kingdomes,  if  I  should 
enter  into  an  alliance,  wherein  there  present  and  future  secu- 
rity were  not  fully  provided  for.  I  am  now  thinkeing  of  the 
way  how  to  proceede  in  this  whole  matter,  which  must  be 
carried  on  with  all  secrecy  imaginable,  till  the  particulars  are 
further  agreed  upon.  I  must  confesse,  I  was  not  very  glad  to 
heare  you  were  with  childe,  because  I  had  a  thought,  by  your 
making  a  journey  hither,  all  things  might  have  been  adjusted, 
without  any  suspicion,  and  as  I  shall  be  very  just  to  the  king, 
my  brother,  in  never  mentioning  what  has  passed  betweene 
us,  in  case  this  negociation  does  not  succeede  as  I  desire,  so  I 
expect  the  same  justice  and  generosity  from  him,  that  no 
advances  which  I  make  out  of  the  desire  I  have  to  obtaine  a 
true  friendship  between  us,  may  ever  turne  to  my  prejudice. 
I  send  you,  heere  inclosed,  my  letter  to  the  king,  my  brother, 
desireing  that  this  matter  might  passe  through  your  handes, 
as  the  person  in  the  world  I  have  most  confidence  in,  and  I  am 
very  glad  to  finde  that  Monr  de  Turene  is  so  much  your 
frinde,  who  I  esteeme  very  much,  and  assure  my  selfe  will  be 
very  usef ull  in  this  negociation.  I  had  written  thus  farr,  when 
I  receaved  yours  by  the  Italian,  whose  name  and  capacity  you 
do  not  know,  and  he  delivred  your  letter  to  me,  in  a  passage, 
where  it  was  so  darke,  as  I  do  not  know  his  face  againe  if 


COLLECTION  OF   ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS       325 

I  see  him ;  so  as  the  man  is  likely  to  succeede,  when  his 
recommendation  and  reception  are  so  sutable  to  one  another  ! 
But  to  returne  to  the  businesse  of  the  letter,  I  assure  you  that 
there  is  no  league  entered  into  as  yett  with  the  Empereur. 
The  only  league  I  am  in,  is  the  garanty  I  am  engaged  in  with 
the  Hollanders  upon  the  peace  at  Aix,  which  is  equally  binde- 
ing  towards  both  the  crownes.  I  thinke  Mr  de  Lorraine  de- 
serves to  be  punished  for  his  unquiett  humour,  but  I  wish  the 
king,  my  brother,  do  not  proceede  too  far  in  that  matter,  least 
he  gives  a  jealousy  to  his  neighbours,  that  he  intends  a  farther 
progresse  than  what  he  declared  at  first,  which  might  be 
very  prejudiciall  to  what  you  and  I  wish  and  endeavour  to 
compasse.  And  you  shall  not  want,  upon  all  occasions,  full 
informations  necessary,  but  we  must  have  a  great  care  what 
we  write  by  the  post,  least  it  fall  into  hands  which  may  hinder 
our  design,  for  I  must  againe  conjure  you,  that  the  whole 
matter  be  an  absolut  secrett,  other  wise  we  shall  never  com- 
passe the  end  we  aime  at.  I  have  not  yett  absolutly  contrived 
how  to  proceede  in  this  businesse,  because  there  must  be  all 
possible  precautions  used,  that  it  may  not  e"clater,  before  all 
things  be  agreed  upon,  and  pray  do  you  thinke  of  all  the 
wayes  you  can  to  the  same  end,  and  communicate  them  to  me. 
I  send  you  heere  a  cypher,  which  is  very  easy  and  secure,  the 
first  side  is  the  single  cypher,  and  within  such  names  I  could 
thinke  of  necessary  to  our  purpose.  I  have  no  more  to  add, 
but  that  I  am  entierly  yours.  C.  E. 


Lionne  to  Colbert,  Feb.  £f ,  1669. 

Le  roi  a  tres-souvent  conside're'  que,  comme  vous  avez  a 
faire  prendre  une  grande  resolution  a  un  prince  naturellement 
fort  irre"solu,  dont  la  principale  confiance  se  trouve  aujourd'hui 
deposee  entre  deux  personnes,  dont  Tune  a  des  inclinations  et 
des  attachements  directement  opposes  a  cette  resolution,  et 
1'autre,  qui  peut  avoir  de  bonnes  intentions  et  quelque  inte'ret 
meme  a  faire  reussir  la  chose,  est  extraordinairement  inap- 
pliquee,  Sa  Majeste",  dis-je,  a  plusieurs  fois  consid^re"  qu'un  des 


326  THE   MAN   OF  THE  MASK 

moyens  qui  pouvaient  vous  etre  plus  utiles  pour  le  bon  succes 
de  votre  negotiation  serait  d'avoir  a  votre  entire  disposition, 
aupres  dudit  roi,  quelque  personne  affidee  et  d 'esprit  capable, 
entrant  a  toute  heure  dans  ses  divertissements  et  ses  plus 
secretes  occupations,  ou  votre  caractere  ne  vous  laisse  pas 
admettre ;  et  que  vous  pussiez  vous  servir  de  cet  homme  pour 
faire  insinuer  les  choses  que  vous  n'auriez  pas  occasion  de  dire, 
ou  qui  meme  seraient  mieux  et  persuaderaient  davantage  e"tant 
dites  par  un  tiers ;  etre  ponctuellement  averti  de  tout  ce  qui 
se  passe,  et  enfin  employer  cette  d'emissaire  comme  la  main  et 
1'instrument  qu'elle  met  a  1'usage  qu'elle  veut,  et  si  elle  ne 
veut,  a  rien.  Sur  ce  fondement  le  roi  a  embrasse  avec  plaisir 
1'occasion  qui  se  pr^sente  de  vous  fournir  d'ici  meme,  sans 
donner  de  del&  aucun  soup9on,  un  instrument  de  la  nature  que 
je  viens  de  dire,  par  un  incident  que  est  heureusement  arrive", 
que  je  vais  vous  expliqner  en  peu  de  mots :  Vous  savez  sans 
doute  qui  e"tait  le  pere  Pregnani,  the'atin,  que  le  roi  a  tire"  du 
cloitre  pour  en  faire  un  abbe",  a  la  recommendation  de  madame 
I'electrice  de  Baviere,  et  vous  n'ignorez  pas  non  plus  que  la 
connaissance  qu'il  a  de  Fastrologie  judiciaire,  aussi  parfaite 
qu'on  la  peut  avoir  dans  une  science  d'ailleurs  fort  incertaine, 
lui  donna  d'abord  un  grand  nom  dans  Paris,  et  particuliere- 
ment  aupres  des  dames,  qui  ont  toujours  des  curiosite"s  de 
p^netrer  dans  Favenir  pour  ce  qui  regarde  leur  fortune ;  la 
meme  chose  est  arrived  a  M.  le  due  de  Montmouth  quand  il 
6tait  en  France.  II  vit  souvent  ledit  abb£  dans  les  deux 
voyages  qu'il  a  faits  ici,  et  se  trbuva  si  enchant^  de  toutes  les 
choses  qu'il  lui  dit  des  e've'nements  de  sa  vie  passed,  et  charme" 
peut-6tre  aussi  des  espe'rances  qu'il  lui  donna  pour  1'avenir, 
qu'ils  contracterent  ensemble  une  amiti4  fort  e"troite,  et  en  se 
se"parant  le  due  dit  a  1'abbe*  qu'en  toutes  manieres  il  fallait 
qu'il  fit  voyage  en  Angleterre,  parce  que  le  roi  son  pere,  sur 
les  relations  qu'il  lui  en  avait  faites,  avait  tres-grande  envie 
de  le  voir,  se  plaisant  fort  a  1'astrologie  et  y  donnant  beaucoup 
de  cr6ance.  II  est  encore  a  remarquer  que  ledit  abb6  est  tres- 
intelligent  en  chimie,  a  quoi  on  sait  ici  que  ledit  roi  donne  ses 
principales  applications;  que  quand  il  s'enferme  souvent  et 


COLLECTION   OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       327 

pour  des  heures  entieres  avec   le  due  de  Buckingham,  c'est 
pour  faire  souffler  en  leur  presence. 

Depuis  quelques  jours  ledit  due  ayant  ecrit  audit  abbe 
pour  le  sommer  pressamment  de  la  parole  qu'il  lui  avait  donne"e 
de  faire  un  voyage  en  Angleterre,  et  celui-ci  en  ayant  rendu 
compte  au  roi,  Sa  Majeste,  qui  1'avait  m£me  fait  inviter  par 
moi  a  tacher  de  se  venir  cette  lettre  pour  les  raisons  et  sur  les 
fondesments  que  j'ai  ci-dessus  touches,  temoigna  e~tre  tres-aise 
de  la  chose,  sous  les  conditions  suivantes  qu'elle  a  prescrites  au- 
dit abbe,  qui  sont  qu'acque'rant  les  entries  dans  les  divertisse- 
ments et  occupations  du  roi  d' Angleterre,  il  appliquera  toute 
son  industrie  a  vous  servir  dans  les  choses  qui  vous  lui  direz, 
dont  on  ne  lui  a  donne  ici  aucune  connaissance  imaginable, 
qu'il  ne  fera  pas  une  demarche  ni  ne  dira  meme  un  seul  mot 
qui  puisse  regarder  les  affaires  du  roi,  soit  au  due,  soit  au 
milord,  que  ce  ne  soit  par  vos  ordres  et  sur  les  instructions 
que  vous  lui  aurez  donnas  ;  et  enfin,  que  non  seulement  il 
vous  rendra  compte  de  tout  journellement  par  les  moyens  que 
vous  aviserez  qui  pourront  rendre  moins  suspect  votre  concert, 
comme  il  serait  au  roi  m£me,  mais  que  de  plus  Sa  Majeste  lui 
defend  de  rien  ecrire  ici,  tant  qu'il  sera  en  Angleterre,  non  pas 
me"me  a  moi,  Sa  Majeste  ne  voulant  rien  savoir  que  par  votre 
seul  canal,  comme  il  est  juste  ;  et  que  par  consequent,  quelque 
chose  qu'on  lui  put  dire  dont  on  lui  demandat  le  secret  a 
votre  egard,  il  doit  vous  le  dire  tout ;  et  que  s'il  manquait  a 
cela,  et  qu'il  le  fit  passer  ici  sans  votre  participation,  Sa 
Majeste,  quelque  avantageuse  qui  lui  put  e~tre  la  chose,  lui 
enverrait  aussitot  ordre  de  s'en  revenir. 

Je  crois,  monsieur,  a  ces  conditions-la,  qu'il  n'oserait 
manquer  d'exe"cuter,  s'il  ne  voulait  lui-meme  se  ruiner  ici,  ce 
qu'il  a  trop  d'inter£t  de  ne  faire,  que  la  resolution  que  le  roi  a 
prise  peut  vous  §tre  fort  avantageuse  dans  votre  negotiation, 
et  qu'il  ne  serait  pas  mSine  impossible  que  le  roi  d' Angleterre 
ne  put  e"tre  persuade  par  des  raisons  d'astrologie,  a  laquelle  il 
donne  grande  foi,  qu'il  n'a  de  bonne  et  sure  liaison  a  faire 
qu'avec  la  France,  et  que  toutes  les  autres  pourraient  causer 
la  ruine  de  ses  affaires  et  de  son  autorite.  Vous  trouverez,  je 


328  THE   MAN  OF  THE  MASK 

m'assure,  que  Fabbe  a  infiniment  d'esprit,  et  une  merveilleuse 
dexterite  a  parvenir  a  ses  fins,  et  qu'il  peut  f aire  des  merveilles, 
et  particulierement  etant  bien  conduit  confine  il  le  sera  quand 
vous  le  dirigerez.  Je  lui  ai  dit  qu'il  aille  descendre  chez  le 
due  de  Montmouth,  pour  ne  point  donner  de  soup9on  de  son 
arrive'e,  et  qu'il  vous  envoie  en  meme  temps  par  son  valet 
cettre  lettre,  afin  qu'elle  puisse  £tre  dechiffree  quand  il  vous 
ira  rendre  ses  devoirs  la  premiere  fois. 

MSS.  Affaires  Etrangeres.     Corr.  Angl.  96. 


Charles  II.  to  Madame,  March  1th,  1669. 

I  am  to  go,  to-morrow  morning,  to  Newmarkett,  at  three 
a  clocke,  and  kept  this  expresse  till  now,  to  know  what  the 
king,  my  brother,  would  do  with  Douglas  his  regiment,  which 
I  perceave,  by  yours  that  I  receaved  this  day.  does  not  go  to 
Gandie,  which  I  take  as  a  great  marke  of  the  king,  my  brother's, 
kindnesse  to  me,  and  pray  lett  him  know  so  much  from  me, 
and  assure  him  that  it  was  not  anything  for  Douglas  his  sake, 
that  I  desired  so  earnestly  his  stay,  but  for  reasons  which  he 
shall  know  within  very  few  dayes.  I  have  dispatched  tju's 
night  the  Earl  of  St.  Albans  to  Lord  Arundell,  who  is  fully 
instructed  as  you  can  wish.  You  will  see  by  him,  the  reason 
why  I  desired  you  to  write  to  nobody  heere,  of  the  businesse 
of  France,  but  to  my  selfe ;  he  has  some  private  businesse  of 
his  owne  to  dispatch  before  he  leaves  this  towne,  but  he  will 
certaynely  sett  out  this  weeke.  But  pray  take  no  notice  of  his 
haveing  any  commission  from  me,  for  he  pretends  to  go  only 
upon  his  owne  score,  to  attend  the  queene.  You  need  not  f  eare 
anything  concerning  Hamilton,  for  there  is  nobody  as  like  to 
burne  there  fingers  but  those  who  medle  in  businesse,  &  he 
does  not  come  in  that  trap.  But  I  see  you  are  misse  informed 
if  you  thinke  I  trust  my  Ld  of  Ormond  lesse  than  I  did.  There 
are  other  considerations  which  makes  me  send  my  Ld  Robarts 
into  Ireland,  which  are  too  long  for  a  letter.  I  am  not  sorry 
that  Sr  Will:  Coventry  has  given  me  this  good  occasion,  by 


COLLECTION   OF  ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS       329 

sending  my  Ld  of  Buckingham  a  chalenge,  to  turne  him  out 
of  the  Councill.  I  do  intend  to  turn  him  allso  out  of  the 
Tresury.  The  truth  of  it  is,  he  has  been  a  troublesome  man 
in  both  places,  and  I  am  well  rid  of  him.  You  may  be  sure 
that  I  will  keepe  the  secrett  of  your  profett.  I  give  little 
creditt  to  such  kinde  of  cattle,  &  the  lesse  you  do  it  the  better, 
for  if  they  could  tell  anything  'tis  inconvenient  to  know  one's 
fortune  before  hand,  whether  good  or  bad,  &  so,  my  dearest 
sister,  good-night,  for  'tis  late,  &  I  have  not  above  three  howers 
to  sleepe  this  night. 

C.  B. 

I  had  almost  forgott  to  tell  you,  that  I  find  your  frind, 
1'Abbe  Pregnany,  a  man  very  ingenious  in  all  things  I  have 
talked  with  him  upon,  and  I  find  him  to  have  a  great  deale  of 
witt,  but  you  may  be  sure  I  will  enter  no  farther  with  him 
than  according  to  your  carracter. 

Colbert  to  Lionne,  London,  March  -fgth,  1668. 

L'Abbe  Pregnani  est  parti  hier  au  matin  pour  se  rendre  a 
Newmarket  apres  m'avoir  dit  que  le  roi,  qui  y  va  aujourd'hui, 
lui  a  temoigne  desirer  de  le  voir.  Les  moyens  dont  il  s'est 
servi  pour  exciter  la  curiosit^  de  sa  majeste  britannique  sont 
assez  plaisants,  selon  ce  qu'il  m'en  a  confie.  Le  due  de  Mont- 
mouth  etant  amoureux  d'une  fort  belle  demoiselle  pour  laquelle 
il  a  cru  que  le  roi  et  M.  le  due  d'York  avaient  aussi  beaucoup 
d'inclination,  a  eu  la  curiosit^  de  savoir  de  1'abbe  qui  des  trois 
obtiendrait  le  plus  tot  ce  qu'il  souhaite ;  celui-ci,  sans  avoir  vu 
la  fille,  lui  a  dit  quelles  etaient  sa  physionomie  et  ses  inclina- 
tions, ce  qu'elle  avait  fait  par  le  passe  et  ce  qu'elle  ferait  a 
1'avenir,  et  le  tout  avec  des  circonstances  si  particulieres  que  le 
roi,  en  ayant  ete  averti  par  le  due  de  Montmouth,  a  voulu  que 
l'abb£  fit  son  horoscope,  et  pour  cet  effet  qu'il  portat  ses  livres 
a  Newmarket  pour  y  travailler.  Voila,  monsieur,  quel  a  e"te~ 
son  commencement ;  si  la  suite  y  repond  et  qu'il  veuille  bien 
que  vous  en  soyez  averti  par  moi ;  j  'en  aurai  de  bonnes  a  vous 
center. 


330  THE  MAN   OF   THE  MASK 

A  peine  etait-il  sorti  que  Leighton  m'est  venu  voir  et  m'a 
fait  lire  une  lettre  dont  il  m'avait  parie  la  veille  a  Whitehall ; 
cette  lettre  est  en  anglais  et  d'un  caractere  de  femme  ;  aussi 
m'a-t-il  dit  qu'elle  avait  et4  ecrite  par  madame  la  duchesse  de 
Richemond,  qui  est  aupres  de  la  reine  mere  d'Angleterre,  a  M. 
de  Buckingham  son  frere.  La  diction  en  est  fort  confuse  et 
re'pondante  a  1'esprit  de  la  dame.  Ce  qu'elle  contient  de  plus 
considerable  est  que  Madame  ne  se  fie  point  a  lui,  qu'elle  le 
hait,  qu'elle  envoie  un  astrologue  pour  ne"gocier  avec  le  roi,  le 
dit  due  de  Montmouth  et  Hamilton  sans  lui  en  donner  aucune 
part ;  que  le  comte  de  Saint- Albans  doit  etre  bientot  ici  et  se 
joindre  aux  autres ;  qu'enfin  on  le  joue,  et  surtout  qu'il  se 
garde  bien  d'aller  a  Paris,  parce  que  ses  ennemis  le  perdraient 
pendant  son  absence.  Elle  l'informe  encore  de  beaucoup  de 
particularity's  que  j'omets,  parce  qu'elles  ne  regardent  point  nos 
affaires.  Apres  que  j'eus  lu  cette  lettre,  et  qu'il  m'a  explique 
les  mots  que  j'avais  peine  a  comprendre,  il  m'a  dit  qu'elle  avait 
mis  le  due  de  Buckingham  dans  une  fort  mauvaise  humeur, 
qu'il  lui  avait  dit  '  qu'il  se  repentait  d'avoir  donne  a  Madame 
tant  de  part  aux  affaires  ;  que  le  roi  n'y  avait  au  commence- 
ment aucune  disposition  et  etait  mal  satisfait  d'elle ;  que 
c'etait  lui  qui  avait  oblige"  sa  majesty  britannique  a  confier  cette 
negotiation  a  Madame,  afin  de  lui  donner  du  credit  en  France ; 
qu'il  avait  regret  d'avoir  interrompu  pendant  quelque  temps  la 
bonne  correspondance  avec  moi ;  que  c'etait  Madame  qui  en 
etait  cause,  et  que  lui  avait  fait  ecrire  qu'il  ne  devait  point 
avoir  de  confiance  en  moi,  parce  que  j'avais  ecrit  au  roi  qu'il 
etait  trop  inapplique,  et  qu'il  ne  faillait  pas  esperer  de  rien 
faire  de  bon  avec  lui  si  M.  Arlington  n'y  etait  point ;  que 
depuis,  Madame  lui  ayant  ecrit  d'agir  de  concert  avec  moi  il 

m'etait  venu  voir  aussitot "On  envoyait,"  dit 

il,  "  un  astrologue  pour  me  prendre  pour  dupe,  et  en  politique 
et  en  amour,  et  me  faire  le  sujet  de  la  raillerie  du  due  de 
Montmouth  et  d' Hamilton,  qui  est  le  neveu  du  due  d'Ormond, 
mon  plus  grand  ennemi." ' 

Bibl.  Nat.  Fonds  Fran<?ais,  10665, 


COLLECTION   OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS      331 

Colbert  to  Lionne,  March  llth,  1669. 

L'abbe  Pregnani  arriva  Vendredi  dernier  icy,  et  m'envoya 
le  meme  jour  la  lettre  qu'il  vous  a  pleut  m'e'crire  du  13e.  II 
m'est  aussy  venu  voir  hyer  au  soir  et  m'a  parle*  dans  le  me^me 
sens  qu'elle  contient.  Je  ne  puis,  Monsieur,  assez  louer  la 
pense*e  qu'y  vous  est  venue  de  vous  servir  de  luy  et  je  ne  me 
doute  point  qu'elle  ne  produise  tout  le  bon  effet  que  vous  en 
souhaitez  et  moy  aussy.  Je  luy  ai  dit  tout  ce  quy  s'est  passe" 
icy,  depuis  que  j'y  suis  quy  soit  de  ma  connaissance,  et 
aussytost  qu'il  se  sera  bien  mis  dans  les  bonnes  graces  du 
Roy,  ce  que  Ton  doit  se  promettre  bientost  de  sa  dexte'rite'  je 
luy  diray  toutes  les  raisons  que  je  crois  estre  les  plus  con- 
vaincantes  pour  porter  le  Roy  d'Angleterre  a  conclure  une 
bonne  Union  avec  nous,  et  j'auray  joye  aussy  de  recevoir  see 
conseils  sur  la  conduite  que  j'auray  a  tenir. 

Bib.  Nat.  Fonds  Fran<?ais,  No.  10,  665. 

Charles  II.  to  Madame,  March  ^th,  1669. 

I  bave  had  very  good  sport  heere  [Newmarket]  since 
Monday  last,  both  by  hunting  and  horse-races.  L'Abbe" 
Pregnany  is  heere,  and  wonders  very  much  at  the  pleasure 
everybody  takes  at  the  races,  he  was  so  weary  with  riding 
from  Audly  End  hither,  to  see  the  foot-match,  as  he  is  scarce 
recovered  yett.  I  have  been  a  fox  hunting  this  day  &  am 
very  weary,  yett  the  wether  is  so  good,  as  my  brother  has 
perswaded  me  to  see  his  fox-hounds  runn  to-morrow,  &  at 
night  I  am  to  lye  at  Saxum  [Lord  Croft's],  where  I  shall  stay 
Sunday,  &  so  come  hither  againe,  and  not  returne  to  London, 
till  the  latter  end  of  next  weeke.  This  bearer,  my  Ld. 
Rochester,  has  a  minde  to  make  a  little  journy  to  Paris,  & 
would  not  kiss  your  hands  without  a  letter  from  me  ;  pray 
use  him  as  one  I  have  a  very  good  opinion  of  ;  you  will  find 
him  not  to  want  witt,  and  did  behave  him  selfe,  in  all  the 
duch  warr,  as  well  as  any  body,  as  a  volunteer.  I  have  no 
more  to  add,  but  that  I  am  intierly  yours.  C.  R. 


332  THE  MAN  OF   THE   MASK 

Colbert  to  Lionne,  March  21st,  1669. 

Le  Roy  d'Angleterre  estant  a  present  a  Newmarket,  ou 
ceux  quy  ont  la  plus  de  part  dans  les  affaires  1'ont  suivy,  vous 
jugez  bien  que  je  n'ay  pas  de  matiere  a  present  qu'y  merite 
d'estre  e"crite  a  sa  Majeste.  J'espere,  qu'au  retour  de  cette 
partye  de  plaisir,  je  trouveray  1'abbe  Pregnani  fort  avant  dans 
les  bonnes  graces  du  Roy,  et  qu'il  aura  ramene  1'esprit  du  due 
de  Buckingham,  au  point  qu'il  est  a  souhaiter  pour  la  prompte 
conclusion  d'une  bonne  alliance. 

Charles  II.  to  Madame,  March  22nd,  1669. 

I  came  from  Newmarkett,  the  day  before  yesterday,  where 
we  had  as  fine  wether  as  we  could  wish,  which  added  much 
both  to  the  horse  matches,  as  well  as  to  hunting.  L'abbe" 
Pregnani  was  there  most  part  of  the  time,  &  I  believe  will 
give  you  some  account  of  it,  but  not  that  he  lost  his  money 
upon  confidence  that  the  Starrs  could  tell  which  horse  would 
winn,  for  he  had  the  ill  luck  to  foretell  three  times  wrong- 
together,  &  James  beleeved  him  so  much,  as  he  lost  his  mony 
upon  the  same  score.  I  had  not  my  cypher  at  Newmarkett, 
when  I  receaved  yours  of  the  16th,  so  as  I  could  say  nothing 
to  you  in  answer  to  it  till  now,  &  before  this  comes  to  your 
hands,  you  will  cleeiiy  see  upon  what  score  363  (the  Duke  of 
York)  is  come  into  the  businesse,  and  for  what  reason  I 
desired  you  not  to  write  to  anybody  upon  the  businesse  of 
271  (France),  341  (Buckingham)  knows  nothing  of  360's 
(Charles  II.)  intentions  towards  290,315  (the  Catholic  reli- 
gion), nor  of  the  person  334  (Charles  II.)  sends  to  100  (the 
King  of  France),  and  you  need  not  feare  that  he  will  take  it  ill 
that  103  (Lord  Arundell)  does  not  write  to  him,  for  I  have 
tould  him  that  I  have  forbid  129  (Arundell)  to  do  it,  for  feare 
of  intercepting  of  letters,  nor  indeed  is  there  much  use  of  our 
writing  much  upon  this  subject,  because  letters  may  miscarry, 
and  you  are,  before  this  time,  so  fully  acquainted  with  all,  as 
there  is  nothing  more  to  be  added,  till  my  messenger  comes 
back.  You  have  councilled  Monsieur  very  well  in  the  matter 


COLLECTION   OF  ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS       333 

of  Mr  de  Rohan.  I  never  heard  of  a  more  impertinent 
carriage  then  his.  I  had  not  time  to  write  to  you  by  father 
Paterique,  for  he  tooke  the  resolution  of  going  to  France  but 
the  night  before  I  left  this  place,  but  now  I  desire  you  to  be 
kinde  to  the  poore  man,  for  he  is  as  honest  a  man  as  lives, 
&  pray  direct  your  phisisian  to  have  a  care  of  him,  for  I 
should  really  be  troubled  if  he  should  not  do  well.  What  you 
sent  by  Mercer  is  lost,  for  there  are  letters  come,  that  informes 
of  his  setting  saile  from  havre,  in  an  open  challoupe,  with 
intention  to  come  to  portsmouth,  and  we  have  never  heard  of 
him  since,  so  he  is  undoutedly  drownd.  I  heare  Mam  sent 
me  a  present  by  him,  which,  I  beleeve,  brought  him  the  ill 
lucke,  so  as  she  ought,  in  conscience,  to  be  at  the  charges  of 
praying  for  his  soule,  for  'tis  her  fortune  has  made  the  man 
miscarry !  &  so,  my  dearest  sister,  I  am  yours,  with  all  the 
kindnesse  and  tendernesse  imaginable. 

C.  R. 

Colbert  to  Lionne,  April  1st,  1669. 

I/abbe*  Pregnani  m'a  dit  qu'il  s'estoit  bien  mis  dans  les 
bonnes  graces  du  due  de  Buckingham,  mais  il  ne  m'a  pas 
paru  satisfait  de  1'esprit  du  Roy,  qu'il  dit  pre'ferer  la  bagatelle 
aux  choses  le  plus  imporfcantes.  II  espere  neantmoins  luy 
faire  prendre  une  bonne  resolution,  par  1'apprehension  qu'i 
luy  donnera  dans  son  horoscope  de  disgraces  prochaines. 

Cependant  le  Roy  me  dit  en  arrivant,  que  Tabbe*  s'estoit 
fort  trompe  dans  les  predictions  qu'il  a  fait  sure  chaque  course 
de  cheval,  que  pas  une  ne  s'estoit  trouve"  veritable,  et  que  les 
domestiques  du  due  de  Montmouth  avoient  a  cause  de  cela  de 
grands  dommages  a  pretendre  centre  luy,  ayan  tous  pane*  tout 
ce  qu'ils  avoient  sur  les  asseurances  qu'il  leur  a  donne  d'un 
gain  indubitable.  II  en  fait  depuis  encore  d'autres  railleries 
quy  ne  laissent  pas  lieu  d'esp^rer  qu'il  ayt  beaucoup  d'esgard  a 
ses  prognostics.  Mais  comme  le  Roy  est  fort  curieux,  peut 
estre  sera-t-il  bien  aise  d'aprendre  en  particulier  ce  qu'il  affecte 
de  mespriser  en  public.  .  .  . 

Bib.  Nat.  Fonds  Fransais,  10665. 


334  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

Charles  II.  to  Madame,  April  25th,  1669. 

I  find  by  405  (Arlington)  that  he  [?  Buckingham]  does 
beleeve  there  is  some  businesse  with  271  (France),  which  he 
knowes  nothing  of  ;  he  tould  841  (Buckingham)  that  I  had  for- 
bidden you  to  write  to  him,  by  which  he  beleeved  there  was  some 
mistery  in  the  matter,  but  Buckingham  was  not  at  all  alarumed 
at  it,  because  it  was  by  his  owne  desire  that  I  writt  that  to  you, 
but  how  871  (Arlington)  comes  to  know  that,  I  cannot  tell :  I 
will  be  good  that  you  write  some  times  to  893  (Leighton) 
in  generall  termes,  that  he  may  not  suspect  that  there  is 
farther  negociations  then  what  he  knowes  of,  because  by  the 
messenger  he  may  suspect  that  there  is  something  of  290,315 
(the  Catholic  religion's)  interest  in  the  case,  which  is  a  matter 
he  must  not  be  acquainted  with.  Therefore  you  must  have  a 
great  care,  not  to  say  the  least  thing  that  may  make  him 
suspect  anything  of  it.  I  had  writt  thus  farr  before  I  had 
heard  of  your  fall,  which  puts  me  in  great  paine  for  you,  and 
shall  not  be  out  of  it,  till  I  know  that  you  have  receaved  no 
prejudice  by  it.  I  go  to-morrow  to  Newmarkett  for  6  dayes, 
and  shall  be,  in  the  meanetime,  very  impatient  to  heare  from 
you,  for  I  can  be  at  no  rest  when  you  are  not  well,  &  so,  my 
dearest  sister,  have  a  care  of  your  selfe,  as  you  have  any  kind- 
nesse  for  me. 

O.K. 

Charles  II.  to  Madame,  May  6th,  1669. 

You  cannot  imagine  what  a  noise  Lord  St.  Albans' 
coming  has  made  heere,  as  if  he  had  great  propositions  from 
152  (the  King  of  France),  which  I  beate  down  as  much  as  I 
can.  It  being  preiudiciall,  at  this  time,  to  have  it  thought 
that  360  (Charles  II.)  had  any  other  commerce  with  126 
(Louis  XIV.)  but  that  of  280  (the  Treaty  of  Commerce),  and 
in  order  to  that,  I  have  directed  some  of  the  councill  to  meat 
with  112  (Colbert),  which  in  time  will  bring  on  the  whole 
matter,  as  we  can  wish,  &  pray  lett  there  be  great  caution 
used  on  the  side  of  271  (France)  concerning  386  (Charles  II.'s) 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS      335 

intentions  towards  126  (Louis  XIV.)  which  would  not  only  be 
preiudiciall  to  the  carrying  on  of  the  matters  with  270 
(Holland),  but  also  to  our  farther  designes  abroade,  &  this 
opinion  I  am  sure  you  must  be  of,  if  you  consider  well  the 
whole  matter.  I  beleeve  Mr  Montagu  has  before  this,  in 
some  degree  satisfied  you  concerning  my  Ld  Arlington,  & 
done  him  that  justice  to  assure  you  that  nobody  is  more  your 
servant  than  he,  for  he  cannot  be  so  intierly  myne  as  he  is 
&  be  wanting  to  you  in  the  least  degree,  &  I  will  be 
answerable  for  him  in  what  he  owes  you.  I  finde  the  poore 
Abbe  Pregnany  very  much  troubled,  for  feare  that  the 
railleries  about  fore-telling  the  horse  matches  may  have  done 
him  some  prejudice  with  you,  which  I  hope  it  has  not  done, 
for  he  was  only  trying  new  trickes,  which  he  had  read  of  in 
bookes,  &  gave  as  little  creditt  to  them  as  we  did.  Pray 
continue  to  be  his  frind  so  much  as  to  hinder  all  you  can  any 
prejudice  that  may  come  to  him  upon  that  score,  for  the  man 
has  witt  enough,  &  is  as  much  your  servant  as  possible, 
which  makes  me  love  him.  My  wife  has  been  a  little  indis- 
posed some  few  dayes,  &  there  is  hopes  that  it  will  prove  a 
disease  not  displeasing  to  me.  I  should  not  have  been  so 
forward  in  saying  thus  much  without  more  certainty,  but  that 
I  beleeve  others  will  write  it  to  Paris,  &  say  more  than  there 
is,  &  so  I  shall  end  with  assureing  you  that  'tis  impossible 
to  be  more  yours  than  I  am. 

C.R. 

Colbert  to  Lionne,  April  4th,  1669. 

L'abbe  Pregnani  espere  donner  plus  d'empressement  a  sa 
Majeste  Britannique  par  la  voye  du  Due  de  Montmouth,  et 
je  crois  qu'il  est  bon  de  tenter  aussy  ce  moyen  pour  ne  rien 
obmettre. 

Colbert  to  Lionne,  May  13th,  1669. 

Si  1'abbe  Pregnani  ne  re'ussit  point  icy  ce  n'est  pas  manque 
d'esprit  d'adresse  et  de  zele  pour  le  service  du  Roy,  mais 


336  THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

c'est  qu'il  n'y  a  personne  icy  quy  agisse  dans  la  veine  du  Lien 
public. 

The  letter  goes  on  to  say  it  will  be  better  to  leave  it  to 
himself  to  decide  whether  he  is  of  use  and  ought  to  stay  on,  or 
should  avail  himself  of  the  permission  the  King  gives  him  to 
withdraw. 


Charles  II.  to  Madame,  June  6th,  1669. 

The  opportunity  of  this  bearers  going  into  France  gives 
me  a  good  occasion  to  answer  your  letters  by  my  Ld  Arlington 
&  in  the  first  place  to  tell  you  that  I  am  secureing  all  the 
principall  portes  of  this  countery,  not  only  by  fortifying  them 
as  they  ought  to  be,  but  likewise  the  keeping  them  in  such 
handes  as  I  am  sure  will  be  faithfull  to  me  upon  all  occasions, 
&  this  will  secure  the  fleete,  because  the  chiefe  places  where 
the  ships  lye  are  chattam  &  portsmouth.  The  first  of  which 
is  fortifying  with  all  speede,  and  will  be  finished  this  yeare, 
the  other  is  in  good  condition  already,  but  not  so  good  as  I 
desire,  for  it  will  coste  some  mony  &  time  to  make  the  place 
as  I  have  designed  it,  &  I  will  not  have  lesse  care  both  in 
Scotland  &  Ireland.  As  for  that  which  concernes  those  who 
have  church  lands,  there  will  be  easy  wayes  found  out  to  secure 
them,  &  put  them  out  of  all  aprehension.  There  is  all  the 
reason  in  the  worlde  to  joyne  profitt  with  honour,  when  it 
may  be  done  honestly,  &  the  king  will  finde  me  as  forward  to 
do  299  (Holland)  a  good  turne  as  he  can  desire,  &  we  shall, 
I  dout  not,  agree  very  well  in  the  point,  for  that  country  has 
used  us  both  very  scurvily,  &  I  am  sure  we  shall  never  be 
satisfied  till  we  have  had  revenge,  &  I  am  very  willing  to  enter 
into  an  agreement  upon  that  matter  whensoever  the  king 
pleases.  I  will  answer  for  346  (Arlington)  that  he  will  be  as 
forward  in  that  matter  as  I  am,  &  farther  assurance  you  cannot 
expect  from  an  honest  man  in  his  post,  nor  ought  you  to 
trust  him,  if  he  should  make  any  other  professions  then 
to  be  for  what  his  master  is  for.  I  say  this  to  you,  because 
I  undertooke  to  answer  that  part  of  the  letter  you  writt  to  him 


COLLECTION   OF  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS       337 

upon  this  subject,  &  I  hope  this  will  be  full  satisfaction  as  to 
him  in  the  future,  that  there  may  be  no  doute,  since  I  do 
answer  for  him  :  I  had  writt  thus  farr  when  I  receaved  yours 
by  Ellwies,  by  which  I  perceave  the  inclination  there  still  is  of 
trusting  112  (Colbert)  with  the  maine  business,  which  I  must 
confess,  for  many  reasons,  I  am  very  unwilling  to,  &  if  there 
were  no  other  reason  than  his  understanding,  which,  to  tell 
you  the  truth,  I  have  not  so  great  an  esteeme  for,  as  to  be 
willing  to  trust  him  with  that  which  is  of  so  much  concerne. 
There  will  be  a  time  when  both  he  &  842  (Montagu)  may 
have  a  share  in  part  of  the  matter,  but  for  the  great  secrett, 
if  it  be  not  kept  so  till  all  things  be  ready  to  begin,  we  shall 
never  go  through  with  it,  &  destroy  the  whole  businesse.     I 
have  seen  your  letter  to  341  (Buckingham),  &  what  you  write 
to  him  is  as  it  ought  to  be.     He  shall  be  brought  into  all  the 
businesse  before  he  can  suspect  anything,  except  that  which 
concernes  263  (Charles  II.),  which  he  must  not  be  trusted 
with.     You  will  do  well  to  writ  but  seldome  to  him,  for  feare 
something  may  slip  from  your  penn  which  may  make  him 
jealous  that  there  is  something  more  then  what  he  knows  of. 
I  do  long  to  heare  from  340  (Arundell)  or  to  see  him  heere,  for 
till  I  see  the  paper  you  mention  which  comes  from  113  (Lionne) 
I  cannot  say  more  then  I  have  done.     And  now  I  shall  only 
add  one  word  of  this  bearer,  Monsr  de  la  hiliere,  who  I  have 
founde  by  my  acquaintance  with  him  since  his  being  heere,  to 
have  both  witt  &  judgement,  &  a  very  honest  man,  &  pray 
lett  him  know  that  I  am  very  much  his  frind,  &  if  att  any 
time  you  can  give  him  a  good  word  to  the  King  of  France,  I 
shall  be  very  glad  of  it.     I  will  end  this  with  desireing  you  to 
beleeve  that  I  have  nothing  so  much  at  my  harte  as  to  be  able 
to  acknowledge  the  kindnesse  you  have  for  me.     If  I  thought 
that   making   many  compliments   upon   that  matter  would 
persuade  you  more  of  the  sincerity  of  my  kindnesse  to  you, 
you  should  not  want  whole  sheets  of  paper  with  nothing  but 
that,  but  I  hope  you  have  the  iustice  to  beleeve  me,  more  then 
I  can  expresse,  intierly  Yours 

C.  B. 


338  THE   MAN   OF   THE   MASK 


Charles  II.  to  Madame,  June  7th,  1669. 

I  writt  to  you  yesterday  by  Mr.  de  la  hiliere  upon  that 
important  point,  whether  112  (Colbert  de  Croissy)  ought  to  be 
acquainted  with  our  secrett,  &  the  more  I  thinke  of  it,  the 
more  I  am  perplexed,  reflecting  upon  his  insufficiency,  I  cannot 
thinke  him  fitt  for  it,  &  therefore  wuld  wish  some  other  fitter 
man  in  his  station,  but  because  the  attempting  of  that  might 
disoblige  137  (Colbert,  the  French  minister),  I  can  by  no 
meanes  advise  it ;  upon  the  whole  matter  I  see  no  kinde  of 
necessity  of  telling  112  (Colbert  de  Croissy)  of  the  secrett  now, 
nor  indeede  till  270  (Charles  II.)  is  in  a  better  redinesse 
to  make  use  of  297  (France)  towards  the  great  businesse. 
Methinkes,  it  will  be  enough  that  164  (Colbert  de  Croissy)  be 
made  acquainted  with  360  (Charles  II. 's)  security  in  100  (the 
King  of  France's)  frindship,  without  knowing  the  reason  of 
it.  To  conclude,  remember  how  much  the  secrett  in  this 
matter  importes,  &  take  care  that  no  new  body  be  acquainted 
with  it,  till  I  see  what  340  (Arundell)  brings  334  (Charles  II.) 
in  answer  to  his  propositions,  &  till  you  have  my  consent  that 
164  (Colbert  de  Croissy),  or  anybody  else  have  there  share  in 
that  matter.  I  would  faine  know  (which  I  cannot  do  but  by 
866)  (Arundell)  how  ready  323  (France)  is  to  break  with  299 
(Holland).  That  is  the  game  that  would,  as  I  conceive,  most 
accomodate  the  interests  both  of  270  (England)  &  207 
(France).  As  for  324  (Spain),  he  is  sufficiently  undoing 
himself e  to  neede  any  helpe  'from  271  (France),  nay,  I  am 
perswaded  the  medling  with  him  would  unite  &  make  his 
councells  stronger ;  the  sooner  you  dispatch  340  (Arundell), 
the  more  cleerly  we  shall  be  able  to  judge  of  the  whole  matter. 
One  caution  more,  I  had  like  to  have  forgotten,  that  when  it 
shall  be  fitt  to  acquainte  138  (Colbert  de  Croissy)  with  386 
(Charles  II.'s)  security  in  152  (the  King's)  frindship,  he  must 
not  say  anything  of  it  in  270  (England),  &  pray  lett  the 
ministers  in  297  (France)  speake  lesse  confidently  of  our 
frindship  then  I  heare  they  do,  for  it  will  infinitely  discompose 
269  (Parliament)  when  they  meete  with  334  (Charles  II.)  to 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS       339 

beleeve  that  386  (Charles  II.)  is  tied  so  fast  with  271  (France), 
&  make  821  (Parliament)  have  a  thousand  jealousies  upon 
it.  I  have  no  more  to  add,  but  to  tell  you  that  my  wife  after 
all  our  hopes,  has  miscarried  againe,  without  any  visible 
accident.  The  physicians  are  divided  whether  it  were  a  false 
conception  or  a  good  one,  &  so  good  night,  for  'tis  very  late. 
I  am  intierly  yours. 

C.R. 

Colbert  de  Croissy  to  J.  B.  Colbert,  June  17th,  1669. 

Mr.  de  Lionne  m'ayant  escrit  jusqu'a  trois  lettres  pour 
faire  retourner  I'Abbe'  Pregnani  je  luy  ay  communique'  et  il  se 
prepare  a  partir  dans  sept  ou  huit  jours.  Je  luy  ay  donne" 
pendant  son  sejour  toutes  les  marques  d'estime  qu'il  m'a  est6 
possible,  et  luy  ay  mesme  fait  part  et  de  bouche  et  par  escrit 
de  toutes  les  raisons  que  jay  creu  pouvoir  porter  le  Roy 
d'Angleterre  a  une  bonne  Union  avec  la  France,  affin  qu'il  peut 
d'autant  mieux  agir  de  concert  avec  moy  pour  venir  a  bout  de 
ce  que  le  Roy  de'sire  de  nous  :  enfin  je  croy  qu'il  se  louera  de 
moy,  comme  il  en  a  sujet,  et  dans  cette  pense'e  la  je  serois  bien 
aise  de  luy  rendre  tous  les  bons  offices  dont  je  pourrois  estre 
capable.  Mais  comme  il  s'estoit  flatte  d'une  haute  fortune, 
s'il  re'ussissoit  dans  cette  ne'gociation,  et  qu'il  me  paroist  ex- 
trdmement  mortiffie  de  s'en  retourner  sans  avoir  aucunes 
bonnes  nouvelles  a  porter,  je  ne  S9ais  s'il  se  contentera  d'attri- 
buer  ce  mauvais  succes  aux  veritables  obstacles  que  nous  y 
avons  trouve',  et  s'il  ne  me  prestera  pas  des  charitez  que  j'ay 
reconnu  quy  luy  sont  assez  ordinaires  :  auquel  cas  sy  j'en 
estois  averty  il  seroit  facile  d'y  repondre. 

Bibl.  Nat.  Fonds  Francis  10665. 

Colbert  to  Lionne,  June  17th,  1669. 

Je  n'ay  point  ose*,  Monsieur,  apres  avoir  re9eu  jousqu'a 
trois  lettres  de  vous  pour  le  retour  de  Mr.  1'abbe"  Pregnani, 
differer  plus  longtemps  a  luy  communiquer.  Je  luy  ay  n6ant- 
moins  dit  que  s'il  jugeoit  que  ses  soins  et  son  adresse  peussent 
re*ussir  aupres  du  Roy  et  de  ses  Ministres  il  pouvoit  vous  en 

z  2 


340  THE  MAN   OF  THE   MASK 

secrire  ses  sentiments  .  .  .  et  attendre  vostre  reponse,  mais 
comme  il  m'a  dit  n'avoir  veu  aucune  apparence,  dans  le  dernier 
entretien  qu'il  a  eu  avec  le  Eoy  a  une  prompte  conclusion,  je 
crois  qu'il  se  prepare  a  partir  et  vous  porter  Men  tost  un  plan 
de  1'estat  ou  il  aura  laisse"  les  affaires  en  ce  pays,  ne  luy  ayant 
rien  cache"  de  tout  ce  quy  estoit  de  ma  connaissance,  et  ne 
doutant  pas  qu'il  m'en  cut  encore  davantage  penetre  de  luy- 

mesme. 

Bib.  Nat.  Fonds  FranQais,  10665. 

Charles  II.  to  Madame,  June  24th,  1669. 

It  will  be  very  difficulte  for  me  to  say  anything  to  you 
upon  the  propositions  till  340  (Arundell)  returne  hither,  &  if 
he  makes  many  objections,  which  it  may  be  are  not  altogether 
reasonable,  you  must  not  wonder  at  it,  for,  as  he  is  not  a  man 
much  versed  in  affaires  of  state,  so  there  are  many  scruples  he 
may  have,  which  will  not  be  so  heere,  &  I  am  confident, 
when  we  have  heard  the  reasons  of  all  sides  we  shall  not 
differ  in  the  maine,  haveing  the  same  interest  and  inclinations. 
And  for  372  (Arlington)  I  can  say  no  more  for  him  than  I 
have  already  done,  only  that  I  thinke,  being  upon  the  place, 
&  observing  everybody  as  well  as  I  can,  I  am  the  best  judge 
of  his  fidelity  to  me,  &  what  his  inclinations  are,  and,  if  I 
should  be  deceived  in  the  opinion  I  have  of  them,  I  am  sure  I 
should  smarte  of  it  most.  I  shall  write  to  you  to-morrow  by 
1'Abbe  Pre"gnany,  so  I  shall  add  no  more  now,  &,  in  truth,  I 
am  just  now  going  to  a  new  play  that  I  heare  very  much 
commended,  and  so  I  am  yours, 

C.  R. 

Colbert  to  Lionne,  July  4th,  1669. 

Je  crois  que  quand  une  personne  aussi  esclaire"e  que 
M.  1'abbe  Pregnani  s'en  va  rendre  compte  de  tout  ce  qu'il  a 
veu  et  connu  luy  mesme  il  est  fort  inutil  de  rien  escrire,  et  je 
suis  assez  persuade"  qu'il  vous  fera  un  plan  beaucoup  plus 
beau,  et  plus  agre"able  des  affaires  de  ce  pays-cy  que  quy  que  ce 
soit  autre  ne  pourroit  faire,  pour  n'y  devoir  rien  ad j ouster  du 


COLLECTION   OF   ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS      341 

mien,  si  non  les  tesmoinages  que  je  vous  dois  rendre  de  tous 
les  soins  qu'il  s'est  donne  pour  insinuer  au  Boy  et  aux  prin- 
cipaux  Ministres  les  raisons  quy  tous  doivent  faire  souhaitter 
une  bonne  Union  avec  la  France.  Et  je  ne  doute  pas  mesme 
qu'une  sy  bonne  semence  et  sy  adroittement  respandue  n'eut 
produit  tout  1'effect  que  nous  pouvons  d6sirer,  si,  pour  parler 
allegoriquement,  la  terre  eust  este  mieux  disposee  a  recevoir  le 
bon  pain,  et  non  pas  accablee  de  la  production  de  la  Triple 
Alliance.  Mais  j'espere  que  pour  peu  que  nous  la  laissions  a 
jachere  elle  sera  en  estat  d'estre  cultive'e. 

Je  dois  aussy  me  louer  de  toutes  les  honnestetez  que  mon- 
dit  sieur  1'Abbe"  m'a  fait :  surtout  a  vous,  Monsieur,  quy  m'avez 
assez  donne  de  marques  de  1'honneur  de  vostre  bienviellance 
pour  me  persuader  que  vous  y  voulez  bien  prendre  part,  et  je 
souhaitterois  de  tout  mon  coeur  que  les  temoignages  que  je 
Vous  en  rends  peussent  augmenter  I'estime  que  vous  avez  pour 
ledit  sieur  Abbe".  &c.  &c. 

Bibl.  Nat.  Fonds  Fran<?ais,  10665. 

Colbert  de  Groissy  to  Louis  XIV.,  July  4th,  1669. 

Sire, — Mr  I'Abbe'  Pregnani  quy  s'en  va  rendre  compte  a 
vostre  Ma j  este  de  ce  qu'il  fait  icy,  est  si  bien  informe"  de  1'estat 
present  des  affaires  d'Angleterre  et  de  tout  ce  que  Ton  en  peut 
attendre,  que  je  crois  m'en  pouvoir  remettre  entierement  a  ce 
qu'il  aura  1'honneur  de  luy  en  dire. 

Mr  1'Abbe"  informera  vostre  Ma  j  este"  de  tout  ce  qu'il  a  S9eu 
luy-mesme  de  Mr  le  Due  d'York  des  dispositions  qu'il  y  a  au 
restablissement  du  credit  ce  Prince,  de  ses  bons  sentimens,  et 
de  toutes  les  autres  choses  qu'il  a  appris  par  luy-mesme  et 
dont  nous  nous  sommes  entretenus. 

Bibl.  Nat.  Fonds  Fran<?ais,  10665. 

Lionne  to  Colbert  de  Croissy,  July  21th,  1669. 
L'abbe  Pregnani  a  fait  peu  de  diligence  en  son  voyage 
et  ne  m'a  rendu  vostre  despeche  du  4re  que  plusieurs  jours 


342  THE  MAN   OF   THE  MASK 

apres  que  j'avois  dejja  re9eu  celles  du  8e  et  lle.  Dans  Tentre- 
tien  que  j'ay  eu  avec  1'envoy  je  n'ay  rien  trouv£  de  plus  agre"able 
que  ce  qu'il  a  dit  a  tout  le  monde  aussi  bien  qu'a  moi  &  votre 
avantage,  ne  pouvant  s'espuiser  a  parler  de  votre  capacite,  de 
votre  application  aux  affaires,  non  plus  que  de  vous  louer  des 
bonnes  traittements  que  vous  lui  avez  faits  ;  mais  1'endroit  de 
nos  conversations,  que  je  vous  avoue,  qui  m'a  le  plus  touche 
ont  este*  les  assurances  qu'il  m'a  donne*es  que  je  possede  le 
bien  de  vostre  amiti6  au  point  que  je  1'ay  toujours  souhaite"e 
et  que  vous  £tes  esgalement  persuad^  de  la  mienne  en  quoy 
vous  ne  serez  jamais  tromp6. 

Affaires  Etrangeres,  Corr.  Angl.  96. 


INDEX 


ABUNDELL,  LORD,   194,    197,   199, 

332,  337-8,  340 
Astrologer,  The  Mocke,  233 
Arlington,  Lord,  194,  211,  334-5, 

340 

BAEBEZIEUX,  34,  292 
Bastille,  food  in,  111 
Battaglia,  Matteo,  250 
Beaufort,  Due  de,  7,  35,  93,  289 
Sellings,  Kichard,  141,  197,  302 
Benedictines,  134 
Bertaudiere,  Tower,  8,  21,  108,  296 
Bulonde,  Gen.  de,  37 


D'AUBIGNY,  ABBE,  142,  301 

D'Auger,  Eustache,  5,  11,  38,  48, 
274-5 

De  la  Cloche,  James,  162 ;  comes 
to  London,  165  ;  becomes  a 
Catholic,  167;  Jesuit  novice, 
169;  comes  again  to  London, 
175 ;  returns  to  Borne,  175, 193  ; 
disappears  from  history,  175, 
232,  303  seq. 

D'Estrades,  Abbe",  25,  279 

Dover,  Treaty  of,  199 

Dubuisson,  21 

Du  Jonca,  8, 10,  113,  296,  298 


CAMPAN,  MME.  DE,  22 

Carteret,  Marguerite,  163 

Casale,  25,  280 

Catherine  of  Braganza,  127,  301 

Catinat,  26,  258,  280 

Camillart,  M.  de,  17 

Charles  II.,  118  seq. ;  at  Moseley 
Hall,  121;  marriage,  127;  ne- 
gotiates with  Borne,  144  seq. ; 
vacillations,  203  ;  tolerance,  205-, 
death  of,  219 

Charles  IV.,  Duke  of  Mantua,  25, 
31 

Chemist,  priest  to  be  a  good,  203 

Christina  of  Sweden,  168,  307,  309 

Clifford,  Lord,  194,  199 

Colbert  de  Croissy,  197,  204,  211, 
235,  240,  243,  325  seq.,  337-41 

Confessors,  52,  280 

Corona,  Teresa,  177 

Cromwell,  son  of,  7,  92,  255,  289 

Cross,  relic  of,  181,  262,  265 


EVELYN,  JOHN,  212 
Exiles,  described,  86;  chapel  at, 
89,  259 

FALSE  names  at  burial,  32 
Formanoir,  M.  de,  19-20,  43,  107, 

299 
Foucquet,  35 ;  his  life,  55 ;  trial, 

58  ;  imprisoned,  59  ;  attempt  to 

rescue,  61 ;  dies,  75 
Franciscans,  136 
Funck-Brentano,  M.,  his  theories, 

39 

GRIFFET,  PERE,  24 


HENRIETTA  MARIA,  QUEEN,  131,  302 
Hudleston,  Fr.  John,  122,  138,  222 

Hudleston,  Fr.  Kichard,  123 


344 


THE   MAN   OF  THE   MASK 


INDULGENCE,   Declaration  of,  206, 

210 

Iron  Mask,  the  myth  of  the,  14 
Italian,  the,  230,  324 
lung,  M.,  his  theories,  37 


JACOBIN,  the  Mad,  78,  80,  101,  258, 

277 

Jesuits,  General  of,  170  seq. 
Jesuits,  five,  executed,  218,  265 

KEROUAILLE,  LOUISE  DE,  202,  220 


LAIR,  M.,  2,  38 

'L'ancien  prisonnier,'  10,  83,  292- 
293,  296,  298 

Lang,  Andrew,  Mr.,  30,  38 

La  Prade,  89,  99,  290-1 

La  Riviere,  76-7  ;  dies,  90,  286  ; 
276 

'  La  Tour,'  M.,  19,  299 

Louvois,  15,  47 

Lauzun,  M.  de,  described,  62  ;  im- 
prisoned, 64 ;  falls  in  love  with 
Mademoiselle,  65  ;  sent  to  Pigne- 
rol,  69  ;  meets  Foucquet,  71 ;  set 
at  liberty,  77  ;  273-5 

L'Ecuyer,  43 

Lestang,  prison  name  of  Mattioli,  29 

Lingard,  Dr.,  195 

Lionne,  235,  243,  325,  339 

Loiseleur,  M.,  36,  82 

Louis  XIV.,  26,  119,  191,  324-5, 
328,  334,  337  seq. 

MACAULAY,  LORD,  quoted,  214 
Madame,  195, 198 ;  her  death,  201 ; 

letters  to,  324  seq. 
Marchiel,  37,  298 
Marchioly,  9,  298 
Marsilly,  Roux  de,  248 
Martin,  248-9 
Mattioli,  1,  24  seq.,  his  arrest,  27  ; 

left  at  Pignerol,  33;   his  valet, 

33, 292-3;  his  death,  34,  293 ;  80 
Maurepas,  M.  de,  22 
Monmouth,  Duke  of,  35,  255,  315, 

328,  330,  333,  335 
Montagu,  Abbe,  133 


NAPLES,  impostor  at,  176  seq. 

Napoleon,  17,  18 

Nelaton,  21 

Newmarket,  239,  328,  330-1,  332 


GATES,  TITUS,  213 


PALATINE,  MME.,  12,  255 

Palteau,  103,  106,  300 

Papers,  religious,  belonging  to 
Charles  II.,  262 

Pepys,  Mr.,  129,  134,  137,  233 

Philbert,  Gedeon,  12 

Pignerol,  described,  40,  45 

Portsmouth,  Duchess  of,  220 

Precautions  of  prisons,  103,  275, 
280,  282,  293 

Pregnani,  Abb6,  235 ;  comes  to 
England,  238,  327  ;  at  New- 
market,  239,  331-2  ;  recalled, 
241 ;  leaves  England,  243,  341 

Prisoner  of  the  Mask,  his  arrest, 

269  ;    arrives  at  Pignerol,    47, 

270  ;   called  Eustache  Dauger, 
48,  274;    his  contentment,   50, 
273;   goes  to  Exiles,   83,   278; 
goes   to    Sainte-Marguerite,   91, 
287;  goes  to  the  Bastille,  108, 
295 ;  dies,  113,  298 

Protestant  ministers,  at  Sainte- 
Marguerite,  16,  97-9,  290 


BENNEVILLE,  2,  19-20,  109 
Reunion,  scheme  of,  156 
Rohan,  Henri  de,  174,  319,  333 
Rosarges,  de,  8,  44,  113,  298 
Ru,  Antoine,  44,  300 


SAINT  JAMES'S  chapel  at,  134,  222 ; 
meeting  at,  194,  229 

Sainte-Marguerite,  described,  94 ; 
chapel  at,  260 

Saint-Mars,  M.  de,  6,  41;  de- 
scribed, 42  ;  goes  to  Exiles,  81 ; 
goes  to  Sainte-Marguerite,  90  ; 
goes  to  Bastille,  107 

Scroggs,  L.  C.-J.,  215 


INDEX  345 

Somerset  House,  127,  130  Tour  d'en    has,  Messieurs   de  la, 

Souchong,  M.,  21  78,  82,  97,  279 

Stuart,  James,  see  De  la  Cloche, 
James 

Stuart,    James,   at   Naples,    176 ;  VAULTED  prison,  91,  100,  293 

marries,    176  ;    dies,    178  ;    his  Vauroy,  M.  de,  5,  47,  270 

will,  179  Vermandois,  Comte  de,  13,  35 

'  Stuart,'  '  The  Prince,'  183  seq.  Voltaire,  14 

YORK,  DUKE  or,  137;  becomes  a 

TEST  BILL,  The,  212  Catholic,  190, 209 ;  his  character, 

Topin,  M.,  his  theories,  36  190  ;  second  marriage,  213 


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