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THE  ALPS  OF  HANNIBAL 

IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 


»        '       .^ 


THE    ALPS 


OF 


HANNIBAL. 


BY 

WILLIAM  JOHN  LAW,   MA. 

FORMERLY  STUDENT  OF  CHRIST  CHURCH, 
OXFORD. 


IN   TWO  VOLUMES. 
VOL.    II. 


MACMILLAN    AND    CO. 

1866. 
yriif  Right  of  Translation  and  Reproduction  is  r^fiervrd.] 


LONDON  : 

R.    CLAY,   SON,  AND  TAYLOR,   PRINTERS, 

BREAD  STREET  HILL, 


-& 


/ 


<' 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  SECOND. 


PAET  VIII. 

KNOWLEDGE    OF    THE   ALPS   IN    EARLY    TIMES. 

PAOK 

Chap.  I. — Strabo  on  the  Alps.  His  allusion  to  Polybiiis  and 
Hannibal.  Doubtful  that  he  wrote  the  three  words. 
Improbable  that  the  four  Passes  were  named  b}'  Poly  bins. 
Errors  of  M.  Letronne 1 

Chap.  II. — The  Salassian  hyperbasis  of  Strabo 13 

Chap.  III. — The  Taurinian  hyperbasis  of  Strabo,  being  also  the 
Medullian  of  Mr.  Ellis.— On  the  Medulli  of  the  Dic- 
tionary of  Geography,  1856 16 

Chap.  IV. — Polybius  knew  no  Taurinian  hyperbasis.     The  Po 

of  Polybius 28 

Chap.  V.— The  Po  and   the    Doria    of   Strabo :    Lib.    IV.    p. 

203 35 

Chap.  VI.— The  Po  and  Doria  of  Strabo  :  Lib.  V.  p.  217    .     .     44 

Chap.  VII. — Mr.   Ellis  on  the  early  use  of  the    Little   Mont 

Cenis.     His  appeal  to  Ammianus  Marcellinus  .....     52 


vi  •  Co7itents. 

PAGE 

Chap.  VIII. — Mr.  Ellis  on  the  Little  Mont  Cenis.     His  appeal 

to  the  Peutingerian  Table 67 

Chap.   IX. — Mr.   Ellis  on   the    Mont    Cenis.     His    appeal  to 

Caesar's  march  from  the  Inner  to  the  Outer  Province  ...     76 


PAET  IX. 

INT^PilETATION    OF    LIVY. 

Chap.  I. — Introduction.  Passage  of  the  Rhone.  March  to  the 
Island.  Livy's  hypothesis  on  the  Pass.  Usually  interpreted 
as  the  Genevre,  latterly  as  the  Cenis.  Tenets  of  the  Ceni- 
sians  on  the  Island  and  the  Allobroges.  Larauza.  Ukert. 
Ellis 101 

Chap.  II. — March  from  the  Isere.  The  turn  to  the  left,  a  fact 
variously  dealt  with,  by  numerous  translators.  I  believe 
that  the  text  wants  no  mending  for  telling  the  author's 
meaning 116 

Chap.  III. — The  march  continued.  Tricastini.  Vocontii.  Tri- 
corii.  D'Anville  and  Letronne  are  both  right  in  thinking 
that  Livy,  in  naming  these  peoples,  intended  an  ascent  by 
Briangon  to  the  Genevre.  But  each  commits  great  mistake 
in  his  mode  of  reaching  that  town 126 

Chap.  IV. — Druentia  is  the  Durance.  According  to  Mr.  Whitaker 
it  is  the  Arve.  According  to  Mr.  Tytler,  it  is  the  Dranse. 
According  to  the  three  Cenisians,  it  is  the  Drac    .     .     .     .135 

Chap.  V. — The  Durance  being  conclusive  of  the  Genevre,  identity 
of  tracks  is  disproved.  Livy  diverged  from  Polybius  at  the 
Isere  ;  thence  to  the  first  Alps  there  is  utter  dissonance  both 
in  incidents  and  topography.  In  the  Alps  Livy  copies  inci- 
dents from  Polybius:  topography  there  is  none.  Ascent. 
Summit,  where  Mr.  Ellis  attempts  conciliation.  Descent. 
Livy's  own  argiinvent  will  belong  to  the  ulterior  question  of 
preference 144 


^fe;! 


(Jo7itents.  '  vii* 

PART  X. 

TWO    PECULIAll    THEOBIES. 

PAGE 

Chap.  I. — 1.  Theory  of  M.  le  Comte  ile  Fortia  D' Urban,  whose 

route  never  tends  to  the  Isdre 157 

Chap.  II. — Of  M.  Replat.  This  work,  having  been  controverted 
by  me  in  a  pamphlet,  written  at  Aix-les-Bains,  in  August, 
1854,  and  republished  in  London  in  1855,  will  be  shortly 
adverted  to,  but  to  give  it  again  at  length,  would  be 
superfluous 162 


PART  XI. 

CONCILIATION    FAILS.       QUESTION    OF    PREFERENCE. 

Chap.  I. — We  must  select  between  the  two  historians.  Their 
general  reputation.  Polybius  had  better  access  to  facts. 
Livy's  facts  bear  against  liis  hypothesis.  We  learn  from 
him  that  the  prevaihng  belief  was  in  a  descent  by  the  valley 
of  Aosta ;  and  that  an  early  writer  of  celebrity  had  named 
the  Pass  of  Cremo.     He  avoids  to  name  Polybius      .     .     .167 

Chae,  II. — Livy  founds  his  hypothesis  on  the  words  of  Cincius, 
inferring  that  the  Taurini  lay  in  the  line  of  Hamiibal's 
march  to  the  Cisalpine  Gauls.  The  inference  is  unsound.  . 
Salassi.  Libui.  Explanation  by  Gibbon.  Version  of  Ukert. 
Version  of  Ellis.  On  the  notion  of  placing  Turin  in  the 
line  of  march 181 

Chap.  III. — No  writer  prior  to  Livy  favours  his  hypothesis. 
We  find  some  evidence  in  Sallust  and  Cornelius  Nepos,  tend- 
ing in  favour  of  the  Little  St.  Bernard.  Writers  after  Livy 
give  no  light.  Silius  Italicus.  Pliny.  Appian.  Ammianus 
Marcellinus 198 


viii  Contents. 

PAKT  XIL 


CAUfSE    OF    DOUBT.       CONCLUSION. 


PAGE 


Chap.  I. — Doubt  lias  come  through  neglect  of  Polybius. 
D'Auville  failed,  in  ignorance  of  Polybius.  Gibbon  failed, 
in  deference  to  D'Anville.  Niebuhr  did  not  fail.  Melville 
had  unveiled  the  Truth :  and  De  Luc  had  proclaimed  it, 
adding  fresh  light 211 

Chap,  II. — Arnold  recognised  the  Truth :  and  might  have  extin- 
guished Doubt.  Not  giving  to  Polybius  the  credit  of  showing 
him  the  Truth,  he  blamed  him  where  he  should  have  com- 
mended him.     Conclusion 220. 


APPENDIX. 

Narrative  of  Polybius  translated ,     .     .  253 

Narrative  of  Livj  translated 277 

Comments  on  doubts  entertained  concerning  Hannibal's  first  con- 
flict with  the  Komans  in  Italy. 

1.  The  Encounter  on  the  Po 299 

2.  The  Battle  of  the  Trebia .........'  303 

Tabula  Peutingehiana    ...,..,.     Tq  face  page     57 


EREATA. 

Page  17,  line  25,  for  "could"  read  "could  not." 
,,   138,    ,,    35, /or  "  Durentius"  reac?  "Druentius." 
„   176,    „    15,  for  "of  the  summit"  read  "the  summit." 
;.   ■'^1 .    ..      6,  foi-  "  Walckenner"  read  ''Walckenaer." 


THE    ALPS    OF   HANNIBAL. 

PAET  VIII. 

KNOWLEDGE  OF  THE  ALPS  IN  EARLY  TIMES. 

CHAPTEB  I. 

Straho  on  the  Alps.    His  allusion  to  Polyhius  and  Hannibal. 
Doubtful  that  he  wrote  the  three  words.    Improbable  that 
the  four  Passes  were  named  by  Polybius.    Errors  of  M. 
Letronne. 

Having  done  what  I  can  to  interpret  Polybius,  I  find  myself 
called  upon  to  touch  some  subjects  which  others  have  resorted 
to  in  interpreting  him.  I  postpone,  therefore,  for  a  while  the 
examination  of  Livy. 

One  would  have  desired  that,  for  this  interpretation,  it 
might  not  be  necessary  to  explore  the  topography  of  Strabo, 
to  dissect  the  narrative  of  Caesar,  to  notice  so  late  a  writer 
as  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  or  to  contemplate  that  curiosity, 
nearly  contemporary  with  him,  the  Chart  or  Table  of  Peu- 
tinger.  But  the  task  cannot  be  avoided  :  it  is  not  enough  to 
answer  argument :  we  must  meet  the  influence  of  learned  men, 
attending  them  where  they  call  us,  though  they  may  bring 
into  their  service  things  which  hardly  belong  to  the  subject. 
On  whatever  topics  our  laborious  and  dexterous  adversaries 

VOL.  II.  B 


2  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [pakt  viii 

have  exhausted  their  efforts  of  invention,  we  must  grapple 
with  them ;  and  some  inquiry  into  the  early  knowledge  of 
the  Eomans  on  Alpine  passes  may  aid  us  in  exposing  the 
errors  of  prevailing  theories. 

Straho  on  the  Alps. 

Many  commentators  rely  on  Strabo,  not  as  being  himself 
an  authority  on  Hannibal,  but  as  an  interpreter  of  the  views 
of  Polybius.  M.  Letronne  says  gravely,  "  La  geographic  de 
"  Polybe  ^toit  la  source  unique  oii  il  puisoit  ce  qu'il  rapporte 
"  des  Alpes."  We  may  not  find  elsewhere  a  proposition  quite 
so  rash  as  this ;  but  the  learned  Ukert,  the  zealous  Larauza, 
with  other  French  and  English  critics, — in  short,  every  theorist 
who  favours  the  Cenis,  the  Genevre,  or  the  Viso, — all  rejoice 
in  the  aid  of  Strabo  as  guiding  them  to  the  meaning  of 
Polybius.  We,  then,  who  repudiate  their  theories,  are  com- 
pelled to  investigate  the  worth  of  the  evidence. 

In  his  account  of  Gaul,  in  the  fourth  book,  Strabo  treats 
the  Alps  as  a  distinct  subject  of  inquiry.  He  notices  tracks 
by  which  they  had  been  surmounted,  and  clearly  recognises 
some  as  leading  into  Gaul.  In  speaking  of  the  first  conquests 
made  by  the  Eomans  beyond  the  Alps,  in  a  warfare  of  many 
years  along  the  coast,  he  indicates  a  maritime  pass  :  in  the 
route  which  he  describes  from  the  Ehone,  through  Brian9on, 
over  the  crest  of  Alps,  to  the  boundary  of  the  Cisalpine  pro- 
vince, he  designates  the  Genevre  pass ;  and  he  points  out, 
in  the  most  explicit  terms,  the  passes  of  the  Great  and  Little 
•St.  Bernard  as  two  ways  that  lead  to  Lyons.  In  his  notice  of 
the  chain  of  Alps  eastward,  and  the  nations  that  belong  to 
them,  his  words  do  not  identify  any  particular  pass  until  he 
lames  the  extreme  Ocra,  the  pass  of  the  Carnic  Alps,  which 
led  from  Aquileia  to  Nauportus  ;  but  he  certainly  apprehended 
passages  through  the  mountains  into  the  Grisons  and  the 
Tyrol. 


CHAP.  I.]  Straho  on  the  Alps.  3 

His  alltLsion  to  Polyhius. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  book  there  are  allusions  to  Poly- 
bius.  Strabo  refers  to  him  on  the  elk,  the  gold  in  Noricum, 
and  the  comparative  magnitude  of  the  Alps  and  the  moun- 
tains of  Greece.  We  then  read  these  words : — Terrapa? 
3'  V7r€p^da-€L<!  ovofid^ec  /jlovov  Bid  Aiyvcov  fiev,  ttjv  efyyia-Ta 
TO)  Tvpp7)VLKS  TreXdyei,*  elra  ttjv  hid  Tavplvcov,  rjv  \vvi^a^ 
BiTjXdev  elra  rrjv  hid  ^aXaao-coV  reTapTi^v  he  hid  *VaLT(ov' 
dirdaafi  Kp7]fiv(oB6i,<;,  p.  209.  "  He  names  four  passes  only : 
"  that  through  the  Ligyes,  being  the  nearest  to  the  Tyrrhenian 
"  Sea ;  then  that  through  the  Taurini,  which  Hannibal  went 
"  through ;  then  that  through  the  Salassi ;  and  the  fourth 
"  through  the  Ehseti :  all  precipitous." 

This  sentence  has  attracted  notice :  not,  as  it  might  have 
done,  for  a  question  on  the  Ehsetian  pass,  but  by  the  mention 
of  Hannibal.  It  is  pressed  by  some  as  important,  and 
slighted  by  others  as  unimportant.  The  patron  of  a  Taurine 
pass  is  ready  to  adopt  conclusively  the  three  words  rjv  \vvL^a<: 
BirfKOev,  as  an  interpretation  of  Polybius  by  one  who  was 
sure  to  understand  him.  Now,  I  conceive  that  Strabo  was 
by  no  means  sure  to  understand  him  ;  and  others  who  have 
before  them  the  details  of  Polybius  himself  on  HannibaFs 
march,  claim  the  right  of  interpreting  him  for  themselves : 
they  ought  to  be  more  capable  of  doing  this  rightly,  inasmuch 
as  there  is  now  ample  knowledge  of  Alpine  passes  such  as 
no  man  in  Strabo's  time  had  attained,  or  had  the  means  of 
attaining. 

Whatever  may  be  deemed  the  value  of  the  three  words 
touching  the  passage  of  Hannibal,  it  is  not  clear  that  Strabo 
ever  wrote  them.  There  is  a  manuscript  of  high  value,  lately 
examined  by  the  learned  Gustavus  Kramer,  Epitome  Vati- 
cana  No.  482,  in  which  the  words  rjv  'kvvi^a^;  BLrjXdev  do  not 
appear :   he  examined  every  letter  of  this  manuscript ;   he 

B  2 


4  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

ranks  it  among  those  "quorum  maxima  est  auctoritas,"  and 
pronounces  it  "  quautivis  pretii."  Prsefat.  pp.  xliii.  Ixxxix. 
Further,  if  the  three  words  are  genuine,  it  is  quite  possible 
that  Strabo  placed  them  after  ^aXaao-wv,  and  that  they  have 
been  shifted  into  their  present  position  after  Tavpuvcov, 
Those,  therefore,  who  have  so  greedily  seized  the  three  words 
for  identifying  the  track  of  Hannibal  with  a  track  through 
Cottian  Alps,  are  threatened  with  these  casualties  : — 1.  That 
the  words  have  been  shifted  by  some'  careless  or  officious 
copier  into  a  wrong  place  ;  2.  That  in  Strabo's  own  edition 
they  had  no  place  at  all.  I  will  not  rest  on  either  contin- 
gency as  dissuading  from  inquiry.  If  Strabo  had  expressed 
his  opinion  on  Polybius  in  the  most  unequivocal  manner,  we 
are  not  bound  by  it  when  we  find  it  unsound,  on  a  deliberate 
study  of  the  original  narrative.  It  is  best,  however,  to  face 
all  objections ;  and  to  take  the  text  as  it  stands  in  the  printed 
editions.  One  preliminary  observation  is  requisite  :  that  the 
phrase  Sia  Tavpivcov  does  not  imply  that  the  mountain  pass 
was  in  the  Taurini ;  but  that,  in  making  your  way  to  the 
Cisalpine  province  in  those  Alps,  you  must  go  through  the 
Taurini:  in  the  same  manner  Strabo  calls  the  two  more 
northern  passes  vireppdaei^i  Sta  I^aXacrcrcav,  because,  to  reach 
them,  it  was  necessary  to  travel  through  the  Salassi 

The  Oxford  Dissertation  insists  that  the  words  are  Strabo's 
own  words :  and  by  the  logic  of  the  sentence  they  are  so. 
Others  have  expressed  the  same  idea,  saying  that  the  words 
are  a  parenthetical  comment  or  gloss  of  Strabo.  Such  remarks, 
however,  do  not  deprive  the  sentence  of  importance  :  as  it 
stands,  it  exhibits  four  passes  as  having  been  named  by  Poly- 
bius ;  and  Strabo  would  hardly  append  to  one  of  them  the 
notice  of  Hannibal,  if  he  did  not  imagine  Polybius  to  concur 
upon  the  fact  so  introduced.  He  might  himself  be  under  the 
impression  erroneously :  he  might,  like  others,  assume  the  fact 
for  no  better  reason  than  that  the  first  operation  in  Italy  told 


CHAP.  I.]  Straho  on  the  Alps.  5 

by  Polybius  was  against  the  Taurini :  still,  if  his  words,  taken 
altogether,  make  it  probable  that  he  wrote  under  that  im- 
pression, they  claim  attention.  The  inquiries,  to  which  such 
a  subject  leads  us,  will  be  found  also  not  uninteresting  in 
themselves. 

Those  who  assent  to  the  leading  facts  of  Polybius's  nan'a- 
tive,  and  take  pains  in  drawing  a  conclusion  from  them,  may 
be  indifferent  to  a  construction  made  by  the  later  writer  :  they 
will  rely  on  the  historian  as  his  own  interpreter.  But,  if  any 
are  inclined  to  submit  their  judgments  to  the  three  words  as 
presented,  let  them  advert  to  questions  which  fairly  offer 
themselves.  Is  Strabo  safely  to  be  relied  on,  when  he  quotes 
an  earlier  author  ?  For  instance,  is  he  justified,  when,  in  his 
fourth  book,  he  appeals  to  Caesar's  Commentaries,  as  giving 
the  same  descriptions  as  himself  of  Aquitani,  Celtse,  and 
Belgse  ?  Is  Hannibal's  line  through  the  mountains  a  subject 
that  interested  him,  so  as  to  engage  his  attention,  and  produce 
accuracy  ?  Was  Polybius  likely  to  speak  of  vireppdaei^  Bca 
^aXacrcrSyv,  or  8ta  Tavplvcoy,  or  of  any  v7rep^aori<;  at  all  ? 

Hannibal's  Route  did  not  interest  Straho. 

If  there  was  reason  to  suppose  that  Strabo  would  care  for 
the  Alps  of  Hannibal,  it  would  be  more  likely  that  he  should 
be  accurate  in  the  allusion  to  Polybius  :  if  it  did  not  interest 
him,  he  might,  without  scrutiny,  adopt  an  hypothesis  which 
was  entertained  by  his  contemporary  Livy.  There  is  not  in 
all  Strabo's  works  an  allusion  to  the  Carthaginian  march  from 
Spain  to  Italy,  unless  it  be  in  those  three  words  rjv  \vvil3a<s 
BirjXdev.  He  had  abundant  opportunity  of  noticing  the  ex- 
pedition in  its  earlier  stages.  He  has  been  exhibiting  the 
geography  of  Valentia,  Catalonia,  the  Pyrenees,  Outer  Gaul, 
and  the  regions  of  the  Ehone,  the  approaches  to  the  Alps,  and 
portions  of  the  Alps  themselves.  Nevertheless,  the  Cartha- 
ginian invasion  is  nowhere  alluded  to  by  Strabo  till  it  reaches 


6  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  Vili. 

the  confines  of  Etruria,  unless  it  be  in  those  three  words.  He 
describes  particularly  the  route  from  Spain  to  this  very  pass, 
the  Mont  Gen^vre,  but  with  no  note  of  Hannibal.  It  was 
his  habit  to  illustrate  geography  by  ascertained  features  of 
history,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Salassian  valley  ;  and  he  often 
alludes  to  the  later  operations  of  Hannibal  in  the  regions 
nearer  to  Eome.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  if  he  had  cared  for 
the  question  on  the  Pass,  and  himself  studied  the  route  of  the 
invaders,  he  would  have  annexed  to  his  own  description, 
whether  of  a  Taurinian  or  of  a  Salassian  hyperbasis,  some 
commemoration  of  the  great  exploit.  This  is  unquestion- 
able :  that,  if  the  words  rjv  ^Avvl^a<;  StrjXOeVy  which  appear  in 
this  list  of  four  passes,  should  be  shifted  from  one  of  those 
passes  and  attached  to  another,  there  is  not  a  thought  in 
Strabo's  works  that  would  be  offended  by  the  exchange. 

Reasons  against  Polyhius  having  authorized  those  names 

of  Passes. 

We  do  not  find  any  of  Strabo's  nominations  of  passes  in 
the  extant  writings  of  Polybius.  Ehseti  are  not  mentioned  at 
all.  Salassi  are  not  mentioned  at  all.  Ligurians  are  called 
AcyvaTivoij  not  Alr^ve^ ;  and  Taurini  are  not  connected  with  a 
pass.  If  Polybius  had  been  prepared  to  speak  of  a  Salassian, 
a  Taurinian,  or  a  Ligurian  pass,  there  were  opportunities  for 
doing  so  in  those  parts  of  his  works  which  survive  to  us.  He 
tells  of  the  early  invasions  of  Northern  Italy  by  the  Gauls, 
and  of  their  irruption  before  the  second  Punic  war:  they 
made  their  way  through  the  valley  of  Aosta ;  he  might  there- 
fore have  introduced  them  hia  ^aXao-acov.  He  details  the 
invasion  of  Hannibal,  and  might  have  introduced  him  Sea 
^aXaaa&p :  or,  if  he  apprehended  the  invasion  to  be  by  the 
pass  which  Strabo  calls  8ta  Tavplvcov,  he  had  every  provoca- 
tion to  name  it.  But,  on  the  contrary,  he  completes  his 
narrative  of  the  passage  through  the  Alps;   he  launches 


CHAP.  I.]  Strabo  on  the  Alps.  7 

Hannibal  into  the  plain  and  the  nation  of  Insubres  ;  describes 
his  encampment;  and,  when  the  army  is  restored  ti,  /lealth 
and  fit  for  service,  relates  how  he  turned  his  arms  against  the 
Taurini,-who  were  at  war  with  his  friends,  the  Insubres: 
then  only  do  we  find  a  notice  of  that  people.  As  to  a  pass 
hia  Ai<yv(ov^  this  also  he  had  full  opportunity  to  speak  o£ 
Throughout  his  life  the  Eomans  were  working  to  bring  their 
schemes  along  the  coast  to  maturity :  he  records  their  first 
enterprise  beyond  the  boundary  of  Italy,  when  the  consul 
Opimius  invaded  the  country  of  the  Oxybii,  beyond  Nice 
and  Antipolis.  He  marched  hua  twv  'Airevvivcov  opcjv :  not  a 
word  of  a  pass  Eta  Aiyvwv. 

If  these  expressions  were  truly  imputed  to  Polybius,  we 
might  fairly  expect  to  meet  with  them :  his  second  book 
exhibits  a  geographical  description  of  Italy,  the  plains  of 
Italy,  the  great  river  of  Italy,  the  seas  of  Italy,  the  mountains 
of  Italy;  and,  if  he  had  recognised  by  those  titles  four  en- 
trances throTigh  the  great  barrier,  he  might  have  added  such 
information  to  the  rest.  There  is  not  a  word  which  gives 
countenance  to  these  names  of  passes ;  and  the  words  of 
Strabo,  in  which  he  seems  to  assume  that  those  which  he 
recognised  himself  had  been  similarly  recognised  by  Polybius, 
are  not  to  deter  us  from  weighing  the  probabilities  that  this 
historian  ever  designated  those  things  as  virep^daec';  Slo. 
Aiyvcov,  Sea  TavpivcoVf  Bta  ^aXaaacov,  Blol  'Patrwv. 

Though  I  find  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Polybius  ever, 
gave  expression  to  any  one  of  these  virep^daei^,  I  need  not 
dwell  on  the  first  and  last  of  them  :  they  are  not  involved  in 
our  inquiry,  like  the  other  two.  The  routes  through  Salassi 
and  Taurini  are  closely  concerned  with  our  controversy,  and 
these  I  propose  to  consider  more  deliberately.  I  have  against 
me  an  ample  list  of  critics,  ending  with  Mr.  Ellis,  who  have 
professed  obedience  to  the  words  of  Strabo.  But  M.  Letronne 
has  gone  beyond  the  rest,  by  discussing  the  value  of  the 


8 


Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [pabt  Vlli. 


sentence ;  and  I  will  advert  to  his  doctrines  before  I  proceed 
further.  ^ 

Errors  of  M,  Letronne, 

This  eminent  man,  the  first  assailant  of  De  Luc,  has  thus 
expressed  himself :  "  Ce  passage  contient  non  seulement  la 
"  pensde  de  Polybe,  mais  jusqu'^  ses  expressions  "  . . .  "  dans 
"  tout  ce  qui  precede  et  ce  qui  suit,  Strabon  ne  fait  que  rap- 
"  porter  les  opinions  et  les  propres  paroles  de  Polybe ; — que 
"  Strabon  suit  sans  restriction  pour  tout  ce  qui  concerne  les 
"  Alpes."  Again :  "  La  geographic  de  cet  historien,  ou  plutot 
"  la  partie  de  son  histoire  qui  traite  de  la  geographic,  dtoit  la 
"  source  unique  oil  il  puisoit  ce  qu'il  rapporte  des  Alpes ; " 
and  further ;  "  Touvrage  de  Polybe  son  unique  guide."  * 

These  propositions  are  one  and  all  erroneous.  Most  of 
what  Strabo  says  concerning  the  Alps  is  drawn  from  events 
which  arose  after  the  death  of  Polybius:  he  by  no  means 
follows  him,  and  I  doubt  that  in  any  instance  he  adopts  his 
expressions.  The  Alpine  matters  drawn  from  Polybius  are  few 
and  easily  told :  Strabo  refers  to  him  on  the  fact  that  the  elk 
is  found  in  the  Alps ;  he  refers  to  him  on  the  superiority  of 
the  Alps  to  the  mountains  of  Greece  and  Thrace,  adding  the 
sentence  on  the  passes  now  under  discussion ;  and  he  refers 
to  him  on  the  Alpine  lakes,  naming  and  describing  the  three 
large  lakes  of  Italy, — ^Benacus,  Verbanus,  Larius, — and  the 
rivers  issuing  from  them.  This  is  all.  And,  as  Strabo 
throughout  his  work  is  from  time  to  time  citing  Polybius  as 
his  authority  for  facts,  we  are  not  to  presume  that  he  has  that 
authority  where  he  does  not  adduce  it.  Indeed,  if  we  search 
for  other  things  on  the  Alps  that  could  have  been  derived 
from  Polybius,  though  not  so  alleged,  we  find  very  little,  and 
may  be  the  more  surprised  with  M.  Letronne's  proposition, 
that  one  followed  the  other  "pour  tout  ce  qui  concerne  les 
Alpes." 

*  Journal  des  Savans.    Janvier  et  Decembre,  1819. 


CHAP,  I.]  Straho  on  the  Alps.  9 

So  far  as  the  Alps  had  been  connected  with  Eoman  events, 
they  were  likely  to  be  noticed  by  Polybins.  But  the  scope  of 
this  connexion  was  very  limited.  The  Eomans  in  his  day 
were  just  beginning  to  feel  their  way  towards  either  ex- 
tremity of  the  great  chain  that  severed  them  from  the  rest  of 
Europe.  The  entire  central  range  was  unvisited  by  them. 
The  eastern  Alps  were  approached  in  the  unauthorised  and 
fruitless  attempt  of  Cassius  Longinus,  in  171  B.C.,  and  Strabo's 
appeal  to  Polybius  on  the  gold  mines  near  Aquileia,  and  the 
salt  springs  at  Timavum,  might  lead  to  the  conjecture  that 
the  historian  had  himself  made  the  land  journey  between 
Italy  and  Greece.  The  first  advance  of  the  Eomans  along  the 
Mediterranean  coast  took  place  while  Polybius  was  an  exile 
in  Italy ;  the  movement  in  aid  of  the  Massilians  against  the 
Oxybii  and  Deciatse,  tribes  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Prejus. 
Strabo  refers  to  him  on  the  existence  of  those  peoples. 
Twenty-nine  years  elapsed  before  such  an  effort  was  re- 
peated. 

How  small  then  at  that  period  was  the  knowledge  of  Alps 
arising  out  of  Eoman  transactions  !  If  we  look  to  aU  prior 
history  of  the  great  natural  rampart,  the  only  operations 
which  had  been  recorded  were  in  the  passage  of  Hercules ; 
the  irruptions  of  the  Gauls;  and  the  invasion  of  Hannibal. 
On  the  passage  of  Hercules  Strabo  says  nothing:  on  the 
Gaulish  invasions  through  the  Alps  nothing :  on  Han- 
nibal's pass  the  three  words  which  produce  this  discussion. 
And  never  does  he  allude  to  Polybius  as  the  historian  of 
Hannibal,  unless  you  suppose  him  to  do  so  in  those  three 
words. 

Strabo  himself  abounds  in  matter  connected  with  the  Alps, 
especially  with  the  outer  side  of  them  :  but  it  is  not  derived 
from  Polybius.  I  believe  that  the  only  fact  on  the  Transal- 
pine cited  on  his  authority  is  the  fact  of  the  Ehone  having 
two  mouths.    The  Eomans  in  the  time  of  Polybius  had  little 


10  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viil 

acquaintance  with  those  regions  :  the  agents  of  their  intrigues 
were  hardly  as  yet  moving  in  the  interior  of  Gaul  when  he 
made  his  journey  through  the  Alps  :  their  communication  was 
through  Marseille  by  sea.  They  gained  no  footing  in  Gaul 
till  after  his  death.  In  his  time,  what  they  knew,  he  knew. 
They  may  have  heard  of  the  lake  of  Geneva  :  but  there  is  no 
evidence  that  they  had,  or  that  he  had.  As  to  the  other  Swiss 
lakes,  there  is  strong  reason  to  think  that  he  did  not  know 
them.  When  Strabo  tells  the  peculiarities  of  the  Ehone  and 
its  great  lake,  and  names  the  nations  bordering  on  the  Ehine 
and  its  great  lake,  he  makes  no  reference  to  Polybius.  He 
rather  shews  that  Polybius  had  never  mentioned  these  things  : 
for  he  does  say  that  Polybius  had  spoken  of  Alpine  lakes,  and 
that  three  were  large  ones :  he  names  them,  and  they  are  all 
Italian.  Polybius  acknowledged  the  obscurity  of  those  re- 
gions. When  he  opens  his  narrative  of  the  march  from  the 
Pyrenees,  he  announces  that  he  shall  not  attempt  to  express 
names  belonging  to  countries  so  unknown.  Accordingly  we 
do  not  meet  with  the  name  of  any  town  visited  by  the 
invaders  between  Spain  and  Italy,  and  only  of  one  people. 
Names  begin  when  mountains  end. 

Thus  triiiing  in  fact  is  the  amount  of  Alpine  matter  that 
Strabo  did  or  could  draw  from  Polybius.  The  history  of 
conquest  brought  geography  along  with  it :  Strabo's  memo- 
randa on  the  Alps  were  drawn  from  later  events.  His  notices 
of  southern  Gaul  are  founded  on  the  performances  of  Pulvius, 
Sextius,  Domitius,  Fabius,  Marius :  and  his  details  of  the 
passes  are  Eoman  details.  Before  he  came  to  write  on  the 
passes,  they  had  been  traversed  by  Pompey,  Csesar,  D.  Brutus, 
Augustus,  Tiberius,  Drusus.  Some  exploits  he  had  heard  of : . 
not  all.  Every  anecdote  which  he  brings  forward,  excepting 
in  those  three  words,  concerns  some  event  which  was  after 
the  death  of  Polybius.  In  the  route  from  Spain  to  the 
Cottian  pass  he  names  places  and  distances.     But  he  stops 


CHAP.  I.]  Straho  on  the  Alps.  11 

much  short  of  the  plains;   and  introduces  no  anecdote  or 
historical  matter  whatever. 

How  then  does  M.  Letronne  trace  Polybius  throughout  the 
Alps  of  Strabo?  How  persuade  himself  that  the  mass  of 
Strabo's  materials  was  derived  from  that  early  source? 
Strabo's  information  came  from  Eoman  intercourse  with  the 
Alps,  which  in  the  days  of  Polybius  had  not  begun.  M. 
Letronne  has  no  facts  for  his  hjrpothesis  :  and  where  there  are 
facts,  he  is  not  observant  of  them.  Strabo,  where  he  might 
refer  to  Polybius,  is  not  always  inclined  to  follow  him.  Poly- 
bius, ii.  14,  says  that  the  Alps  begin  near  Marseille  :  Strabo, 
iv.  201,  210,  makes  them  to  begin  near  Genoa  or  Vado. 
Polybius,  iii,  47,  says  that  the  fountains  of  the  Ehone  face 
westward,  and  that  the  course  of  the  river  is  to  south-west : 
Strabo,  iv.  186,  says  that  the  first  course  of  the  Ehone  is  to 
the  north— /carap^a?  Trpo?  dpKTOv.  Polybius,  ii.  16,  de- 
scribing the  Alpine  course  of  the  Po,  says  that  the  poets  call 
him  Eridanus  :  and  it  is  pleasing  to  recognise  the  "  fluviorum 
rex"  on  so  ancient  authority:  Strabo,  v.  215,  denounces 
Eridanus  as  the  creature  of  fable,  said  to  be  near  the  Po,  but 
in  truth  having  no  existence.  Polybius,  ii,  14,  exhibits  the 
Alps  as  the  base  of  the  Italian  triangle :  Strabo,  v.  210,  in 
express  opposition  to  him,  declares  that  Italy  is  a  figure 
of  four  sides  rather  than  of  three — reTpdirXevpov  jxaXkov 
TO  a'xfiixa. 

M.  Letronne  not  only  declares  Strabo's  matter  to  be  all 
Polybian,  but  insists  that  he  expresses  it  in  the  very  words  of 
that  historian.  It  seems  to  me,  that  every  part  of  the  phrase 
VTrep^ao-i^  Bia  Tavpivcov  rjv  \vvl^a^  hurfKOev,  as  well  as  the 
whole  taken  together,  is  most  unlikely  to  have  been  used  by 
Polybius,  but  probable  in  Strabo.  First  of  all,  virep^aaifi  is 
not  a  Polybian  word :  Strabo  employs  virep^aivo)  and  virep- 
TWrjfjLi  to  teU.  the  passing  over  a  mountain,  and  represents  the 
transcent  or  pass  by  virip^acrL^  and  virepdeai^ :  in  the  second 


12  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viil. 

book,  p.  68,  &c.  he  applies  both  terms  to  the  same  thing  at  the 
interval  of  a  few  sentences :  rj  iirl  rrjv  'Tp/cavLav  OaXarTav 
VTripOeac^ — ^  eVt  rrjv  KacrTriav  virepj^acn'i.  Polybius  never 
so  uses  those  words :  his  words  are  virepalpcoy  virep^aXko), 
virep^oX'q.  He  uses  virepdea-L'i  in  the  sense  of  postpone- 
ment :  vTrep^aai^  he  did  not  use  at  all :  we  see  it  indeed 
printed  in  lib.  iv.  19,  6,  meaning  the  conveyance  of  vessels 
across  an  isthmus  ;  where  probably  it  should  be  vTrep^i^aaL^. 
His  descriptions  of  Alps,  his  notice  of  Gaulish  invasions,  and 
his  history  of  Hannibal,  gave  opportunities  to  use  the  word,  if 
it  had  been  his  word.  Many  compounds  of  ^act?  are  found 
in  his  works :  efjupaa-u^,  €/c^a(ri<;j  a-v/ju^a(Ti<;,  i7rl^a(7c<;,  8id- 
/Sacrt9,  dvd^aai<;j  KaTa^acn^ :  never  virip/Bacnfi, 

Strabo  uses  both  his  words  in  the  plural,  for  expressing 
several  distinct  mountain  passes,  as  when  we  speak  of 
several  passes  together,  the  Cenis,  the  Simplon,  the  Splugen. 
Polybius  never  so  speaks,  as  intending  by  a  plural  word  dif- 
ferent passes  through  the  chain.  He  uses  virep/SoXai  for 
mountain  heights  generally,  and  for  the  course  of  heights 
which  constitute  a  pass  from  one  side  of  the  chain  to  the 
other :  thus  one  section  of  the  march  from  Carthagena  to  the 
plain  of  Italy  is  al  t5)v  "Kkirecov  virep^oXaL  The  singular 
virep^oXrj  represents  the  passage  of,  or  act  of  crossing  the 
Alps,  as  in  iroLrjcra^evos  t^v  rSiv  "AXirecov  virepfiokriv*  So,  in 
iii.  34,  6,  and  47,  6. 

Where,  then,  has  M.  Letronne  found  "  les  propres  paroles  de 
"  Polybe,  que  Strabon  suit  sans  restriction  pour  tout  ce  que 
"  concerne  les  Alpes  ? "  Strabo  is  the  rightful  owner  of  virep- 
l3a(Ti^ :  and  the  three  words  which  have  brought  the  sentence 
into  notice,  ^v  \vvipa^  BcrjXOev,  have  the  same  stamp  of 
authorship.  When  he  speaks  of  the  marshes  and  the  draining 
of  them  by  Scaurus,  he  says,  Bo  wv  'Avvl^a^  ^aXeTrw?  Bt^XOe, 
irpoLwv  eirl  Tvpprjvtav.  In  a  similar  way  he  refers  to  Han- 
nibal, on  mentioning  the  lake  Trasymenus — KaO'  rjv  al  gk  t^9 


CHAP.  II.]  Strdbo's  Salassian  Pass.  13 

Ke\Ti^^9  €t9  TTjv  Tvppr)viav  ifJb^oXal  trrpaTOTreSo^?,  ah  'Jrep 
Koi  \vvipa<i  i^p'>](TaTOy  v.  217. 

When  M.  Letronne,  reading  Strabo,  thought  he  was  reading 
Polybius,  he  had  before  him  not|  only  words  and  the  com- 
bination of  words,  but  the  generaUframe  of  the  sentence  bore 
the  style  of  the  geographer.  The  method  in]  which  Strabo 
names  and  enumerates  the  four  passes  is  exactly  the  method  in 
which  he  has  a  few  lines  before  enumerated  four  roads — rrjv 
Sia  Twv  Ke/jL/Jbivajv  opmv  P'ixP''  ^avTOVcov  koI  rrj^  \KOVLTavla^, 
Kol  rrjv  eVt  rov  'Vfjvov,  kol  rpcrrjv  rrjv  iirl  rbv  ^Q^iceavov,  rrjv 
7r/)09  ^eXXoaKoi^;,  koX  \fi^iavo2<i,  rerdpTrj  S'  ia-rlv  iirl  rrjv 
Nap^ct)VLTLv  Koi  rrjv  MaaaaXioDTtKrjv  irapaXlav.  These  will 
not  be  claimed  as  the  "  propres  paroles  de  Polybe  :  "  for  the 
work  is  attributed  to  Agrippa. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

The  Salassian  hyperhasis  of  Strabo, 

We  know  that  Strabo  speaks  of  a  Salassian  pass  :  and  our 
question  is,  whether,  as  he  is  thought  to  allege,  Polybius  had 
done  the  same.  Strabo  has  used  the  term  vireplSacn^  Boa 
^aXaa-a-MV  for  himself,  before  he  alludes  to  the  passes  known 
to  Polybius.  He  uses  the  expression,  to  mean  at  once  two 
distinct  Passes  of  Alps  :  he  says,  p.  208,  that  "  of  the  passes 
"  of  Alps  (twv  virepdeaewv  rcav  ck  t?}?  'iraX/a?  et?  tt]v  e^co 
"  KeXTLKTjv  Kal  rrjv  irpocrdpKTiov)  there  is  one  through  the 
"  Salassians  leading  to  Lyons — tj  Blcl  ^aXaaacov  cu^ovaa  cttI 
"  AovyBovvov.^^  By  this  transcent  of  Alps  leading  to  Lyons, 
he  means  both  the  Great  St.  Bernard  and  the  Little  St.  Bernard: 
for  he  goes  on  to  say  of  it  that  "  it  is  twofold ;  one  practicable 


14  Early  Knoivledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

"  for  a  waggon  from  its  greater  length,  through  the  Centrones; 
"  the  6ther  steep  and  narrow  but  short,  through  the  Psenine." 
This  explanation,  that  he  means  to  include  both  passes,  so 
far  corrects  the  expression  as  to  prevent  any  ambiguity  in  his 
meaning.  But  the  expression  is  a  bad  one,  and  peculiar ;  and 
must  be  looked  upon  as  his  own.  The  road  of  ascent  from 
the  plain  is  common  to  both  passes  as  far  as  Aosta :  but  that 
common  approach  is  no  virepOea-i^i :  the  word  imports  tran- 
scent.  At  Aosta  the  lines  of  ascent  diverge  :  one  is  to  leave 
Mont  Blanc  and  his  dependencies  away  to  the  left ;  the  other 
will  leave  them  to  the  right.  Such  nomination  of  passes  is 
the  nomination  by  Strabo. 

"While  I  deny  for  Polybius  both  the  supposed  use  of 
vTrepfiacTLf;  and  the  word  itself,  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  had 
some  information  of  a  passage  by  the  Great  St.  Bernard  as 
well  as  experience  of  the  Little  St.  Bernard.  The  invasions 
of  the  Gauls  had  given  to  these  mountain  regions  an  interest 
and  a  celebrity  which  would  engage  his  attention ;  his  history 
tells  their  earlier  inroads,  and  the  more  recent  irruption  of 
the  Gsesatse ;  who  are  likely  to  have  come  by  the  Great  St. 
Bernard,  though  he  does  not  denote  the  pass  by  which  they 
came.  Niebuhr  was  fully  satisfied  that  the  barbarians  issued 
into  the  plain  from  the  valley  of  Aosta  :  but  does  not  pursue 
an  inquiry  as  to  the  point  from  which  they  came  down. 
Transl.  Hare  and  Thirlwall,  ii.  535. 

In  the  Oxford  Dissertation,  p.  29,  it  is  supposed  that  some 
of  those  earlier  invaders  came  up  the  Isere  and  over  the 
Graian  Alp  :  on  the  Gsesatse  it  is  said,  "  Polybius  informs  us 
"  that  they  derived  their  name  from  their  mercenary  dispo- 
"  sition.  He  also  clearly  intimates  that  Hannibal  followed 
"  the  same  route  which  this  people  had  taken  to  cross  the 
"  Alps  : " — and  further,  "  From  the  description  given  of  this 
"  people  by  Polybius,  their  going  to  battle  naked,  their  mer- 
"  cenary  disposition,  and  extreme  ferocity,  it  appears  that  they 


CHAP.  II.]  Straho's  Salassian  Pass.  16 

"  were  not  Gauls  but  Germans,  who  had  crossed  the  Ehine 
"  and  settled  near  the  Rhone."  Now  I  do  not  perceive,  that 
Polybius  identifies  the  track  of  the  Gsesatae  with  that  of 
Hannibal.  He  rebukes  the  foolish  writers  who  had  painted 
the  Alps  as  utterly  impracticable ;  and  charges  them  with 
not  knowing  that  the  Celts  of  the  Ehone  had  crossed  the  Alps 
in  great  masses,  not  once  or  twice  only,  nor  in  former  times 
only,  but  recently,  and  had  made  head  against  the  Romans  in 
the  plain  of  Italy.  But  he  does  not  himself  define  the  channel 
of  those  invasions,  nor  identify  Hannibal's  track  with  it. 

In  the  only  passage  where  Polybius  speaks  of  the  Gsesatae, 
ii.  22,  he  calls  them  Tov<i  Kara  Ta9  'AXTret?  koI  roy  'PoSavov 
irora/jLov  KaTOiKovvTa<;  Ta\dTa<s,  7rpoaayopevofjU€Vov<;  Be  Bca 
TO  fMLa6ov  crTpar€V€cv  Tacadrov^ :  adding,  57  jap  Xeft?  avrrf 
TovTo  <T7)iiatv€t,  Kvplco^.  Mcbuhr,  lect.  iv.  p.  150,  objects  to 
that  derivation,  and  ascribes  the  name  to  the  weapon  gaBsus, 
javelin  ;  a  weapon  which  we  know  to  have  been  efficiently 
used  by  the  natives  in  the  approach  to  the  Great  St.  Bernard. 
Caesar  de  Bell.  Gall.  iii.  4.  But  Polybius'  notion  agrees  with 
the  habits  of  the  people  as  mercenaries  in  war :  and  it  is 
sensibly  observed  by  M.  du  Theil,  "  Contens  de  I'^tymologie 
donn^e  par  I'un  des  plus  graves  historiens  de  I'antiquite,  nous 
"  ne  rapporterons  point  ici  toutes  celles  que  d'autres  ecrivains 
"  anciens,  la  plupart  simples  grammairiens  et  de  beaucoup 
"  posterieurs  k  Polybe,  ou  de  critiques  modernes,  donnant 
"  trop  aux  conjectures,  ont  pretendu  y  substituer." — Strab.  ii. 
feclaircissemens,  p.  15.  If,  as  suggested,  the  Gsesatse  were 
Germans  who  settled  near  the  Rhone,  that  too  does  not  aid 
the  q--  ,^ion :  they  need  not  have  come  on  to  the  Isere:  their 
irruption  might  be  made  past  the  upper  end  of  the  lake. 
Pushing  on  from  thence,  they  would  keep  the  direction  of 
the  great  river,  which  seemed  to  lead  them  to  their  object,  the 
Italy  which  they  coveted.  When  that  guide  deserted  them 
by  its  reflex  line  at  Martigny,  they  desisted  not  from  their 


16  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

enterprise ;  but  still  pressed  onward  to  the  south,  and  by  a 
short  though  difficult  effort  found  the  desired  plains. 

I  fully  believe,  then,  that  earlier  invasions  were  effected  by 
the  Great  St.  Bernard :  and,  if  they  were,  the  fact  oould  not 
fail  to  reach  Polybius.  He  would  be  aware  of  both  passes 
which  gave  descent  into  the  Salassian  valley.  But  I  do  not 
believe  that  he  had  spoken  of  them  as  Strabo  speaks  of  them, 
and  bracketed  two  such  passes  in  one.  He  made  himself  the 
ascent  from  the  plain  of  Italy :  but,  when  he  gazed  at  the 
distant  wonders  of  that  valley,  a  happiness  that  Strabo,  per- 
haps, never  enjoyed,  the  giant  pinnacles  clothed  with  perpetual 
snow  rising  in  the  centre  of  the  scene,  he  did  not  designate 
a  route  which  sought  the  transalpine  to  the  left  hand,  and  a 
route  which  sought  the  transalpine  to  the  right  hand,  as  one 
virepOecri^,  one  transcent  of  Alps.  Mont  Blanc  stood  before 
him,  to  prohibit  such  abuse  of  language. 


CHAPTEE  III. 

The  Taurinian  Jiyperbasis  of  Strabo,  being  also  the  Medullian 
of  Mr.  Ellis. — On  the  Medulli  of  the  Dictionary  of  Geo- 
graphy, 1856. 

No  man  can  doubt  that  Strabo  was  informed  on  the  Pass  of 
the  Mont  Gen^vre,  on  the  ascent  to  it  from  the  Khone,  and  on 
a  portion  of  the  descent  on  the  Italian  side  :  for,  though  his 
sentences  are  imperfect,  he  names  many  important  places  with 
some  distances.  Those,  therefore,  who  try  to  show  from  his 
writings  his  knowledge  of  the  Mont  Cenis,  must  understand 
that  he  was  acquainted  with  both  those  passes  of  Alps. 

I  conceive  that,  when  he   names   a  pass   virip^ao-L^  Bia 
Tavplvcov,  p.  209,  he  does  not  intend  a  mountain  passage 


CHAP.  III.]  Straho's  Taurinian  Pass.  17 

occupied  by  that  people,  but  which  is  to  be  approached 
through  them  from  the  Eoman  possessions  ;  and  it  may  be 
conceded  that,  if  he  could  have  purposed  to  speak  of  the 
Cenis,  he  might  have  spoken  of  that  also  as  a  pass  ^la 
Tavplvcov.  One  who  sought  either  of  these  passes  may  first 
have  advanced  from  the  plain  through  Taurine  territory. 
Thus  Livy  seems  to  mark  the  descent  from  the  Gen^vre  by 
the  same  circumstance.  He  says  of  a  body  of  Gauls,  who 
took  that  way  from  Marseille  into  Italy,  "Per  Taurines 
saltusque  invios  Alpes  transcenderunt,"  v.  c.  34  :  and  must 
have  intended  the  same  pass  which  Strabo  describes,  which 
is  reached  by  coming  up  the  Durance  to  Brian9on. 

Mr.  Ellis,  assuming  that  Strabo  was  acquainted  with  the 
Mont  Cenis,  contends  (Treatise  181)  that,  in  designating  a 
pass  Slcl  Tavplvaov,  he  intended  the  Cenis.  Now,  it  is  very 
remarkable,  that  Strabo's  notice  of  those  regions  should  have 
been  so  limited  and  partial  as  we  see  it  to  have  been ;  and 
particularly  that  such  a  place  as  Segusio  (Susa)  should  not  be 
mentioned  in  his  works.  It  was  not  necessary  for  him  to 
mention  it  in  speaking  of  the  road  which  he  describes-  over 
the  Genevi'e,  for  he  describes  it  only  as  far  as  Ocelum ;  nor 
would  it  have  been,  had  he  continued  it  to  the  plain.  But 
his  never  naming  the  place  seems  conclusive  that  he  was 
ignorant  of  a  route  over  Mont  Cenis ;  for  in  a  descent  from 
that  mountain,  Susa  could  be  avoided.  If  Strabo's  knowledge 
were  not  proved,  as  it  specially  is,  from  the  Rhone  to  Ocelum, 
we  should  pronounce  him  uninformed  on  the  Gen^vre,  as  we 
do  on  the  Cenis, 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  one  who  can  discern  the 
Cenis  pass  in  the  works  of  Strabo,  would  have  perceived 
other  things  in  that  writer's  topography  of  this  region,  which 
he  certainly  is  not  seen  to  mention.  He  omits  Susa,  the 
stronghold  of  Cottius ;  and,  I  think,  never  mentions  Turin, 
nor  the  Po  as  running  past  that  place ;  nor  other  discernible 

VOL.  II.  c 


18  Early  Knmoledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

object,  natural  or  artificial.  Strabo  points  to  no  such  things : 
he  knew  of  the  route  from  Spain  through  Gaul  to  the 
Gen^vre,  and  a  little  way  beyond.  He  knew  of  the  two 
places,  which  he  has  named  Scingomagus  and  Ocelum ;  one 
on  the  boundary  line  of  Italy,  one  on  the  boundary  line  of 
the  Koman  province.  If  he  had  known  of  the  Cenis  pass,  he 
might  have  named  something  in  the  way  to  it,  or  in  the  way 
from  it.  But  there  is  in  his  works  no  landmark  which  helps 
to  bring  the  Cenis  into  a  route  from  the  Khone  to  the  Po. 
Even  in  the  line  of  the  Gen^vre,  where  he  does  guide  us 
into  Italy,  he  does  not  disclose  an  object  in  the  whole  tract 
of  country  spread  between  that  pass  and  the  junction  of  rivers 
near  Chivasso,  besides  the  two  points  which  I  have  mentioned  : 
not  Susa,  nor  the  river  on  which  it  stands ;  nor  the  Po,  till  it 
is  spoken  of  as  if  separating  the  Salassi  and  the  Taurini. 
Whether  Strabo  instructs  you  for  coming  into  Italy  in  the 
fourth  book,  or  for  going  out  of  it  in  the  fifth,  he  gives  no 
object  between  Ocelum,  which  is  near  Penestrelles  and  the 
Salassian  Doria. 

Though  Strabo  has  said  nothing  which  suggests  to  other 
persons  the  mountain  now  so  well  known  as  the  Cenis,  Mr. 
Ellis  professes  to  have  discovered  a  Cenis  for  him  by  means  of 
the  MeduUi,  of  whose  districts  Strabo  has  related  some  de- 
finite particulars  in  p.  203,  but  not  those  which  Mr.  EUis  re- 
presents him  to  have  related.  Mr.  Ellis  says,  p.  132,  "  Strabo 
"  speaks  of  a  pass  from  the  country  of  the  MeduUi  into  that 
"  of  the  Taurini :  the  pass  seems  clearly  to  be  that  of  the 
"Little  Mont  Cenis.  The  ascent  begins  at  Bramans,  from 
"which  place  to  Susa  the  distance  is  nearly  200  stadia,  the 
"lake  on  the  summit  being  about  half  way."  Thus  Mr. 
Ellis's  Celtic  ascent  is  from  the  Medulli  at  Bramans,*  and  his 

*  This  places  the  Medulli  in  the  Upper  Maurienne.  When  Mr. 
Ellis  wants  that  place  for  others,  he  will  shift  them  to  the  Lower 
Maurienne.     Were  they  in  either  ? 


CHAP.  III.]  Strabo's  Taurinian  Pass.  19 

Italian  descent  is  to  the  Taurini  at  Susa.  Accordingly,  in  p.  180, 
after  urging  that  Julius  Caesar  was  familiar  with  the  Cenis 
and  the  Arc  valley,  he  says  this  : — "  It  may  now  therefore  be 
*'  concluded  with  safety,  that  the  pass  of  which  Strabo  speaks 
"  (lib.  iv.  c.  6)  between  the  country  of  the  MeduUi  and  that  of 
"  the  Taurini,  was  that  of  the  Little  Mont  Cenis.  (For  this, 
"  and  not  the  Great  Mont  Cenis,  is  the  line  of  road  traced  in 
"  the  Peutingerian  Table.)  The  distance  also  from  Braman  to 
"Susa  is,  according  to  that  table,  25  Koman  miles,  or  200 
"  stadia.  The  most  accurate  half-way  point  would  be  where 
"  the  road  passed  by  the  south-western  corner  of  the  lake  on 
"  the  plateau  of  the  Mont  Cenis.  From  this  point,  reckoning 
"to  Susa  on  the  one  side,  and  to  Bramans  on  the  other,  we 
"should  have  the  two  lengths  of  one  hundred  stadia  each, 
''  which  are  mentioned  by  Strabo." 

I  believe  there  is  no  foundation  for  any  one  of  these  pro- 
positions. Mr.  Ellis  can  hardly  mean  to  say  that  Strabo  ever 
mentions  either  Bramans  or  Susa,  or  that  Csesar  ever  mentions 
them.  But  Mr.  Ellis  does  say  this,  which  is  as  little  war- 
ranted by  fact.  "  The  distance  from  Bramans  to  Susa,  by  the 
"  Little  Mont  Cenis,  is  given  in  the  Peutingerian  Table  as  25 
"  Koman  miles,  or  exactly  200  stadia."  Treat,  p.  132.  Nothing 
whatever  is  said  about  Bramans  in  the  table  :  nor  does  that 
document  show  a  line  of  200  stadia  between  Medulli  and 
Taurini,  or  between  Bramans  and  Susa. 

If  Mr.  Ellis  intends  the  Mellosedo  of  the  table,  which  is 
the  Bramans  of  his  own  imagination,  as  being  25  miles  from 
Susa,  he  has  by  no  means  hit  the  truth  ;  for  that  distance  is 
marked  in  the  table  as  more  than  double  of  25  miles.  Mr. 
Ellis  has  etymological  resources  with  which  he  converts  one 
word  into  another,  but  they  cannot  defy  the  common  pro- 
cesses of  arithmetic.  The  sum  of  the  stages  from  Segusio  to 
Mellosedo  is  at  the  least  55  miles  by  the  Peutingerian  Table 

c  2 


50  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

itself,*  thougli  25  miles  accommodates  itself  better  to  the  200 
stadia  of  Mr.  Ellis. 

Though  Mr.  Ellis  declares  his  conclusion  to  be  a  safe  one, 
there  is  in  it  this  infirmity  among  others ;  that  Strabo,  in  all 
that  he  says  on  the  MeduUi,  does  not  speak  of  any  pass  or 
road  at  all.  Mr.  Ellis  imagines  a  Medullian  pass  out  of  a  few- 
sentences  which  import  no  pass,  and  do  not  even  embrace  the 
idea  of  getting  from  one  place  to  another.  When  Strabo 
•mentions  the  MeduUi,  he  has  been  pointing  out  in  a  rough 
manner  the  locality  of  many  peoples ;  enumerating  Ligyes, 
Salyes,  Massiliots,  the  Volcse  of  Nemausus,  the  Vocontii  ex- 
tending to  the  Allobroges.  Then,  as  if  following  a  direction 
up  the  Is^re,  he  says  this,  p.  203  : — "  After  the  Vocontii  are 
"the  Iconii  and  Tricorii;  and  after  them  the  MeduUi,  who 
"  hold  the  highest  peaks :  in  fact,  they  say  that  the  most 
"  direct  height  of  them  is  100  stadia  in  ascent,  and  the  same 
"again  in  descent  to  the  bounds  of  Italy.  Up  in  the  hollow 
"places  there  stands  a  great  lake,  and  two  springs  not  far 
"  apart  from  each  other ;  from  one  of  which  the  Druentia,  a 
^'  river  in  deep  channels,  flows  in  one  direction,  which  dashes 
"along  into  the  Ehone,  and  the  Doria  in  the  contrary  direc- 
"  tion,  for  it  mixes  with  the  Po,  after  being  carried  through 
"  the  Salassi  into  Cisalpine  Gaul :  and  from  the  other  spring, 
"  on  a  much  lower  level,  issues  the  Po  himself,  both  full  and 
"  rapid.  In  his  progress  he  becomes  greater  and  greater  :  for 
"now  being  in  the  plain,  he  receives  increase  from  many 
"  rivers,  and  is  widened  :  and,  as  he  pours  on,  has  a  distracted 
"and  less  defined  stream.  He  falls  into  the  Adriatic  Sea, 
"having  become  the  greatest  river  of  Europe  after  the 
"  Danube.  The  MeduUi  are  situated  the  farthest  above  the 
"confluence  of  the  Isere  with  the  Khone. 

"  On  the  other  side  of  the  mountain  range  spoken  of,  sloping 

*  See  Mr.  Ellis's  engraving  of  this  part  of  the  Table.     I  shaU 
attempt  one  also. 


CHAP,  in.]  Strabo's  Taicrinian  Pass.  21' 

"towards  Italy,  dwell  the  Taurini,  a  Ligurian  people,  and- 
''  other  Ligurians  :  and  of  these  is  the  land  of  Ideonnus,  and 
"  that  of  Cottius.  Beyond  them  and  the  Po  are  the  Salassi  ; 
"  and  above  these  in  the  mountain  heights,  the  Centrones  and 
"  the  Catoriges,  and  the  Veragri,  and  the  Nantuatse,  and  the 
"  Leman  lake  through  which  the  Ehone  is  carried"  &c. 

This  is  all  that  concerns  the  Medulli,  by  the  only  writer 
who  speaks  concerning  them  :  and  the  matter  is  peculiar.  On 
the  Iconii  and  Tricorii  Strabo  only  says,  that  they  are  next  to 
the  Vocontii.  On  the  Medulli,  whatever  may  have  been  his 
notion  on  their  propinquity  or  remoteness,  much  is  definite 
and  circumstantial.  On  reading  the  words  which  have  been 
quoted,  Mr.  Ellis  has  conceived  a  Pass,  which  gives  the 
traveller  100  stadia  of  ascent  and  100  stadia  of  descent.  These 
200  stadia  he  identifies  with  an  imaginary  25  miles  which  he 
invents  for  the  Table  of  Peutinger,  and  calls  it  "a  line  of 
road  over  the  Little  Mont  Cenis." 

I  really  do  not  perceive  in  the  words  of  Strabo  a  symptom 
of  any  travelling  route  whatever.  'No  terms  are  used,  such 
as  those  with  which  he  instructs  the  traveller  from  the  Ehone 
to  Brian9on  andthe  Genevre  ;  no  686?  ;  no  points  of  starting 
or  arriving ;  no  name  of  place.  He  mentions  the  Po  at  last 
in  a  way  that  is  very  curious,  and,  taken  with  other  circum- 
stances, very  instructive  on  his  views.  He  seems  to  have 
looked  upon  the  Ligurian  Taurini  as  being  on  one  side  of  that 
river,  and  the  Salassi  as  being  on  the  other :  at  any  rate  the 
statement  of  Veragri  and  Centrones  above  them  shows  that 
his  view  was  directed  towards  Cisalpine  Gaul.  The  matter 
which  follows,  whether  about  nations  on  the  Ehone  or  the 
Ehine,  is  as  destitute  of  any  terms  appropriate  to  a  travelling 
route  as  was  the  matter  which  has  gone  before. 

There  is  one  passage  which  Mr.  Ellis*  considers  to  be 
decisive,  as  indicating  a  travelling  road,  which  is  this : — 
*  Cambridge  Journal  of  Philology,  ill.  2Q — 29. 


22  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [PART  Vlli. 

MeSouXXof,  oXirep  ra?  v'sjrTjXoTdra^  exovai  Kopv(f)d<i'  to  yovv 
opdcwTarov  avTwv  {;i/ro9  crraSlcov  efcarov  €')(eiv  (paalv  ttjv 
dvd^aaiv,  KavdivBe  irdXiv  Tr}v  eirl  tov<;  opov^  tov<;  tyj^  'iraXi'a? 
Kard^aatv.  Mr.  Ellis  thinks  that  Strabo  cannot  have  ima- 
gined so  prodigious  an  elevation  above  the  level  of  the  sea. 
This  may  be :  but  he  need  not  therefore  have  intended  a 
measurement  of  distance  on  a  travelled  way.  It  is  indeed  an 
outrageous  supposition  that  the  loftiest  peaks  should  have 
been  estimated  100  stadia  in  height.  But  it  is  so  alleged — 
opdicoTaTov  v-^o^ :  and  nothing  indicates  a  travelled  way. 
*T'^7)\oTdjrj  Kopv(j>7]  is  the  highest  part  of  a  mountain :  but 
no  practised  route  can  be  near  it:  a  traveller,  to  pass  over  a 
mountain,  never  takes  a  straight  line  to  the  highest  top :  he 
neither  seeks  opdidnrarov  v-y^o^,  nor  v^7fKoTdTa<^  Kopvipd^ : 
these  are  the  very  things  which  he  avoids.  Though  that 
reputation  of  height,  as  reported,  was  quite  unworthy  of 
belief,  D'Anville  translates  the  passage  truly,  when  he  says, 
"Strabon  attribue  k  ces  montagnes  100  stades  de  hauteur 
perpendiculaire."  Notice  de  I'Ancienne  Gaule,  in  v.  Me- 
dulli. 

Mr  Ellis  insists  also,  Journal  of  Phil.  iii.  38,  on  the  words 
dvd^aa-LV  and  Kard^aaiv :  and  it  is  true  that  these  two  ideas 
are  necessary  to  a  Pass :  but  the  words  may  be  used  to  express 
the  rise  and  fall  of  a  mountain  or  range  of  mountains,  with- 
out the  implication  of  any  one  going  up  or  going  down,  and 
without  any  thought  of  roads  for  enabling  men  to  do  so.  The 
terms  are  applicable  to  reputed  space,  the  distance  which  it 
would  be  to  go  up  or  to  go  down.  Mr.  Ellis  brings  forward, 
from  Polybius,  that  Hannibal  ivrip'xeTo  t7]<;  /caTa^daeo)^,  and 
afterwards,  that  he  lost  nearly  as  many  men  as  he  had  Kara 
T7]v  avd^aaiv  :  he  also  adduces  dp'^rjv  dua^daeco^  in  Strabo's 
route  through  Embrun  and  Briangon.  But  the  examples  are 
against  him :  in  all  those  instances  there  is  context  which 
prevents  doubt.     In  those  from  Polybius,  the  entire  subject  is 


CHAP.  III.]  Strabo's  Taurinian  Pass.  23 

the  march  of  an  army :  and  in  the  route  cited  from  Strabo,  he 
is  instructing  a  traveller ;  he  describes  a  particular  oSov  from 
one  place,  Sia  another,  f^ixpi'  another :  and  each  distance 
which  composes  the  total  has  its  expressed  termini.  No  one 
doubts  that  the  two  words  are  well  used  in  telling  a  fact  of 
progress  over  a  mountain :  but  they  may  also  be  used  when 
no  such  fact  is  told ;  and  we  must  look  to  the  context  to  see 
whether  it  is  told  or  not.  At  the  end  of  the  fourth  book 
Strabo  compares  the  Alps  with  the  Greek  mountains,  and 
observes  in  what  a  short  time  any  of  the  latter  may  be 
climbed :  we  there  find  the  expression  dva^vvai  Swarov,  and 
the  word  ui/ro?  :  but  there  too  his  purpose  is  only  to  give  an 
idea  of  height  and  the  degree  of  height :  a  travelled  pass  is 
not  implied.  So  height  is  the  thing  predicated  of  the  Kopvcpal 
of  the  MeduUi :  the  ideas  of  up  and  down,  ascent  and  de- 
scent, are  employed  to  enforce  the  greatness  of  their  height. 

The  marvellous  altitude  is  predicated  of  the  highest  tops 
or  peaks  by  Strabo.  ^OpOicoTaTov  and  v'^rfKoTarov  are  not 
descriptive  of  the  tardy  rise  of  an  accustomed  route  over  or 
through  a  mountain ;  nor  need  the  expressed  degree  of  height 
tell  the  distance  along  a  road.  The  Eoche  Michel,  and  the 
Kocher  de  la  Konche,  would  be  worthy  to  be  called  Kopvcpal :. 
the  plateau  of  the  Mont  Cenis  is  no  Kopv4>r}.  Mr.  Ellis,  in 
verification  of  the  direct  altitudes  of  Strabo,  finds  the  half- 
way point  or  summit  at  the  south-west  corner  of  the  lake„ 
and  measures  from  it  in  either  direction  about  100  stadia. 
Bramante,  being  at  the  foot  of  Little  Mont  Cenis,  becomes 
the  base  of  his  Medullian  iJi^o?:  Susa  the  base  of  his 
Taurinian  v-^o^i.  I  apprehend  that  the  Medulli  had  nothing 
to  do  with  Bramante,  and  the  Taurini  nothing  to  do  with 
Susa.  Mr.  Ellis's  distortions  of  geography  and  errors  in 
distances  do  not  acquire  accuracy,  because  I  have  no  lake  to 
take  part  in  my  argument.  Nobody  supposes  that  Strabo  in 
person  made  an  inspection  of  the  sources  of  the  three  rivers 


24  Eai'ly  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

and  of  a  lake  in  the  neighbourhood.  And  his  memory  may 
have  been  in  fault  when,  in  reporting  the  information  which 
he  gathered,  he  brought  a  lake  into  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
two  springs,  as  it  certainly  was  in  fault,  if  he  derived  the 
the  two  rivers  out  of  the  same  spring. 

Never  was  a  fancy  so  bare  of  support  from  context,  as  this 
Pass  of  Mr.  Ellis.  Strabo  enumerates  peoples  of  Provence, 
Dauphine,  Savoy,  Piedmont :  part  of  Switzerland  too  is  in 
the  catalogue ;  which,  after  pausing  at  the  lake  of  Geneva,  is 
adjourned  to  the  Ehine ;  nor  does  it  stop  there  ;  and  the  one 
thing  suggested  as  indicating  a  route  for  travellers  is  a  pass 
hetween  Medulli  and  Taurini ;  and  that  is,  the  Little  Mont 
Cenis.  If  eKarov  was  not  a  mistake  for  BcKdy  and  the  absurd 
reputation  of  altitude  had  really  reached  the  ears  of  Strabo, 
still  he  introduced  it  only  to  give  effect  to  v-y^rfKorara'^  ko- 
pv<j)d<;.  If  he  had  himself  visited  Savoy,  and  achieved  the 
ascent  of  Mont  Blanc,  he  might  have  transmitted  to  us  a 
reputation  of  that  mountain's  height  with  terms  such  as  he 
employs  on  the  Medullian  range :  but  we  should  not  reckon 
Mont  Blanc  in  his  list  of  Passes,  nor  assume  a  travelling  road 
up  the  Mur  de  la  Cote  or  down  the  Glacier  de  Brenva. 

He,  the  one  writer  who  gives  account  of  the  Medulli,  states 
particulars  calculated  to  identify  generally  their  position ; 
which  seems  to  have  been  along  that  range  of  the  opeLvrj, 
which  is  the  main  outer  chain  of  the  Western  Alps  ;  and 
would  embrace  those  parts  above  the  source  of  the  Isere, 
whence  one  might  look  westward  upon  Mont  Iseran  and  the 
valleys  which  enclose  it,  and  eastward  to  the  Italian  plain. 
Mr.  Ellis  (Jmirn^  of  Philology,  iii.  17)  complains  of  this 
"  transportation  of  the  Medulli  to  Arctic  regions  " — that  I 
assign  to  them  "  an  eccentric  position,"  and  that  I  "  might 
have  interpreted  v'\^rj\oTdTa^  Kopvcj^dt;  more  mercifully."  I 
am  content  with  interpreting  justly :  I  pretend  not  to  draw 
a  ground  plan  of  the  Medullian  territory :  but  I  collect  from 


CHAP.  III.]  St7'aho*s  Taurinian  Pass.  25 

Strabo,  that  it  must  have  included  those  heights  of  Alps, 
from  which  descend  the  supplies  to  the  Stura  and  the  Oreo, 
themselves  tributary  to  the  Po,  and  which  overlook  the  plains 
where  the  Taurini  were  near  to  the  Salassi  and  the  Cisalpine 
Gauls. 


The  Dictionary  of  GeograpJiy,  1856,  on  the  Medulli. 

Though  no  other  critic  besides  Mr.  Ellis  has  imputed  to 
Strabo  a  Medullian  Pass,  he  has  received  some  countenance 
on  the  position  of  that  people  from  a  strong  Cambridge 
authority,  Mr.  G.  Long,  who  also  locates  them  in  the  Mau- 
rienne.  The  following  words  appear  from  his  pen  in  Dr. 
Smith's  Dictionary  of  Geography. 

"  Strabo's  description  of  the  position  of  this  people  is  clear. 
"  iv.  p.  203.  After  the  Vocontii  are  the  Siconii  (Iconii)  and 
"  Tricorii,  and  then  the  Medualli,  who  occupy  the  highest 
"  summits  (of  the  Alps);  now  they  say  that  the  highest  part 
"  of  their  country  has  an  ascent  of  one  hundred  stadia,  and 
"  thence  to  the  borders  of  Italy  the  descent  is  as  much :  and 
"  above,  in  certain  hollows,  there  is  a  great  lake  and  two 
*'  springs  not  far  from  one  another,  and  from  one  of  these 
"  flows  the  Druentius  (Durance),  a  torrent  stream  which  flows 
"  down  to  the  Ehodanus  ;  and  the  Durias  (Doria)  runs  in  the 
"  opposite  direction,  for  it  joins  the  Padus  (Po),  flowing  down 
"  through  the  country  of  the  Salassi  into  Celtice  south  of  the 
"  Alps.  When  Strabo  says  further  (iv.  p.  204)  that  the 
"  Medulli  lie  as  near  as  may  be  (fidXio-To)  above  the  conflu- 
"  ence  of  the  Isara  and  the  Ehone,  he  is  not  speaking  of 
"  distance,  but  of  direction  or  position ;  for  he  adds,  '  and 
"  the  other  side  of  the  mountain  country  above  described, 
"  that  part  that  slopes  towards  Italy,  is  occupied  by  the 
"  Taurini,  a  Ligurian  people,  and  other  Ligures.'  The  con- 
"  elusion  is  easy,  that  the  Medulli  were  in  the  Maurienne, 


26  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

"north  and  south  of  the  town  of  St.  Jean  de  Maurienne,  and 
"  enclosed  between  the  Tarentaise  and  Dauphin^." 

I  confess  it  appears  to  me  that  this  conclusion,  instead  of 
being  easy,  will  be  found  inadmissible ;  especially  as  from 
the  passage  that  Mr.  Long  would  quote,  he  omits  a  very  im- 
portant part,  namely,  the  Medullian  origin  of  the  Po.  Strabo 
not  only  states  that  there  are  two  springs  not  far  from  one 
another,  and  that  the  Durance  and  the  Doria  flow  from  one  of 
them,  but  that  the  Po  himself  flows  from  the  other.  This  is 
omitted  from  the  translation :  also  what  follows  the  part 
quoted  on  the  Taurini ; — "  After  them  and  the  Po  are  the 
"  Salassi,  and,  above  them,  Centrones,  Veragri,  Nantuates, 
"  Leman  Lake,"  &c. 

In  his  translation,  Mr.  Long  renders  yLter  avroi/^  MiBovWoc, 
"  then  the  Medulli :  "  and  under  the  word  "  Tricorii,"  in  the 
same  work,  he  renders  the  words,  "  next  to  them  the  Medulli." 
Would  it  not  be  safer  to  say,  "  after  them  the  Medulli  ?  "  for 
though  they  stand  next  in  the  enumeration,  their  proximity 
may  have  been,  and  I  believe  was,  longo  intervallo. 

I  would  also  observe,  that  the  opdKoraTov  vyjro<i  of 
vyjrrjXoTaraL  Kvpv(\>ai  is  not  very  pointedly  translated,  "  the 
highest  part  of  their  country."  Strabo  had  evidently  heard 
much  that  was  remarkable  on  the  district  held  by  this  people  : 
and  his  information  was  probably  derived  from  the  Italian 
side  of  the  Alps,  not  from  the  dwellers  on  the  Arc  or  the  Is^re. 
The  prominent  incidents  of  the  original  passage,  as  we  read 
it,  are  the  towering  /cvpvcjiaL,  the  direct  height  of  these  Kvpv(J3al 
and  the  three  sources  of  rivers,  the  Druentia,  the  Doria,  and 
the  Po. 

After  describing  the  varied  character  of  the  Po,  and  his 
course  to  the  Adriatic,  Strabo  reverts  to  the  Medulli  with 
these  words — 'TirepKeiVTaL  K  ol  MiSovWoc  ficiXLara  t^? 
a-vfjL^o\rj<:  Tov  "lo-apofi  tt/jo?  tov  'Vo8av6v>  The  critic  renders 
fiakiaTa,  "  as  near  as  may  be  ;  "  and  observes  that  Strabo  "  is 


CHAP.  III.]  Strabo's  Taurinian  Pass.  27 

not  speaking  of  distance,  but  of  direction  or  position."  It 
seems  to  me  that  he  is  speaking  of  distance,  as  well  as  of 
direction  and  position :  and  that  fidXiara  belongs  to  virip ; 
meaning,  that  the  MeduUi  are  farthest  above  and  farthest 
beyond  the  confluence  of  the  Rhone  and  the  Is^re.  Strabo 
says  this,  as  if  he  felt  it  to  be  a  long  stretch  from  the  Iconii 
and  Tricorii  to  the  Medulli :  and  well  he  might,  for  he  pour- 
trays  the  mountains  of  the  Medulli  at  a  monstrous  elevation, 
overhanging  the  Taurini  of  Italy,  saying,  at  the  same  time, 
"  beyond  these  and  the  Po,  are  the  Salassi,  and,  above  them, 
"  the  Centrones,  and  Veragri,  and  Nantuates,  and  the  Leman 
"  Lake,  and  the  source  of  the  Ehone." 

While  this  shows  distance  in  the  Medulli,  direction  is  also 
intimated  :  but  direction  as  well  as  distance  is  indicated  from 
the  avfjL^dXrj ;  and  is  to  be  understood  as  the  direction  up  the 
Is^re,  not  up  the  Arc.  As  to  position,  our  apprehension  of  it 
must  be  from  the  incidents  and  the  entire  description ;  not 
forgetting  the  hollow  places,  whence  issued  two  Italian  rivers 
and  one  Celtic,  nor  the  fall  to  Italy  towards  the  Taurini,*  a 
people  commonly  supposed  to  have  reached  to  the  Oreo,  which 
probably  divided  them  from  the  Salassi  and  Gauls  of  the 
plain.  Seeing  also  the  enumeration,  which  follows  this  sen- 
tence, of  peoples  on  the  Rhone  and  the  Rhine,  and  that  all 
these  ideas  spring  out  of  his  notice  of  the  Medulli,  we  may  at 
least  hesitate  to  conclude  that  this  people  was  "  in  the  valley 
of  the  Arc,  north  and  south  of  St.  Jean  de  Maurienne." 

In  these  passages  of  Strabo  concerning  rivers  which  have 
their  sources  in  the  MeduUian  mountains,  some  propositions 
are  true,  some  erroneous — there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  as 
to  which  are  true  and  which  not.  The  subject  will  arise 
again  presently,  on  considering  the  Po  and  the  Doria  of  Strabo. 

*  See  further  on  the  Taurini,  in  the  comment  on  Livy. 


28  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 


CHAPTEE  IV.   . 

Polyhius  knew  no  Taurinian  hyperhasis.     The  Po  of  Polyhius. 

Looking  at  the  period  when  Polyhius  wrote,  one  sees  no 
reason  that  he  should  have  heard  of  a  Pass  through  those 
middle  Alps,  which  Livy  and  Strabo  alluded  to  in  later  times, 
one  with  the  term  Taurinos  saltus,  the  other  by  virep^aai^ 
hia  Tavpiv(ov :  and  the  feebleness  of  the  light  which  those 
later  writers  throw  on  the  Italian  descent  from  those  moun- 
tains, makes  it  probable  that  still  less  light  had  shone  upon 
Polyhius,  who  was  fully  150  years  earlier. 

Turin  was  founded  by  Augustus  :  and  there  are  now  three 
ready  ways  of  going  over  the  Alps  from  that  place  :  one  which, 
crossing  the  plain  to  Pinerolo,  finds  the  valley  of  the  Clusone, 
and  goes  over  the  Col  de  Sestri^re  before  it  brings  you  to 
Cesanne,  and  the  Mont  Genevre  :  *  one  which  goes  up  through 
Susa  to  Cesanne  and  the  Mont  Genevre  :  and  a  third,  which, 
being  the  same  to  Susa,  strikes  northward  from  thence  over  the 
Mont  Cenis.  The  first  was  probably  opened  by  Pompey  ;  and 
was  used  by  Csesar  sixteen  years  afterwards  :  the  second  was 
established  by  Augustus,  who  made  it  his  approach  to  the 
same  summit,  when  he  was  laying  the  foundations  of  his  new 
city  Augusta  Taurinorum  :  the  third,  according  to  Mr.  Ellis, 
is  first  named  as  crossed  by  Pepin  in  755.  See  the  Treatise, 
p.  159. 

Why  must  Polyhius,  who  preceded  Pompey  by  a  century, 
have  been  acquainted  with  any  pass  through  these  Alps  ?  He 
was  an  enterprising  traveller  :  but  this  region  was  not  inviting  : 
in  matters  of  art  and  antiquity  it  had  not  the  attraction  which 

*  See  Brockedon's  Passes  of  the  Alps,  i.  p.  15. 


CHAP.  IV.]         Knowledge  of  Polyhius — ffis  Po.  29 

belonged  to  other  parts  of  Italy,  not  the  same  interest  from 
Greek  connection.  Strabo,  v.  218,  says  of  the  Ligurians  of 
the  Appennine,  that  they  lived  in  villages,  and  that  their 
country  possessed  nothing  worthy  for  him  to  relate.  It  is 
assumed  always,  that  Polybius  must  have  been,  at  Turin  : 
more  probably  there  was  no  Turin  for  him  to  write  about,  or 
for  Hannibal  to  have  gone  to.  The  object  of  Polybius  was  to 
investigate  the  Carthaginian  course  through  the  Alps  :  he  may 
or  may  not  have  deviated  to  the  scene  of  such  collateral  ex- 
ploit. But  if  he  did  so,  and  as  far  as  what  became  the  site  of 
Turin,  he  would  not,  by  so  doing,  acquire  a  knowledge  of  any 
Alpine  pass.  The  Taurini  are  believed  to  have  reached  under 
the  Alps  to  the  Oreo,  or  the  Doria  :  and  wherever  their  best 
town  might  be  in  B.C.  218,  there  is  no  necessity  that  a  vestige 
of  it  should  long  remain.  All  critics  seem  to  assume  a  local 
identity  of  the  Taurine  town  sacked  by  Hannibal  with  Turin  : 
the  Oxford  Dissertation  speaks  of  "  the  capture  of  Turin  by 
Hannibal."  Dr.  Liddell  states  the  dispute  to  be  on  what  route 
Polybius  intended  from  GrenoUe  to  Turin.  Why  must  the 
rough  people,  who  then  occupied  the  foot  of  the  mountain 
range,  have  had  their  chief  place  at  the  confluence  of  rivers 
where  Augustus  chose  to  found  that  city  two  centuries  after- 
wards ?  Is  there  any  earlier  trace  of  it?  Strabo  explains  to 
us  in  detail  the  Augusta  Salassorum  :  he  gives  no  hint  of 
Augusta  Taurinorum  :  he  had  never  heard  of  it,  nor  had  any 
acquaintance  with  it.  If  we  look  for  aid  to  Polybius  himself, 
his  instruction  on  the  Taurini  is  only  this  ;  tt^o?  rfj  Trapcopela 
KaToiKovvTe<; — just  in  front  of  the  mountain  side.  The  town 
which  was  sacked  by  Hannibal  may  well  have  been  north  of 
Turin  :  and  it  is  for  those  who  talk  of  that  town  as  existing 
in  his  time,  to  give  a  reason  for  it.  Who  can  say  that  the 
unhappy  place  continued  to  be  a  town  at  all  after  the  plunder 
and  massacre  of  its  inhabitants  by  the  Carthaginian  soldiery  ! 
It  is  indeed  called  papyrdrr)  ttoXc^  of  the  nation  who  owned 


30  Emiy  Knowledge  of  the  Alps,  [part  Vlll. 

it :  but  we  may  even  doubt  that  the  title  of  iroXi^i  was 
deserved.  Strabo  notices  the  earlier  historian,  tov^  7rvpyov<; 
KoXovvra  TroXetfi.     iii.  63. 

Let  us,  however,  assume  that  Polybius,  in  his  inquiring 
journey,  found  himself  in  that  part  of  the  plain  where  the  city 
of  Turin  now  stands  :  would  that  add  to  his  knowledge  of 
passes?  What  would  be  the  provocation  for  him,  or  any 
writer  of  his  day,  to  record  a  Taurine  pass  ?  When  we  talk 
of  a  pass  of  Alps  as  known  or  unknown,  we  mean  to  recognize 
a  great  channel  for  armies  or  merchandise,  not  the  existence 
of  mountain  tracks  for  native  inhabitants.  These  must  always 
be  presumed  in  any  part  of  the  chain  :  but  they  would  not  be 
commemorated  in  a  short  historical  catalogue.  In  the  days 
of  Polybius,  a  Taurine  pass  had  no  historical  importance,  no 
claim  to  Eoman  acquaintance  :  no  Eoman  force  had  ever 
threatened  it :  nor  need  we  accept  it  as  the  course  of  early 
invasions.  Livy's  fable  of  Bellovesus  is  exploded  by  Niebuhr, 
with  its  political  improbabilities  and  chronological  errors : — 
''  a  fabrication  without  the  slightest  historical  ground."  *  A 
man  interpreting  the  narrative  of  Polybius  must  not  presume 
his  acquaintance  with  a  Taurine  pass.  When  he  can  prove 
that  his  narrative  itself  imports  such  a  pass,  then  and  not 
before,  he  may  say  that  Polybius  was  aware  of  its  existence. 

It  is  possible  that  the  great  authority  to  which  I  have 
just  referred  might  here  be  cited  against  me,  as  intimating  an 
early  Eoman  acquaintance  with  those  Cottian  Alps.  Although 
we  know  that  Niebuhr  did  not  suppose  Hannibal  to  have 
crossed  the  Mont  Gen^vre,  there  is  a  sentence  in  his  latter 
lectures,  edited  by  Dr.  Schmitz,  which  seems  to  assume  that 
the  Eomans  had  knowledge  of  that  pass  as  early  as  the  inva- 
sion of  Hannibal :  — '*  Hannibal  now  marched  further  up  the 
"  Ehone,and  Scipio  returned  to  his  ships,  though  he  might  have 
"  been  of  real  service  to  his  country,  if  he  had  taken  his  road 
..    -  *  Transl.  Hare  and  Thirlwall,  third  ed.  ii.  516. 


CHAP.  IV.]  Knoioledye  of  Polijhms — His  To.  31 

"  towards  Brian^on  and  Susa :  for  he  would  thus  have  been 
"  enabled  to  attack  the  rear  of  the  Carthaginians,  while  the 
*'  Gauls  might  have  stopped  the  vanguard  by  an  abattis."  * 
These  are  strange  propositions :  but,  while  one  is  surprised 
that  they  should  have  been  uttered,  I  cannot  doubt  the  ac- 
curacy of  the  report :  the  world  is  under  great  obligation  to 
Dr.  Leonhard  Schmitz,  for  the  courageous  act  of  publishing 
his  most  interesting  and  well-written  volumes.  He  fairly 
points  out  the  necessary  causes  of  their  imperfection,  and 
admits  that  some  variation  from  the  original  was  inevitable  : 
but  the  original  himself  is  also  to  be  excused,  if,  under  failing 
health,  and  in  the  gigantic  effort  of  wielding  the  details  of  all 
authors,  and  all  their  interpreters,  in  extempore  lectures,  minor 
faults,  whether  of  fact  or  comment,  might  occasionally  take 
place  :  as,  in  the  same  lecture,  we  read  of  Hannibal  reaching 
the  summit  of  the  Alps  in  September.  We  must  condemn 
as  untenable  the  notion  of  Scipio  struggling  over  the  Genevre 
for  the  chance  of  worrying  the  tail  of  Hannibal's  march,  on 
his  entrance  into  Italy  :  it  assumes  the  easy  faculty  of  a 
transit  which  the  Eo'mans  never  attempted  till  near  a  century 
and  a  half  after  the  time  in  question.  Let  us,  in  this  par- 
ticular matter,  rather  commend  the  sound  and  interesting 
remarks  of  Dr.  Arnold  on  the  policy  of  Seipio,  in  sending  his 
army  forward  to  Spain,  f 

The  Fa  of  Polylius. 

A  discussion  which  concerns  the  knowledge  that  Polybius 
and  those  of  his  day  might  have  of  an  ascent  of  Alps  from 
the  region  in  which  Turin  was  afterwards  placed,  necessarily 
draws  us  to  notice  what  he  has  said  of  the  great  Italian  river; 
and  to  inquire,  whether  the  higher  parts  of  that  celebrated 
stream,  as  now  recognised,  were  known  to  him  as  the  Po. 
Towards  the  north-west  parts  of  the  plain  of  Italy,  certain 

*  Vol.  i.  Lect.  9,  p.  169.        f  Hist,  of  Rome,  iii.  c.  43,  p.  81. 


32  Early  Knoioledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viil. 

rivers,  some  flowing  from  the  north,  some  from  the  west,  and 
some  from  the  south,  come  together  and  form  one  great  stream, 
the  Po,  which  then  runs  eastward,  and  is  discharged  into  the 
Adriatic  gulph.  The  name  Po  is  by  preference  assigned  to 
one  of  the  earlier  contribuent  streams,  not  perhaps  the  most 
important :  and  there  was  a  time  when  this  dignity  had  not 
been  so  awarded,  nor  recognised  by  the  world.  Pliny  first 
speaks  of  the  Po  as  rising  in  Monte  Viso.  Ptolemy  does  not 
follow  him. 

In  the  geographical  instructions  given  by  Polybius,  he  had 
to  rely  much  on  what  his  own  experience  taught  him ;  espe- 
cially on  the  Alps.  The  early  Eomans  were  little  acquainted 
with  the  western  and  south-western  parts  of  the  plain  of 
Italy,  and  he  himself  may  not  have  had  opportunity  to 
survey  it.  He  felt  that  the  places  to  be  named  as  points  of 
contrast  ought  to  be  places  known  to  those  whom  he  was 
instructing :  and  he  had  a  fancy  for  inviting  his  readers  to 
imagine  three-sided  figures  by  suggesting  sides  and  angles. 
Such  is  his  figure  of  the  Allobrogian  island.  In  Dauphin^ 
there  were  rivers  for  two  sides,  and  mountain  for  the  third. 
Italy  has  two  sides,  sea :  the  third,  Alps.  For  the  Padan 
plain,  one  side  only  is  sea :  and  the  terms  by  which  he  names 
the  two  others,  are  Alps  and  Appennine.  He  sometimes  found 
it  convenient  to  call  the  former  the  northern  side,  the  latter 
the  southern.  Accordingly  commentators  interpreting  Polybius 
with  differing  views,  may  each  find  means  to  justify  them- 
selves. 

It  is  well  to  note  what  he  says  himself  on  the  course  of  the 
Po.  "  The  river  Padus,  famed  by  poets  as  Eridanus,  has  his 
"  fountains  from  the  Alps,  rather  towards  the  apex  of  the 
"  figure  above  mentioned :  he  is  carried  down  to  the  plains, 
"  making  his  course  as  to  the  south  (ft)?  eVl  fMeo-rj/jL^plav)  : 
"  arrived  in  the  level  country,  h^  bends  his  stream  and  is 
"  carried  through  the  plains  towards  the  east,  and  discharges 


CHAP.  IV.]         Knowledge  of  Polyhius — His  Po.  33 

"  himself  by  two  mouths  into  the  Adriatic  gulf.  So  bisecting 
"  the  plain  he  leaves  the  larger  portion  of  it  towards  the  Alps 
"  and  the  Adriatic."  ii.  16,  6.  This  does  not  describe  the 
Po  of  the  present  day,  which,  before  the  bend  to  the  eastward, 
has  been  running  to  the  north. 

It  is  said  in  Cramer's  Ancient  Italy,  i.  45,  that  the  Po  does 
in  fact  run  for  a  short  way  south,  being  the  first  direction 
from  his  cradle  in  Monte  Viso.  And  another  friend,  H.  L. 
Long,  p.  103,  deems  the  Maira  to  be  the  Po  of  Polybius, 
suggesting  that  we  should  read,  not  eVt  fiea-rjfjL^plav,  but  aTrb 
fiearjfi^plm.  There  is  an  unavailing  refinement  in  such 
contrivances :  let  us  rather  endeavour  to  understand  what 
Polybius  has  written,  than  pretend  to  write  something  for 
him,  or  to  deny  his  imperfections.  We  must  take  him  to 
mean  what  he  says,  when  his  words  have  no  ambiguity  in 
themselves.  Even  if  they  were  less  clear,  I  know  not  why 
we  need  presume  that  names  of  things  were  the  same  to  him 
as  to  those  who  came  two  or  three  hundred  years  after  him. 
That  portion  of  the  modern  Po  which  Polybius  did  not  recog- 
nise by  that  name,  is  not  the  important  fraction  of  the  whole 
line  of  stream.  To  all  the  deeper  Po  he  accords  the  name  : 
he  shows  how  this  noble  river  divides  the  fertile  plain  of  Italy 
in  its  course  from  west  to  east ;  by  which  we  understand  the 
mutual  approach  of  Hannibal  and  Scipio  on  the  north  side, 
movements  which  he  describes  as  on  the  side  towards  the 
Alps,  one  having  the  river  on  his  right  hand,  the  other  on 
his  left. 

There  is  further  identification  of  the  region  where  he  con- 
ceived the  source.  He  says,  ii.  15,  that  in  former  days,  when 
the  Gauls  broke  into  Italy,  and  dispossessed  the  Tyrrhenians 
of  the  plains  of  the  Po,  the  first  parts  they  seized,  to,  wpcora 
Kol  Trept  ra?  dvaTo\a<i  tov  IldBov  KeCfJueva,  were  occupied  by 
the  Lai  and  Libicii — the  first  plains  near  the  sources  of  the 
Po — and  that  next  to  them  were  the  Insubres,  and  further 

VOL.  II.  D 


34  Early  Knmvledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viil. 

down  the  Cenomaiii.  If  with  Mebiihr  we  believe  those  in- 
vading hordes  to  have  poured  themselves  down  the  valley  of 
Aosta,  the  first  plains  that  offered  themselves  were  on  the 
Doria.  These  we  must  apprehend  as  belonging  to  the  early 
Po  of  Polybius.  But  there  is  enough  without  Niebuhr : 
Polybius  and  others  have  placed  those  tribes,  while  they 
lasted,  next  above  the  Insubres  ;  and,  if  those  first  plains 
were  upon  the  early  Po,  what  was  that  Po  but  the  Orca  or 
the  Doria?  Those  rivers  had  then  been  running  oj?  eirl 
IJLe(T7}fj,fipiav.  When  Polybius  says,  ii.  16,  that  the  natives 
called  the  Po,  Bodeneus  :  this  too  is  consistent  with  the  rest : 
the  town  Bodincomagus  is  named  by  Pliny,  iii.  21,  "  ubi  prin- 
cipua  altitudo  incipit ; "  probably  not  far  from  Chivasso. 

This  vindication  of  the  Po  of  Polybius,  may  be  considered 
by  some  as  a  confession  of  his  errors.  It  is  none  :  if  the 
Oreo  or  the  Doria,  neither  of  which  he  ever  names,  were  to 
his  mind  the  great  river,  this  was  not  error,  unless  it  was 
opposed  to  the  received  geography  of  his  own  time.  Who 
shall  say  that  the  innumerable  streams  which  compose  the 
flood  that  pours  into  the  Adriatic  had  then  been  classed  by 
geographers  and  travellers  as  we  class  them  now?  The 
largest  or  most  remote  contribuent  of  a  noble  river  does  not 
always  bear  the  great  name  itself:  and,  while  Eome  was 
without  progress  in  Western  Italy,  her  geographers  had  not 
pronounced  at  each  confluence  which  was  the  worthier  stream; 
many  that  might  compete  for  being  the  predominant  source, 
were  not  under  Eoman  control :  the  one  fact,  that  the  memo- 
rials of  Hannibal's  route  could  even  in  the  time  of  Augustus 
be  thrown  into  confusion,  shows  how  feeble  in  the  interval 
had  been  the  connexion  of  Eome  with  the  Alps.  Strabo 
relates  their  creeping  progress  along  the  Ligurian  coast,  the 
avenue  to  Spain,  the  first  line  by  which  the  Eomaus  burst 
the  mountain  barrier  of  Italy :  he  says,  iv.  203,  "  All  that 
"  they  did  after  a  war  of  eighty  years,  was  to  compel  the 


CHAP,  v.]         Po  and  Doria  of  Strdbo,  Lib.  iv.  203.  35 

"  natives  to  leave  them  a  space,  a  mile  and  a  half  in  width,  as 
"  an  open  way."  In  those  eighty  years  Polybius  passed  from 
the  cradle  to  the  grave  :  and  two  centuries  more  had  nearly 
elapsed,  when  Pliny  declared  the  Po  to  rise  in  Vesulus.  This 
mountain  was  celebrated  by  Virgil :  but  not  the  Po  as  flowing 
from  it :  and,  if  it  shall  appear  that  the  geographer  Strabo, 
the  contemporary  of  Virgil,  never  mentions  the  Po  of  Turin, 
but  derived  his  source  from  more  northern  mountains,  Poly- 
bius may  be  the  more  readily  excused,  that  he  did  not  record 
the  early  fountain  as  reputed  in  the  present  day. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Po  and  tlie  Doria  of  Strdbo :  Lib.  iv.  p.  203. 

Stkabo  might  have  known  much  of  the  country  that  we 
speak  of,  which  Polybius  was  not  likely  to  know:  Strabo 
lived  after  Pompey  and  Caesar;  Polybius  was  long  before 
them.  Yet  Strabo's  knowledge  is  not  to  be  assumed  from 
what  it  might  have  been :  his  information  was  partial  and 
precarious ;  it  depended  mostly  upon  the  writings  of  others 
which  he  met  with  ;  and  we  must  apprehend  his  conceptions 
and  the  extent  of  them  from  his  own  writings.  There  is 
sometimes  negative  evidence,  in  his  showing  no  knowledge 
where,  if  he  had  it,  he  was  likely  to  employ  it :  as  in  not 
continuing  the  line  of  descent  from  Ocelum  to  the  Cisalpine 
Gauls.  At  present,  dealing  with  his  apprehension  of  the  Po, 
we  will  first  notice  his  affirmative  statement  concerning  the 
source  of  that  river :  for  in  one  passage  only  does  he  ever 
assert  the  source. 

In  lib.  iv.  203,  Strabo,  describing  the  position  of  the  Medulli, 
as  said  before,  tells  of  two  springs  not  far  apart,  giving  rise 

d2 


36  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

one  to  the  Doria  and  Druentia,  the  other  to  the  Po.  He 
states,  that  from  one  of  these  springs  the  Druentia  flows  one 
way  to  the  Khone,  and  the  Doria  the  contrary  way  through 
the  Salassi  to  the  Po,  and  that  from  the  other  spring  flows 
the  Po  himself.  I  believe  that  Strabo  has  in  no  other  place 
spoken  of  the  source  of  the  Po :  and  I  do  not  find  that  the 
words,  by  which  he  here  places  it  in  the  mountains  of  the 
Medulli,  are  quoted  by  any  modern  writer :  possibly  because 
they  have  not  studied  to  construe  the  position  which  Strabo 
assigns  to  the  region  of  the  Medulli  themselves.  I  have 
ventured  to  notice  the  article  "  Medulli  "  in  Dr.  Smith's  Dic- 
tionary by  an  author  of  some  weight ;  expressing  my  surprise 
that  in  citing  Strabo's  passage  on  the  sources  of  the  rivers,  he 
had  omitted  the  Po.  He  sets  out  Strabo's  Trrjyal  Bvo,  and 
tells  you  what  flowed  from  one  of  them ;  but  does  not  say 
what  flowed  from  the  other  ;  which  was  avTo<;  6  YldBo*;. 

Neither  in  D'Anville,  nor  in  those  who  have  followed  him, 
is  there  an  attempt  to  deal  with  the  Medullian  origin  of  the 
Po.  The  passage  is  often  referred  to  in  the  excellent  recent 
work  I  have  mentioned  :  but  those  words  are  always  left  out. 
Under  the  titles,  Doria,  Druentia,  Medulli,  Alpes  Cottiae, 
Padus,  the  writings  of  Strabo  are  referred  to  :  but  his  source 
of  the  Po  is  never  quoted.  If  it  is  supposed  that  the  source 
of  Pliny  must  have  been  the  source  of  Strabo,  and  even  of 
Polybius,  I  cannot  acknowledge  such  necessity;  nor  do  I 
acknowledge  that,  on  the  position  of  the  Medulli,  Strabo  is 
rightly  construed. 

In  the  text  of  Strabo,  as  usually  received,  there  is  a  state- 
ment which  cannot  be  accepted ;  viz.  that  the  same  spring 
sends  one  river,  the  Druentia,  to  the  Ehone,  westward ;  and 
another,  the  Doria,  to  the  Po,  eastward.  It  is  usual  to  con- 
strue this  the  minor  Doria;  which  does  not  remove  the 
difficulty,  but  increases  it.  Strabo  gives  a  long  account  of  the 
Doria  of  the  Salassi,  minute  and  accurate,  such  as  he  could 


CHAP,  v.]       Po  and  Doria  of  Stmho,  Lib.  iv.  203. 


37 


only  write  with  full  intention,  and  knowledge  of  that  subject : 
yet  we  read  at  the  same  time,  that  the  Medullian  fountain 
which  sends  out  the  Druentia  to  join  the  Ehone,  sends  out  the 
Doria  to  join  the  Po.  We  know  this  not  to  be  true:  and, 
though  we  cannot  account  for  the  error,  we  may  doubt  those 
who  vindicate  it  as  correct,  and  who  profess  to  explain  it. 

They  say  that  the  Druentia,  and  the  minor  Doria  of  Pliny, 
do  flow  from  the  same  fountain,  not  among  the  Medulli,  but 
in  the  range  of  the  Gen^vre.  This  is  an  ingenious  conjecture. 
But  Strabo,  I  believe,  knew  no  minor  Doria :  and,  if  he  had, 
this  would  be  no  sufficient  answer.  Do  those  rivers  spring 
from  one  fountain  ?  You  must  greatly  strain  the  facts,  before 
you  can  venture  on  such  an  assertion.  Neither  springs  from 
Mont  Gen^vre.  It  is  true  that  the  Druentia,  flowing  south- 
ward under  those  Alps,  and  of  course  receiving  augmentation 
as  he  goes  along,  gets  a  little  of  it  in  passing  the  Mont 
Gen^vre  as  he  approaches  Brian9on.  The  Doria  minor, 
running  northward  below  the  other  side  of  the  same  ridge, 
may  also  receive  contributions  as  he  skirts  the  same  range. 
But  the  former  has  run  down  the  valley  of  Prez,  coming  from 
more  northern  mountains  above  Neuvache,  and  has  been  rein- 
forced on  the  left  bank  by  greater  torrents  than  that  from  the 
Genevre.  So  the  minor  Doria  springs  far  south  from  the 
Co  1  du  Cramiol,  and  the  Vallon  de  la  Fiourni^re,  whence  it 
j.uns  in  a  north-west  direction  till,  having  passed  Cesanne,  it 
goes  forward  to  Oulx,  Susa,  and  Turin,  These  are  the  facts : 
and  as  their  TrrjyaL  are  very  many  miles  asunder,  he  must  be 
a  bold  man  who  talks  of  their  springing  from  one  fountain, 
a  s  a  solution  of  the  strange  idea  of  Druentia  in  Strabo's  tale 
o  f  the  Salassi. 

All  who  have  noticed  the  passage,  have  seemed  to  think  that 
Strabo  wrote  under  a  particular  mistake.  D'Anville  said  first, 
'*  II  faut  regarder  une  meprise  dans  laquelle  il  tombe  a  I'egard 
*'  de  la  Doria  Eiparia,  en  disant  qu'elle  coule  chez  les  Salassi, 


88  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  vili. 

"  ce  qui  ne  convient  qu'^  la  Doria  Baltea."  Mr.  G-.  Long  says 
(in  V.  Druentia),  "  Strabo  is  mistaken  about  the  Doria  minor, 
"  for  it  is  the  other,  which  flows  through  the  country  of  the 
"  Salassi.  Two  streams  rise  on  Mont  Genevre :  one  is  the 
"  Durance,  and  the  other  is  the  Doria."  Can  it  be  assumed 
that  he  was  employed  on  the  minor  Doria,  and  that  his  mis- 
take was  in  importing  matter  which  could  only  apply  to  the 
Salassian  Doria  ?  I  do  not  believe  that  Strabo  ever  meant  to 
speak  of  the  minor  Doria  at  all :  and  the  question  is,  which 
is  the  Doria  of  which  he  gives  us  that  long  and  interesting 
history ;  more  interesting,  as  Livy's  book  is  lost,  which  con- 
tained the  same  unhappy  picture. 

First  a  few  words  to  show  that  Strabo  probably  knew  of  no 
second  Doria.  One  would  conceive  that  those  who  assume  him 
to  have  known  it,  suppose  that  it  was  fn  his  day  a  stream  of 
some  known  importance.  No  one  would  suspect  that  it  is  not  to 
be  found  in  all  his  works,  and  is  not  alluded  to  by  any  ancient 
writer  before  Pliny.  He,  coming  ninety  years  after  Strabo, 
may  have  intended  to  recognise  as  a  second  Doria,  the  river 
of  Susa,  though  he  gives  it  no  locality.  Enumerating  the 
rivers  that  fell  into  the  Po  on  the  left  bank,  he  reports  them 
in  this  order  :  Sturam,  Orgum,  Durias  duas,  Sessitem,  Ticinum. 
If  we  come  down  ninety  years  further,  we  find  Ptolemy  men- 
tioning only  one  Doria  :  and  that  is  the  Doria  Baltea.  Strabo 
mentions  it  a  second  time,  in  the  fifth  book.  In  the  Geog.  Bid. 
under  "Duria,"  Mr.  Bunbury  says — "Strabo  mentions  only 
one  river  of  the  name."  I  go  further,  and  say  that  he  men- 
tions it  twice  ;  and  I  believe  that  in  both  instances  it  is  the 
Doria  of  the  Salassi.  The  Doria  of  the  Salassi,  and  the 
country  through  which  it  flows,  is  a  subject  on  which  Strabo 
has  dwelt  with  some  pains,  and  given  an  intelligible  picture  of 
it,  except  in  regard  of  the  Druentia :  and  it  may  be  well  to 
repeat  the  whole  of  it :  and,  though  sonje  have  been  quoted 
before,  I  will  begin  at  the  beginning. 


CHAP,  v.]       Po  and  Doria  ofStrabo,  Lib.  iv.  203.  39 

Having  said  of  the  Vocontii  that  they  reach  to  the  AUo- 
brages,  his  statement  is  read  thus,  p.  203  : — "  After  the 
"  Vocontii,  are  the  Iconii  and  Tricorii ;  and  after  them  the 
"  Medulli,  who  hold  the  highest  peaks  :  in  fact,  they  say  that 
"  the  most  direct  height  of  them  is  100  stadia  in  ascent,  and 
"  the  same  again  in  descent  to  the  bounds  of  Italy.  Up  in 
"  the  hollow  places  there  stands  a  great  lake,  and  two  springs 
"  not  far  apart  from  each  other ;  from  one  of  which  the 
"  Druentia,  a  river  in  deep  channels,  flows  in  one  direction, 
"  which  dashes  along  into  the  Ehone ;  and  the  Doria  in  the 
"  contrary  direction,  for  it  mixes  with  the  Po  after  being 
"  carried  through  the  Salassi  into  Cisalpine  Gaul :  and  from 
''  the  other  spring,  on  a  much  lower  level,  issues  the  Po 
"  himself,  both  full  and  rapid.  In  his  progress  he  becomes 
"  greater  and  greater ;  for  now,  being  in  the  plain,  he  receives 
"  increase  from  many  rivers,  and  is  widened  ;  and,  as  he 
"  pours  on,  has  a  distracted  and  less  defined  stream.  He 
"  falls  into  the  Adriatic  Sea,  having  become  the  greatest 
"  river  of  Europe  after  the  Danube. 

"  The  Medulli  are  situated  the  farthest  above  the  confluence 
"  of  the  Isere  with  the  Ehone.  On  the  other  side  of  the 
"  mountain  range  here  spoken  of,  that  which  slopes  towards 
"  Italy,  dwell  the  Taurini,  a  Ligurian  nation,  and  other 
"  Ligurians :  and  of  these  is  the  land  called  the  land  of 
"  Ideonnus,  and  that  of  Cottius.  Beyond  them  and  the  Po 
"are  the  Salassi;  and  above  these  in  the  mountain  heights 
"  the  Centrones,  and  the  Caturiges,  and  the  Veragri,  and 
"the  Nantuatse,  and  the  Leman  lake  through  which  the 
"  Ehone  is  carried,  and  the  source  of  that  river.  And 
"  not  far  from  these  are  the  sources  of  the  Ehine,  and 
"  the  mountain  Adulas,  from  which  both  the  Ehine  flows 
"  northward,  and  the  Adua  in  the  contrary  direction,  falling 
"  into  the  Larian  lake,  which  is  in  front  of  Comum."  (After 
naming  others,  the  Salassi  are  resumed) — 


40  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

"  The  country  of  the  Salassi  lies  in  a  great  measure  in  a 
"  deep  valley,  mountains  enclosing  the  region  on  both  sides : 
"  but  some  portion  reaches  up  even  towards  the  heights  which 
**  overhang  that  region.  To  those  who  pass  over  the  moun- 
"  tains  from  Italy  the  way  is  along  the  valley  I  speak  of :  it 
"  is  then  separated  into  tw^o :  one  is  carried  through  the 
"  Paenine  as  it  is  called,  not  practicable  for  carriages  over  the 
"  tops  of  the  Alps  ;  the  other,  more  w^estward,  through  the 
"  Centrones. 

"  The  Salassian  country  possesses  gold  mines,  which  the 
"  Salassians  formerly  held  when  they  were  a  powerful  people; 
"  as  also  they  were  masters  of  the  passes.  The  river  Doria 
"  mostly  promoted  their  mining,  for  the  washing  out  of  the 
"  gold  ore :  for  which  purpose  parting  off  the  water  to  make 
"  sluices  towards  various  places,  they  left  the  main  channel 
"  empty.  This  was  useful  to  them  for  the  pursuit  of  gold, 
"  but  grievous  to  the  husbandmen  of  the  plains  below  them, 
"  who  were  robbed  of  their  watering ;  this  river  being  fitted 
"  for  the  irrigation  of  the  district  from  the  great  fall  of  the 
"  stream. 

"  From  this  cause  frequent  wars  arose  between  the  two 
"  peoples  interested.  When  the  Eomans  got  the  mastery, 
"  the  Salassians  were  driven  both  from  their  gold  workings 
"  and  the  country :  but,  still  holding  the  mountains,  they 
"  exacted  payment  for  the  water  from  the  contractors  who 
"  farmed  the  mines ;  and  were  always  at  variance  with  them, 
"  owing  to  the  greediness  of  these  publicans.  Thus  it  came 
"  to  pass  that  Eoman  generals,  who  from  time  to  time  were 
"  commissioned  to  those  parts,  readily  found  excuse  on  which 
"  to  make  war. 

"  Down  to  very  recent  times  the  Salassi,  sometimes  warred 
"  upon  by  the  Eomans,  sometimes  let  alone,  still  had  a 
"  strength,  and  were  very  injurious  to  those  who  passed  over 
"  their  mountains,  according  to  their  habits  of  plunder.    They 


I 


CHAP,  v.]       Po  and  Doria  of  Straho,  Lib.  iv.  203.  41 

"  made  Decimus  Brutus,  in  his  flight  from  Modena,  pay  a 
"  drachma  for  every  man  he  had  with  him.  Messala,  winter- 
"  ing  near  them,  had  to  pay  down  value  for  his  wood,  both 
"  for  firing,  and  for  elm  to  make  javelins  and  weapons  of 
"  exercise.  These  men  once  plundered  Caesar's  baggage  :  and 
"  they  sent  down  fragments  of  precipices  upon  the  legions, 
"  pretending  to  be  employed  in  making  roads  and  bridging 
"  rivers. 

"  Afterwards,  however,  Augustus  utterly  subdued  them,  and 
"  sold  them  all  as  prize  property — being  brought  down  to 
"  Eporedia,  a  colony  of  the  Eomans  which  they  had  planted 
"  there,  meaning  it  to  be  a  guard  against  the  Salassi :  but 
"  those  who  were  posted  there  could  do  little  to  withstand 
"  them,  until  the  nation  was  exterminated.  There  were 
"  reckoned  of  other  persons  36,000,  and  of  fighting  men  8,000. 
"  Terentius  Yarro,  the  general  who  had  overthrown  them,  sold 
"  them  all  by  auction,  and  Augustus  Csesar  sending  3,000 
"  Eomans  founded  the  city  Augusta  on  the  spot  where  Yarro 
"  had  his  camp.  The  whole  neighbourhood  is  now  peaceable 
"  to  the  very  summits  of  the  mountains."  Strabo  then  pro- 
ceeds to  speak  of  the  Helvetii,  and  Boii,  &c. 

Strabo  was  in  the  prime  of  life  when  the  Salassian  war 
took  place,  and  a  brave  people  was  exterminated  :  and,  seeing 
the  ample  and  accurate  information  which  he  had  on  the 
history  and  geography  of  their  river,  and  the  valley  through 
which  it  flows,  where  is  the  provocation  to  suspect  that  he 
meant  to  speak  of  the  minor  Doria,  and  called  it  Salassian 
by  mistake  ?  At  least  we  are  entitled  to  question  this  ex- 
planation which  appears  to  have  satisfied  the  learned,  and  to 
ask  why,  in  their  discussions  and  quotations  of  these  passages, 
they  have  never  bestowed  an  observation  on  avT6<;  6  ITaSo?. 
The  term  surely  deserves  attention,  and  I  think  it  will  be 
found  that  the  position  of  the  MeduUi  claims  further  con- 
sideration. 

It  is  to  be  observed^  that  Strabo,  after  carrying  the  Po  from 


42  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

the  confluence  of  the  Doria  Baltea  to  the  Adriatic,  reverts  to 
the  MeduUi.  He  seems  further  to  fix  that  people's  position, 
and  the  early  course  of  the  Po  from  their  mountains,  by 
showing  it  to  run  between  the  Taurini  and  the  Salassi,  whose 
direction,  as  if  towards  him  as  he  speaks,  is  marked  by  their 
having  above  them  the  Veragri  and  others,  and  the  lake  of 
Geneva  beyond.  One  cannot  doubt  that  he  means  the  Po  to 
receive  the  Doria  at  his  left  bank :  but  it  may  perhaps  be 
doubted  from  what  direction  Strabo  supposed  the  Po  himself 
to  have  come  to  the  confluence.  If  he  speaks,  as  I  think  is 
indisputable,  of  the  Doria  Baltea,  the  Po  must  have  come 
from  the  north-west  out  of  the  Medullian  heights  :  and  it 
would  be  vain  to  expect  a  precise  definition  of  the  source. 
We  must  ramble  from  Chivasso  towards  the  glaciers  of  the 
Isere  right  and  left,  to  imagine  where  Strabo  himself  would 
conjecture  it,  if  he  had  the  opportunity  of  handling  a  modern 
map. 

It  is  certainly  very  remarkable,  that  D'Anville  and  so 
many  able  men  have  been  and  still  are  thus  silent  on  the  Po. 
They  say  not  from  what  mountains  Strabo  derived  that  great 
river.  Their  whole  favour  is  bestowed  on  the  identity  of  the 
sources  of  the  Druentia  and  the  Doria :  instead  of  rectifying 
the  former,  they  convert  the  latter  into  a  thing  which  it  is 
not :  striving  only  to  mend  that  which  wants  no  mending. 
What  Strabo  says  of  the  Doria  is  free  from  all  ambiguity. 
What  he  says  of  the  Po  shows  clearly  his  impressions :  and 
perhaps  not  wrong  impressions ;  for  ignorance  of  the  nomen- 
clature of  future  times  is  not  error.  But  Strabo's  source  of 
the  Po  is  wholly  excluded  from  the  question,  while  the  critics 
relieve  the  error  on  Druentia  by  substituting  another  Doria. 
By  shifting  his  Doria  from  the  valley  of  the  Salassi  to  the 
valley  of  Susa,  they  do  not  improve  the  sense  of  the  passage. 
The  writer  of  the  article  "  Padus "  in  the  Geographical  Dic- 
tionary, commonly  very  accurate,  quotes  no  authority  earlier 
than  Pliny,  when  he  states  the  Po  to  have  its  sources  in 


I 


CHAP,  v.]       Po  and  Doria  of  Straho,  Lib.  iv.  203.  43 

Mons  Vesulus:  he  says  afterwards — "The  valley  of  the 
"  Padus,  as  well  as  the  river  itself,  are  well  described  by 
"  Polybius,  the  earliest  author  in  whora  the  Eoman  name 
"  Padus  is  found,  as  well  as  at  a  later  period  by  Strabo  and 
"  Pliny."  Of  the  three  descriptions,  two  are  not  quoted  :  we 
know  however  that  Polybius  states  the  Po  to  run  southward 
till  he  makes  the  great  bend  to  the  east,  and  that  Strabo 
states  him  to  rise  from  his  own  fountain  in  the  heights  of  the 
Medulli. 

At  present,  I  believe  that  the  usual  explanation  of  one  of  the 
fountains  flowing  in  two  opposite  directions,  is  not  sound,  but 
only  ingenious.  With  a  rival  ingenuity,  Mr.  Whitaker  took 
a  point  near  Mont  Blanc,  as  furnishing  the  double  spring,  to 
feed  the  Ehone  on  one  side  and  the  Po  on  the  other.  The 
first  source  of  the  Doria  is,  we  know,  in  the  Col  de  la  Seigne  : 
and  Mr.  Whitaker  found,  on  the  other  side  of  the  ridge,  the 
stream  of  the  Arve  in  the  Val  de  Montjoie,  and,  carrying  it 
to  the  Ehone  at  Geneva,  demonstrates,  as  he  says,  from  this 
very  passage  of  Strabo,  that  the  Arve  was  actually  denomi- 
nated Druentia  by  the  Eomans.* 

It  may  be,  that  a  proprietor,  cutting  his  barley  near 
Napoleon's  obelisk  on  the  Gen^vre,  will  in  some  map  see 
cause  to  flatter  himself  that  his  farm  originates  the  Doire  and 
the  Durance.  Whatever  may  be  that  gentleman's  excuse, 
Strabo  is  not  his  authority.  If  any  think  proper  to  bestow 
those  fluvial  titles  on  streams  that  trickle  down  from  either 
side  of  the  Genevre  range,  this  will  not  guide  us  to  the  inter- 
pretation of  Strabo's  text :  it  will  not  make  the  Durance  to 
rise  in  the  MeduUian  Alps  :  it  will  not  cancel  his  elaborate 
account  of  the  Salassian  Doria ;  nor  import  into  his  works 
another  Doria. 

*  See  Whitaker's  "  Course  of  Hannibal  Ascertained,"  i.  150. 
N.B. — Before  our  inquiry  is  closed,  the  Druentia  will  incur  fresh 
casualties  at  the  hands  of  the  Cenisians. 


44  Early  Knoioledge  of  the  Alps,  [part  viii. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Po  and  Boria  of  Strabo — Lib.  \.  p,  217. 

I  HAVE  further  to  show,  that  in  the  one  other  passage,  lib.  v. 
217,  where  Strabo  speaks  of  a  river  Doria,  he  there  also 
intends  the  Doria  Baltea. 

He  is  endeavouring  to  show  by  distances  the  way  from 
Ariminiim  on  the  Adriatic  towards  the  limit  of  the  Cisalpine 
Province,  where  he  had  heard  that  it  adjoined  the  domain  of 
Cottius.  The  usual  reading  of  these  sentences  is  as  follows : — 
Atto  he  IWaKevTia^^  eh  ^ApifiLVOv  (TTaBiOL  ^/Xtoi  TptaKoaioi, 
virep  he  UXaKevTla^;,  eirl  fiev  rov^;  opov^  Trj<;  Kottlov  yrj^, 
TiKivov  ev  TpiaKOVTa  e^  fiL\iot<;  TroXi?  Kal  6/j,a)vvjiio<;  6  irapa- 
ppioyv  irora/jLOf;  av/jb/SdWcov  tw  Ylahw,  Kal  KXaaTLBiov  Kal 
AepOcdV  Kal  ^KoviaTareWa  fiiKpov  ev  7rapoSa>.  y  S*  evOela  et? 
"12/ceXov  Trapa  rov  YldSov  tov  Aovplav  irorafjbov  /3apadp(oB7)<i, 
r)  ttoWt)  TrXeiof?  Kal  dWov<;  e'x^ovaa  Trora/i.oi'?  (wv  koI  tov 
ApovevTLav)  fiiXicov  earl  irepl  e^rjKovra.  evrevSev  he  rjhr]  rd 
"AXireia  oprj  Kal  rj  KeXrLfcrj.  The  text  was  so  printed,  I  believe 
till  1844,  when  Kramer  admitted  Kal  before  tov  Aovplav  on 
the  suggestion  of  M.  Du  Theil  * 

The  important  blemish  is  that  a  word  is  wanting  before 
TOV  Aovplav.  I  conceive  the  missing  word  to  be  eV/;  and 
that  the  sentences  must  be  taken  to  express  the  following 
ideas: — "From  Ariminum  to  Placentia  it  is  1,300  stadia. 
"  Above  Placentia,  as  you  travel  to  the  confines  of  the 
"  Cottian  land,  there  is  in  36  miles  the  town  Ticinum,  and 
"  river  of  the  same  name,  flowing  past  it,  and  falling  into  the 

*  Casaubon  is  said  to  have  been  in  favour  of  Kai,  but  it  is  not  in 
his  text. 


CHAP.  VI.]        Po  and  Doria  of  Strdbo,  Lib.  v.  217.  45 

"  Po.  Clastidium,  Derthona,  and  Aquae  Statiellse  are  a  little 
"  on  one  side  of  your  route.  The  straight  onward  route  for 
"  Ocelum  is  along  the  Po  to  the  river  Doria  about  sixty 
"  miles  ;  being  full  of  hollows,  and  having  for  the  most  part 
"  many  other  rivers  (among  them  the  Druentia).  After  that 
"  are  the  Alpine  mountains  and  Celtica."  Strabo  would  have 
carried  you  to  Ocelum  if  he  could :  but,  as  I  understand  the 
text,  the  description  halts  at  the  Doria,  because  he  had 
exhausted  his  information.  The  progress,  so  far  as  described, 
is  in  three  instalments :  in  order  to  reach  the  boundary  of  the 
province,  there  ought  to  be  one  or  two  more.  The  first  is 
clearly  expressed,  to  Placentia  1,300  stadia  so  the  second, 
to  Ticinum  36  miles  :  the  third  is  equally  clear,  to  the  Doria 
60  miles.  Beyond  this,  instruction  is  wanting:  having 
nothing  more  to  tell  you,  he  only  says  that,  going  forward, 
you  will  have  the  Alps  and  Celtica. 

Some  think  that  words  are  lost  between  e^rjKovTa  and 
evrevOev :  if  so,  they  may  have  expressed  the  space  from  the 
Doria  to  Ocelum.*  But,  if  Strabo  himself  left  the  words  as 
they  stand,  it  consists  with  that  which  I  have  already  shown 
reason  to  believe  ;  namely,  that  his  researches  did  not  enable 
him  to  carry  his  particulars  in  the  direction  of  Ocelum  further 
than  the  mouth  of  the  Doria  Baltea :  so  there  he  drops  his 
detail.  It  was  before  pointed  out  that,  when  he  was  showing 
the  way  from  the  Alps  near  Brian9on  eastward,  he  stopped 
short  at  Ocelum ;  as  he  does  here  at  the  Doria.  Nowhere 
does  he  notice  anything  which  belongs  to  the  space  that  inter- 
venes between  those  points  :  and  the  just  inference  is,  that  he 
had  no  knowledge  nor  information  relating  to  it,  from  which 
he  could  fill  up  the  blank.     See  ante,  c.  3. 

The  French  translator,  M.  Du  Theil,  tom.  ii.  134,  wished  to 
improve  the  text,  so  as  to  account  for  the  whole  journey  to 

*  Viz. :  Up  the  Po  to  the  site  of  Turin,  and  by  Pinerolo  and 
Fenestrelles. 


46  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

Ocelum :  so  he  translates,  not  without  apology,  ek  "12/ce\oz/, 
"jusqu'^  Ocelum;"  which  is  wrong.  Moreover,  before  tov 
AovplaVj  where  I  would  supply  eirC,  as  the  missing  word,  he 
approves  of  Kal;  which  involves  the  matter  in  fresh  diffi- 
culties :  for,  though  Kal  is  said  to  be  found  in  two  Paris 
manuscripts,  yet,  when  inserted  between  UdEov  and  tov 
Aovplav,  it  produces  the  idea  irapa  rov  Aovpiav,  and  the 
route  is  made  along  the  Po  and  along  the  minor  Doria. 
"  Le  long  du  Po  et  Durias  (Eiparia)."  Now  a  route  up  this 
river  will  never  reach  the  terminus  Ocelum  ;  for  that  place 
belongs  to  another  line  of  ascent,  separated  from  this  river  by 
a  continuous  range  of  mountains.  It  is,  as  said  in  Dr.  Smith's 
Dictionary,  in  the  valley  of  Fenestrelles,  not  in  that  of  the 
minor  Doria.  M.  Du  Theil  himself,  however,  comforts  us 
with  saying  that  their  route  will  go  *' jusqu'assez  pr^s." 
Strabon,  ii.  135.  Moreover,  this  remedy  of  minor  Doria  pro- 
duces a  fresh  disease  in  the  sentence :  sixty  miles  is  utterly 
useless  as  a  distance  from  Ticinum  to  Ocelum  ;  and  their 
way  of  mending  the  figures  is  by  turning  sixty  into  160,  for 
which  there  is  no  authority  of  any  sort.  Wlien  this  change 
was  thought  of  at  Paris  in  1809,  M.  Gossellin  maintained  the 
sixty  miles  of  Polybius  ;  that  is,  from  Ticinum  to  the  Doria 
Baltea,  and  to  be  applied  only  to  that  portion  of  the  route 
along  the  Po.  As  to  Apovevrlav,  it  might  have  been  let  alone 
as  inexplicable :  but  the  translators  were  determined  to  cure 
this  also  :  so  this  too  is  deemed  to  be  the  minor  Doria.  Not 
a  happy  solution !  Apovevrcav  stands  as  one  of  the  "  many 
other  rivers :  "  Doria  is  that  with  which  the  many  others  are 
contrasted. 

The  minor  Doria  is  readily  accepted  by  Mr.  Ellis.  Journal 
of  Fhilol.  vol.  iii.  21.  He  finds  it  "  clear  from  Strabo, 
that  Ocelum  lay  upon  the  banks  of  a  river  Dora."  He 
cites  the  passage  with  /ca/,  not  hinting  that  the  word  had 
ever  been  absent :  he  assumes  that  I  accept  Kai  with  a  course 


CHAP.  VI. J        Po  and  Doria  of  Strabo,  Lib.  v.  217.  47 

along  such  a  river  :  he  challenges  "  Mr.  Law's  interpretation, 
"  as  he  calls  it,  of  Trapa  rov  Aovplav"  and  sagely  exclaims, 
"  How  any  road  from  Placentia  to  Ocelum  could  have  run, 
"  either  wholly  or  partially,  along  the  banks  of  the  Oreo  or 
"  the  Dora  Baltea,  is  a  matter  utterly  beyond  my  powers  of 
"  conception."  Now  Mr.  Ellis  well  knew  that  I  did  not  inter- 
pret Trapa  rov  Aovplav  in  that  way,  or  any  way  ;  but  that  I 
rejected  the  idea  which  the  words  contain,  being  the  result 
of  sticking  in  KaL 

Mr.  Ellis  listens  without  objection  to  the  100  miles  which 
the  French  translator  adds  to  the  60  of  Strabo  :  but  is  rather 
at  a  loss  in  applying  them.  He  wishes  the  distance  to  end  at 
his  own  Ocelum  (Buttigliera),  which  is  between  Turin  and 
Eivoli;  and  160  is  much  too  long  for  that:  so  he  offers  two 
new  plans,  one  for  160  and  one  for  60  ;  and  invents  for  each 
a  new  terminus  a  quo,  instead  of  the  Ticinum  of  Strabo.  He 
says,  ''  If  reckoned  from  Placentia,  60  must  be  a  mistake  for 
160."  Now  we  cannot  reckon  from  Placentia  :  the  previous 
instalment  was  from  Placentia  to  Ticinum.  Then  he  says, 
"  If  reckoned  from  near  the  modern  Casale,  60  would  be 
"  nearly  correct."  But  we  cannot  reckon  from  Casale :  we 
are  construing  Strabo ;  and  Casale  is  half-way  between 
Ticinum  and  Turin  :  and  by  no  construction  can  you  make 
it  a  terminus  of  distance. 

Mr.  Ellis  has  this  ready  way  of  accounting  for  Druentia  : — 
"The  ApovevTia  of  Strabo  would  be  Dora  Baltea."  Being 
one  of  those  who  cannot  believe  in  Strabo's  Doria  of  the 
Salassi,  he  takes  this  opportunity  of  making  him  call  it  some- 
thing else.  Thinking  that  Strabo  in  the  fourth  book  named  the 
Salassian  Doria  by  mistake,  he  borrows  for  it  now  a  name 
from  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  Druentia  :  and  the  English 
translator  is  not  more  discreet  in  calling  it  the  "Doria 
Eiparia,"  and  speaking  of  "  the  ancient  Druentia."  This  word 
is  a  casualty  that  we  are  not  called  upon  to  account  for. 


48  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [pakt  VIIT. 

There  is  a  convert  to  the  errors  of  Kai  and  eKarov,  who  is 
entitled  to  much  respect,  the  learned  Gustavus  Kramer.  In 
his  laborious  studies,  it  has  been  a  great  object  to  provide  a 
text  which  may  not  defy  grammatical  construction.  Seeing 
that  a  word  must  be  found  to  precede  t6v  Aovplav,  he  has 
hastily  accepted  Kal  as  an  improvement ;  which  being  im- 
ported, Trapa  rov  Aovpiav  is  the  idea  which  results  :  but  that 
cannot  mean  the  Doria  Baltea,  inasmuch  as  a  traveller  going 
alongj  that  river  from  the  Po  would  be  tendinoj  to  Mont  Blanc 
instead  of  Ocelum.  But,  if  you  wish  the  words  of  Strabo  to 
carry  you  to  Ocelum,  or  near  it,  his  sixty  miles  must  be  more 
than  doubled.  So  the  learned  editor  of  1844,  evidently  sus- 
pecting the  alteration  of  the  French  critic,  prints  it  thus — 
[eKarov]  e^T^Kovra ;  and  says  in  a  note,  "  eKarov  addidi  ex 
"Du  Theilii  conjectura,  qui,  collatis  itinerariis,  hoc  esse  in- 
"  tervallum  ostendit."  *  Thus  the  two  alterations  of  the  text 
and  the  false  geography  which  places  Uxeau  in  the  valley  of 
the  minor  Doria,  instead  of  the  valley  of  Fenestrelles,  are 
acknowledged  by  Kramer  to  rest  on  the  conjecture  of  M.  Du 
Theil.  I  see  that  the  English  translator  of  Strabo  adopts  both 
innovations,  Kal  and  eKarov,  without  comment.  Though  he 
admits  Ocelum  to  be  Ocello,  Uxeau,  in  the  Val  Pragelas,  he 
is  content,  like  M.  Du  Theil,  with  the  hopeless  chance  of 
finding  it  "  assez  pr^s  "  on  the  minor  Doria. 

In  this  question  I  feel  myself  called  upon  to  regard  the 
passage  as  defective.  Strabo  does  not  reach  Ocelum.  The 
notion  that  he  does  so  rests  on  the  words  ri  8'  evdeta  et? 
"X2/ce\ov,  which  the  French  translator  wrongly  renders  *' jusqu' 
a  Ocelum  :  "  and  he  applies  a  distance  to  suit  the  purpose.  But 
Strabo's  Doria,  not  Ocelum,  is  the  terminus  of  that  instalment 
of  distance.  It  is  true  that,  in  stating  it,  Strabo  introduces 
the  idea  that  the  route  is  a  route  for  Ocelum.  And  so  it  is  : 
in  the  preceding  distance,  which  gives  only  a  stretch  to  the 
*  Ocelum  is  in  no  itinerar3^ 


CHAP.  VI.]       Po  and  Doria  of  Strabo,  Lib.  v.  217.  49 

Ticinus,  he  says  the  same  thing  in  the  words  iirl  fiev  tou? 
opov^  T^<?  KoTTLov  7^9.  ThosB  confines  and  Ocelum  were  to 
him  convertible  terms  ;  as  in  p.  179,  "Q^iceXov  to  irepa<;  rrjf; 
KoTTLov  7^9.  Thus,  in  each  prescription  of  distance  west- 
ward, Placentia  to  Ticinum,  and  Ticinum  to  the  Doria,  he  tells 
you  that  he  is  tending  to  the  Koman  confines  :  in  one  by  the 
term  Cottian  boundary,  in  the  other  by  the  term  Ocelum. 
But  in  neither  instance  does  he  bring  you  to  the  end  of  that 
journey :  neither  at  Ticinum,  nor  at  the  Doria.  Each  is  an 
instalment ;  and  only  an  instalment.  The  French  translation 
of  the  first  expression,  eVl  fikv  tou?  opovfj  r?)?  KottIov  7^9, 
"  en  tirant  vers  les  confins  de  Cottius,"  would  be  a  just  trans- 
lation of  the  equivalent  term  in  the  next  allegation  of  distance  ; 
Strabo,  having  paused  to  name  those  places  not  in  the  route, 
resumes  his  track  with  rj  S*  evOela  eh  "Q^KeXov :  the  proposi- 
tion which  begins  with  these  words,  brings  you  to  the  Doria 
Baltea,  not  further. 

Part  of  Strabo's  Italy  was  founded  on  his  own  experience  : 
but  for  the  greater  part  he  depended  on  books  :  and  on  many 
subjects  wanted  the  benefit  of  the  newest  information.  The 
report  of  distances  in  this  part  of  his  work  seems  to  indicate 
memoranda  taken  from  various  sources  :  so  different  are  the 
modes  of  estimating  them.  After  reporting  that  from  Genoa 
to  Derthona  it  is  400  stades,  and  the  same  from  Derthona  to 
Placentia,  he  says  that  it  will  be  two  days  and  nights  from 
Placentia  to  Eavenna:  between  Ariminum  and  Placentia  he 
gives  the  distance  in  stades ;  from  Placentia  to  Ticinum  in 
miles ;  from  Ticinum  to  the  Doria  in  miles :  and  thence  to 
the  terminus  that  he  has  in  mind,  the  distance  is  not  ex- 
pressed at  all.  His  particulars  end  at  the  mouth  of  the  Doria 
Baltea :  evrevdev  refers  to  that  point,  not  to  Ocelum :  from 
the  Doria  he  leaves  the  reader  to  deal  with  Celtica  and  the 
Alps  as  best  he  can. 

VOL.  II.  B 


5f>  Early  Knoioledge  of  the  Alps.  [PAfiT  viir. 

These  comments  on  the  Po  and  Doria  of  Strabo  have  been 
made  in  the  belief  that  they  confirm  my  views  on  the  Po  of 
Polybius ;  so  as  to  support  the  proposition  that,  when  he 
wrote,  the  Cottian  or  "Western  Alps  were  unexplored.  I  show, 
therefore,  that  even  Strabo,  in  a  much  later  day,  and  with  his 
better  opportunities,  was  not  primed  in  regard  to  the  region 
of  Italy  under  those  Alps,  with  the  more  recent  additions  to 
Eoman  information.  Polybius  was  not  likely  to  hear  of  the 
Po  rising  in  Yesulus  :  and  Strabo  did  not.  My  opponent, 
Mr.  EUis,  considers  that  even  the  earlier  Polybius  had  made 
greater  progress,  and  therefore  that  Strabo  must  have  done  so 
too.  He  meets  my  assertion,  that  Strabo's  Doria  was  the  Doria 
Baltea,  and  my  suggestion  that  the  Orca  might  be  his  Po,  by 
saying  (Journal  of  Phil.  iii.  20)—"  Strabo,  who  was  acquainted 
"  with  Polybius's  writings,  could  hardly  have  held  so  absurd 
"  an  opinion  about  the  Po." 

It  is  true  that,  if  better  knowledge  of  those  streams  had 
been  derivable  from  Polybius,  Strabo  had  access  to  it.  But 
Polybius  had  not  that  knowledge.  Mr.  Ellis  has  not  said  a 
word  to  show  that  he  had  :  and,  as  far  as  we  have  the  means 
of  judging,  he  had  not.  Whether  it  was  absurd  in  these  two 
distinguished  writers,  between  whom  there  was  an  interval 
of  150  years,  not  to  have  apprehended  as  the  Po,  the  stream 
which,  rising  in  Vesulus,  now  flows  past  Saluzzo  and  Turin, 
is  a  matter  on  which  men  may  think  as  they  please.  I  have 
ventured  to  point  out,  as  fact,  that  they  did  not  so  apprehend 
it.  I  impute  to  them  conceptions  on  the  Po,  which  do  not 
accord  with  our  conceptions  of  it :  and,  though  you  say  that 
they  were  in  error,  I  contend  that  their  conceptions  are  con- 
sistent with  one  another,  and  that  their  consistency  strengthens 
me  in  my  construction.  The  statement  of  one  of  these  vmters 
is  that  the  Po  runs  southward  till  he  makes  the  great  bend  to 
the  east :  the  statement  of  the  other  is,  that  the  Po  and  the 
Salassian  Doria  had  their  sources  in  the  same  mountains  not 


CHAP.  VI.]  Po  and  Daria  of  Strabo,  Lib.  v.  217.  51 

far  from  each  other :  and,  as  there  is  nothing  in  the  writings 
of  either,  which  indicates  the  Po  to  flow  northward  to  the 
great  bend  near  Chivasso,  I  feel  warranted  in  the  views  which 
I  impute  to  them.  Whether  or  not  it  is  your  pleasure  to 
charge  those  views  with  error,  I  have  their  own  authority  for 
saying  that  they  entertained  them,  and  I  have  a  right  to  say 
that  those  views  were  not  absurd. 

Mr.  Ellis  is  an  historian  and  a  geographer.  Let  him  show 
at  what  period  it  began  to  be  absurd,  to  attribute  to  the  Po  a 
source  other  than  from  Monte  Viso.  I  cannot  see  that  it 
would  be  absurd  to  do  so  now,  if  the  world  should  fancy  it. 
Can  any  man  be  named  before  Pliny,  who  asserted  that 
source  ?  What  is  the  moral  necessity  that  his  predecessors 
had  set  him  the  example  ?  Did  his  successors  alw^ays  follow 
the  example  ?  If  not,  they  must  in  the  eyes  of  Mr.  Ellis  be 
still  more  absurd.  And  yet  there  are  names  among  them 
who  enjoy  his  particular  respect.  The  text  of  Ptolemy  re- 
cords the  (Tvfj^^oXtj  of  the  two  rivers ;  saying  of  the  Po,  7} 
Kara  rrju  Adpcov  XlfMvrjv  Ke(f>aXrj,  and  of  the  Doire,  rj  K6(j)a\7j 
rj  Kara  rrjv  JloLvlvav  Xl/jlvtjv.  iii.  63.  Appian,  contemporary 
with  Ptolemy,  conducts  Hannibal  over  the  Alps  "  near  to  the 
"  sources  of  the  Ehone  and  the  Po,  rivers  which  rise  not  far 
"  from  each  other."  The  author  of  Peutinger's  chart  carries 
the  Po  from  the  Alps,  in  a  course  due  west  and  east  drawn 
far  above  the  latitude  of  Susa  and  Turin. 


e2 


52  Earhj  KnouMge  of  the  Alj^s.  [paet  viii. 


CHAPTER  VIL 

Afr.  Ellis  on  the  earhj  use  of  the  Little  Mont  Cenis.     His 
appeal  to  Ammianus  Marcellinns. 

One  who  has  perceived  evidence  of  the  Cenis  pass  in  the 
works  of  Strabo,  was  likely  to  discern  the  same  thing  in 
other  ancient  documents  :  and  it  may  be  interesting  to  show 
how  far  the  penetration  of  this  laborious  theorist  has  reached 
in  developing  the  early  notoriety  of  that  route. 

Mr.  Ellis,  p.  159,  says  that  the  Cenis  "is  mentioned  by 
"  name  for  the  first  time  where  it  is  said  to  have  been  crossed 
"  by  Pepin  in  the  year  755;"  which  is  about  half-way  between 
Hannibal's  time  and  our  own:  973  years  after  the  Cartha- 
ginian invasion,  1099  before  Mr.  Ellis's  treatise.  But,  though 
the  name  had  not  been  used,  he  declares  that  the  pass  was 
"  known  from  the  most  remote  historic  times."  The  pass  of 
Pepin  not  proving  much,  an  earlier  period  is  offered  to  notice, 
one  which  is  only  779  years  after  Hannibal :  and  Mr.  Ellis 
shows  that  Secusia  civitas  was  then  under  the  Bishop  of 
Maurienne,  who  was  subject  to  the  Metropolitan  see  of 
Vienne.  Hence  he  assumes  that  there  was  a  way  of  getting 
from  Italy  to  Maurienne ;  and  thinks  that  the  Cenis  must 
then  have  been  in  use  for  passing  from  the  valley  of  Susa  to 
the  Arc.  It  may  have  been  so  :  and  the  Col  de  la  Roue  may 
also  have  been  in  use  for  that  purpose.  But  we  are  still  far 
away  from  Hannibal. 

After  citing,  in  support  of  these  interesting  facts,  books 
not  in  every-day  use  to  the  student  of  Hannibal's  march, 
Tredegar,  Baronius,  and  Gregory  of  Tours,  Mr.  Ellis  creeps 
into  higher  antiquity,  and  produces  a  few  startling  proposi- 
tions.    They  are  stated  in  these  words — p.  160. 


CHAP.  VII.]      Mr.  Ellis  on  Ammianus  Marcellinus. 


53 


"  1.  The  pass  of  the  Mont  Cenis  is  alluded  to  by  Am- 
"  mianus  Marcellinus,  a  writer  of  the  fourth  century. 

"  2.  The  road  over  the  Little  Mont  Cenis  is  laid  down  in 
"  the  Peutingerian  Table,  and  was  therefore  a  Koman  way. 

"  3.  The  Mont  Cenis  was  crossed  by  Julius  Csesar,  when 
"  on  his  way  to  intercept  the  Helvetii  in  Transalpine  Gaul." 

These  three  facts,  though  they  would  be  of  small  import- 
ance if  they  were  true,  yet  as  the  ripened  fruit  of  the  medita- 
tions of  a  severe  thinker  on  the  Hannibal  question,  they  must 
not  be  overlooked. 

Appeal  to  Ammianus  Marcellinus. 

This  writer,  who  flourished  in  the  middle  of  the  fouith 
century,  having  mentioned  the  Cottian  Alps  as  bounding 
Gaul  to  the  east,  and  having  stated  that  Cottius,  being  con- 
ciliated by  Augustus,  made  new  and  more  convenient  roads 
"  medias  inter  alias  Alpes  vetustas,"  writes  thus,  as  quoted  by 
Mr.  Ellis  in  his  Treatise,  p.  161 : — 

"  In  his  Alpibus  Cottiis,  quarum  initium  k  Segusione  est 
"  oppido,  prsecelsum  erigitur  jugum,  nulli  fere  sine  discrimine 
"  penetrabile.  Est  enim  h  Galliis  venientibus  prona  humili- 
"  tate  devexum,  pendentium  saxorum  altrinsecus  visu  terribile, 
"  prsesertim  verno  tempore :  cum  liquente  gelu,  nivibusque 
"  solutis  flatu  calidiore  ventorum,  per  diruptas  utrinque 
*'  angustias,  et  lacunas  pruinarum  congerie  latebrosas,  descen- 
"  dentes  cunctantibus  plantis  homines  et  jumenta  procidunt 
"  et  carpenta  :  idque  remedium  ad  arcendum  exitium  reper- 
"  tum  est  solum,  quod  pleraque  vehicula  vastis  funibus  illigata, 
"  pone  cohibente  virorum  vel  bourn  nisu  valido,  vix  gressu 
"  reptante  paulo  tutius  devolvuntur.  Et  hse,  ut  diximus, 
"•  anni  verno  contingunt.  Hieme  vero  humus  cristrata  frigo- 
"  ribus,  et  tanquam  levigata,  ideoque  labilis,  incessum  prseci- 
"  pitantem  impellit,  et  patulse  valles  per  spati^  plana  glacie 
"  perfidse  vorant  nonnunquam  transeuntes.     Ob  quae  locorum 


54  Early  Knmledge  of  the  Alps,  [paet  vill. 

"  callidi,  eminentes  ligneos  stilos  per  cautibra  loca  defigunt, 
"  ut  eorum  series  viatorem  ducat  innoxium :  qui  si  nivibus 
"  operti  latuerint,  montanis  defluentibus  rivis  eversi,  agresti- 
"  bus  prseviis  difficile  pervaduntur. 

"  A  summitate  autem  hujus  Italici  clivi  planities  adusque 
«  stationem  nomine  Martis,  per  septem  extenditur  millia  :  et 
'•  hinc  alia  celsitudo  erectior,  segr^que  superabilis,  ad  Matronse 
"  porrigitur  verticem,  cujus  vocabulum  casus  foeminse  nobilis 
'•  dedit.  Unde  declive  quidem  iter,  sed  expeditius  adusque 
"  Castellum  Virgantiam  patet."     Lib.  vi.  c.  10. 

Here  the  author  seems  to  speak  of  Cottian  Alps  beginning 
from  Susa  and  leading  to  Brian9on.  He  describes  at  some 
length  the  steepness  and  dangers  offered  by  a  "preecelsum 
jugum  "  to  those  who  descend  it  coming  from  Gaul.  Having 
described  those  horrors,  he  shortly  notices  the  road  which 
from  the  top  of  this  "jugum"  is  carried  over  the  crest  of 
Alps  to  Brian9on.  He  says  that  from  the  summitas  there  is 
a  level,  "  planities,"  of  about  seven  miles  as  far  as  the  station 
"  Ad  Martis ; "  and  after  that,  a  steeper  ascent,  hardly  to  be 
surmounted,  up  to  the  summit  of  Matrona  ;  and  then  the 
descent  to  Brigantio.  The  four  places  named  are  very  well 
known  places :  and  it  might  puzzle  any  man  to  guess,  how 
the  "prsecelsum  jugum"  can  be  supposed  to  represent  the 
Mont  Cenis  or  Little  Mont  Cenis. 

.  Mr.  Ellis  admits,  Treatise  161,  that  "Ad  Martis"  is  Oulx  ; 
that  Matrone  is  the  Mont  Genevre;  and  that  Virgantia  is 
Brian9on :  and  he  verifies,  within  a  small  fraction  of  distance, 
all  that  the  author  says  of  the  "  planities,"  making  it  last  for 
six  miles  to  Oulx  instead  of  seven  :  he  tells  us,  that,  from  Susa 
to  the  beginning  of  the  "  planities,"  the  river  is  in  a  defile ; 
that  the  defile  is  formed  on  the  north  (i.e.  on  your  right  hand 
in  ascending)  by  a  mountain  mass.  This  is  Mr.  Ellis's  own 
evidence  :  nevertheless,  he  declares  that  the  Mont  Cenis  is 
the  pass  of  which  Ammianus  spoke. 


CHAP.  VII.]       Mr.  Ellis  on  Ammianus  MarceUinics.  55 

I  cannot  pretend  to  understand  Mr.  Ellis's  argument,  if 
there  is  one :  the  confusion  of  ideas  seems  to  be  all  his  own : 
so  he  charges  it  upon  the  text  which  he  interprets,  magnifying 
his  own  merit  as  interpreter.  He  considers  that  Ammianus 
did  not  comprehend  the  accounts  from  which  he  compiled  his 
description,  and  put  together  confusedly  the  phenomena  of 
the  "  praecelsum  jugum,"  avalanches,  &c.  At  the  same  time 
he  urges,  that  the  truth  and  accuracy  of  his  details  prove  the 
trustworthiness  of  the  authorities  which  he  had  consulted. 
Thus,  while  Mr.  Ellis  abuses  the  history  that  he  is  quoting, 
yet,  with  a  clairvoyance  peculiar  to  himself,  he  reads  through 
it  the  earlier  books  which  the  author  had  so  ill-digested. 

After  approving  the  position  given  by  Ammianus  to  the 
"  planities,"  and  saying  that  the  ''  summitas  clivi  "  is  therefore 
at  the  end  of  the  defile,  about  two  miles  above  Exilles,  Mr. 
Ellis  argues  thus,  p.  162,  in  favour  of  the  Cenis  : — "Yet  this 
" '  summitas '  is  clearly  not  the  summit  of  the  ■'  pxeecelsum 
"jugum,*  even  if  Ammianus  supposed  it  to  be  so.  For  it  is 
"  merely  a  point  in  the  valley  of  the  Dora,  and  not  the  crest 
"  of  a  pass  at  all."  This  he  calls  his  "  argument  on  position  : " 
but  we  do  not  know  that  any  one  has  alleged  what  he  con- 
tradicts. Ammianus  does  not  call  it  the  crest  of  a  pass :  on 
the  contrary,  he  says  that,  after  the  iQtervention  of  a 
"  planities,"  there  is  a  further  and  steeper  ascent  before  you 
can  reach  the  heights  of  the  Genfevre. 

Ha^dng  laid  down  that  "  summitas "  is  clearly  not  the 
summit  of  the  "praecelsum  jugum,"  Mr.  Ellis  undertakes  to 
find  the  meaning  of  "  hujus  Italici  clivi."  He  instructs  us 
that  "  clivus  "  is  a  slope,  and  that  "  Italicus  "  is  the  reverse  of 
*'  Gallicus :"  but  he  forgets  the  third  word  "  hujus."  He  might 
see,  that  "  hujus  clivi "  imports  a  slope  which  has  been  men- 
tioned before,  and  that  it  can  be  nothing  but  the  "  prsecelsum 
jugum."  Also,  when  he  comes  to  *'  alia  celsitudo  erectior,"  he 
will  find  the  comparison  to  be  with  the  "  jugum ;  "  no  other 
declivity  has  been  mentioned. 


56  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viil. 

Mr.  Ellis  prescribes,  without  aid  from  the  author,  that,  in 
order  to  comprehend  the  "praecelsum  jngum,"  we  must  search 
for  a  line  of  communication  between  the  valley  of  the  Arc 
and  the  valley  of  the  minor  Doria.  Begging  this  as  a  requi- 
site, he  names  a  few  tracks,  as  capable  of  affording  the 
transit :  he  creates  shadows,  to  have  the  merit  of  dispersing 
them.  Referring  to  his  defile  between  Susa  and  the  "  planities," 
he  says :  "  Over  this  mountain  mass  three  passes  exist, 
"  re<^arding  the  Great  and  Little  Mont  Cenis  as  one.  These 
"passes  are,  the  Mont  Cenis,  the  Col  de  Clair^e,  and  the 
"  Col  d'Ambin.  Yet  the  two  last,  of  which  the  names  are 
"  scarcely  known,  are  merely  difficult  mountain  tracks : 
"  no  carpentum  *  could  ever  have  crossed  either  of  these  cols." — 
Treatise,  p.  163. 

Thus  Mr.  Ellis,  in  his  own  way,  sets  up  as  competitors 
things  which  he  imagines  to  be  more  absurd  than  the  Cenis, 
and  he  would  prove  the  Cenis  by  negativing  them.  But  in 
truth  they  are  not  more  absurd  than  the  Cenis.  Mr.  Ellis 
turns  the  scale  against  them  by  their  inaptitude  for  a  "  carpen- 
tum : "  intimating  that  such  a  luxury  might  have  been  enjoyed 
in  the  descent  to  Noval^se.  But  we  rem-ember  his  own 
description  of  this  preferable  road.  It  is  in  this  descent  that 
he  makes  Hannibal  to  lose  ten  thousand  men  in  six  miles 
without  meeting  a  living  enemy,  p.  126.  He  exhibited  it  in 
p.  120,  as  "  only  one  foot  wide,  the  traveller  being  transported 
in  a  chaise  d  porteurs,  they  leaping  from  rock  to  rock,  while 
"  he  and  his  chair  hung  half  in  air  over  the  precipice."  Surely 
he  should  have  explained  how  his  Cenisian  pass,  so  unfavour- 
ably portrayed  in  the  eighteenth  century,  was  adapted  to  a 
barouche  in  the  time  of  Ammianus. 

Mr.  Ellis  closes  his  proof  of  the  identity  of  the  Cenis  with 
the  "  jugum  "  of  Ammianus  by  quotations  from  two  French 
critics,  who  give  the  former  a  fearfully  bad  character  from  La 

*  See  the  passage  of  Ammianus. 


CHAP.  VIII.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Peutinger's  Table, 


57 


Grande  Croix  downwards :  and  tendering  his  own  evidence 
on  the  requisites,  "  prona  humilitas,  pendentia  saxa,  nives 
solutae  "  and  "  calidior  flatus,"  complacently  pronounces,  "  The 
"  Mont  Cenis  was,  in  fact,  the  pass  between  Gaul  and  Italy,  of 
"  which  Ammianus  speaks." 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Mr.  Ellis  on  the  Little  Mont  Cenis.     His  apjpeal  to 
the  Peutingerian  Table, 

Though  Mr.  Ellis  looks  upon  the  Cenis  track  as  the  most 
ancient  of  practised  Alpine  Passes,  and  having  flourished 
before  the  time  of  Hannibal,  he  does  not  suggest  it  as  among 
the  Ways  first  registered :  it  does  not  appear  in  the  Itinerary 
of  Antoninus,  nor  in  the  Jerusalem  Itinerary.  The  places 
entered  as  stations  in  these  documents  are  too  capable  of 
proof  to  be  transferred  into  the  road  over  the  Little  Mont 
Cenis.  Mr.  Ellis  takes  his  stand  on  that  queer  old  map 
ascribed  to  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth  century  after  Christ, 
called  sometimes  "  Carte  de  Peutinger,"  sometimes  "  Table 
Th(^odosienne,"  of  which  I  have  given  a  short  account  in  my 
first  volume. 

If  a  man  should  believe  Portsmouth  to  be  in  Yorkshire 
and  Beverley  to  be  in  Hampshire,  he  would  be  warranted  in 
stating  that  belief  to  others  :  but  one  should  be  surprised  if 
he  were  to  tell  us  that  it  was  so  laid  down  in  the  map  of 
Engla,nd ;  so  we  are  surprised  with  this  proposition :  "  The 
"  road  over  the  Little  Mont  Cenis  is  laid  down  in  the  Peutin- 
"  gerian  Table."  To  appreciate  the  merits  of  the  proposition, 
it  is  expedient  that  the  Table  should  be  referred  to  :  for  it  is  a 
thing  quite  sui  generis  :  I  have  already  given  some  account 
of  the  document  itself ;  and  a  copy  of  the  small  portion  of  it 


58  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

necessary  for  the  occasion  is  offered  by  Mr.  Ellis  with  his 
Treatise,  Let  us  then  endeavour  fairly  to  examine  the  pro- 
cess, by  which  the  zeal  of  a  laborious  theorist  would  turn 
this  document  to  account. 

In  the  Chart  of  Peutinger  there  is   marked  distinctly  a 

chain  of  mountains,  representing  in  a  continuous  course  the 

main  barrier  of  the  Alps.    Three  tracks  are  drawn  over  them, 

marked  respectively  by  the  words  "  in  summo  Pennino  ;  "  "  in 

Alpe  Graia ; "  "  in  Alpe  Cotti^  : "  showing  that  the  framer 

of  the  Chart  was  acquainted  with  the  Passes  of  the  Great 

St.  Bernard,  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  and  the  Mont  Gen^,vre. 

Kone  is  more  definitely  pointed  out  than  the  last :  a  track  is 

drawn  in  a  line  from  Turin,*   through   the  same   Stations 

which  are  given  in  the  Itineraries,  to  and  over  the  mountain 

chain :  we  there   see  written,  "'  Brigantione,"  and  "  in  Alpe 

Cottil"    On  the  French  side  the  Chart  has  this  peculiarity : 

the  two  Itineraries  had  given  a  route  from  Brian^on  to  Aries 

on  the  Ehone  ;  and  in  one  of  them  there  is  a  branch  route 

from  Gap,  going  through  Luc  and  Die  to  Valence  on  the 

Hhone.    The  Chart  has  the  same  track  to  Aries  without  the 

branch  from  Gap  :  but,  on  crossing  the  chain  of  mountains  to 

BriauQon,  it  sends  forward  two  more  tracks :  one,  through 

places  marked  Geminae  and  Gerainse  to  Luc  (not  touching 

Embrun  or  Gap)  and  so  on  to  Valence :  the  other  through 

"Culabone  to  the  Ehone  at  Vienne.    This  line  is  proposed  as 

the  subject  of  inquiry. 

Mr.  EUis  prepares  his  readers  for  receiving  the  argument 
which  he  is  about  to  administer  by  a  broad  assertion,  and  a 
very  bold  one,  such  as  may  secure  to  him  the  privilege  of 
speaking  of  things  by  perverse  instead  of  simple  description. 
At  p.  167  of  his  Treatise,  the  subject  is  introduced  thus  : — 
"  In  the  Peutiugerian  Table,  four  Eoman  roads  across  the 
^'  Alps  will  be  found,  three  proceeding  from  Turin,  and  one 

*  Turin  does  not  appear  at  all  in  Mr.  Ellis's  copy. 


CHAP.  VIII.]         Mr.  Ellis  on  PeiUinger's  Table.  5B 

"  from  Ivrea."  The  truth  is,  that  there  is  one  road  proceeding 
from  Turin,  not  three  :  and,  though  the  author  adds  that  "  the 
three  are  coincident  for  a  certain  distance,"  this  does  not 
relieve  the  fallacy  of  "three  Eoman  roads  proceeding  from 
Turin."  There  is  in  the  chart  one  road  from  Turin  to  the 
chain  of  Alps  at  Mont  Genevre,  and  beyond  it  there  are  three 
in  France,  proceeding  to  the  Ehone.  The  fallacy  is  carried 
on  through  many  pages,  by  calling  the  three  tracks  which  are 
in  France,  the  Turin  and  Aries  road,  the  Turin  and  Valence 
road,  the  Turin  and  Vienne  road.  No  man,  looking  at  the 
chart  without  inclination  to  mislead  himself  or  others,  can  fail 
to  see  that  the  Eoman  road  proceeding  from  Turin  to  Brian9on 
is  one. 

The  only  object  which  I  see  to  be  answered  by  stating  three 
roads  to  exist  from  Turin,  which  exist  only  in  France,  is 
confusion.  Intelligible  terms  are  important  to  a  proposition 
which  claims  to  be  true.  It  is  easy  and  simple  to  speak  of  a 
track  by  its  termini,  the  place  where  it  begins,  and  the  place 
where  it  ends.  Such  is  the  line  of  85  miles  which  we  see  in 
the  chart  of  Peutinger  from  Brian9on  to  Vienne  :  and,  though 
the  distances  which  compose  it  may  each  be  questioned,  you 
are  understood  when  you  so  describe  it.  But  Mr.  Ellis  pro- 
duces, in  p.  169  of  the  Treatise,  this  proposition : — "  The 
"  Peutingerian  Table  gives  85  Eoman  miles  as  the  distance 
"  from  Vienne  to  the  point  where  the  Turin  and  Vienne  road 
"  falls  into  the  Turin  and  Valence  road."  If  there  had  been 
a  Turin  and  Valence  road,  and  a  Turin  and  Vienne  road,  dis- 
tinct from  one  another,  there  might  be  a  point  where  one 
might  fall  into  the  other  or  cross  the  other  :  but,  as  there 
are  not  such  roads,  there  is  no  such  point ;  and  you  cannot 
measure  to  it. 

When  I  criticised  these  things  in  1855,  Mr.  Ellis  defended 
himself  in  the  Cambridge  Journal  of  Philology/;  and  still 
hoped  to  persuade  us  that  the  track  which  he  had  named  the 


^0  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  VIII. 

Turin  and  Vienne  road  is  drawn  over  the  Little  Mont  Cenis. 
As  to  that  which  is  drawn  to  Luc,  and  which  is  intermediate 
between  the  line  to  Aries  and  the  line  to  Vienne,  I  have  said 
of  it  in  my  Criticism,  p.  88—"  I  do  not  at  all  believe  that 
there  was  such  a  road  to  be  recorded."  Nevertheless,  it 
appeared  to  me,  that  D'Anville,  who  wrote  in  1760,  eighty 
years  before  Forbes's  excursion  to  Mont  Pelvoux,  must  have 
interpreted  the  line  as  a  line  through  the  Val  Godemar,  inas- 
much it  could  not  possibly  represent  anything  else.  I  have 
since  seen  D'Anville's  map  of  1739,  which  satisfies  me  that 
this  had  been  his  mistake.  But  I  had  before  read  Forbes, 
and  seen  Bourcet's  map,  and  was  convinced  that  such  a  line 
of  road  for  the  Carthaginian  force,  could  never  have  existed. 
Mr.  Ellis  misunderstands  or  misrepresents  me  throughout  this 
subject  in  pp.  10  and  11  of  the  Camh.  Journal  of  Phil. :  and  in 
p.  12  speculates,  in  a  note,  on  the  Jerusalem  Itinerary  having 
been  miscopied  in  making  the  Table,  whereby  Davianum 
might  become  Gerainse,  and  Cambonum  Geminse ;  "  names 
(as  he  says)  not  entirely  without  resemblance." 

Without  stopping  to  speculate  on  the  value  of  such  re- 
semblances, I  will  say  that  the  impossible  track  to  Luc 
does  not  deserve  that  new  distances  and  new  termini  should 
be  invented  for  its  relief.  We  need  not  care  how  the  artist 
came  so  to  delineate  it:  it  is  condemned,  and  merits  no 
further  consideration.  Let  us  examine  the  other  line :  of 
which  Mr.  Ellis  says — "  The  road  over  the  Little  Mont  Cenis 
is  laid  down  in  the  Peutingerian  Table." 

Many  readers  may  probably  never  have  had  their  attention 
called  to  this  curious  document  before,  and  Mr.  Ellis  has 
very  considerately  had  engraved  for  them  what  he  thinks 
the  necessary  portion  of  it.  I  do  the  same  from  the  last 
edition  of  1753.  This  comical  old  map  does  not  affect 
accuracy  in  its  convergent  or  divergent  lines,  or  in  the 
position  of  places  as  fitting  the  distances.     It  is  the  roughest 


€HAP.  VIII.]         Mr.  Ellis  on  Peutinger's  Table.  61 

jiiemorandum  of  geography,  made  on  a  principle  of  com- 
pression, by  which  its  tracks  are  nearly  parallel,  even  when 
they  should  be  at  right  angles.  The  artist  was  obliged  to 
give  twists  or  curves  in  each  line  of  road,  both  for  keeping 
it  distinct  from  other  lines,  and  that  he  may  have  room  to 
write  the  names  of  stations  and  numbers  of  miles.  The 
object  of  presenting  in  one  narrow  strip  of  parchment  nearly 
all  the  roads  of  the  known  world,  is  supposed  to  have  been 
that  it  should  be  portable  when  rolled  on  a  stick. 

One  hint  will  be  useful  to  guide  the  reader ;  he  must,  from 
Turin,  carry  his  eye  to  the  summit  of  the  Alps  which  divide 
Italy  from  France ;  and,  if  he  shall  there  be  induced  to 
hesitate  about  inclining  more  westward  or  eastward,  let  him 
apprehend  that  he  is  coming  very  near  to  Brian9on,  and  that 
Susa  is  already  left  25  miles  behind.  He  must  be  very 
restive  if  he  can  back  so  far,  and  then  turn  complacently 
over  the  Cenis. 

Let  us  now  inspect  the  Table  itself,  with  a  view  to  see 
Mr.  Ellis  work  out  his  problem  of  a  Peutingerian  Mont 
Cenis.  The  track  in  question,  part  of  what  he  names  the 
Turin  and  Vienne  road,  as  apparent  to  the  eye,  has  a  be- 
ginning, an  end,  and  an  expressed  length.  The  beginning 
is  near  a  mountain  pass,  at  which  are  the  words,  "Brigan- 
"  tione  in  Alpe  Cottia."  The  end  is  Vigenna  on  the  Khone. 
The  length  given  is  85  miles,  being  the  sum  of  the  expressed 
distances  from  place  to  place,  seven  places  being  marked  be- 
tween those  termini.  No  other  85  miles  is  spoken  of  by  Mr. 
Ellis :  and,  when  he  undertakes  to  identify  the  intervening 
places,  he  deals  with  all  those  named  between  Brigantione  and 
Vigenna,  and  no  others.  The  question  embraces  three  ingre- 
dients :  terminus  a  quo ;  termimis  ad  quern  ;  distance  from 
one  to  the  other. 

Mr.  Ellis,  not  liking  the  visible  terminus  d  quo,  Brian^on, 
which  appears  as  the  beginning  of  his  85  Peutingerian  miles, 


^2  Early  KnouMf/e  of  the  A  Ips.  [i'ART  viii. 

names  three  more  as  rivals  to  it ;  and  arbitrarily  throws  open 
the  right  of  representing  that  initial  terminus,  to  the  competi- 
tion of  all  Alps,  French  and  Italian,  which  in  the  days  of 
Cottius  had  been  subject  to  the  influence  of  that  chieftain  :  a 
scope,  which  in  one  direction  embraces  his  capital  Susa,  and 
in  the  other  comprises  two  points  which,  under  the  sham  of 
impartiality,  are  set  up  in  order  to  be  knocked  down.  We 
are  informed,  Treatise,  p.  169,  that,  "  though  the  Cottian  ter- 
"litory  terminated  at  Embrun,  the  name  of  Cottian  Alps, 
"  applied  to  mountains,  might  be  extended  to  Gap,  and  even 
"beyond."  Accordingly  he  invites  for  representing  this 
terminus  or  starting  point,  places  as  far  as  Susa  eastward, 
and  to  Gap  or  beyond  westward.  He  says,  p.  169  :  "  There 
"  are  four  roads,  each  of  which  may  have  a  claim  to  be  con- 
"sidered  as  the  Turin  and  Vienne  road."  The  points  ap- 
proved by  Mr.  Ellis  as  possible  to  be  the  starting  place  or 
terminus  a  quo,  are  Susa,  Brian9on,  Gap,  and  Aspres,  west  of 
Gap  :  others  being  excluded  by  the  ingredient  of  85  miles, 
which,  Mr.  Ellis  says,  "  is  the  distance  from  Vienne  given  by 
the  Peutingerian  Table." 

Seeing  this,  one  expects  that  Mr.  Ellis  will  decide  according 
to  merits,  by  comparing  the  distances  from  these  rival  points 
to  the  terminus  ad  quem,  Vienne.  But  presently,  after  a 
discussion  on  the  Turin  roads  and  their  divergences,  he  finds 
a  difficulty  on  the  distance,  and  says  :  "  By  the  nearest  of  the 
"  four  roads  mentioned,  the  distance  from  Vienne  to  Aspres 
"  is  more  than  120  miles."  Hereupon  one  expects  that  the 
impossible  candidates  will  be  rejected.  But  Mr.  Ellis  has  a 
different  resource :  he  throws  over  the  terminus  ad  quern,  as 
well  as  the  terminus  a  quo.  He  makes  a  further  reformation 
by  cancelling  the  stipulation  on  "  85  miles  to  Vienne  given 
by  the  Table."  This  is  no  longer  a  condition  of  the  race. 
Whether  they  shall  ever  reach  that  place  seems  to  be  optional. 
Each  is  to  close  his  career,  wherever  a  run  of  85  miles  will 


CHAP.  VIII. J         Mr,  Ellis  on  Feutingers  Table,  6li 

bring  him  into  a  certain  other  track  by  which  he  may  even- 
tually come  to  Vienne,  in  a  roundabout  way,  by  the  Mont  dm 
Chat,  and  St.  Genix.  This  was  not  one  of  Mr.  Ellis's  three 
roads  from  Turin.  He  called  it  before  the  Ivrea  and  Vienne 
road :  it  proceeds  from  Alpis  Graia,  through  Chambery,  and 
over  the  Chartreuse  range.  If  any  one  of  the  four  admitted 
candidates  can,  by  running  85  miles,  cut  into  this  track,  at 
any  point  of  it  however  distant  from  Vienne,  his  line  is  to  be 
recognised  as  the  line  of  the  chart,  called  by  Mr.  Ellis  the 
Turin  and  Vienne  road.  Such  are  the  improved  conditions, 
under  which  Mr.  Ellis  himself,  having,  by  his  own  permission, 
started  at  Susa,  arrives  victorious  at  Maltaverne  :  and  so  de- 
termined is  he  to  make  sure  of  85  miles,  that  he  has  actually 
done  115  ;  not  to  mention  the  supplemental  distance  that 
wall  be  before  him,  if  he  should  exercise  the  option  of  visiting 
the  termimis  ad  qiiem. 

As  it  may  be  doubted  whether  Mr.  Ellis  can  have  made  so 
curious  an  amendment  to  his  conditions  as  I  impute  to  him, 
I  will  quote  his  own  words,  to  show  that  this  method  of  satis- 
fying a  required  distance  was  his  own.  He  says  in  p.  170 : 
"  The  Turin  and  Vienne  road,  as  it  cannot  reach  Vienne,  after 
"  a  course  of  85  miles,  from  the  point  where  it  leaves  the 
"  Turin  and  Valence  road,  should  thus,  it  may  be  expected, 
"  fall,  at  the  termination  of  that  length  of  way,  into  a  road  on 
"  the  Table  leading  to  Vienne.  But  this  road  into  which  it 
"  falls,  must  be  the  Ivrea  and  Vienne  road,  for  there  is  no 
"  other.  The  question,  therefore,  which  has  now  to  be  deter- 
"  mined,  is  this  :  which  of  the  four  roads,  the  route  of  the 
"  Croix  Haute,  the  route  of  the  valley  of  the  Drac,  the  route 
"  of  the  Lautaret,  or  the  route  of  the  Mont  Cenis,  falls,  at  a 
"  distance  of  about  85  miles  from  the  point  where  it  leaves 
"  the  Turin  and  Valence  road,  into  the  Ivrea  and  Vienne 
"road?" 

No  one  can  pretend  to  answ^er  this  question,  but  he  who 


64  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  vill. 

asks  it,  for  no  one  else  can  understand  it.  The  Table  shows 
no  means  of  passing  from  any  one  of  Mr.  Ellis's  three  Turin 
roads  into  his  Ivrea  road :  and,  if  I  look  for  the  means  of 
oQitiuct  from  one  side  of  the  Is^re  to  the  other,  I  find  that  the 
only  place  at  which  there  was  a  passage  when  the  Table  was 
made,  is  excluded  from  the  Table  by  Mr.  Ellis  himself :  for  he 
has  removed  Grenoble  to  the  river  Arc.  So  that  he  never  gets 
so  far  as  that  place  at  all ;  nor  consequently  to  Vienne,  which  is 
beyond  it.  If  Mr.  Ellis  had  left  the  two  termini  undisturbed, 
and  the  85  miles  by  the  Table  as  he  found  them,  one  might 
not  only  have  gone  right  to  Grenoble,  but  right  ahead  to 
Vienne,  not  bending  right  or  left.  As  it  is,  he  himself  pulls 
up  when  he  likes,  and  has  not  even  the  curiosity  to  inquire 
how  much  farther  it  would  be  to  Vienne.  By  his  description 
of  the  solemnity,  it  is  a  steeplechase  without  a  steeple.  The 
competitors  are  never  in  sight  of  one  another.  To  one  the 
race  was  in  Piemont  and  Savoy :  to  the  others  in  France. 

See  then  how  the  affair  comes  off,  as  the  phrase  is  ;  and 
how,  in  this  novel  sort  of  sweepstakes,  Mr.  Ellis's  Little  Cenis 
acquits  himself,  and  lays  claim  to  the  prize.  Kestive  at  first, 
and  having  retreated  from  the  Genevre  to  Susa,  he  starts  and 
gets  to  Stabatione,  as  he  calls  La  Ferriere,  in  eight  miles : 
clears  the  Cenis ;  pushes  down  the  Arc,  and  is  just  beginning 
the  Isere  :  then,  finding  85  miles,  as  he  calls  the  Peutingerian 
distance  from  Susa,  to  be  exhausted,  he  pulls  up.  This  mis- 
take happens  at  Maltaverne,  a  place  not  in  the  85  miles,  but 
in  the  present  Cenis  road  ;  though  for  the  occasion  he  calls  it 
Mantala,  which  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  Isere  in  the  Graian 
Alp  route.  At  Maltaverne  he  sticks :  he  has  solved  his 
problem  to  his  own  satisfaction,  and  declares  Little  Cenis  to 
be  the  winner.  As  to  the  rightful  competitor,  he  was  cer- 
tainly entitled  to  follow  a  direct  course  given  by  the  chart 
itself  to  Vienne  over  the  Lautaret ;  though  it  is  omitted  from 
Mr.  Ellis's  "  map  of  Eoman  roads  deduced  from  the  Peutin- 


I 


CHAP.  VIII.]       Mr.  Ellis  on  Peidinger's  Talk.  65 

gerian  Table."  The  jockey,  however,  when  he  has  made  good 
progress,  and  sees  Vienne  not  far  ahead,  finds  himself  pro- 
hibited from  reaching  it,  under  Mr.  Ellis's  new  regulations, 
which  encourage  him  to  come  the  wrong  way,  and  not  to  come 
to  Vienne  at  all. 

If  this  case  were  brought  before  a  certain  tribunal  of 
common  sense,  which  administers  justice  only  14  miles  from 
the  scene  of  Mr.  Ellis's  literary  labours,  he  would  be  doomed 
to  hear  :  1.  that  his  horse  was  not  qualified  to  start ;  2.  that 
he  bolted  and  never  recovered  his  ground ;  3.  that  he  broke 
down  when  many  miles  short  of  the  winning  post.  But  Mr. 
Ellis  appeals  to  etymology.    There  he  reckons  upon  a  verdict. 

If  there  be  a  grave  object  in  the  discussion  to  which  the 
Treatise  has  here  invited  us,  it  must  be  to  ascertain  the  line 
of  country  through  which  the  track  to  Vienne  was  meant  to 
be  drawn  in  the  Peutingerian  table :  for  this  purpose  we 
examine  it,  and  consider  the  probabilities  of  each  name,  as  it 
stands  in  it.  I  will  presently  offer  to  the  reader  the  places 
seen  in  this  track  of  the  Table,  consecutively  in  one  column, 
in  the  order  as  they  stand  in  the  document  to  be  interpreted, 
with  the  distances  as  stated  between  them :  and  I  will  in 
another  column  give  the  modern  sites  as  commonly  ac- 
quiesced in  for  the  last  hundred  years,  and  in  another  those 
now  proposed  by  Mr.  Ellis. 

Mr.  Ellis,  Treatise  p.  172,  gives  a  form  for  the  instruction 
of  his  readers ;  but  it  can  only  instruct  those  who  have 
already  subscribed  to  his  hypothesis  whatever  it  is.  It  carries 
them  from  Susa  to  Mantala.  I  would  rather  invite  the  reader 
to  think  for  himself  and  read  for  himself.  But  1  will  tran- 
scribe Mr.  Ellis's  Table,  which  he  offers  as  showing  the 
modern  places  which  in  his  view  correspond  with  those 
named  in  Peutinger's.  His  third  column  is  of  little  use :  it 
could  only  show  that  the  intervals  between  places  suggested 
had  a  reasonable  correspondence  with  the  intervals  between 

VOL.  II.  F 


66  JEarly  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [pakt  viii. 

places  in  the  Table.  The  question  is  on  the  identity  of 
places  ;  and  correspondence  of  distance  is  but  one  sort  of 
evidence  in  aid  of  it.  I  will  add  reasons  for  thinking  that 
this  form  may  not  answer  the  proper  purpose,  which  is  the 
ascertaining  of  Truth. 

Mr.  Ellis's  Table— Treatise,  p.  172. 


Actual  distances 

Peutingerian 

Ancient  Stations. 

Modem  Places. 

in 

distances  in 

Roman  miles. 

Eoman  miles. 

Segusio. 

Susa. 

Stabatio. 

La  Ferriere. 

8f 

8 

Durotincum. 

Granges  de  Dervieux. 

n 

7 

Mellosedum. 

Bramans. 

lOJ 

10 

Catorissium. 

Yillarodin. 

5 

5 

Culabo. 

Orelle. 

m 

12 

Morginnum. 

St.  Jean  de  Maurienne. 

14i 

14 

Turecionnum. 

T-a  Chapelle. 

l*i 

14 

Mantala. 

Maltaverne. 

16i 

15 

89f 

85 

This  is  not  a  statement  of  places  as  in  the  Table.  Stabatio 
is  not  the  first  station  from  Susa ;  it  is  the  fourth.  Three 
stations  are  omitted  between  Segusio  and  Stabatio :  namely, 
Martis,  Gadaone,  and  Brigantione.  The  distance  from  Segusio 
to  Stabatio  is  not  8  miles  nor  8f ;  but  38.  Also  the  last  of 
the  Ancient  Stations  is  Yigenna ;  Mantala  belongs  to  another 
route  in  the  Peutingerian  Table,  where  it  is  not  Maltaverne. 
In  short,  this  is  but  a  copy  of  Mr.  Ellis's  improvements. 

I  wiU  now  give  the  places  and  distances  as  they  are  really 
marked  in  the  original  document :  and,  as  Mr.  Ellis  begins 
from  Susa,  I  will  also  begin  from  Susa ;  though  it  is  nearly 
30  miles  earlier  than  the  line  which  is  in  question.     I  will 


CHAP,  viir.]         Mr.  Ellis  on  Petitinger's  Table. 


67 


enter  the  ancient  stations  accurately  witli  the  distances,  as 
expressed  in  the  Chart :  giving  in  another  column  the  modern 
places,  which  D'Anville  deemed  to  correspond  with  them ; 
and  in  another,  those  which  Mr.  Ellis  deems  to  correspond. 
For  the  former  I  refer  to  D'Anville's  dictionary  called 
"  Notice  de  TAncienne  Gaule  :  "  for  the  latter  to  Mr.  Ellis's 
Treatise,  pp.  172—176. 

Tabula  Peutingeriana.     Carte  de  Peutinger. 

Track  from  Susa  to  Brian9on,  and  on  to  Vienne ;  as  marked 
by  Stations  and  distances  in  that  ancient  document.  Together 
with  corresponding  modern  sites,  as  explained  by  D'Anville 
a  hundred  years  ago  ;  and  as  now  explained  by  Mr.  EUis. 


Stations  in  the  Chart, 

with  distances  marked  in 

Roman  miles. 

Modern  Sites  according 
to  D'Anville. 

■ 

Modern  sites  according 
to  Mr.  Ellis. 

From  Segusio  tc 

» 

From  Susa  to 

From  Susa 

Martis   .     . 

xvii 

Oulx. 

Gadaone     . 

viii 

Cesanne. 

(missing  three  sta- 

Brigantione 

V 

30 

Brian^on. 

tions) 

From  Brigantione  to 

Stabatione  . 

viii 

Monestier. 

to  La  Ferri^re. 

Durotinco  . 

vii 

Yillard  dArenes. 

Granges  de  Dervieux. 

MeUosecto . 

X 

Mizouin. 

Bramans. 

Catorissium 

V 

Bourg  d'Oysans. 

Yillarodin. 

Culabone    . 

xii 

Grenoble. 

Orelle. 

Morginno   .     . 

xiv 

Moirans. 

St.  Jean  de  Maurienne. 

Turecionno 

xiv 

Omacien. 

La  Chapelle. 

Vigenna 

.      XV 

Vienne. 

Maltaverne. 

85 

f2 


68  Early  Knoivkdge  of  the  Alps.  [part  yiii. 

Reasons  given  hy  the  two  antiquaries  for  their  views  on  the 

modern  sites. 

MartiSy  17  m. 

D'Anville  treats  this  as  the  modern  Oulx  :  Ad  Martis 

in  the  Itineraries.     First  station  from  Susa. 
Mr.  Ellis  says  nothing  on  the  site. 

Gadaone,  8  m. 

J)'Anville,  who  observes  the  line  of  the  Itineraries, 
through  Turin  to  the  Alps,  makes  Gadaone  to  be 
Cesanne  at  the  foot  of  the  M.  Gen^vre.  In  the 
Jerusalem  Itinerary,  it  is  Gesdaone. 

Mr.  EUis  says  nothing  on  the  site. 

Brigantione,  5  m. 

D'Anville  calls  this  Brian^on,  which  is  beyond  the 
chain  of  mountains  passed   after  ascending  from 
Cesanne. 
Mr.  Ellis  says  nothing  on  this  site. 

Stahatione,  8  m. 

D'Anville,  believing  that  the  only  road  forward  from 
the  Gen^vre  is  that  which  descends  upon  Brianyon, 
and  that  the  only  road  which  there  diverges  from 
the  line  down  the  Durance  is  that  to  Grenoble, 
began  to  reckon  the  85  miles  given  by  the  Chart  to 
Vienne,  with  the  8  entered  from  Brigantione  to 
Stabatione,  which  place  he  therefore  apprehends  as 
Monestier. 
Mr.  Ellis  calls  this  place  La  Ferriere,  which  is  8  m. 
from  Susa. 

Durotinco,  7  m. 

D'Anville  thought  Villard  d'Arenes  to  be  the  probable 

^  representative  of  this  place.     From  Monestier  you 

reach  it  by  passing  over  the  Col  du  Lautaret.     The 


V 


1y\ 


CHAP.  VIII.]         Mr,  Ellis  on  PetUinger's  Tahle.  69 

distance  being  about  12  miles,  he  suggests  that  the 
vii.  ought  to  be  xii. 
Mr.  Ellis  supposes  that  Durotincum  was  Granges 
de  Dervieux,  a  place  which  he  names  as  being  on 
the  plateau  of  the  Little  Mont  Cenis.  He  tells  us, 
that  Durotincimi  is  almost  pure  Celtic :  dur  being 
water,  tin  a  source,  and  cum  a  valley:  so  he  is 
satisfied  with  having  the  first  of  these  represented 
by  Der,  while  vieux  denotes  antiquity.  Treatise, 
p.  172. 

Mellosecio,  10  m. 

This  place  in  the  earlier  edition  by  Bertius  was 
written  Mellosedo.  D'Anville  conjectured  the  site 
to  be  near  Mizouin  on  the  Romanche,  the  distance 
being  somewhere  about  10  miles. 

Mr.  Ellis'  site  is  Bramante  or  Bramans  on  the  Arc,  a 
place  to  which  you  descend  from  the  Little  Mont 
Cenis.  He  explains  the  Celtic  origin  of  Mellosedo, 
and  converts  it  into  the  Latin  Bramans  thus  :  Maol, 
bare — Lon,  a  meadow — Sead,  seat.  Maol  and  Lon 
are  represented  by  the  Latin  Pratum  ;  and  Sead  by 
mansio.  Accordingly  Prati  Mansio,  alias  Bra-mans, 
has  supplanted  Mellosedum,  as  "  an  equivalent 
term,  identical  in  meaning."     Tr.  p.  174. 

Catorissium,  5  m. 

D'Anville  suggested  for  this  station  Bourg  d'Oysans, 
supposed  to  have  been  the  principal  town  of  the 
Uesni. 

Mr.  Ellis  proposes  a  village  on  the  Arc  called  Villa- 
rodin,  which  he  conceives  belonged  to  the  Caturiges, 
whom  he  locates  on  this  occasion  in  the  Upper 
Maurienne.  To  account  for  the  word  being  in  the 
genitive  plural,  as  he  says  it  is,  he  alludes  to  "Ad 


70  Earhj  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii 

deam  Vocontiorum ; "  and  suggests  that  the  name 
of  the  station  may  have  been  in  Ml  Dea  Catoris- 
sium,  Teagh  being  Celtic  for  a  house. 

Culdbom,  12  m. 

D'Anville,  like  the  rest  of  the  world,  considered  this 
name  to  represent  Grenoble,  Gratianopolis  ;  whose 
earlier  name  was  Cularo,  here  spelt  Culabo.  He 
says — "  Cularo  conserve  son  nom  primitif  dans  la 
"  Table  Theodosienne ;  ou  il  faut  lire  Cularone  au 
"  lieu  de  Culabone."  Pilot  (Ristoire  de  Grenoble) 
gays, — "  Le  nom  de  Graisivaudan,  mot  forme  de 
"  Gratiano  vallis,  fut  d'abord  donn^  h,  la  vallee  ou 
"  est  situ^  Grenoble.  On  I'a  depuis  etendu  h.  tout 
"  le  pays  formant  le  comt^  ou  gouvernement  de 
"  cette  ville."  D'Anville  saw  that  12  miles  was 
inadequate,  as  the  distance  from  Catorissium ;  and 
supposed  a  station  to  be  omitted.  His  conjecture 
is  confirmed  by  the  writer  called  the  geographer  of 
Kavenna,  who,  giving  an  additional  station,  writes 
Cantourisa-Fines-Curarone.  I  need  not  again  refer 
to  the  correspondence  of  Plancus  and  Cicero.  Pilot 
states  the  ancient  Cularo  to  have  risen  to  celebrity 
under  the  Emperor  Maximian ;  and  cites  a  Roman 
inscription  over  one  of  the  ancient  gates  in  honour 
of  Diocletian  and  Maximian,  in  which  are  the  words 
Muris  Cularonensibus. 
Mr.  Ellis  makes  Orelle,  a  village  on  the  Arc  above 
S.  Michel,  to  represent  the  Culabo  of  Peutinger's 
Table :  and,  though  he  well  knew  what  D'Anville 
had  written  on  Culabo  being  the  same  as  Cularo, 
and  had  read  Pilot's  history,  he  did  not  in  his 
Treatise,  see  p.  175,  allude  to  the  circumstance,  that 
it  had  ever  been  thought  to  be  Grenoble :   while 


[ 


CHAP.  VIII.]         Mr.  Ellis  on  Peutinger's  Table.  71 

perhaps  no  one  before  himself  had  suspected  it  of 
being  anything  else.  When  he  is  challenged  upon 
it,  his  whole  defence,  besides  etymology,  is  that 
Grenoble  had  been  Cularo,  not  Culabo :  and  he 
says  {Gamb.  Journal y  v.  iii.  15),  "  The  identity  of 
"  Culabo  and  Grenoble  is  obviously  all  but  impos- 
"  sible."  This  seems  to  mean  that  there  can  be  no 
inaccuracy  of  distance,  nor  variety  of  spelling :  he 
might  have  observed  that  it  is  found  in  manuscripts 
as  Civaro,  Cularo,  Calaro,  and  Curaro,  all  of  which 
were  mentioned  by  D'Anville. 

Mr.  Ellis's  argument  for  his  own  Culabo,  OreUe,  was 
more  lively.  Pilot,  meaning  to  speak  of  the  ancient 
Grenoble,  not  thinking  of  Orelle,  says — "Cularum 
signifie  proprement  lieu  recule,  extr^mite."  Mr. 
Ellis  was  pleased  with  the  idea  "  recule,"  as  consist- 
ing with  Orelle,  "  ora,  extremity  or  border : "  and 
imagined  Ora  to  signify  the  last  village  of  the 
Caturiges  on  the  Arc  :  and  illustrates  the  idea  with 
"  the  Gaelic  Culaobh,  the  back  part  of  anything :  the 
"  Piedmontese  Culaton,  estreniita,  parte  deretana : 
"  the  Italian  Orlo  :  the  Spanish  Orilla :  the  Col  de 
"  la  Cula,  a  pass  at  the  extremity  of  the  valley  of 
"  Barcelonnette  :"  to  which  is  added,  in  his  Defence, 
"  the  Low  Latin  Culata,  rei  alicujus  pars  extrema." 
Journ.  iii.  15. 

The  principle  on  which  Mr.  Ellis  cherishes  such  ex- 
change of  names  is  enunciated,  p.  174,  when  he  is 
turning  Mellosedum  into  Bramans.  "  When  the 
"  Celtic  language  was  dying  out  in  the  Alps,  and  a 
"  Latin  or  Eomance  dialect  was  taking  its  place,  the 
"  old  name  fell  into  disuse,  and  was  replaced  by  an 
"  equivalent  term  of  Latin  origin."  Hence  Mr.  Ellis 
conjectures,  that  there  was  once  on  the  Arc  a  Celtic 


72  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [i'AKT  viii. 

village  Culabo,  which  name  fell  into  disuse,  and 
was  replaced  by  the  Latin  Orelle  (ora) :  that  upon 
the  former  dying  out  about  1,400  years  ago,  the 
latter  came  into  use  as  an  equivalent,  to  represent 
"parte  deretana."    Now,  on  Mr.  Ellis's  part,  there  is 
neither  any  proof  of  the  early  existence  of  Orelle, 
nor  of  what  the  name  had  been,  which  died  out 
when  Orelle  began.     Moreover,  whether  Cularo  or 
Culabo  was  to  be   replaced  by  Latin,  the  change 
would  not,  on  Mr.  Ellis's  principle,  be   required. 
Cuius  was  Latin  already.     The  last  syllable,  ro  or 
ho,  would  be  neutral  in  the  question.     In  the  case 
of  Grenoble,  on  the  contrary,  we  have  evidence  of 
facts  :  evidence  of  the  old  name  and  evidence  of  the 
name  which  superseded  it. 
Before  Mr.  Ellis  defended  himself  in  the  Journal  of 
Phil.  iii.  p.  15,  he  seems  to  have  looked  again  at 
D'Anville's  Cularo ;  where  he  would  learn  that,  at 
the  Council  of  Aquileia,  A.D.  381,  there  was  present 
a  Bishop  of  Gratianopolis ;  which  place  therefore 
had  very  lately  changed   its   name   from   Cularo. 
Hereupon  Mr.  Ellis  makes  this  sagacious  comment 
— "  If,  as  Mr,  Law  seems  to  suppose,  the  Peutin- 
"  gerian  Table  dates  from  the  time  of  Theodosius, 
"  Grenoble  ought  to  appear  rather  under  the  name 
"  of  Gratianopolis  than  under  that  of  Cularo."    Now 
I  am  used  to  speak  of  that  document  as  Carte  de 
Peutinger.     Learned  men  have  judged  by  internal 
evidence  that  it  is  of  the  period  of  Theodosius : 
D'Anville  always  calls  it "  Table  Theodosienne."   But 
it  would  be  futile  to  contend  that  the  old  name  of 
the  place  was  never  used  for  any  purpose  after  the 
Bishop  had  assumed  the  new  name,  whicli  would 
attach  to  him  on  his  consecration.     Whether  the 


ciUP.  VI 1 1.]         Mr.  Ellis  on  Peutinger's  Table.  73 

parchment  we  speak  of  was  prepared  at  Eome  or 
Constantinople,  and  whether  the  artist  was  a  school- 
master or  a  quartermaster,  such  a  thing  would  be 
for  a  long  time  more  likely  to  bear  the  old  name 
Cularo  than  the  new  name  Gratianopolis.  I  thought 
I  had  travelled  through  Conflans,  till  I  found  myself 
in  a  diligence  with  the  rector  of  Albertville.  Novel- 
ties did  not  circulate  in  general  application  1,500 
years  ago  more  rapidly  than  they  do  now. 

Morginno,  14  m. 

D'Anville  points  out  Moirans,  which  is  14  miles  from 

Grenoble,  and  by  the  Chart  in  a  direct  line  to  Vienne. 
Mr.  Ellis  names  St.  Jean  de  Maurienne  :  and,  if  Cula- 

bone  could  be  Orelle,  this  might  be  Moirans  :  not  if 

Culabone  is  Grenoble. 

Turecionno,  14  m. 

D'Anville  finds  the  modern  Ornacien  as  best  repre- 
senting the  place  which  intervenes  between  Moirans 
and  Vienne  ;  but  doubts  about  the  accuracy  of  dis- 
tances, 14  and  15. 

Mr.  Ellis  has  no  more  etymological  resources ;  but 
finds  a  j)lace  on  the  Arc  called  La  Chapelle,  14  miles 
below  St.  Jean  de  Maurienne,  and  marks  it  Ture- 
cionnum. 

Vigenna,  15  m. 

D'Anville  sought  Vienne  as  the  terminus,  and  found 
it,  as  Dr.  Smith's  Dictionary  finds  it  now.  See 
Morgimium  and  Turecionnum. 

Mr.  Ellis  has  now  left  the  valley  of  the  Arc ;  and,  as 
the  next  station  that  pleases  him  after  La  Chapelle 
is  Maltaverne,  he  stops  at  Maltaverne,  and  goes  no 
further..  But  to  suit  his  last  prescription,  he  calls 
it  Mantala :  because  Mantala  belongs  to  a  different 


V 


Early  Knoioledge  of  the  Al^ys.  [part  viii. 

line  of  march.  It  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  Isere, 
between  Montmelian  and  Chambery,  in  our  route 
of  Alpis  Graia :  (Mr.  Ellis's  Ivrea  route.)  It  is 
there,  not  only  in  the  Peutingerian  Table,  but  in 
the  Antonine  Itinerary.  Mr.  Ellis  breaks  down  in 
all  his  points.  He  provoked  the  whole  inquiry,  to 
explain  85  miles  of  what  he  called  "  the  Turin,  and 
Vienne  road."  He  keeps  Turin  out  of  his  map. 
He  avoids  Yienne  as  the  terminus  ;  and  takes  pains 
to  do  so. 


We  have  here  seen  two  conflicting  expositions  of  a  Way 
curiously  delineated  nearly  1,500  years  ago.  D'Anville  be- 
gins at  the  prescribed  beginning,  and  ends  at  the  prescribed 
end :  he  points  out  some  figures  as  erroneous,  and  stations  as 
probably  omitted :  so  that  85  miles  laid  down  as  the  total 
distance  is  probably  below  the  truth.  As  most  of  the  names 
expressed  are  not  met  with  elsewhere,  he  conjectures  the  sites, 
where  materials  are  wanting  for  identifying  them.  And  his 
view  has,  I  believe,  hitherto  had  the  concurrence  of  the  literary 
world.  Mr.  Ellis  admits  this,  saying  that  the  track  in  the 
Chart  "  has  hitherto  been  considered  to  have  passed  over  the 
Col  du  Lautaret  between  Brian9on  and  Grenoble,"  p.  168 ; 
and  he  probably  stands  alone  in  professing  to  doubt  it.  He 
begins  with  inventing  three  roads  from  Turin  to  the  Ehone  ; 
an  invention  which  only  serves  the  purpose  of  verbal  confu- 
sion: he  lays  down  three  data  for  argument,  termini,  and 
distance  :  and  withdraws  them  one  after  the  other :  pretends 
to  search  for  a  town  on  the  Ehone,  that  he  may  talk  of  it  as 
accessible  from  the  Cenis  :  but  having  chosen  the  wrong  road, 
and  named  all  wrong  places,  exhausts  the  distance  he  was 
pledged  to,  and  breaks  down  without  reaching  the  town  at  all. 
This  casualty  happens  at  Maltaverne :  and  he  cannot  get  a 


CHAP.  VIII.]  Mr,  Ellis  on  Peutinger's  liable.  75 

yard  further.  Etymology,  his  capricious  friend,  takes  pains 
to  get  stations  for  him  :  but  even  etymology  shrinks  from  the 
termini.  If  any  there  be  who  are  blind  to  the  honest  good 
sense  which  guides  one  of  these  antiquarians,  let  them  admire 
the  grave  eccentricity  and  comic  etymology  of  the  other : 
let  them  admire,  that  a  man  should  indulge  himself  with  a 
vision  of  the  places  on  the  Arc  in  Peutinger's  Table.  But, 
if  they  are  falling  into  the  delusion  themselves,  let  Brian9on, 
Grenoble,  and  Vienne  suffice,  either  separately  or  jointly,  to 
wake  them  out  of  it.  It  is  said  most  mistakenly  in  Mr. 
Ellis's  defence  (Journal,  vol.  iii.  p.  15),  that  "the  argument 
"  for  D  'Anville's  route  rests  almost  entirely  on  the  supposed 
"  identity  of  Grenoble  with  Culabo."  That  identity  is  indeed 
enough  of  itself.  But  the  justice  of  D  'Anville's  stations,  and 
the  impossibility  of  Mr.  Ellis's  stations,  are  the  necessary 
result  of  the  one  accepting  Brian9on  and  Vienne  as  the 
termini  of  those  85  miles,  and  the  other  defying  his  own 
senses  with  Susa  and  Maltaverne ;  in  the  vain  hope  of  sup- 
porting a  proposition,  which  has  no  rival  in  print — "The 
"  road  over  the  Little  Mont  Cenis  is  laid  down  in  the 
"  Peutingerian  Table." 

Two  commentators,  besides  Mr.  Ellis,  have  in  the  last  few 
years  come  forth  in  favour  of  the  Cenis  :  but  neither  of  them 
has  mistaken  that  mountain  for  the  Pass  of  Ammianus,  or 
recognised  the  apparition  of  the  Petit  Cenis  in  the  document 
which  perpetuates  the  name  of  Peutinger.  They  have  enough 
to  answer  for  without  grasping  such  fancies  as  these.  The 
ingenious  Larauza,  and  the  learned  Ukert,  proceed  up  the 
Arc,  innocent  of  the  derivations  of  Bramans  and  Dervieux. 


76  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [pakt  viii. 


CHAPTEE  IX. 

Mr.  Ellis  on  the  Mont  Cenis.    His  appeal  to  Ccesar's  march 
from  the  Inner  to  the  Outer  Province. 

Mr.  Ellis  now  carries  back  his  proof  of  the  antiquity  of  the 
Cenis  to  within  160  years  of  Hannibal's  invasion.  He  de- 
clares that  "the  Mont  Cenis  was  crossed  by  Julius  Caesar 
"  when  on  his  way  to  intercept  the  Helvetii  in  Transalpine 
"  Gaul."     He  cites  the  following  well-known  words  : — 

"  Ipse  in  Italiam  magnis  itineribus  contendit,  duasque  ibi 
"  legiones  conscribit ;  et  tres  quae  circum  Aquileiam  hiema- 
"  bant  ex  hibernis  educit,  et  qua  proximum  iter  in  ulteriorem 
"  Galliam  per  Alpas  erat,  cum  his  quinque  legionibus  ire  con- 
"  tendit.  Ibi  Centrones  et  Graioceli  et  Caturiges,  locis  supe- 
"  rioribus  occupatis,  itinere  exercitum  prohibere  conantur. 
"  Compluribus  his  proeliis  pulsis,  ab  Ocelo,  quod  est  citerioris 
"  provincise  extremum,  in  fines  Vocontiorum  ulterioris  pro- 
"  vincise  die  septimo  pervenit ;  inde  in  Allobrogum  fines,  ab 
"  Allobrogibus  in  Segusianos  exercitum  ducit.  Hi  sunt  extr^ 
''  provinciam  trans  Ehodanum  primL" 

Where  then  did  Caesar  cross  the  Alps  in  this  seven  days' 
march  from  the  inner  province  to  the  outer  province  ?  He 
names  the  two  termini ;  Ocelum  whence  it  began,  and  Vo- 
contiorum fines  into  which  it  arrived.  Also  he  names  three 
peoples  as  opposing  his  advance  on  the  higher  parts  of  the 
pass.  Much  has  been  said  already,  both  on  Ocelum  and  the 
Vocontii :  and,  if  it  has  been  said  rightly,  the  pass  can  be  no 
other  than  the  Mont  Genevre.  But  I  will  notice  each  name 
separately. 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Ccesar's  March.  77 

Oceliim  and  Scingomagus. 

The  question  of  Caesar's  track  depends  mainly  upon  iden- 
tifying the  beginning  of  it.  Mr.  Ellis  expressly  admits  in  his 
defence,  1856  {Journ.  of  Phil.  vol.  iii.  pp.  18, 19),  that,  if  Ocelum 
were  shown  to  be  Uxeau,  Caesar  cannot  have  crossed  the  Mont 
Cenis.  Mr.  Ellis  may  by  this  time  be  aware  of  the  opinion  of 
Mr.  Bnnbury,  given  thus  in  Dr.  Smith's  Dictionary: — "In 
"  Strabo's  time  Ocelum  was  the  frontier  town  of  the  kingdom 
"  of  Cottius,  and  it  was  from  thence  that  a  much  frequented 
"  road  led  over  the  pass  of  the  Mont  Genevre  by  Scingomagus 
"  (C^sanne),  Brigantium  (Briangon),  and  Ebrodunum  (Em- 
*'  brun),  to  the  territory  of  the  Vocontii.  D'Anville  has 
''  clearly  shown  that  Ocelum  was  at  Uxeau,  a  village  in  the 
"  valley  of  Fenestrelles,  and  not,  as  supposed  by  previous 
"  writers,  at  Oulx,  in  the  valley  of  the  Dora."  But,  as 
Mr.  Ellis  is  not  bound  by  the  decision  of  D'Anville,  or  of 
Mr.  Bunbury,  I  must  combat  the  adverse  arguments. 

It  will  not  be  disputed  that  Ocelum  citerioris  provincise 
extremum  is  the  same  place  as  "Q^KeXov  to  7ripa<i  t?}?  Kottlov 
7?79  in  the  fourth  book  of  Strabo,  179  ;  which  was  the  last  place 
in  the  route,  so  far  as  he  details  it,  from  the  Rhone  over  the 
Mont  Genevre  into  Italy ;  a  place  which  Caesar  only  had 
named  before  him.  The  other  place  which  Strabo  names 
between  the  pass  and  Ocelum,  Scingomagus,  is  not  found 
elsewhere,  save  in  Pliny.  D  'Anville  first  corrected  the  error 
of  supposing  that  the  two  names  represented  places,  which 
afterwards  appeared  under  other  names  in  the  Itineraries, 
belonging  to  the  Imperial  line  constructed  through  Oulx  and 
Susa.  He  identified  Ocelum  as  the  place  now  called  Ucello, 
or  Uxeau,  near  Fenestrelles.  It  is  called  Occello  by  the 
geographer  of  Eavenna,  and  Uxellum  in  documents  of  1064 
He  also  objected  that  Oulx,  or  Exilles,  which  others  contended 
for,   were   not  to  Trepa?,   but    in    the   heart   of  the  Cottian 


78  Earhj  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

territories.  And  he  found  evidence  of  Scingomagus  between 
Cesanne  and  Ucello. 

The  route  through  Susa  to  Cesanne  and  the  Genevre  pass, 
was  improved  for  Eoman  purposes  after  Augustus  had  con- 
ciliated Cottius.  This  is  the  road  of  the  Itineraries,  which  is 
continued  to  Brian9on,  and  the  Ehone.  Before  that  time 
Eoman  generals  had  obvious  reasons  for  preferring  a  line 
through  Ocelum  to  Cesanne  and  the  pass.  In  the  days  of 
Pompey  and  Caesar,  when  the  anti-Eoman  confederacy  was 
strong  in  the  mountains,  and  Susa  was  the  head-quarters  of 
the  enemy  ;  when  there  was  no  beginning  of  the  friendship 
which  led  to  an  improved  ascent  to  the  Genevre,  under  the 
superintendence  of  Cottius  himself;  a  Eoman  general,  de- 
siring to  arrive  speedily  into  the  outer  province,  which  he 
could  not  reach  without  crossing  the  enemy's  country,  would 
at  all  events  avoid  the  hostile  capital,  and  the  line  which 
connected  it  with  the  pass. 

The  probabilities  then  are  much  against  Mr.  Ellis's  notions, 
that  the  Ocelum  of  Csesar  and  Strabo  was  placed  between 
Turin  and  Susa ;  and  that  Susa  itself  was  the  Scingomagus 
of  Strabo  ;  for  it  assumes  that  these  places  took  new  names 
before  they  were  entered  in  an  Itinerary.  If  Ca3sar  had 
carried  his  five  legions  through  that  hostile  capital,  it  would 
have  given  matter  for  his  narrative  :  he  would  not  have  passed 
through  it  unmolested.  My  belief  is  that  Pompey,  using  the 
Genevre  pass  sixteen  years  before,  had  established  Ocelum 
as  a  Eoman  frontier  post.  Mr.  Ellis*  thinks  "  that  Pompey 
"  crossed  the  Genevre,  approaching  it  by  the  ordinary  route 
"  through  Susa."  I  believe  that  not  to  have  been  an  ordinary 
route  to  the  Eomans  tiU  long  afterwards.  When  Csesar  set 
out  from  Ocelum  on  his  expedition,  bodies  of  the  Cottian 
confederates  came  to  interrupt  his  progress  from  their  head- 

*  Journ.  of  Philol.  iii.  20. 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Cmsar's  March  79 

quarters,  through  Oulx,  as  well  as  from  the  district  of  the 
Durance. 

D'Anville  contended,  and,  as  I  apprehend,  successfully, 
against  M.  de  Valois,  Cluvier,  and  others,  that  Uxeau  was  the 
Ocelum  of  Caesar,*  and  opposed  those  who,  equally  with  himself, 
conceived  Caesar's  pass  to  be  the  Gen^vre,  but  who  supposed 
his  line  to  it  to  have  been  that  of  the  Itineraries  :  in  that  line 
they  conceived  Ocelum  to  be  represented  by  Exilles  or  Oulx, 
places  which  are  above  Susa  in  the  line  recorded  in  those 
registers.  I  conceive  that  no  road  from  the  Genevre  to  Susa 
was  made  for  Eoman  use  so  early ;  and  that  it  certainly  did 
not  exist  so  soon  as  Hannibal's  time.  For  the  time  of  Strabo 
there  is  no  evidence  of  any  descending  route  but  by  Scingo- 
magus  and  Ocelum,  which  may  probably  have  been  in  use 
at  a  period  before  the  Eomans  were  acquainted  with  it.  Mr. 
Ellis  has  no  occasion  for  it  above  Susa ;  at  which  place  he 
pronounces  Hannibal  to  have  come  down  from  the  Cenis,  and 
Csesar  to  have  turned  up  to  the  Cenis.  He  makes  that  place 
to  be  the  Scingomagus  of  Strabo,  and  Ocelum  to  have  been 
27  miles  lower  down  the  valley,  now  Avigliana,  or  Buttigliera. 
He  has  noticed  my  comment  as  if  he  did  not  comprehend  it, 
and  affects  to  concede,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  that  Csesar 
quite  avoided  the  Cottian  territory.  He  could  not  have  avoided 
it :  Ocelum  bordered  on  the  enemy's  country,  which  stretched 
up  from  thence  and  down  the  Durance.  What  I  urged  was, 
that  he  would  avoid  Susa,  the  enemy's  head-quarters,  by  going 
the  other  way.  I  find  no  reply  :  nor  is  there  an  attempt  to 
twist  the  words  of  Strabo,  who  directs  us  from  the  Genevre  to 
Ocelum,  into  a  signification  of  the  Cenis. 

Mr.  Ellis  uses  this  argument  for  the  identity  of  Susa  and 
Scingomagus  :  that  they  are  found  with  the  same  reputation 
of  distance  from  another  place,  Embrun.     There  are  in  the 

*  Notice  de  I'ancienne  Gaule,  in  v.  Ocelum. 


80  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [PAET  Viil. 

Itiueraries  three  routes  ;  which  give  severally  the  distance  of 
69,  70,  and  71  miles,  from  Ebrodunum  to  Segusio  ;  and  Strabo 
is  construed  to  give  72  miles,  that  is  99  minus  27,  from  Ebro- 
dunum to  Scingomagus.  This  is  no  ground.  If  the  figures 
were  precisely  the  same  in  all,  it  would  not  suggest  identity, 
unless  the  measurements  were  taken  on  one  line  of  route.  You 
cannot  assume  this :  it  is  the  very  point  in  question, — was 
there  always  one  and  the  same  route  of  descent  from  the 
Gen^vre  ?  or  was  there  an  older  line  of  descent,  superseded 
by  a  later  one  ?  I  must  limit  myself  to  saying,  that  there  is 
nothing  in  Mr.  Ellis's  assertions  or  insinuations,  which  makes 
me  doubt  that  Strabo's  route,  which  is  only  detailed  as  far  as 
Ocelum,  belonged  to  a  different  line  from  that  which  is  given 
in  the  Itineraries. 

Another  view,  which  has  influenced  some  critics,  is  this — 
Strabo  calls  Scingomagus  the  beginning  of  Italy  ;  and  the 
Itinerary  makes  Segusio  the  beginning  of  Italy.  Again, 
Strabo  makes  Ocelum  the  boundary  of  the  Province  ;  and  the 
Itinerary  seems  to  make  Ad  Fines  the  boundary  of  the  Pro- 
vince. These  similarities  have  suggested,  that  the  two  stations 
represent  the  two  places  of  Strabo.  A  mere  fallacy !  The 
four  propositions  may  all  be  true.  But  what  then  ?  If  there 
were  the  two  lines  of  descent,  each  would  cross  the  Italian 
boundary  at  its  own  place,  each  would  cross  the  Cottian 
boundary  at  its  own  place.  In  Strabo's  route  the  points  of 
crossing  were  Scingomagus  and  Ocelum:  in  the  Imperial 
route  they  might  be  Segusio  and  Ad  Fines.  This  line  super- 
seded the  other  in  importance,  and  of  course  Strabo's  two 
places  do  not  appear  in  it.  I  fully  believe  the  Eoman  line 
from  Cdsanne,*  through  Oulx  and  Susa  to  Turin,  to  be  the 

*  Cesanne,  in  the  valley  below  the  Genevre,  is  the  place  where 
the  imperial  road  to  Susa  diverged  from  the  old  road  to  Ocelum.  It 
appears  in  the  Jerusalam  Itinerary  as  Gesdaone,  between  Ad  Martis 
and  Brigantione.    In  one  edition  of  Peutinger's  Chart  it  is  Gadaone. 


I 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Ccesar's  March.  81 

new  line  made  after  the  submission  of  Cottius,  and  to  be 
recorded  in  the  Itineraries.  This,  we  may  believe,  was  after 
the  time  of  Strabo,  who  never  mentions  any  one  place  which 
belongs  to  that  line.  There  are  both  lines  at  the  present 
moment.  In  Mr.  Brockedon's  Passes  of  the  Alps,  the  ascent 
to  the  Genevre  which  he  selects  for  description,  is  that  from 
Pinerolo  and  Fenestrelle. 

It  is  always  to  be  presumed,  without  evidence  to  the  con- 
trary, that  places  bearing  different  names  were  different 
places :  but  presumption  grows  into  proof,  when  we  find  that 
they  were  existing  at  the  same  time  by  different  names. 
Pliny,  who  speaks  of  Susa  as  Segusio,  states  a  distance  from 
Eome  to  the  western  bounds  of  Italy,  denoting  the  terminus 
by  "  Alpes  usque  et  Scingomagum  vicum ; "  which  I  consider 
to  confirm  the  reputation  of  an  old  boundary  point,  the  Scin- 
gomagus  of  Strabo,  and  to  prohibit  the  identification  of  it 
with  Susa.  I  showed  that  the  same  writer,  Pliny,  knowing 
both,  calls  them  by  different  names.  Mr.  Ellis  attempts  no 
proof  in  answer  on  this  point  itself:  he  evades  it,  and  makes 
an  useless  expenditure  of  erudition  in  doing  so.  Journ.  of 
PhiloL  iii.  21. 

He  informs  us  that  Pliny  referred  to  Artemidorus,  who  was 
nearly  150  years  before  him,  and  he  thinks  it  uncandid  in  me 
not  to  have  mentioned  the  fact.  As  the  work  of  Artemidorus 
is  lost,  he  brings  forward  one  Agathemerus,  who  came  three 
centuries  later  and  reported  his  matter.  And  I  am  charged 
with  misconstruing  the  words  of  Agathemerus.  Now  I  had 
never  heard  of  such  a  man  in  my  life;  and  when  I  learn 
from  Mr.  Ellis  what  he  said,  I  find  that  it  agrees  with  my 
own  notions. 

Mr.  Ellis  thus  proposes,  in  Journ.  of  Philol.  iii.  21,  to  set 
us  right  on  the  position  of  Scingomagus — "  The  words  of 
"  Artemidorus,  as  preserved  by  Agathemerus  (lib.  i.  c.  4)  are  ; 
"  ttTTO  'Pa>fjL7}<i  iirl  TCL^  "AkTrec^  ea)9  ^KLyyofMayov  Kcofirj^,  vttq 

VOL.  II.  G 


82  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  vill. 

«  ral^  "kXireaLV  ovcrj^,  ardBca  Spvl3\  According  to  Mr.  Law, 
"  this  KcofJLVy  ^'^0  TaUWireaiv  ovara,  stood  almost  on  the  summit 
"  of  the  Col  de  Sestri^res."  This  is  a  hasty  misrepresentation. 
I  did  not  construe  those  words  at  all — I  had  never  heard  of 
them— I  was  representing  [Grit.  p.  107)  D'Anville's  ideas  on 
the  two  routes,  of  ascent :  and  the  word  "  above  "  which  my 
opponent  renders  "  on  the  summit "  means  higher  up  in  the 
country  towards  the  range  of  Alps.— I  spoke  of  Oulx  and 
Exilles  as  above  Susa-Ucello  above  Fenestrelle  ;  Scinguin  above 
the  Col  de  Sestrieres ;  meaning  higher  up  the  country,  more 
towards  C^sanne — "  Under  the  Alps  "  means  under  the  chain 
of  which  the  Genevre  is  part — the  term  is  fairly  applicable 
to  the  position  of  Cesanne,  which  is  at  the  foot  of  the 
Genevre. 

D'Anville's   article  upon   Scingomagus    is   as   follows : — 

"  Strabon  fixe  la  position  de  ce  lieu  entre  Brigantio  et  Ocelum. 

"  Pline  place  ce  lieu,  qu'il  appelle  Vicum,  au  pied  des  Alpes, 

"  et  comme  etant  situe  a  I'extremite  de  I'ltalie  en  partant  de 

"Borne.    J'ai  et^  dans  1' opinion,  que  Scingomagus  pouvoit 

"  etre  Tune  des  portions  de  Sezanne,  que  la  Doria  partage  en 

"  deux,  en  meme  tems  que  I'autre  convient  au  lieu  nomme 

"  Gesdao ;   Gadao    dans  la  Table  Theodosienne.     Ces   deux 

"  quartiers    de    Sezanne  m'ont    et^   indiques    comme    bien 

"  distincts  et  separes,  par  une  carte  topographique  et  manu- 

"scrite    du    pays.      Mais    actuellement,   et    sans    m'ecarter 

"beaucoup   de  cette  position,  je  decouvre  dans  une   autre 

"  representation  du  local,  et  encore  plus  circonstanciee  de  la 

"vallee  de  Suzanne,  des  vestiges  de  Scingomagus  dans  un 

"lieu  nomme   Chamlat    de    Siguin,   a  I'entr^e  du   Col   de 

"  Cestrikes,  qui  de  la  vallee  de  S(^zanne  conduit  dans  celle 

"de  Pra-gelas.     La  route  directe,  et  la  seule  meme  que  la 

"  nature  ait  ouverte,  pour  se  rendre  de  Brian9on  a  Uxeau  et 

"  Fenestrelles,  apr^s  avoir  passe  le  Mont  Genevre,  est  par  le 

"  col  mentionne  ci-dessus,  et  c'est  pr(5cis^ment  au  pied  de  ce 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Ccesar's  March,  83 

"  col  que  nous  retrouvons  Scingomagus,  marqu^  par  Strabon 
"entre  Brigantio  et  Ocelum. — II  falloit  faire  attention,  que 
"  Pline  connoit  Segusio  par  le  nom  qui  lui  est  propre,  et 
"  distinctement  de  Scingomagus."  Whether  Scingomagus  is 
better  traced  as  close  to  C^sanne,  or  a  little  more  towards  the 
Col  de  Sestri^res,  its  identity  with  Susa  is  equally  disproved. 

Mr.  EUis,  evading,  and  diverting  attention  from  the  only 
point  between  us,  goes  into  numerous  measurements  of  the 
space  between  Eome  and  other  places,  not  attempting  to 
meet  the  reasons  which  show  Scingomagus  and  Susa  to  be 
different  places.  He  exercises  his  talents  upon  what  he  calls 
"  the  useless  absurdity  of  Mr.  Law's  theory  of  strides  ; "  I  had 
no  such  theory  :  I  used  the  word  stride,  because  Pliny,  having 
begun  with  stepping  from  the  Ganges  to  the  Euphrates,  is 
still  stepping  largely  when  he  puts  his  foot  on  Scingomagus  : 
his  next  stride  is  "per  Galliam  ad  Pyrenseos  montes  lUiberim : " 
and  the  next  "  ad  Oceanum  et  Hispanise  oram."  He  hits  a 
western  extremity  of  Italy  by  one  stride,  a  western  end  of 
!N"arbonese  Gaul  by  another,  and  goes  clean  over  Spain  with 
a  third.  The  strides  are  magnificent :  and  Mr.  EUis's  depre- 
ciation of  them  does  not  tend  to  identify  the  Scingomagus  of 
Strabo  with  Susa,  nor  to  prevent  its  identity  with  the  Scin- 
gomagus of  Pliny. 

If  any  one  has  imagined  a  theory  here,  it  must  be  Mr. 
Ellis  himself ;  who,  for  some  reason  not  apparent,  scrutinises 
that  list  of  large  intervals,  which  he  is  pleased  to  call  an 
itinerary;  and  argues  upon  the  distances  between  Eome  and 
the  Atlantic.  See  the  long  notes  p.  22,  Journ.  of  Fhil.  iii. 
These  estimates  are  utterly  irrelevant,  and  with  as  little 
benefit  has  the  inquiry  been  adorned  with  the  names  of 
Artemidorus  and  Agathemerus.  All  serves  to  divert  attention 
from  that  which  is  the  only  point  raised  ;  whether  Scingoma- 
gus and  Susa  were  two  places  or  one.  It  is  Pliny,  who  names 
both,  Segusio  and  Scingomagus,  recognising  them  as  distinct 

g2 


84  Early  Knoivledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

places.  He  certainly  lived  late  enough,  to  know  the  improve- 
ments under  Augustus,  through  which  the  ascent  by  Ocelum 
was  avoided :  he  would  know  the  new  route  from  Turin 
through  Susa  to  the  Gen^vre,  and  would  see  that  Ocelum 
had  no  existence  in  it.  This  it  is,  which,  whether  Scingo- 
magus  was  part  of  Cesanne,  or  somewhat  removed  from  it, 
contradicts  Mr.  Ellis's  proposition,  p.  188,  "  that  it  is  quite 
"evident    that    Segusio    and   Scingomagus   were   the   same 

«  place." 

Centrones, 

This  people  (from  the  Graian  Alp)  with  the  Caturiges  and 
Garoceli  are  named  as  opposing  Caesar's  march,  "  locis  superi- 
oribus  occupatis,"  and  as  beaten  by  him  "compluribus  proeliis." 
Whatever  districts  the  bodies  of  men  had  come  from,  by 
whom  his  advance  over  the  pass  was  resisted,  one  would  think 
that  his  progress,  "  in  fines  Vocontiorum,  inde  in  AUobrogum 
fines,"  is  consistent  only  with  his  having  descended  by  BrianQon, 
upon  the  line  of  the  Durance,  or  more  direct  to  Bourg  d'Oysans.  - 
If  he  had  come  down  the  Is^re,  whether  from  the  Little 
St.  Bernard  or  the  Cenis,  he  would  not  have  entered  the 
Vocontian  territory  in  order  to  arrive  among  the  AUobroges. 

Mr.  Ellis  takes  a  different  view.  He  says :  "  Csesar  is  his 
"  own  historian,  so  that  the  character  of  his  evidence  is  perfect. 
"  Yet  he  only  alludes  to  two  passes,  the  Mont  Cenis,  and  the 
"  Great  St.  Bernard.  He  does  not  appear  ever  to  have  crossed 
"  the  Mont  Genevre.  The  Little  Mont  Cenis  was  thus,  it  is 
"  probable,  the  most  ancient  pass  of  the  two  which  led 
"  through  the  country  of  the  Taurini  "  1 !  "  Of  the  three  tribes 
"  who  opposed  Csesar's  passage,"  Mr.  Ellis  says,  "  two  lived  in 
"  the  Maurienne,  and  one  in  the  Tarentaise.  Caesar  must  thus 
"  have  crossed  the  Alps,  either  by  the  Mont  Cenis,  or  the 
"  Little  St.  Bernard."—"  The  Centrones  lived  in  the  Taren- 
"  taise  :  the  Caturiges  in  the  Upper  Maurienne :  the  Garoceli 
"  in  the  Low^er  Maurienne,"  pp.  177-8. 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Ccesars  March.  85 

Now  Caesar  does  not  say  that  he  marched  through  the 
country  of  these  three  nations :  but  that  bodies  of  them 
fought  against  him,  having  taken  post  on  the  higher  parts  of 
the  pass.  Mr.  Ellis  heeds  the  distinction  to  a  certain  extent. 
He  cannot  carry  the  Cenis  route  through  the  Tarentaise ;  so 
he  excuses  the  lands  of  the  Centrones  from  being  the  scene 
of  these  conflicts  ;  but  not  the  lands  of  the  other  two  nations. 
He  has  to  find  a  special  excuse  for  the  Centrones  leaving 
their  homes,  and  making  part  of  the  force  engaged :  so  he 
conceives  that  Caesar,  on  his  way  into  Italy,  must  have  given 
some  cause  of  offence  to  that  people.  "  This,"  he  says,  "  may 
"  account  for  their  joining  in  the  attack  upon  him  on  his 
"  return."  As  this  political  fact  rests  upon  no  authority 
besides  Mr.  Ellis,  I  have  nothing  to  remove  me  from  the 
belief,  that  the  troops  of  any  nation  which  belonged  to  the 
Alpine  confederacy  organized  against  the  tyrant  republic,  were 
liable  to  be  on  service  away  from  their  homes  in  aid  of  the 
general  cause.  We  know  that  such  combinations  were  made 
against  Eome.  In  the  account  of  the  AUobrogian  insurrec- 
tion given  by  Dion  Cassius,  and  which  was  not  long  before 
the  time  we  speak  of,  Catugnatus,  the  general  who  invaded 
the  Province  beyond  the  Ehone,  is  said  to  have  under  him 
troops  from  various  nations  along  the  Is^re. 

It  is  by  no  means  necessary,  for  satisfying  Caesar's  text,  to 
suppose  that  he  marched  through  the  countries  of  the  three 
nations  whom  he  so  names.  I  agree  with  Mr.  Ellis  that  he 
did  not  march  through  the  Centrones.  I  think  it  very  pos- 
sible that  he  did  march  through  the  Garoceli,  and  highly 
probable  that  he  did  through  the  Caturiges.  At  the  same 
time  a  contingent  from  each  may  have  opposed  him  at  the 

pass. 

Caturiges. 

This  people  is  usually  recognised  near  the  Durance :  the 
station  Caturiges  appears  between  Ebrodunum  and  Vapincum 


86  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viil 

in  the  Itineraries ;  also  in  Peutinger's  chart  we  find  Catori- 
magus.  This  historical  notice  of  them,  as  opposing  Caesar,  is 
consistent  with  their  position  near  the  Durance,  though  we 
may  he  unable  to  determine  their  length  or  breadth.  Mr. 
Ellis  does  not  dispute  that  there  were  Caturiges  in  those  parts, 
and  speaks  of  them  as  not  far  from  the  Yocontii  :  but  he  does 
not  recognise  them  as  the  opponents  of  Caesar.  As  he  sends 
Caesar  over  the  Cenis,  he  has  to  find  Caturiges  for  him  on 
the  Arc. 

Accordingly  the  Caturiges  of  Mr.  Ellis  are  in  the  Maurienne, 
and  he  desires  to  have  them  in  the  upper  part  of  that  valley. 
Now  he  intimated  to  us  before,  that  that  was  occupied  by  the 
Medulli:  for  he  exhibited  Bramante  as  their  station  on  the 
road  over  his  MeduUian  pass,  being  at  the  foot  of  their  100 
stades  of  ascent  {ante,  c.  iii).  However,  for  the  argument  on 
Caesar,  the  Medulli  are  expected  to  be  in  the  Lower  Maurienne, 
the  Upper  being  wanted  for  the  Caturiges.  Indeed  in  p.  132 
he  declares,  "  The  Medulli  were  the  inhabitants  of  the  Lower 
Maurienne." 

Mr.  Ellis  is  used  to  appeal  to  two  catalogues  of  names :  the 
list  of  Cottian  states  inscribed  on  the  Arch  of  Susa,  and  the 
list  of  "  gentes  Alpinae  devictae,"  inscribed  on  the  Tropaeum 
Alpium*  mentioned  by  Pliny.  The  geographical  merit  of 
such  catalogues  seems  to  be  this:  you  find  a  people  men- 
tioned between  two  other  peoples ;  and,  when  you  have  made 
a  good  guess  on  the  position  of  the  two  outside  ones,  you 
infer  that  of  the  intermediate  one.  These  catalogues  are 
found  as  follows ;  quoted  by  Mr.  Ellis. 

The  Arch  has  these  names  inscribed :  Segovii,  Segusini, 
Belaci,  Caturiges,  Medulli,  Tebavii,  Adanates,  and  a  few 
more.     See  Treatise,  p.  167. 

The  Trophy  has  forty-three  names  inscribed ;  among  which 

•  The  remains  of  this  work  are  to  be  seen  at  Turbia,  above 
Monaco. 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  an  Ccesar's  March.  87 

are  found,  in  this  order,  Salassi,  Acitavones,  MeduUi,  Uceni, 
Caturiges,  Brigiani.     See  Treatise^  p.  131. 

Thus  the  Medulli  appear  on  the  Arch  between  Caturiges 
and  Tebavii :  in  the  Trbphy  they  are  between  Acitavones  and 
Uceni.  The  latter  position  is  given  to  them  by  Mr.  Ellis, 
when  he  places  them  in  the  Lower  Maurienne,  p.  132.  But 
will  the  same  mode  of  inference  do  for  the  Caturiges  ? 

What  says  the  Trophy  list  here  ?  We  read  Uceni,  Caturiges, 
Brigiani.  This  sequence  brings  the  Caturiges  towards  the 
Durance  in  accordance  with  received  opinion.  The  Trophy 
would  fail  for  the  Caturiges.  The  Arch  is  more  favourable  to 
Mr.  Ellis :  there  he  finds  Belaci,  Caturiges,  Medulli.  So,  the 
Medulli  having  taken  the  Lower  Maurienne,  the  Caturiges 
take  the  Upper :  and  it  only  remains  to  find  a  place  near 
them  for  the  Belaci.  This  is  soon  done  :  just  go  up  straight 
from  Susa  on  the  Gen^vre  road  :  and,  when  you  come  to  Oulx, 
bear  away  for  Bardoneche  :  you  will  come  to  a  village,  which 
in  Chaix's  map  is  called  Beaulard,and  in  Bourcet's  mapBoulard. 
This  fact  proves  the  identity  of  the  Belaci  of  the  Arch, 
showing  them  not  very  remote  from  Mr.  Ellis's  Caturiges  in 
the  Maurienne.  He  says,  "The  Belaci  are  placed  in  the 
*'  valley  of  Bardoneche,  where  the  village  of  Beaulard  is 
"supposed  to  preserve  their  name."     Treatise,  p.  167. 

I  see  that  Mr.  Ellis  seeks  to  strengthen  his  case  for  putting 
the  Caturiges  out  of  the  way  of  Csesar,  by  the  evidence  of 
Strabo.  It  happens  that  the  word  Catoriges  appears  where 
nobody  can  understand  it,  and  for  which  it  seems  not  to  have 
been  intended.  It  occurs,  when  Strabo,  having  mentioned 
the  Salassi,  says :  "  Beyond  them  in  the  mountain  heights 
"  are  the  Centrones  and  the  Catoriges  and  the  Veragri  and 
"  the  Nantuatae  and  the  Leman  lake,  &c."     Lib.  iv.  204. 

One  should  not  have  expected,  that  this  position  of  the 
Caturiges,  on  the  mountains  above  the  Salassi,  and  between 
the  Centrones  and  Veragri,  would  be  acceptable  to  Mr.  Ellis, 


8B  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

as  in  confirmation  of  their  position  in  the  Manrienne,  either 
Upper  or  Lower.  He  appears,  however,  with  singular  facility 
to  be  as  well  satisfied  with  finding  them  between  Centrones 
and  Veragri,  as  he  was  with  finding  them  between  Medulli 
and  Belaci:  and  as  if  he  considered  it  to  prove  the  same 
thing.  He  asserts  it  thus—"  The  Caturiges,  or  Catoriges, 
"  who  bordered  on  the  Salassi,  must  have  inhabited  the 
"  Upper  Maurienne." 

Then  follows  the  proof, — "  The  three  other  tribes  bor- 
"  dering  on  the  Salassi,  the  Veragri,  the  Nantuates,  and 
"  the  Centrones,  occupied  the  Lower  Vallais  and  Eastern 
**  Savoy  as  far  (inclusive)  as  the  Tarentaise.  The  Caturiges 
"  would  therefore\)Q,  sought  either  in  the  Upper  Yallais, or  else 
"  in  the  Upper  Maurienne,  or  the  valley  of  Susa.  But  they 
"  could  not  have  dwelt  in  the  Upper  Vallais,  for  they  are 
''  never  mentioned  among  the  people  inhabiting  that  district, 
"  and  were,  besides,  one  of  the  Cottian  tribes  r  and  the  only 
"  parts  of  the  Cottian  territory  which  touched  the  country 
"  of  the  Salassi  were  the  Upper  Maurienne  and  the  valley  of 
"  Susa.  But  the  valley  of  Susa  was  inhabited  by  the  Segusini : 
"  the  Caturiges  therefore  should  be  sought  in  the  Upper 
"  Maurienne."     Treatise,  p.  166. 

Thus,  without  offering  an  interpretation  of  the  words  of 
the  author,  Mr.  Ellis  combats  suggestions  of  his  own :  and, 
for  proving  where  the  Caturiges  were,  shows  where  they  were 
not.  He  might  at  least  quote  his  author  accurately.  Strabo 
does  not  say  that  the  Caturiges,  Veragri,  Nantuates,  and 
Centrones  bordered  on  the  Salassi :  virep  rcov  ^aXaaafav 
means  "  above  the  Salassi,"  and  "  beyond  the  Salassi ; "  not, 
"  bordering  on  them."  If  it  had  that  meaning,  the  lake  of 
Geneva  would  border  on  them  as  well  as  the  Veragri;  for 
virep  Twv  ^aXaaaSiv  is  predicated  of  that  also.  "When  ap- 
plied to  the  occupiers  of  the  Little  and  the  Great  St.  Bernard, 
virep  2a\aaacl)v  means  "  above  " — when  the  words  are  applied 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr,  Ellis  on  Ccesar's  March.  89 

to  the  Nantuates  and,  the  lake,  virip  can  only  have  the  force 
of  "  beyond  " — meaning  beyond  the  Salassi  and  the  Northern 

Whatever  pretension  the  word  Catoriges  in  this  passage 
may  have  to  be  genuine,  which  I  should  doubt  altogether,  it 
is  somewhat  surprising  that  one,  who  desires  to  have  that 
people  recognised  in  the  Maurienne,  should  rejoice  in  this 
introduction  of  them  so  near  to  the  Great  St.  Bernard.  With 
all  the  elasticity  of  his  geography,  Mr.  Ellis,  who  is  searching 
for  tribes  to  oppose  Caesar,  cannot  wish  the  Caturiges  to  go 
to  the  Salassi :  so  he  makes  the  Salassi  come  to  them ;  and 
we  read  in  the  next  sentence,  "  The  limit  of  the  Salassi  on 
the  South  seems  to  have  been  the  Stura  or  the  Dora  Susina : " 
and  further,  p.  167,  "  The  only  parts  of  the  Cottian  territory 
"  which  touched  the  country  of  the  Salassi  were  the  Upper 
"  Maurienne  and  the  valley  of  Susa."  These  Salassian  con- 
tiguities were  not  alluded  to,  when  Mr.  Ellis  denoted  the 
extremities  of  his  Little  Mont  Cenis  or  MeduUian  pass  as 
Bramans  and  Susa.* 

Garoceli. 

Those  who  think  that  the  proper  district  of  this  people 
must  have  been  traversed  in  Caesar's  line  of  march,  ought  to 
determine  the  line  of  march  first,  and  find  them  a  position 
afterwards  :  for  it  is  only  in  this  one  sentence  of  Csesar  that 
they  are  ever  described  in  ancient  history.  We  must  reason 
from  his  authority :  and  the  only  auxiliary  idea  that  suggests 
itseK  is,  that  there  may  be  a  connexion  between  Garoceli  and 
Ocelum.  Mr.  Ellis  of  course  would  have  them  also  in  the 
Maurienne,  that  they  may  be  within  call  to  defend  the  Cenis 
against  Caesar.  But  his  Maurienne  is  full  already  with 
Caturiges  and  Medulli  :  there  is  no  room  left  for  Garoceli  or 
any   more.      How  then    does  he  provide  for  them?      He 

*  See  ante  this  Part,  c.  iii. 


90  Early  Knowledge  of  tlie  Alps.  [pakt  viii. 

incorporates  them  with  one  of  those  occupants :  not  of  course 
with  the  Caturiges,  for  Caesar  was  opposed  both  by  Garoceli 
and  Caturiges;  he  identifies  them  ^ith  the  Medulli,  whom 
Caesar  does  not  name. 

The  Arch  and  the  Trophy  have  already  been  brought  into 
play,  for  giving  a  position  to  those  who  are  in  their  lists. 
The  same  memorials  are  now  referred  to  by  Mr.  Ellis  for 
placing  a  people  which  is  not  in  the  lists :  in  the  Journal  of 
Phil.  No.  vii.  17,  he  performs  his  identification  thus  :  "  It  is 
"  not  difficult  to  see  why  the  Garoceli  should  be  identified 
**  with  the  Medulli.  We  have,  in  Pliny  and  on  the  Arch  of 
"  Susa,  very  complete  lists  of  the  Alpine  tribes.  In  these 
"  lists  the  name  of  the  Garoceli  never  appears.  They  would 
"  therefore  probably  be  identical  with  another  tribe,  which  we 
"  find  must  also  be  placed  in  the  Garocellian  country,  the 
"  Lower  Maurienne  ;  i.  e.  they  must  be  identical  with  the 
"  Medulli."  This  argument  as  expressed  is  not  potent,  for 
want  of  meaning  in  the  word  "  therefore : "  it  amounts  to  this 
— "Garoceli  must  be  Medulli,  because  Medulli  must  be 
Garoceli." 

But  Mr.  Ellis  reminds  us  to  look  to  his  first  work  for  as- 
sistance :  and  in  p.  178  of  the  Treatise,  we  find  the  identity 
thus  enforced  : — "  The  Garoceli  appear  to  be  identical  with  the 
"  MeduUi,  the  city  of  St.  Jean  de  Maurienne  being  mentioned 
"  in  old  documents  as  Sanctus  Johannes  Garocellius ;  a  fact 
"  which  seems  to  fix  the  Garoceli  in  the  Lower  Maurienne, 
"  the  country  of  the  MeduUi."  Now  the  authority  to  which 
Mr.  Ellis  refers,  and  which  he  quotes  at  length,  does  not  treat 
the  Lower  Maurienne  as  the  country  of  the  Medulli,  but  denies 
it  to  be  so.  The  words,  as  given  by  Mr.  Ellis,  are  these : — 
"  Incolas  (Mauriennse)  quamvis  nonnuUi  putent  qos  esse,  quos 
'*  Plinius  ac  Strabo  MeduUos  appellaverunt,  nos  tameu  in  ea 
*'  sententi^  sumus,  ut  esse  credamus  Csesaris  Lib.  i.  Belli 
"  Gallici  Garocellos :  eoq^ue  ma$?is  huic  sententiae  adhaeremus. 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Ccesar's  March.  91 

"  quo  in  antiquis  tabulis  ac  monumentis,  S.  Joannis  Garo- 
"  cellii  vocabulo  appellari  legimus  civitatis  primarise  de 
"  qua  agimus  Ecclesiam  Cathedral  em."  Blaev.  Theatrum 
Sabandice. 

Thus  the  authority  to  which  Mr.  Ellis  appeals  in  favour  of 
the  Medulli,  informs  us  that,  though  some  thought  them  to  be 
the  occupants  of  the  Maurienne,  he,  with  others,  thought  it  to 
be  inhabited  by  the  Garoceli,  and  that  the  latter  was  the  better 
opinion.  This  shows  a  competition  between  two  different 
things,  and  does  not  forward  their  identity.  The  Oxford 
Dissertation,  p.  21,  referred  to  Sanctus  Johannes  long  ago, 
quoting  Theatr.  Sahand.  vol.  ii.  p.  19  :  but  there  the  sugges- 
tion was  that  John  of  Maurienne  had  been  spoken  of  as 
Garocellius — not  a  word  upon  the  Medulli.  Perhaps  Garo- 
cellius  had  nothing  national  in  its  signification.  Johannes 
Garocellius  might  be  Bishop  of  Maurienne,  as  John  of  Gaunt 
was  Duke  of  Lancaster,  without  the  name  attaching  to  the 
district  which  was  under  his  jurisdiction. 

Mr.  Ellis  took  his  chance  with  the  Garoceli,  by  placing 
them  in  partnership  with  the  Medulli  in  the  Lower  Mauri- 
enne. That  fails  :  and  the  Medulli  themselves  seem  to  hold 
a  questionable  title  to  that  territory,  trusting  only  to  the  con- 
tiguities of  the  Arch  ;  and  among  other  discouragements  to  it 
is  this  :  that  Mr.  Ellis  himself  countenanced  their  holding  the 
Upper,  by  having  described  them  as  occupiers  from  Bramante 
to  the  Cenis  lake,  when,  with  equal  infelicity,  he  was  exhibit- 
ing the  Taurini  as  holding  the  base  of  the  descent  at  Susa. 

As  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  on  the  position  of  the 
Garoceli,  the  most  reasonable  clue  to  them  seems  to  be  in  the 
word  Ocelum,  which  contributes  so  largely  to  form  their  name. 
But  they  are  not  needed  to  complete  the  proof  that  Csesar's 
pass  was  the  Genevre.  It  is  unimportant  from  whence  the 
battalions  came,  by  whom  he  was  resisted  at  the  pass. 


92  Early  Knowledge  of  the  A  Ips.  [part  viii. 

In  Vocontiorum  fines  pervenit. 

It  only  remains  to  be  seen  how  Mr.  Ellis,  after  his  expla- 
nation of  the  previous  incidents  which  belong  to  Gsesar's  nar- 
rative of  the  seven  days'  march,  introduces  him  into  the 
Vocontii.  His  construction  is  that  Caesar  never  entered  among 
them  at  all.  He  brings  him  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Drac  ; 
and,  without  crossing  that  river  into  their  territory,  sends  him 
over  the  Is^re  into  the  Allobroges.  Now,  Mr.  Ellis  has  ad- 
mitted that,  if  I  should  prove  my  point  on  the  site  of  Ocelum, 
my  conclusion  against  the  Mont  Cenis  would  be  just.  Journ. 
of  PJiil.  iii.  19.     Does  he  abide  by  that  concession? 

We  do  not  agree  in  the  construing  of  the  words  ;  which  are 
these — "  In  fines  Vocontiorum  ulterioris  provincise  die  septimo 
"  pervenit :  inde  in  Allobrogum  fines :  ab  Allobrogibus  in 
"  Segusianos  exercitum  ducit."  Being  used  to  construe  "  in  " 
into,  when  followed  by  an  accusative,  I  understand  "  in  fines  " 
to  mean  "  into  the  bounds :  "  and  as  Caesar  was  a  forward- 
going  man,  I  apprehend  that,  having  got  into  Vocontian  land, 
he  would  go  through  till  he  got  out  again,  which  was  into  the 
Allobroges.  Mr.  Ellis  does  not  recognise  these  notions  :  he 
says,  Journ.  of  Phil.  iii.  25  :  "  The  transit  through  the  Vocontii 
"  is  merely  an  assertion  of  Mr.  Law's  :  the  body  of  their 
"  country  is  not  mentioned,  but  merely  its  *  fines  : '  the  expres- 
"  sion  means  no  more  than  'frontier:'  'inde'  is  equivalent 
"  to  '  ab  iisdem  finibus.'  "  On  this  pretence,  Mr.  Ellis  shirks 
the  word  "  in "  altogether.  He  would  bring  Caesar  opposite 
to  Grenoble,  by  cutting  across  the  mountains  from  St.  Jean  de 
Maurienne ;  would  just  take  a  look  at  the  Vocontii  across  the 
Drac,  and,  without  speaking  to  them,  pass  the  Isere  into  the 
Allobroges.  This  fancy  is  not  satisfactory  :  for,  if  the  words 
"  in  fines  Vocontiorum  "  do  not  carry  Caesar  into  the  Vocontii, 
the  words  "  in  fines  Allobrogum  "  will  not  carry  him  into  the 
Allobroges. 


CHAP.  IX.]  M7\  Ellis  on  Ccesar's  March.  93 

As  Mr.  Ellis  can  manage  Caesar's  geography  so  as  to  dis- 
pense with  the  Vocontii  in  this  line  of  march,  he  very 
naturally  charges  me  with  blundering  about  them.  He  says 
in  his  defence — "  Mr.  Law  must  consider  the  right  bank  of 
"  the  Drac,  where  the  road  to  Grenoble  runs,  to  have  been  in 
"  the  possession  of  that  people.  .  .  .  Mr.  Law  contravenes  the 
"  supposition  that  the  south  bank  of  the  Isere  must  have  been 
"  Vocontian.  . .  .  He  has  adopted  the  banishment  of  the  Uceni 
"  from  the  Pays  d'Oysans."  Journ.  of  Fhil.  iii.  25,  26,  14. 
These  statements  have  no  foundation.  I  hold  that,  at  a  cer- 
tain part,  the  Is^re  separated  the  Vocontii  from  the  Allobroges ; 
and  that  the  Drac,  which  in  old  times  ran  into  the  Is^re  above 
Grenoble,  separated  the  Vocontii  from  the  Uceni ;  and  that 
these,  being  the  Iconii  of  Strabo,  were  above  the  Vocontii  on 
the  Is^re,  and  owned  Bourg  d'  Oysans  on  the  Eomanche.  I 
no  more  pretend  to  know  their  precise  dimensions  than  I  do 
those  of  the  Tricorii,  whom  I  would  suppose  to  be  more  south, 
in  deference  to  Livy. 

Our  difference  then  is  substantially  this  :  Mr.  Ellis  thinks 
that  the  seven  days'  march  was  from  Buttigliera  on  the  minor 
Doria  (his  Ocelum),  over  the  Little  Cenis,  and  down  the  Arc 
to  St.  Jean  de  Maurienne,  whence  it  cut  across  the  mountains 
to  the  Col  de  la  Coche,  and  across  the  Isere  into  the  Allo- 
broges, not  crossing  the  Drac  into  the  Vocontii :  and  that,  as 
he  went  by  "  proximum  iter,"  this  short  cut  proves  his  celerity. 
Against  this,  I  would  further  say  that,  if  ever  the  five  legions 
had  got  into  the  line  of  a  descending  river,  Csesar  would  not 
have  been  tempted  to  quit  this  advantage  by  encountering  new 
Alps  ;  and,  in  whichever  line  the  march  was  made,  "  complura 
proelia"  might  diminish  the  celerity  of  it.  My  belief  is  un- 
shaken, that  Caesar,  proceeding  from  Ocelum  near  Fenestrelles, 
and  crossing  the  Genevre,  made  his  way  to  the  territory  of  the 
Vocontii,  which  was  part  of  the  "  ulterior  provincia  : "  that  he 
crossed  the  Isere  from  them  into  the  Allobroges  at  Grenoble, 


94  Early  Knoioledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viii. 

which  appears  soon  afterwards  as  the  place  of  crossing  by  the 
letters  of  Plancus  to  Cicero. 

Such  are  the  comments  which  I  have  thought  right  to  make 
on  the  three  matters  of  discussion  which  Mr.  Ellis  has  brought 
forward,  as  auxiliary  to  his  main  point  of  contention,  that 
Hannibal  crossed  the  Little  Mont  Cenis.  He  conceives  that 
this  had  been  the  accustomed  pass  in  still  earlier  times  ;  and 
relies  on  Eoman  practice  for  more  recent  times,  to  the  writings 
of  Julius  Caesar,  to  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  and  to  the  chart 
or  Table  of  Peutinger. 

Dates  of  Alpine  Passes. 

At  the  close  of  his  Treatise,  Mr.  Ellis  gives  a  short  epitome 
of  the  continuous  use  of  the  Cenis  track  as  the  favourite  line 
between  Gaul  and  Italy.  It  appears  in  p.  180,  as  a  note ; 
and  in  the  exposition  which  is  made  of  Eoman  roads  in  the 
lower  valley  of  the  Is^re,  there  are  statements  to  which  I 
would  call  attention,  in  the  purpose  of  giving  a  right  seniority 
to  events.  Among  other  things  it  is  said :  "  When  the  route 
"  over  the  Chartreuse  mountains  was  opened,  the  road  of  the 
"  Mont  Cenis  was,  as  appears  from  the  Peutingerian  Table, 
"  connected  with  that  road,  and  the  way  by  Grenoble  and  the 
"  Graisivaudan  no  longer  formed  the  line  of  approach  to 
"  Vienne." 

I  believe  that  when  the  route  over  the  Chartreuse  moun- 
tains was  opened,  there  existed  no  Cenis  road  to  be  connected 
with  it.  As  to  such  a  fact  appearing  from  the  Peutingerian 
Table,  I  believe  that  that  document  had  no  existence  till 
A.D.  393 ;  whereas  the  Passage  of  the  Mont  du  Chat,  the  only 
Eoman  road  I  ever  heard  of  carried  through  those  moun- 
tains, appears  in  the  Antonine  Itinerary,  which  was  fully  two 
hundred  years  earlier.  As  to  finding  the  Cenis  pass  laid 
down  in  any  ancient  Eoman  documents,  you  might  as  well 
seek  it  in  a  map  of  Hindostan. 


CHAP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Ccesar's  March.  95 

The  term  "  no  longer,"  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sentence 
quoted,  implies  that  before  that  route  through  the  mountains 
was  opened,  the  way  by  Grenoble  and  the  Graisivaudan  had 
given  the  line  of  approach  to  Vienne.  If  any  one  supposes 
this,  it  is  a  great  mistake.  The  two  Itineraries,  published  by 
Wesseling,  give  no  road  along  the  Graisivaudan ;  and  the 
only  document  which  draws  a  route  through  Grenoble  is  the 
later  one  of  A.D.  393,  called  the  Table  :  that  is  carried  straight 
on  from  Grenoble  to  Vienne.  Mr.  Ellis  has  avoided  to  show 
or  mention  this  line,  by  making  Orelle  on  the  Arc  to  per- 
sonate Grenoble,  and  not  bringing  out  Vienne  at  all;  and 
this  line  is  omitted  from  his  own  map,  though  he  calls  it  a 
"  Map  of  Eoman  roads,  deduced  from  the  Itineraries  and  the 
"  Table."  The  only  correct  sentence  in  his  history  of  roads, 
in  p.  180,  is  this  :  "  No  route  up  the  Graisivaudan  is  given  in 
the  Itineraries,  or  traced  in  the  Peutingerian  Table."  What 
is  called  the  Gresivaudan  is  the  valley  above  Grenoble. 

The  history  of  Eoman  Itinera  through  the  Alps,  if  cor- 
rectly attainable,  would  be  an  interesting  branch  of  the 
history  of  civilization.  As  in  all  disputed  progress  of  human 
art  and  usage,  one  looks  for  cause  and  consequence.  It 
appears  probable  to  me,  that  the  Penine  and  Graian  passes 
were  in  use  at  an  earlier  day  than  the  Matrona,  the  Genevre ; 
and  the  use  of  the  Cenis,  not  being  traced  to  Eoman  times, 
seems  to  have  been  long  posterior  to  that  of  the  other  three. 
Some  may  presume  that,  as  Susa  was  so  accessible  from 
Turin,  and  as  a  great  Iter  in  the  direction  to  which  the  Cenis 
leads,  must  have  been  desirable  after  the  conquests  of  Caesar, 
not  only  the  Little  St.  Bernard  and  the  Genevre  would  con- 
tinue to  be  the  accustomed  passes  for  Eoman  use,  but  the 
Cenis  also  would  become  so.  : 

The  evidence  is  against  even  that.  There  is  no  route  over 
the  Cenis  in  the  first  extant  Itinerary,  nor  in  the  second  (that 
of  Jerusalem),  which  was  in  a  much  later  day.     And  in  the 


96  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [part  viir.- 

far  later  document  called  from  Peutinger,  there  is  evidence 
that,  when  a  road  was  made  to  Grenoble,  it  was  made,  not 
over  the  Cenis,  but  by  a  new  branch  from  Brian9on,  after 
crossing  the  Genevre. 

Accordingly,  when  Mr.  Ellis  mutilates  that  document  for 
substituting  one  pass  of  Alps  for  another,  he  does  not  work 
without  an  object ;  and  yet  his  success  in  that  object  would 
not  much  have  furthered  his  views  on  Hannibal,  whose  expe- 
dition preceded  the  parchments  of  Peutinger  by  six  hundred 
years.  He  must  be  content  with  the  earliest  date  (a.d.  755), 
which  he  has  found  for  the  reputation  of  Mons  Cenisius, 
which  he  tells  us  (p.  160)  is  in  the  Continuation  of  the 
Chronicle  of  Fredegar. 

We  believe  that  a  Eoman  way  was  never  made  over  the 
Cenis,  from  the  utter  want  of  evidence  of  its  existence.  Some 
memorial  would  have  perpetuated  its  fame.  Susa  alone,  from  its 
position,  might  have  occasioned  some  mention  of  such  a  track 
in  ancient  history.  If  Caesar's  seven  days'  march  had  been  from 
Buttigliera,  through  St.  Jean  de  Maurienne,  either  to  Aigue- 
belle  or  to  the  Col  de  la  Coche,  some  index  to  the  exploit 
would  survive  in  history  more  pregnant  with  conclusions 
than  the  spontaneous  conjectures  of  Mr.  Ellis. 

The  cause  why  the  Eomans  should  abstain  from  appointing 
the  Cenis  as  a  way  for  armies,  when  the  Cottian  obstruction 
to  their  jurisdiction  was  removed,  and  why,  on  their  acquisi- 
tion of  Susa,  a  new  approach  to  the  Genevre  was  preferred  as 
the  object  of  public  ca,re,  we  may  well  conceive  to  have  been 
in  the  impracticable  character  of  the  former.  It  is  of  no 
avail  to  refer  to  the  admirable  state  of  the  fine  route  which 
carries  men  over  the  Cenis  at  the  present  day.  This  is  a 
creation  within  our  own  memories — the  establishment  of  a 
line,  not  its  improvement.  The  ascent  from  Susa,  by  Jaillon, 
St.  Martin,  Molaret,  and  Bard,  established  under  Napoleon, 
is  not  adducible  against  our  argument.     The  incompetency  of 


CHIP.  IX.]  Mr.  Ellis  on  Ccesar's  March.  97 

the  Cenis,  of  which  we  speak,  is  to  be  accounted  for  by  the 
character  of  the  earlier  ascent  by  the  La  Noval^se  and  La 
Ferri^re,  which  was  only  superseded  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century ;  and  I  apprehend  that  that  route  has  always 
presented  a  more  serious  and  appalling  defiance  than  any 
which  the  art  of  man  has  subdued  for  contriving  the  great 
ways  over  the  Alps ;  and,  wliile  we  speak  of  those  difficulties, 
the  obstacle  continues  to  the  present  moment.  That  route 
only  acquired  a  state  which  promised  serious  amelioration, 
under  Emmanuel  III.  during  the  last  century.  Nevertheless, 
it  was  abandoned  as  hopeless  by  him  who  in  the  present 
century  constructed  a  new  ascent  in  a  different  part  of  the 
mass  of  mountains  which  tower  behind  the  ancient  Segusio. 
The  Cenis,  notwithstanding  its  partial  use  from  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  cannot  have  been  worthy  to  rank  as  a  Roman 
way  till  the  time  of  Napoleon. 

For  confirming  the  inference  that  is  to  be  drawn  from  the 
silence  of  history,  I  think  we  may  believe  that,  under  the 
emperors,  the  natural  difficulties  of  the  known  ascent  from 
Susa  were  so  great  as  to  discourage  the  construction  of  a 
great  Eoman  Way.  Knowing  how  fearful  those  difficulties 
continued  to  be  to  the  end  of  our  eighteenth  century,  we 
must  imagine  what  they  must  have  been  in  the  first  century. 
Mr.  EUis  forgets  this  aspect  of  the  subject  in  applying  his 
comment  on  facts.  Speaking  of  the  amount  of  imputed 
difficulty  in  ancient  times,  he  says :  "  This  cannot  be  con- 
"  eluded  of  a  pass  which,  however  difficult,  must  rank,  rela- 
"  tively  to  Alpine  passes  generally,  among  the  easiest  known, 
"  — a  pass  which  may  be  shown  to  have  been  always  a 
"  thoroughfare  through  the  Alps ;  and  which  is  now,  what  it 
"  seems  to  have  been  for  some  centuries,  the  great  highway 
"  from  France  to  Italy."     Treatise,  p.  149. 

It  is  a  great  mistake  thus  to  speak  of  the  Cenis  which  is 
now  together  with  the  Cenis  of  past  centuries.     The  eulogy, 

VOL.  II.  H 


98  Early  Knowledge  of  tlie  Alps.  [part  vill. 

as  pronounced  relatively  to  passes  generally,  is  quite  unde- 
served ;  and,  when  applied  to  remote  times,  unfounded.  Mr. 
Ellis  omits  to  point  out  the  change  from  worst  to  best,  which 
distinguishes  the  Cenis  of  our  own  times.  In  all  that  is  said 
by  him  on  the  Cenis,  the  modern  ascent  from  Susa  is  not 
alluded  to.  The  road  of  Napoleon  the  First  over  the  Cenis 
affords  no  sort  of  argument  in  favour  of  a  Cenis  of  Hannibal, 
more  than  the  road  of  Napoleon  the  Third  under  the  Cenis 
will  afford  it  hereafter. 

The  Great  Highway  of  centuries  which  Mr.  Ellis  celebrates 
did  not  exist  for  De  Saussure  in  1786.  It  did  not  exist  for 
Albanis  Beaumont  in  1793.  Let  all  praise  be  given  to  it  in 
the  nineteenth  century.  But  let  not  that  which  was  in  use 
before  and  which  carried  you  another  way,  profit  by  the  re- 
flection of  its  merits.  Mr.  Ellis  himself  has  helped  us  to 
know  what  were  the  demerits  of  the  Cenis  which  flourished 
when  he  was  born.  Let  the  portrait  be  studied ;  and  then 
let  us  picture  to  ourselves,  what  they  must  have  been  for 
centuries  before.  Mr.  Ellis  has  himself,  as  he  thinks,  con- 
templated Hannibal's  descent :  and,  in  support  of  his  ninth 
condition,  invites  us  to  follow  his  steps.  He  uses  these  words 
{Treatise,  p.  119) : — 

"  A  remarkable  passage  in  a  geographical  work  of  the  last 
"  century,*  seems  to  indicate  clearly  the  situation  of  this 
"  place,  when  Hannibal's  path  had  been  destroyed  by  a  land- 
"  slip.  The  passage  runs  thus — From  the  Inn,  called  La 
"  Grande  Croix,  on  account  of  the  wooden  cross,  which  stands 
"  by  its  side,  and  which  forms  the  boundary  between  Savoy 
"  and  Piedmont,  the  descent  begins.  On  descending,  there 
"  is  found  a  place  enclosed  by  the  mountains,  called  La  Plaine 
"  de  S.  Nicola :  this  plain  being  passed,  there  is  a  descent 
"  which,  at  one  time,  the  stones  and  rocks  rendered  imprac- 
"  ticable  to  such  a  degree,  that  those  who  were  accustomed  to 

*  Busching's  Geography  of  Italy.     Venice,  1780.     vol.  1.  p.  78. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


Mr.  Ellis  on  Caesar's  March. 


99 


'  transport  travellers  in  chairs,  were  obliged  to  descend  by 
*  leaping  from  rock  to  rock,  as  it  were  down  so  many  steps. 
'  Upon  this  inevitable  descent  towards  La  Novalese,  there 
'  were  three  or  four  places,  where  the  path,  flanked  by  very 
'  lofty  precipices,  was  exceedingly  narrow,  and  the  waters  had 
'  broken  away  the  ground  to  such  an  extent,  that  the  chair, 
'  with  the  person  carried  in  it,  hung  half  in  air,  over  the 
'  precipice. 

"  But  under  the  reign  of  Emmanuel  III.  (1730—1773),  a 
'  new  road  was  made,  upon  which  there  is  no  longer  any 
'  danger ;  nevertheless  there  is  a  distance  of  about  sixteen 
'  miles  where  the  traveller  is  obliged  to  be  carried  in  a  chair.* 
Mr.  Elhs  adds — "  This  part  of  the  old  road  is  again  referred 
'  to  in  the  same  work.  It  is  said,  in  the  description  of  La 
'  Ferri^re,  that  the  path  leading  down  to  La  Noval^se  was 
'  sometimes  contracted  by  the  precipices  to  a  width  of  no 
'  more  than  one  foot." 

No  advocate  of  a  Hannibalian  Cenis  has  proposed  for 
scrutiny  any  descent  but  that  by  La  Ferri^re.  In  exhibiting 
this  uninviting  road  2,000  years  after  the  march  of  Hannibal, 
Mr.  Ellis  is  labouring  to  prove  that  it  was  bad  enough  to  suit 
the  story  of  Polybius.  I  apply  his  proofs  to  a  different  pur- 
pose ;  to  show  that  it  was  too  bad  to  suit  it.  I  have  no 
materials  on  which  to  pronounce  how  far  the  passage  was 
getting  worse  between  Hannibal  and  our  fifth  century  ;  or 
between  the  fifth  century  and  the  eighteenth.  Mr.  Ellis's 
own  efforts  of  description,  general  and  particular,  disprove  it 
as  the  scene  recorded  by  Polybius  :  and  the  condemnation  of 
the  route  as  incurable  by  Napoleon,  concurs  with  all  other 
evidence,  negative  and  affirmative,  to  show,  that  Hannibal 
and  his  Italian  friends  were  never  near  it. 

Of  the  detached  questions  which  have  lately  arisen  to  us, 
the  most  interesting  is  the  question,  which  was  the  pass  of 
Csesar,  and  I  just  receive  (June,  1866)  an  important  confirm a~ 

H  2 


100  Early  Knowledge  of  the  Alps.  [pArt  viii. 

tion  of  the  views  which  I  have  been  advocating,  when  my 
pen  is  hardly  yet  dry  from  the  task  of  expressing  them.  In 
the  second  volume  of  "The  History  of  Julius  CsBsar/'  it  is 
said  (p.  67)  that,  when  he  went  for  reinforcements  to  oppose 
the  Helvetii,  he  carried  the  legions /rom  Aquileia  to  Ocelum 
(Usseau)  in  28  days,  and  thence  to  Grenoble  in  7  days.  If  I 
had  a  shade  of  doubt  on  his  crossing  the  Gen^vre,  this  would 
relieve  it. 


THE    ALPS    OF    HANNIBAL. 

PAET  IX. 

INTEKPKETATION  OF  LIVY. 

CHAPTEE  I. 

Introduction,  Passage  of  the  Rhone.  March  to  the  Island, 
Livi/s  hypothesis  on  the  Pass.  Usually  interpreted  as  the 
Genevre,  latterly  as  the  Genis.  Discordance  of  the  Genisians 
on  the  Island  and  the  Allohroges.    Larauza.    Ukert.    Ellis. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The  writings  of  Livy  on  the  history  of  his  country  are  more 
familiar  to  many  than  those  of  earlier  date :  and  I  need  not 
preface  the  examination  of  his  testimony  with  urging  his 
claim  to  our  respect.  To  know  the  rank  which  he  holds 
among  the  sages  of  history,  let  any  man  observe  the  mature 
reflections  of  his  greatest  admirer  and  best  eulogist.  Niebuhr 
closes  a  commemoration  of  Livy  with  these  remarks  :  "  He 
"  enricht  the  literature  of  his  countrymen  with  a  colossal 
"  masterwork,  with  which  the  Greeks  have  nothing  of  the 
"  kind  to  compare :  nor  can  any  modern  people  place  a 
"  similar  work  by  its  side.  Of  all  the  losses  that  have 
"  befallen  us  in  Eoman  literature,  the  greatest  is  that  which 
"  has  left  his  history  imperfect."  Transl.  by  Hare  and  Thirl - 
wall,  i.  4 


102  I'i'^y  interpreted.  [pakt  ix. 

An  inquiry  into  the  route  which  Livy  imputed  to  Hannibal 
ought  to  be  shorter  than  the  inquiry  into  the  route  of  Polybius; 
for  many  reasons.  Much  that  has  been  said  already  is  ap- 
plicable to  both  narratives,  being  explanatory  of  facts  on 
which  there  is  no  disagreement  between  them.  The  duration 
of  the  march,  and  the  season  in  which  it  was  performed,  are 
the  same  in  both.  In  explaining  Livy,  we  have  no  measure- 
ments to  deal  with :  he  does  not  mark  the  progress  by  dis- 
tances :  the  only  distance  asserted  in  his  narrative,  is  that  of 
Hanno's  movement  up  the  Ehone :  and  this  is  the  same  as  in 
Polybius.  Livy  himself  has  limited  the  scope  of  inquiry  into 
his  meaning,  by  declaring  that  Hannibal  did  not  come  over 
either  the  Great  or  the  Little  St.  Bernard. 

Our  apprehension  of  the  Pass,  which  Livy  intended  to 
maintain,  will  depend  upon  our  rightly  interpreting  the  few 
words  which  tell  the  progress  of  the  army  from  the  junction 
of  the  Ehone  and  Is^re  to  the  Alps  :  and  almost  exclusively 
on  this :  for  in  the  details  of  progress  through  the  Alps,  there 
is  hardly  an  indication  of  geography.  The  only  further  aid 
for  understanding  his  track  is  in  some  comments  made  after 
the  narrative  of  progress,  and  arising  out  of  a  discussion  of 
the  amount  of  force  which  survived  on  arriving  into  the  plain 
of  Italy.  Livy  there  reasons  controversially  upon  the  way 
by  which  Hannibal  had  come  there,  noticing  the  opinions 
commonly  held  on  the  subject,  which  were  adverse  to  his  own. 

These  things  considered,  one  would  not  expect  to  find 
great  difi&culty  in  comprehending  the  route  which  Livy  in- 
tended to  describe.  But,  as  those  who  profess  to  be  guided 
by  him,  have  themselves  found  the  utmost  difficulty,  as  is 
apparent  by  the  dissensions  among  themselves,  their  specula- 
tions require  to  be  sifted. 

When  we  shall  be  satisfied  as  to  what  his  opinion  was,  we 
shall  have  to  consider  whether  it  is  essentially  different  from 
that  of  Polybius  :  and,  if  it  prove  to  be  so,  the  grounds  on 


CHAP.  I.]  His  hypotliesis — Getievre — Cenis.  103 

which  he  differed  from  him  must  be  weighed,  before  we  can 
decide  for  ourselves,  on  which  narrative  we  should  rest  our 
belief. 

The  Passage  of  the  Rhone. 

Livy,  while  he  had  his  own  hypothesis  on  the  Pass  of  Alps, 
had  nothing  new  to  suggest  concerning  the  Passage  of  the 
Ehone,  and  did  not  intend  to  contradict  preceding  writers. 
The  country  on  the  lower  Khone  with  the  towns  belonging  to 
it  had,  in  his  time,  become  familiar  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
Eoman  dominions :  and  it  might  be  expected  that  his  account 
of  the  Passage  would  contain  some  notices  of  locality.  As 
it  contains  none,  we  may  infer^  that  there  was  nothing  new 
which  he  desired  to  bring  forward. 

The  place  where  the  river  was  crossed  by  Hannibal  was 
indeed  not  likely  to  be  a  subject  of  dispute.  The  site  of  his 
encampment  on  the  Ehone  had  been  viewed  by  Eoman  eyes, 
and  become  known  to  the  Eoman  government  without  uncer- 
tainty. Nothing  more  of  him  was  seen  until  he  and  Scipio 
met  in  the  plain  of  the  Po.  Those  termini  were  not  to  be 
mistaken.  But  of  the  track  which  he  pursued  from  one  to 
the  other  there  was  no  ofi&cial  evidence  :  it  remained  liable  to 
the  speculations  which  Livy's  history  lays  before  iis :  and 
this  is  the  more  intelligible,  when  we  remember  the  long 
continuing  impotence  of  Eome  against  the  Alps.  The  Car- 
thaginian occupation  of  the  mountains  was  no  momentary 
matter.  Livy  shows  that  for  a  long  period  Hannibal  main- 
tained his  communications  with  Spain  through  the  Alps.  In 
his  account  of  the  ill-fated  expedition  of  Asdrubal,  he  says 
this — "  Cieterum  Hasdrubali  et  sua  et  aliorum  spe  omnia 
"  celeriora  atque  expeditiora  fuere :  non  enim  receperunt 
"  modo  Arverni  eum,  deincepsque,  aliae  Gallicye  atque  Alpinse 
"  gentes,  sed  etiam  secutae  sunt  ad  bellum :  et  quum  per 
"  munita  pleraque  transitu  fratris,  quse  ante^  invia  fuerant, 


1 04  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

"  ducebat,  turn  etiam  duodecim  annorum  assuetudine  perviis 
"  Alpibus  factis,  inter  mitiora  jam  hominum  transibat  in- 
"  genia." 

It  might  be  thought  that  such  events  would  be  so  stamped 
on  the  scenes  where  they  occurred,  that  those  scenes  would 
become  recognised  and  unquestioned.  But,  when  Hannibal 
was  recalled  from  Italy,  this  channel  of  communication  did 
not  pass  into  the  control  of  his  enemy:  the  Eomans  were 
still  excluded  from  the  Alps.  Macedon,  Carthage,  Greece, 
Spain,  were  brought  to  own  the  supremacy  of  the  domineering 
republic,  while  the  Alps  remained  untrodden  by  the  Eoman 
soldier.  Histories  of  the  march  were  published  both  in  the 
Greek  and  Latin  languages ;  of  which  one  only,  as  far  as  we 
know,  had  defined  by  name  the  pass  of  the  Carthaginians. 
It  was  long  before  there  was  official  access  to  the  country 
which  they  had  traversed.  The  Gaulish  and  Ligurian  nations 
of  Italy  still  struggled  for  independence  ;  and  postponed  to  a 
late  day  the  familiarity  of  Kome  with  the  Alps.  Hence  an 
opening  to  doubt,  and  a  temptation  to  the  confounding  of 
fiction  with  truth :  and  thus  was  the  route  of  Hannibal,  two 
centuries  after  the  invasion,  treated  by  the  great  historian  of 
Home,  as  a  matter  of  argument  and  speculation. 

From  such  cause  of  obscurity  the  Passage  of  the  Ehone 
was  free.  A  Eoman  consul  saw  the  place  three  days  after 
the  enemy  had  marched  onwards  to  the  Is^re :  and  up  to  this 
point  there  is  not  found  in  Livy's  narrative  of  the  track  any- 
thing in  contradiction  of  Polybius.  He  carries  the  march 
from  the  Pyrenees  through  Elneand  Eoussillon  to  the  country 
of  the  Volcse,  whose  capital  was  Nimes.  Before  the  passage 
is  forced,  Hanno  is  sent  25  miles  up  the  river,  and  crosses  it : 
and  all  the  circumstances  of  the  passage  told  by  Livy  are  in 
accordance  with  the  earlier  history.  Hannibal  marches  up 
the  river  on  the  day  following  that  of  the  engagement  of 
cavalry,  and  reaches  the  Island  in  four  days :  Scipio  arrives 


CHAP.  I.]  His  hypothesis — Genhvre — Cenis.  105 

at  the  deserted  entrenchments  on  the  third  day  after  the 
departure  of  the  enemy.  These  conformities  would  not  have 
been  found,  if  the  two  historians  had  imagined  different 
points  for  the  passage  of  the  Ehone.  Further,  as  Livy  had  no 
cause,  like  his  predecessor,  to  avoid  the  nomination  of  places, 
one  would  think  that,  if  any  well  known  town  had  been 
signalised  by  the  passage  of  the  Carthaginian  armament,  and 
question  had  been  made  on  so  interesting  an  incident,  he 
would  not  have  left  it  unnoticed.  It  may  then  be  fairly 
inferred  from  his  silence,  that  he  had  nothing  to  advance  in 
opposition  to  prior  writers  :  and  I  am  entitled  to  say  that,  if 
I  have  shown  the  place  of  crossing  intended  by  one  historian, 
I  have  shown  the  place  recognised  by  the  other. 

Four  days'  march  to  the  Island. 

All  interpreters  of  Livy,  save  the  accola  of  the  Eygues, 
allow  that  he  intended  to  describe  the  four  days'  march  as  up 
the  Ehone  from  the  passage  of  that  river  as  far  as  a  district 
called  the  Island.  There  is  a  difference  of  opinion  on  the 
site  which  Livy  gives  to  it ;  also  on  the  position  of  a  people 
called  AUobroges ;  but  all  understand  that  Hannibal  found 
that  people  in  a  state  of  discord  ;  that  he  interfered  in  favour 
of  the  elder  brother  ;  aided  him  in  regaining  the  supremacy ; 
and  received  substantial  benefits  in  return.  These  are  inci- 
dents on  which  every  interpreter  must  pause,  before  he  traces 
the  further  route  into  Italy. 

When  the  progress  is  resumed,  there  is  great  difference  of 
opinion  on  the  direction  which  Livy  meant  to  assign  to  it, 
among  those  who  profess  to  rely  on  his  story.  And  this  is  to 
be  remembered ;  that  he  states  Hannibal's  movement  to  the 
Isere,  after  crossing  the  Ehone,  to  have  been  induced  only  by 
the  desire  to  avoid  present  conflict  with  the  Eoman  army.* 

*  DAnville  (Tricorii)  speaks  as  if  both  historians  imputed  this 
to  Hannibal  :  it  is  Livy  only. 


106  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

He  would  therefore  consider  that,  on  the  motive  to  that 
deviation  being  removed  by  Scipio  returning  to  liis  ships, 
Hannibal  became  free  to  pursue  the  route  which  he  had  first 
designed.  "We  will  inquire  now,  not  into  the  merits  of  Livy's 
opinion,  but  which  route  did  he  intend  to  describe  ? 

What  was  Livy's  hypotlusis  on  the  Pass. 

Every  disputant  who  denies  the  Graian  Alps,  whether  his 
pass  be  the  Simplon,  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  the  Cenis,  the 
Gen^vre,  or  the  Viso,  and  whatever  circuit  he  may  make  to 
reach  it,  seems  to  conceive  his  own  hypothesis  to  be  in 
accordance  with  the  text  of  Livy  as  well  as  with  that  of 
Polybius.  Accordingly  in  the  early  part  of  Livy*s  march 
they  question  the  points  which  we  deemed  most  important  in 
Polybius :  they  deny  the  river  to  be  the  Ehone,  and  deprive 
our  island  of  its  inhabitants,  the  Allobroges.  The  Ts^re  is 
found  convenient  for  reaching  the  Cenis :  neither  river  is 
convenient  for  reaching  the  Genevre.  I  believe  that  none  of 
our  adversaries,  following  one  history,  profess  to  disregard  the 
other.  We,  who  deny  the  concurrence  of  the  two,  believe 
Livy  to  be  mistaken :  but  we  must  inquire  into  his  meaning, 
to  justify  our  distrust  of  his  conclusions.  Tlie  adverse 
theories  which  claim  from  us  the  most  attentive  consideration, 
are  those  which  favour  the  Mont  Genevre  and  those  which 
favour  the  Mont  Cenis.  Other  hypotheses  may  be  noticed, 
but  not  as  requiring  a  detailed  effort  of  opposition. 

The  writers  of  highest  name,  who  favour  the  Mont  Genevre, 
have  been,  D'Anville,  who  interprets  Livy,  but  does  not 
interpret  Polybius,  presuming  that  they  must  agree;  and 
Letronne,  who  interprets  both,  and  struggles  to  reconcile 
them.  They  are  both  right  upon  Livy's  pass :  but  each 
commits  great  errors  as  to  Livy's  mode  of  arriving  at  it. 
D'Anville  would  carry  Hannibal  up  the  Val  Godemar,  from 
the  head  of  which  there  is  no  escape  at  all  for  an  army.     He 


CHAP.  I.]  His  hypothesis — Genievre — Cenis.  107 

was  in  partial,  but  excusable  ignorance  of  that  part  of  a 
country  to  which  he  devoted  so  much  attention.  Letronne 
contradicts  the  text  of  Livy  in  his  endeavour  to  reconcile  it 
with  that  of  Polybius.  We  will  hereafter  examine  the  par- 
ticular blemishes  of  these  distinguished  men,  who  judge 
rightly  on  the  pass  which  Livy  intended,  and  on  nothing 
else. 

The  rival  hypothesis  of  the  Cenis  I  conceive  to  have  no 
pretension  to  be  in  accordance  with  either  history.  The 
recent  writers  who  have  most  strongly  urged  it,  are  M. 
Larauza,  Dr.  Ukert,  and  Mr.  Ellis.  Larauza  published  his 
clever  book,  Histoire  Critique,  in  1826.  Dr.  Ukert,  in  support 
of  the  same  route,  wrote  in  1832  :  and  Mr.  Ellis,  with  some 
variety  of  line,  in  1854  Ukert,  though  somewhat  differing 
from  Larauza  on  the  Island  and  the  AUobroges,  follows  him 
through  the  mountains  almost  without  interfering;  as  if 
doubtfully  approving  the  matter  in  which  he  seems  to 
acquiesce.  Indeed  in  the  whole  march  through  the  Alps  to 
the  plain  he  is  the  obsequious  attendant  of  the  French  critic, 
transcribing  his  Itinerary,  but  not  confirming  his  interpre- 
tations with  reasonings  of  his  own. 

The  Iiisula  and  AUobroges  of  Larauza. 

M.  Larauza  admits,  that  Livy  intended  the  Island  to  be 
north  of  Isere :  but  insists  on  the  fact  that  the  Allobroges 
were  south  of  Isere.  On  their  position  he  says  this — "Oii 
"  a-t-on  vu  dans  ces  historiens  qu'a  cette  ^poque  les  Allobroges 
"  habitassent  Tile?  Bien  loin  de  le  laisser  entendre,  ne 
"  disent-ils  pas  tout  le  contraire  ?  Nulle  part  Polybe  ne 
"  donne  le  nom  d' Allobroges  aux  habitans  de  I'lle.  Tite- 
"  Live  est  encore  plus  formel :  il  reconnait  positivement, 
"  comme  on  I'a  dej^  pu  voir,  que  les  Allobroges  habitaient 
"  pr^s  de  rile."   P.  35. 

The  words  of  the  history  are  these — "  Quartis  castris  ad 


108  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

"  Insiilam  pervenit :  ibi  Arar  Khodanusque  amnes,  diversi  ex 
"  Alpibus  decurrentes,  agri  aliquantum  amplexi,  confluunt  in 
''  unum;  mediis  campis  Insulse  nomen  inditum :  incolunt  prope 
"  Allobroges,  gens  jam  inde  nulla  Gallica  gente  opibus  ant  fama 
"  inferior."  I  object  to  the  construction,  though  a  common  one, 
that  "incolunt  prope"  means  "  dwell  near  the  Island."  "  In- 
colunt" signifies  "dwell  in:"  and  we  are  to  understand 
"campos"  or  "insulam"  as  following  that  word — We  pre- 
sently read  "incolentium  ea  loca  Gallorum;"  where  the 
accusative  is  expressed.  If  the  required  idea  had  been 
"dweU"  only,  and  not  "dwell  in;"  "colunt  prope"  would 
have  sufficed,  as  in  chapter  xxvi.  where  Livy  says  of  the  Volcae, 
"  colunt  circa  utramque  ripam  Ehodani."  As  "incolunt"  means 
"  dwell  in  the  Island,"  "prope"  cannot  mean  "near  the  Island." 
The  nearness  which  it  imports  is  nearness  to  the  point  at 
which  the  story  of  Hannibal's  progress  has  arrived,  the  point 
which  in  the  preceding  sentence  is  intended  by  "ibi,"  and 
which  was  reached  by  the  four  days'  march. 

Now  no  commentator  has  ever  suggested  a  name  other  than 
Allobroges  for  those  who  dwelt  in  the  island :  Livy  does  not 
hint  that  Hannibal  was  among  that  people  before  he  reached 
the  Is^re  :  and,  when  the  army  is  put  in  motion  again  south 
of  Is^re,  they  are  left  behind,  and  we  never  hear  of  them 
again.  If  Livy's  Allobroges  were  not  beyond  the  Isere,  where 
were  they  ? 

M.  Larauza  bestows  the  denomination  Allobroges  "aux 
"  diverses  tribus  Gauloises  occupant  du  tems  d'Annibal  tout 
"  le  pays  qui  s'^tend  depuis  le  Ehone  au  dessous  de  I'ls^re, 
"  jusqu'^  1  'entree  des  Alpes  et  au  dela."  He  first  spreads 
them  along  the  Ehone  from  the  Durance  to  the  Isere ;  and 
then  along  the  south  of  Isere  towards  the  Alps.  He  imagines 
that  those  who  were  just  in  the  angle  made  by  the  rivers  were 
specially  Allobroges;  in  fact,  Allobroges  and  nothing  else. 
Thus,  in  his  view,  the  march  up  the  Ehone  to  the  Island  had 


CHAP.  I.]  His  hypothesis— Oenihre — Cenis.  109 

brought  Hannibal  into  AUobroges  without  crossing  the  Iske  : 
and  the  Tricastini  succeed  them,  being  along  the  Iske. 
Larauza  says  : — "  Nous  placerons  avec  Tite-Live  dans  ce 
"  meme  pays,  d'abord  les  Tricastini,  k  la  suite  de  la  nation 
"  k  laquelle  il  applique  exclusivement  le  nom  d' AUobroges, 
"  et  qui  se  trouvait  habiter  alors  le  pays  occupd  par  les 
"  Cavares  du  terns  de  Strabon,  et  par  les  Segalauni  du  terns 
«  de  Ptolom^e."    P.  84. 

This  notion,  that  the  AUobroges  had  anciently  been  where 
Strabo  places  the  Cavari,  is  utterly  without  foundation.  Strabo 
speaks  of  Cavari  and  AUobroges  as  quite  distinct :  and  he  was 
precisely  contemporary  with  Livy.  He  used  the  term  Cavari 
as  comprehending  many  peoples,  who  had  names  of  their  own, 
and  bordered  on  the  Ehone  from  the  Durance  to  the  Is^re. 
He  says,  p.  185,  that  from  the  Durance  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Is^re  belonged  to  the  Cavari :  in  the  next  page  he  says  that 
along  those  parts  of  the  Ehone's  bank  the  name  Cavari  pre- 
vaUs,  so  that  all  the  barbarian  nations  are  so  called,  though,  in 
fact,  no  longer  barbarians,  but  having  for  the  most  part  as- 
sumed the  character  of  Eomans,  with  the  language  and  habits 
of  life,  and  some  of  their  civil  rights.  One  must  believe  that 
Tricastini  and  Segalauni  were  among  the  Cavari  of  Strabo. 
Having  placed  the  Cavari  upon  the  Ehone  from  the  Durance 
to  the  Iske,  he  exhibits  the  AUobroges  on  the  Ehone  from 
the  Is^re  to  Lyons,  stating  the  distances  both  by  land  and 
by  water.  He  does  not  say  that  the  term  AUobroges  em- 
braces more  peoples  than  one :  he  states  that  Vienne  was 
formerly  their  metropoUs  when  it  was  only  a  village ;  but 
had  now  become  a  fine  city.  If  it  were  true  that  AUobroges 
were  the  predecessors  of  Cavari  south  of  Isere,  Hannibal  must 
have  been  in  their  country  for  six  days  before  he  reached  the 
Island  :  and  yet  Livy  does  not  mention  that  people  till  after 
Hannibal  has  reached  the  Island  ;  nor  does  he  mention  them 
again  after  he  has  made  his  way  out  of  the  Island. 


1  ]  0  Livij  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

Notwithstanding  his  attempt  to  show  by  ancient  authority 
that  in  Hannibal's  time  the  position  of  the  AUobroges  was  in 
fact  south  of  the  Isere,  M.  Larauza  is  obliged  to  confess  that 
their  civil  war  told  by  Livy  was  in  the  Island.  As  the  words 
"  sedatis  certaminibus  AUobrogum  "  are  too  plain  to  be  per- 
verted, he  admits  that  those  AUobroges  were  spoken  of  as  the 
combatants.  But  on  the  fact  itself  he  differs  from  Livy,  and 
contends  that  the  notion  of  Allobrogian  discord  was  a  mere 
blunder  on  the  part  of  the  historian ;  whose  ignorance  he 
readily  explains,  by  observing  that  he  did  not  understand  the 
Celtic  language  so  well  as  the  savans  of  modern  times.  "  Ne 
"  connaissant  la  signification  de  la  plupart  de  ces  mots  Celtes 
"  (Tricastins,  Voconces  et  Tricoriens),  et  n'ayant  pas  vu  que 
"  le  nom  d'Allobroges  etait  une  denomination  generale  com- 
"  prenant  les  diverses  peuplades  qui  habitaient  ce  pays,  il  aura 
"  conclu  que  les  AUobroges  se  trouvaient  seulement  vers  les 
"  bords  du  Eh6ne,  et  que  les  Tricastins,  les  Voconces,  et  les 
"  Tricoriens  dtaient  des  peuples  distincts  des  premiers,  et 
"  places  apr^s  eux  ;  tandis  qu'au  contraire  il  aurait  pu  voir 
"  qu'en  allant  des  AUobroges  chez  les  Tricastins,  Annibal  se 
"  trouvait  toujours  chez  les  AUobroges,  et  que  c'^taient  encore 
"  des  AUobroges  qu'il  devait  rencontrer  a  son  passage  dans 
"  les  Alpes." 

M.  Larauza  heads  a  chapter  thus  : — "  Comment  Tite-Live 
"  aura  ete  induit  k  placer  pr^s  de  Tile  la  nation  que  Poly  be 
"  place  dans  I'lle."  In  tenderness  to  the  memory  of  Livy, 
he  invents  for  him  an  excuse,  and  a  queer  excuse  it  is : 
namely,  that  the  ejected  elder  brother,  who  claimed  the 
sovereignty  of  the  nameless  nation  that  dwelt  in  the  Island, 
had  been  driven  out  of  it  at  the  time  when  Hannibal  came  up 
the  Ehone,  and  was  thereby  a  trespasser  on  the  opposite  bank 
of  the  Is^re  among  the  AUobroges  :  that  Livy  mistook  the 
involuntary  position  of  this  chief  for  the  position  of  his  nation, 
and  so  caUed  them  AUobroges.     "  Le  roi  d^possM^  lors  de 


I 


CHAP.  I.]  His  hi/2>othesis — Genevre — Cenis.  Ill 

"  Tarriv^e  d'Annibal,  pouvait  se  trouver  en  de^^  du  fleuve : 
"  voyant  done  Ik  le  chef  legitime  de  cette  nation,  I'historien 
"  aura  pu  supposer  qu'elle  habitait  cette  partie  de  la  Gaule, 
''  et  comme  d'autre  part  il  trouvait  dans  Polybe  que  I'arm^e 
"  Carthaginoise,  k  partir  du  Ehone,  eut  k  traverser  le  terri- 
"  toire  des  AUobroges,  il  en  aura  conclu  que  ce  fut  cette 
"  nation,  placee  au-de9^  de  I'lle,  qui  fit  intervenir  Annibal 
"  dans  sa  querelle,  quoique  Polybe  dise  le  contraire."     P.  86. 

The  iTisula  and  AUobroges  of  Uhcrt. 

Dr.  Ukert's  notions  upon  the  AUobroges  have  claimed  our 
attention  before  in  discussing  the  ava^oXrj  of  Polybius.  We 
now  inquire  what  are  his  notions  upon  the  AUobroges  as 
treated  by  Livy,  and  in  their  relation  to  Livy's  Island  :  and 
those  notions  are  by  no  means  clear.  Unhappily  not  able 
to  study  Dr.  Ukert  myself,  I  refer  to  the  learned  reviewer, 
who,  in  the  Philological  Museum  of  1833,  stated  the  opinions 
of  the  Professor  in  English,  as  he  considered  them  to  be. 

Dr.  Thirlwall,  expounding  Ukert's  views,  says — "  With 
"  respect  to  the  position  of  the  Island,  Ukert  admits  it  to  be 
"  the  tract  which  is  bounded  by  the  Ehone,  the  Is^re,  and  the 
"  intervening  mountains,  but  on  almost  every  other  point  he 
"  is  at  variance  with  the  partisans  of  General  Melville.  He 
"  does  not  allow  that  any  alteration  is  required  in  the  text 
"  either  of  Polybius  or  Livy,  where  they  describe  the  Island." 
P.  680. 

In  p.  681  he  continues  his  exposition  : — "  The  Allobriges, 
"  or  AUobroges,  appear  to  have  been  driven  northward  from 
"  their  original  seats,  in  which  they  were  known  to  ApoUo- 
*'  dorus  as  a  most  powerful  nation  (Steph.  Byz.  \W6^pirye(;), 
"  and  in  the  time  of  Livy  to  have  been  confined  to  the  country 
"  north  of  the  Is^re.  This  state  of  things  he  has  transferred 
"  to  the  time  of  Hannibal.  His  AUobroges  inhabit  the  Island 
"  of  the  Barbarians  of  Polybius,  which  is  south  of  his  own 


112  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

"  Island :  incolunt  prope  Allohroges.  Livy's  Island,  formed 
"  by  the  Ehone  and  the  Saone  (Arar),  is  described  in  a  manner 
"  which  will  not  apply  to  that  of  Polybius,  even  if  the  name 
"  Arar  is  altered  to  Isara.  It  is  not  a  tract  resembling  the 
"  Delta  of  the  Nile,  but  only  a  considerable  district  (agri 
"  aliquantum).  But  the  kingdom  about  which  the  contest 
"  decided  by  Hannibal  has  arisen,  is  that  of  the  Allobroges  : 
"  they  become  Hannibal's  friends  and  allies.  It  is  not,  how- 
"  ever,  said  that  he  marches  through  their  territory  :  after  he 
"  has  composed  their  dissensions,  he  turns  to  the  left  through 
"  the  Tricastini,  and  meets  with  no  obstacle  till  he  reaches  the 
"  Druentia :  a  description  which,  except  with  regard  to  the 
"  Druentia,  agrees  with  that  of  Polybius,  on  the  supposition 
"  that  Hannibal  did  not  cross  the  Isere,  and  that  Polybius 
"  took  this  river  for  the  Ehone." 

Further,  in  p.  682,  it  seems  to  be  Dr.  Ukert's  opinion  that 
"  in  the  direction  of  the  march,  Livy  coincides  with  Polybius, 
"  when  he  makes  Hannibal  bend  his  course  to  the  left  towards 
"  the  Tricastini,  and  then  skirt  the  borders  of  the  Vocontii 
"  toward  the  Tricorii.  It  is  the  same  road  as  Bellovesus  and 
"  his  Gauls  had  formerly  taken.  (Liv.  v.  34.)  The  expression 
"  ad  Icevam  must  be  understood  with  reference  to  the  pre- 
"  vious  words,  cum  jam  Alpes  peteret,  when  Hannibal  had 
"  turned  his  front  toward  the  Alps,  the  Tricastini  and  the 
"  Is^re  lay  on  his  left.  We  have  therefore  only  to  measure 
"  the  800  stadia  along  the  Is^re ;  they  will  bring  us  to  Mont- 
"  meillan,  and  here  we  enter  the  mountains.  But,  if  this  is 
"  the  road  by  which  Livy  also  leads  us,  how  do  we  come  to 
"  the  Durance  ?  It  is  the  mention  of  this  river  which  has 
"  subjected  Livy  to  the  charge  of  ignorance  and  carelessness 
"  from  those  who  believed  that  he  led  Hannibal  across  the 
"  Mont  Gen^vre,  and  yet  adopted  a  description  from  Polybius, 
"  which  is  only  applicable  to  a  different  part  of  the  Alps." 


CHAP.  I.]  His  hypothesis — Gen^vre — Cenis.  113 

Ukert  thinks  (says  the  Reviewer),  that  this  imputation  is 
unfounded,  and  that  Livy's  Druentia  is  not  the  Durance. 

Ukert  himself  escapes  the  Durance  by  going  over  the  Cenis. 
But  he  does  not  succeed  in  making  Livy  do  so.  Livy  leads 
Hannibal  to  the  Durance  in  order  to  take  him  over  the 
Gen^vre.  I  am  more  disposed  to  relieve  him  of  the  suspicion 
under  which  he  labours,  of  making  the  city  of  Lyons  the  island 
of  the  Allobroges.  When  it  is  asked,  "  If  Rhone  and  Arar 
are  two  sides,  what  is  the  third  side  ? "  there  is  no  rational 
answer. 

I  apprehend  it  to  be  true,  that  in  most  extant  manuscripts 
the  rivers  named  are  the  Saone  and  the  Rhone.  The  words 
are  these  : — "  Quartis  castris  ad  Insulam  pervenit :  ibi  Arar 
"  Rhodanusque  diversi  ex  Alpibus  decurrentes,  agri  aliquantum 
"  amplexi,  confluunt  in  unum."  One  manuscript,  in  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge,  has,  not  "  ibi  Arar,"  but  "  bisarar,"  which 
is  reasonably  thought  to  be  a  mistake  for  "  ibi  Isara :  "  and 
this  aids  the  common  notion  that  Isara  must  have  been  the 
original  reading. 

It  seems  to  me  unimportant,  whether  Isara  has  the  support 
of  one  or  two  manuscripts,  or  of  none.  Let  us  even  believe 
that  Livy's  own  pen  wrote  Arar,  the  Saone  :  his  mind  intended 
the  Isere.  The  definition  in  which  the  word  occurs  is  non- 
sense, if  you  accept  the  Saone  ;  sound  and  just,  if  you  under- 
stand the  Is^re  :  in  the  former  case  there  is  no  chain  of  Alps 
ranging  between  the  two  rivers  ;  in  the  latter,  that  feature  is 
distinctly  evident.  The  fact  related  by  Livy  could  not  occur 
at  the  confluence  of  the  Rhone  and  Saone ;  and  could  only 
occur  at  the  confluence  of  the  Rhone  and  Isere.  He  says  that 
Hannibal  came  to  the  island  in  four  days'  march  from  the 
place  of  crossing  the  Rhone.  Four  days  could  not  have 
brought  the  army  to  Lyons,  even  from  Roquemaure ;  it  is  a 
distance  of  136  miles  :  and  the  Tarascon  passage  makes  the 
case  more  perverse ;  for  from  that,  as  the  place  of  crossing, 

VOL.  II.  I 


114  Livy  interpreted,  [part  ix. 

the  distance  is  165  miles.  This  wonderful  feat  we  are  by 
some  asked  to  suppose  that  Livy  intended  to  relate.  Why 
should  he  be  charged  with  such  credulity  ?  Or  why  should 
he  impose  upon  others,  by  so  exaggerating  the  marching 
powers  of  the  Carthaginians  ?  If  Livy  took  no  heed  of  dis- 
tances, it  would  still  be  difficult  to  suggest  a  purpose,  military 
or  political,  for  which  Hannibal  should  consume  time  and 
strength  in  pushing  up  with  continuous  haste,  away  from  the 
Alps,  into  that  corner  of  the  Island  at  Lyons.  If  the  object 
were  to  watch  Scipio,  it  was  wiser  to  maintain  himself  for  a 
time  on  the  Isere. 

If  the  manuscripts  had  exhibited  both  rivers  under  strange 
or  equivocal  names,  the  context  of  facts  would  compel  us  to 
accept  them  as  the  Eh  one  and  the  Is^re ;  the  first  duty  of 
construction  being  to  make  sense  in  our  author.  It  is  a 
disease  to  care  only  for  words,  and  not  for  ideas  which  words 
are  to  represent.  Dr.  Ukert  said,  when  discussing  the  Scaras 
of  Polybius,  "  We  dare  not  alter  a  name."  And  yet  he  him- 
self was  at  the  same  time  daring  the  greatest  alteration,  turn- 
ing Ehone  into  Scaras,  and  Scaras  into  Khone.  Why  are  we 
not  to  dare  ?  Are  Greek  and  Latin  manuscripts  necessarily 
exempt  from  errror  ?  They  are  not :  and,  like  other  human 
efforts,  they  claim  correction.  If  all  argument  shows  that 
Livy  had  in  mind  the  Isere,  it  matters  not  which  name  his 
pen  described  :  and  if  the  blunder  was  not  his  own,  but  has 
arisen  in  the  carelessness  or  wilfulness  of  transcribers,  it  is 
still  less  worthy  to  disturb  us. 

Whatever  Livy's  own  geography  might  be,  T  think  that  he 
adopted  the  name  Insula  from  Polybius :  and  meant  to  apply 
it  to  the  same  thing.  Dr.  Ukert  thinks  that  the  description 
of  it  denotes  too  small  a  surface  of  territory.  This  observation 
would  be  an  answer  to  Mr.  Whitaker,  who  is  satisfied  with 
the  hills  behind  Lyons  ;  and  to  Menetrier  and  Breval,  who 
substitute  an   old   canal  for   a   chain  of  Alps  :    but  Livy's 


CHAP.  I.]  His  hypothesis — Genhvre — Cenis.  115 

boundaries  are  rivers  "  diversi  ex  Alpibus  decurrentes."  "  Ali- 
quantum*'  is  certainly  a  loose  term,  indicating  a  very  indefinite 
quantity.  But  "  ager  "  imports  an  extensive  district,  according 
to  the  use  of  the  word  by  Livy  :  as  "ager  Yocontiorum/'  "ager 
Insubrium,"  ''  ager  Gallicus  :  "  so  Caesar,  "  ager  Helveticus." 
"  Aliquantum  agri "  indicates  with  the  context  a  considerable 
extent  of  country :  for  a  range  of  Alps  was  spread  between 
the  courses  of  two  great  rivers  as  the  completing  line  of  the 
insular  region.  Dr.  Ukert,  when  particularly  insisting  that 
Livy  was  warranted  in  representing  it  a  smaller  space  than 
was  said  by  Polybius,  adds — "ibi  Arar  Ehodanusque,  agri 
aliquantum  amplexi,  confluunt  in  unum  ; "  omitting  the  w^ords 
which  bespeak  distance,  "  diversi  ex  Alpibus  decurrentes." 
ii.  591.     But  elsewhere  he  fully  quotes  the  passage. 

The  Insula  and  Allobroges  of  Mr.  Ellis. 

In  the  Treatise,  p.  133,  we  read  this — "  Livy  calls  the 
"  inhabitants  of  the  island  Allobroges.  They  were  such  in 
"  his  time,  but  not  in  that  of  Hannibal ;  as  is  perfectly  clear 
"  from  the  narrative  of  Polybius.  Livy  indeed  says  at  first, 
*'  with  respect  to  the  island,  that  the  Allobroges  live  near  it. 
"  He  should  have  said  that  they  lived  near  it  in  the  time  of 
"  Hannibal.  It  was  subsequent  to  that  period  that  the  island 
"  was  comprised  in  the  tenitory  of  the  Allobroges,  their  name 
"  being  probably  applied  in  the  course  of  time  to  all  the  tribes 
"  they  absorbed  in  succession."  In  these  words  there  are 
three  ideas,  and  a  fair  amount  of  error. 

As  to  the  first  idea,  "  perfectly  clear  from  Polybius,"  I  had 
ventured,  in  my  Criticism,  to  think  that  the  contrary  was  clear ; 
on  which  Mr.  Ellis  imputed  {Journal  of  Phil.  ii.  316)  that  T  sub- 
stituted the  expression  "  Allobroges  "  for  "  men  of  the  island," 
and  that  I  so  made  the  passages  of  the  history  absolute  non- 
sense. "  Men  of  the  Island "  is  the  phrase  of  Mr.  EUis,  not 
of  Polybius  :  I  could  not  substitute  anything  for  a  term  which 

I  2 


1 1 6  Livy  interpreted,  [part  ix. 

is  not  in  the  history  :  it  is  not  even  in  Mr.  Ellis's  translation 
of  the  history.  I  hope,  moreover,  that,  although  Mr.  Ellis 
extols  his  own  rash  comment  as  a  reductio  ad  dbsurdiim,  ijb 
has  appeared  in  these  pages  that  the  AUobroges  were  in  fact 
the  inhabitants  of  the  island.     See  ante,  Part  IV.  ch.  ii. 

The  second  idea,  on  "incolunt  prope,"  is  borrowed  from 
Laranza,  and  has  lately  been  under  observation. 

In  the  third  idea,  on  the  Allobroges  having  got  within  the 
island  in  Livy's  time,  it  is  an  error  borrowed  from  Ukert. 
But  Mr.  Ellis  tries  to  improve  upon  it.  The  Professor  thought 
that  that  people  had  been  reduced  and  driven  northward  : 
Mr.  Ellis  discovers  that  they  had  swallowed  up  the  other 
tribes.  I  believe  there  is  no  truth  either  in  one  notion  or 
the  other. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

March  from  the  Islre.  The  turn  to  the  left,  a  fact  variously 
dealt  with,  hy  UAnville,  Whitaher,  Letronne,  Larauza, 
Ukert,  the  Canibridge  anonymous,  Vaudoncourt,  St.  Simon, 
St.  Gyr  NugueSy  the  Oxford  Dissertation,  Ellis.  The  text 
wants  no  mending  for  telling  the  author's  meaning, 

LiVY,  having  related  that  Hannibal  was  appealed  to  to  settle 
some  disputes  on  the  government  of  the  Allobroges,  and  that 
he  did  so,  and  received  substantial  benefits  in  return,  sets  the 
expedition  in  movement  again  with  these  words :  "  Sedatis 
"  certaminibus  AUobrogum,  quum  jam  Alpes  peteret,  non 
"  rect^  regione  iter  instituit,  sed  ad  Isevam  in  Tricastinos 
"  flexit :  inde  per  extremam  oram  Yocontiorum  agri  tetendit 
"  in  Tricorios,  baud  usquam  impedita  via  priusquam  ad 
"  Druentiam  flumen  pervenit."  In  these  few  words  a  march  is 
described  with  five  indicia  of  the  course  pursued — ^ad  laevam, 


CHAP.  II.]       March  from  Is^re — Turn  to  the  Left.  117 

Tricastini,  Vocontii,  Tricorii,  Druentia.  After  crossing  tins 
river,  the  march  is  carried  to  the  Alps  :  "  Hannibal  ab 
"  Druenti^  campestri  maxim^  itinere  cum  bon^  pace  ad 
"  Alpes  incolentium  ea  loca  Gallorum  pervenit." 

The  first  idea  in  this  progress,  which  requires  to  be  under- 
stood, is  a  turn  to  the  left  towards  the  Tricastini ;  and  there 
have  been  numerous  contrivances  for  interpreting  or  cor- 
recting the  words  of  the  historian.  These  shall  be  noticed, 
with  my  own  view  of  the  meaning  of  the  passage. 

The  turn  to  the  left. 

D'Anville  does  not  help  us  here;  for  he  misquotes  the 
author.  He  says  under  the  word  Tricastini :  "  On  trouve  le 
"  nom  des  Tricastini  dans  la  marche  d'Annibal,  qui  ayant 
"  passe  le  Ehone  plus  bas  que  dans  la  position  de  ce  peuple, 
"  prit  sur  la  gauche  ;  '  ad  Isevam  in  Tricastinos  flexit.' "  Again, 
under  the  word  Tricorii,  he  says :  "  On  lit  dans  Tite-Live, 
"  qu'ayant  passe  le  Rhone,  Annibal  prit  sa  route  sur  la  gauche 
*'  par  le  pays  des  Tricastini."  He  forgot  that  the  turn  to  the 
left  was  made,  not  on  crossing  the  Rhone,  but  in  the  resumed 
march,  after  settling  the  disputes  of  the  Allobroges.  This  was 
an  unhappy  beginning  of  an  erroneous  line  of  march  pub- 
lished by  this  distinguished  geographer  in  1739.  D'Anville 
traced  this  march  under  another  false  impression,  namely, 
that  both  historians  had  told  Hannibal's  deviation  to  the  Isere 
as  made  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  present  conflict.  (See 
Notice  de  la  Gaule,  in  v.  Tricorii)  Polybius  never  hints  at 
such  a  thing. 

Mr.  Whitaker  (vol.  i.  p.  126)  understood  from  Livy's  nar- 
rative that,  when  Hannibal's  march  up  the  Rhone  has  brought 
him  to  Lyons,  he  turned  to  the  left;  and  he  is  much  dis- 
pleased that  the  historian  just  mistook  his  right  hand  for  his 
left,  through  "  an  indistinctness  of  geographical  vision  which 
perplexes   his   historical  views."     He  says :  "  A  turning  to 


118  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

"  the  left  should  have  been  intimated  when  Hannibal  marched 
"  up  the  Ehone,  after  crossing  it ;  then  the  observation  would 
"  have  been  precisely  just — now  it  is  unjust  and  imper- 
«  tinent." 

M.  Letronne  believed  that  Hannibal  was  intended  to  turn 
to  the  left,  after  marching  up  the  Iske  to  the  Drac ;  not, 
however,  that  he  turned  to  his  own  left,  but  to  the  left  of  the 
historian,  as  he  sat  in  his  study  at  Eome,  with  his  face  bent 
towards  the  Alps  :  "  La  ligne  directe  e^t  ^te  de  traverser  le 
"  Drac — mais  il  ne  prit  point  la  ligne  directe ;  il  tourna  sur 
"  sa  gauche  (par  rapport  a  I'historien) :  ainsi  il  traversa  n'i 
"  ris^re  ni  le  Drac ;  il  remonta  ce  torrent,  que  sa  largeur 
"  dut  lui  faire  prendre  pour  la  meme  riviere  que  I'ls^re." — 
Journal  des  Savans,  Janvier,  1819,  p.  32.     Now,  if  it  was 
livy's  practice  so  to  speak  of  right  and  left,  we  must  appre- 
hend him  by  it.     But  nothing  less  than  that  practice  can 
vindicate  the  suspicion  of  anything  so  unreasonable.     We 
have  the  fancy  of  M.  Letronne,  but  no  practice  of  Livy. 
M.  Larauza  says  justly,  that  if  Livy  had  meant  "  Isevam  "  to 
be  his  own  left  hand,  and  not  that  of  Hannibal,  he  would 
have  so  expressed  local  relation  in  other  instances — that  is, 
in  relation  to  himself ;  so  that  "  adversa  ripa,"  which  in  c.  xxxi. 
means  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Ehone,  should  be  construed 
"  opposite  to  the  author,"  namely,  on  the  right  bank.     So,  in 
c.  xxvi,    "  citerior,"  and  "  ulterior  ripa  Ehodani,"  should  be 
understood  in  relation  to  Eome :  but  these  terms  are  used  in 
relation  to  Hannibal  before  he  has  crossed  the  Ehone. 

M.  Larauza  has  his  own  plan :  he  supposes  Hannibal  in 
position  south  of  Is^re,  with  his  back  to  the  angle  of  the 
rivers,  and  his  face  to  the  east;  and  he  sends  him  up  the 
Is^re  (p.  69)  with  this  explanation :  "  Annibal,  se  dirigeant 
"  vers  les  Alpes,  ne  prend  pas  le  droit  chemin,  c'est-^-dire 
"  celui  qui  ^tait  plus  court  pour  aller  des  Gaules  en  Italic,  et 
*'  qui  passait  par  Valence,  Die,  Gap,  etc.,  mais  il  se  d(?tourne 


CHAP.  II.]        March  from  Ishre  —  Turn  to  the  Left  119 

"  sur  sa  gauche."  Thus  M.  Larauza  contrives  a  position  from 
whence  Hannibal  might  retrace  the  Rhone  by  his  right,  or 
ascend  the  Is^re  by  his  left ;  and  points  out  that  he  adopted 
the  latter  course.  He  verifies  "  non  recta  regione,"  by  saying 
that  the  other  course,  by  Valence  and  Die,  is  the  shorter  line ; 
but  he  is  mistaken  in  this  matter  of  fact.  If  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Is^re  you  measure  his  Cenis  route,  and  the  other  by 
Valence  and  Die,  the  point  at  which  the  two  will  meet  is 
Susa ;  and  the  shorter  distance  to  that  point  is  by  the  Cenis 
track.  Moreover,  that  is  not  the  question  :  Livy  did  not  by 
"  recta  regione  "  mean  a  shorter  line  from  the  place  of  turning  ; 
such  was  not  the  contrast  which  he  had  in  mind. 

Dr.  Ukert,  who  follows  M.  Larauza  up  the  Is^re  and  the 
Arc  to  the  Cenis,  also  takes  a  position  with  a  view  of  turning 
to  the  left ;  but  not  in  the  same  place.  His  plan  is,  to  halt 
the  army  beyond  the  Drome  after  the  four  days'  march  from 
Tarascon  ;  and  he  says,  p.  594  :  ''Let  us  picture  to  ourselves, 
"  as  has  been  shown,  Hannibal's  army  between  the  Drome  and 
"  the  Is^re,  facing  the  Alps  and  ready  to  decamp  :  he  has  two 
"  roads  before  him,  one  on  the  right  hand  going  up  the  Drome 
"  into  the  mountains,  the  other  on  the  left  following  the  Isere  : 
"  he  chose  the  latter."  Now  why  should  we,  without  instruction 
from  the  author,  picture  to  ourselves  the  Carthaginian  army 
halting  after  crossing  the  Drome,  and  then  turning  their  back 
to  the  Rhone  and  their  face  to  the  Alps  ?  The  march  did  not 
end  with  the  Drome  :  ''  Hannibal  ad  Insulam  pervenit."  Let 
him  do  this :  and  what  becomes  of  the  exploit  of  the  critic  ? 
He  it  is,  not  Hannibal,  who,  having  before  him  the  straight- 
forward line  "  ad  insulam,"  changes  his  front,  faces  to  the  right 
for  a  moment,  and  then,  under  the  name  of  turning  to  the 
left,  resumes  the  very  line  in  which  he  was  marching  before. 

The  author  who  wrote  in  1830  as  a  member  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge,  also  interprets  Livy.  His  geography 
is  only  to  be  conveyed  in  his  own  words,  p.  93  :  "  Hannibal 


120  Livy  interpreted.  [part  IX. 

"  is  now  supposed  to  be  in  the  Island,  the  contest  over,  his 
"  army  fronting  the  great  chain  of  the  Alps,  and  commencing 
"  their  march  :  how  then  can  he  bend  to  the  left  *  in  Tricas- 
"tinos'?"  The  passage  of  Strabo  is  then  quoted,  who  says 
nothing  of  Tricastini,  but  speaks  of  Cavares  in  p.  185 
(referred  to  above) :  and  the  critic's  inference  is  this :  *'  The 
"  Tricastini  therefore,  according  to  the  present  passage  of  Livy, 
"  might  be  placed  between  the  Komanche  and  Grenoble,  and 
"the  difficulty  would  then  be  done  away."  Having  thus 
shifted  the  Tricastini  to  the  Eomanche,  he  becomes  more 
obscure  by  this  explanation :  "  Hannibal,  then,  from  the  spot 
"  where  he  had  decided  the  contest  between  the  brothers, 
"  turns  to  the  left,  and  marching  through  Moirans,  crosses  the 
"  Isere  at  Grenoble,  into  the  northern  limits  of  the  Vocontii. 
"  He  then  enters  the  country  of  the  Tricorii,  his  course  along 
"  the  Drac  being  quite  unimpeded  till  his  arrival  at  the 
"  Durance." 

The  military  critics  are  as  discordant  as  the  rest  on  the 
manceuvre  in  question.  General  Vaudoncourt  pronounces 
that  there  must  be  fault  in  the  manuscripts ;  that  "  ad  Isevam" 
is  a  mistake  for  "  ad  dextram : "  an  opinion  which  he  enforces 
thus  :  " Cela  est  si  clair,  que  je  me  dispenserai  de  metendre 
davantage  Ik-dessus."     Tom.  i.  p.  56. 

M.  Le  Marquis  de  St.  Simon  {La  Guerre  des  Alpes,  ou 
Campagne  de  1744)  makes  Hannibal  to  retrace  his  steps  from 
Vienne  down  the  Ehone  as  far  as  St.  Paul-trois-chateaux 
before  he  strikes  off  for  the  Alps.  He  seems  to  perform  the 
"  ad  Iffivam"  in  this  way : — he  had  crossed  the  Is^re  and  taken 
a  sweep  by  St.  Marcellin,  which  brought  him  from  east  to 
west  upon  the  Ehone  at  Vienne:  so  that  his  face  being  to 
that  river,  "ad  laevam"  necessarily  takes  him  down  the  river. 
I  am  not  aware  that  this  critic  states  his  conception  of  "  rect^ 
regione  : "  it  ought  to  have  been  disclosed ;  for  "  ad  Isevam"  is 
contrasted  with  "  recta  regione,"  as  an  "  iter  ad  Alpes."    As  the 


CHAP.  II.]         March  from  I  sire — Turn  to  the  Left.  121 

facts  are  arranged  for  making  "ad  Isevam"  to  take  Hannibal 
down  the  Ehone,  it  might  be  thought  that  "rect^  regione" 
would  have  carried  him  into  the  Atlantic. 

General  St.  Cyr  Nugues  satisfies  the  "  ad  Isevam"  of  Livy  on 
a  different  principle.  Hannibal's  army  on  the  march  to  the 
Isere  had  a  centre,  a  right  wing,  and  a  left  wing.  He  re- 
treated from  Scipio  :  but  an  army  is  supposed  to  retreat  with 
face  to  the  enemy:  so  that  the  natural  right  hand  is  the 
military  left  hand.  Thus  Hannibal,  marching  to  the  Island, 
had  always  the  Ehone  on  his  right :  consequently,  when  he 
took  the  road  to  the  Alps,  he  turned  to  his  left.  The  general 
is  at  least  consistent  with  himself:  "  recta  regio"  finds  its  place 
in  the  rear — "L'arm^e  laisse  derri^re  elle  le  chemin  de 
Grenoble,  '  rectum  iter.' " 

Wickham  and  Cramer,  in  their  chapter  on  Livy,  p.  132, 
fail  to  discern  a  meaning  in  the  turn  to  the  left,  as  a  means 
of  arriving  at  the  Mont  Genevre  from  the  north  of  the  Isere. 
They  say :  "  It  will  surely  not  be  by  returning  to  the  Tricas- 
"  tini ;  that  is,  nearly  to  the  very  point  from  which  they  had 
"  set  out  from  the  very  passage  of  the  Ehone.  Nor  is  it 
"  possible  to  conceive  how  the  Tricastini,  the  people  of  St. 
"  Paul-trois-chateaux,  could  have  been  to  the  left  of  the 
"  Carthaginian  army  as  it  moved  from  the  Isk'e.  There  is 
"  sufficient  reason,  therefore,  for  supposing  the  passage  to  be 
"  corrupt ;  and,  if  a  conjecture  might  be  allowed,  in  a  diffi- 
"  culty  which  seems  scarcely  to  admit  of  a  more  reasonable 
"  explanation,  we  should  be  inclined  to  suppose  that  these 
"  words  '  ad  Isevam  in  Tricastinos  flexit'  were  in  their  wrong 
"  place,  and  ought  to  have  formed  part  of  the  passage  quoted 
''  from  the  beginning  of  the  same  chapter.  This  passage 
"  might  then  stand  thus — '  Postero  die  prefect  us  adversa  ripa 
"  Ehodani,  ad  Isevam  in  Tricastinos  flectit  et  mediterranea 
"  GallijB  petit.'  This  will  at  least  enable  us  to  obviate  what 
"  is  so  repugnant  to  reason  and  common  sense." 


1 22  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

In  this  suggestion  for  improving  a  sentence,  five  words  are 
lifted  into  it  from  another  sentence.  The  change  damages 
both :  a  hole  is  made  in  one,  and  not  being  mended,  the 
mutilation  is  uncomfortable.  "  Ad  Isevam  flectit "  would  be 
much  missed  after  "sed  :"  and  "inde"  loses  its  sense,  when  the 
reference  to  Tiicastinos  is  lost.  And  what  is  the  advantage 
to  the  sentence  which  receives  the  words  ?  Livy  does  not 
say,  as  my  friends  suppose,  that  Hannibal  turned  to  St.  Paul- 
trois-chateaux,  but  into  the  Tricastini :  and  this  he  would  do, 
if,  after  marching  a  little  way  down  the  Ehone,  he  had  turned 
to  the  left  at  Valence,  and  proceeded  by  Aoste,  which  is  the 
Augusta  Tricastinorum  of  Pliny.  It  is  thus  by  no  means 
impossible  to  conceive  how  the  Tricastini  could  be  on  the  left 
in  marching  down  the  Ehone :  it  is  far  more  difficult  to 
conceive  them  on  the  left  in  marching  up  the  Ehone.  The 
proposed  change,  of  applying  "profectus  ad  Isevam  flectit"  to 
the  march  up  the  river,  is  unhappy  in  itself:  the  w^ords 
import  that  Hannibal,  being  in  march,  turned  to  the  left :  so 
that,  if  he  had  been  marching  up  the  Ehone,  a  turn  to  the 
left  would  have  carried  him  into  the  Ehone. 

Mr,  Ellis  readily  assents  to  the  same  transposition  of  words  : 
it  particularly  suits  his  theory,  that  the  Tricastini  should  have 
been  visited  before  the  transactions  in  the  Island.  He 
sanctions  the  improvement;  not  as  the  emendation  of  a 
corrupt  text,  but  as  the  correction  of  a  blundering  historian  : 
he  has  been  instructing  as,  that  "  Livy  is  careless,  extravagant, 
"  glaringly  incorrect,  loving  the  marvellous,  aiming  to  produce 
"  effect  rather  than  secure  accuracy  and  truth."  Seeing  an 
obstacle  in  "ad  laevam,"  he  says  p.  130,  "On  examining  his 
"  account,  it  will  be  necessary  partly  to  undo  what  he  has 
"  done." — And  pp.  134-5,  "A  single  correction  grounded  on  the 
"  conclusion  previously  drawn  from  Livy's  character,  seems 
"  to  remove  the  difficulty."  The  correction  is  that  of  the 
Oxford  Dissertation,  though  provoked  by  a  different  cause : 


CHAP,  ir.]        March  from  Ishe — Turn  to  the  Left.  123 

and  Mr.  Ellis,  having  first  visited  the  Tricastini,  is  at  liberty, 
after  pacifying  the  Allobroges,  to  go  at  once  into  the  Vocontii, 
construing  inde  "  from  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers." 

I  differ  from  all  these  writers.  It  appears  to  me  that  there 
is  no  difficulty  to  be  solved ;  that  Livy's  words  are  quite 
intelligible ;  that  they  are  consistent  with  his  theory  and 
need  no  alteration.  If,  like  many  of  these  interpreters,  you 
set  the  face  of  the  Carthaginian  army  according  to  your 
fancy,  as  you  would  fix  a  direction  post,  you  can  make  the 
left  hand  incline  to  any  point  of  the  compass.  But  the 
position  ought  to  be  taken  on  the  authority  of  the  writer 
who  is  to  be  construed  :  it  should  accord  with  the  context  of 
the  history.  Livy  said  before,  that  Hannibal's  movement  to 
the  Is^re  was  not  as  his  way  to  the  Alps,  but  to  get  out  of 
the  way  of  the  enemy :  that  motive  ceasing  to  operate,  he  is 
on  his  way  to  the  Alps,  He  begins  by  retracing  his  steps, 
and  as  he  is  doing  so,  the  first  turn  to  the  left  is  at  Valence. 
Hence  a  Eoman  road  known  to  Livy  turns  to  the  Tricastini, 
and,  if  you  pursue  it,  you  will  come  by  Die,  Luc,  Gap,  and 
Embrun,  to  the  Mont  Gen^vre. 

This  is  the  turn  which  Livy  conceives  Hannibal  to  have 
made,  and  the  words  "  quum  jam  Alpes  peteret "  (when  he 
was  now  in  march  for  the  Alps),  plainly  show,  that  he  con- 
sidered Hannibal  to  have  made  some  progress  when  he  did 
turn.  "  Peto  "  imports  action,  not  speculation  ;  "  qusero,'*  not 
"  cupio,"  as,  in  a  prior  passage,  "  mediterranea  petit."  At  the 
same  time  another  idea  is  introduced  in  contrast,  "non  recta 
regione,  sed  ad  Isevam."  Accordingly  it  has  been  inquired, 
what  route  would  have  been  "  recta  regione  ?  "  It  might  be 
enough  to  say  that  he  did  not  go  straight  on,  but  turned  to 
the  left.  Or  it  may  be  said  tliat  Livy  in  "  recta  regio  "  adverts 
to  the  regular  route  from  the  Lower  Khone  up  the  Durance 
to  the  Gen^vre  as  Hannibal's  original  object,  having  in  mind 
the  bearing  of  such  a  course  in  his  own  day  to  that  well- 


124  Livy  interpreted.  [paet  IX. 

known  pass.  His  story  is,  that  Hannibal  deviated  from  that 
course,  and  afterwards  sought  it  again ;  that  he  began  a  retro- 
grade march,  but  presently  turned  from  the  line  by  which  he 
had  sought  the  Is^re,  and  made  a  cross  cut  which  took  him 
into  a  more  advanced  part  of  the  line  originally  intended. 

I  apprehend  that  many  have  failed  to  estimate  the  expres- 
sions, "  peto,"  "  non  rectior  via,"  "  recta  regio.'*  In  the  march 
to  the  Isere  we  read,  "  Mediterranea  petit,"  and  "  non  rectior 
ad  Alpes  via;"  in  the  resumed  march  we  read,  "quum  jam 
Alpes  peteret,"  and  "non  recta  regione."  The  historian 
supposes  Hannibal  now  to  direct  his  march  to  the  line  of  the 
Durance,  but  by  a  route  which  was  most  convenient  to  him 
after  retiring  from  the  Isere. 

It  may  possibly  be  objected  that,  if  Livy  assented  to  the 
passage  of  the  Ehone  above  Avignon,  he  could  not  con- 
sider Hannibal  to  have  come  to  it  in  the  line  which,  in  his 
own  time,  became  the  great  Eoman  Way  from  Nlmes,  for 
that  Way  crossed  the  Ehone  at  Aries,  and  the  Durance  at 
Cavaillon.  But  Livy's  mind,  impressed  with  the  general 
bearing  of  the  Spanish  track  to  the  Cottian  Alps,  need  not 
have  considered  how  much  or  how  little  of  the  new  military 
way  had  been  anticipated  by  Hannibal,  whose  enterprise  was 
nearly  150  years  before  the  Gen^vre  was  first  forced  by  a 
Eoman  army  under  Pompey:  indeed,  we  cannot  tell  that 
Pompey's  route  from  the  Genevre  to  the  Ehone  tallied  through- 
out with  the  "  iter  in  Hispanias  "  of  the  Itinerary.  Even  if 
Livy  had  had  a  perfect  knowledge  of  rivers  and  roads  as 
existing  in  his  own  time,  which  his  great  admirers  do  not 
claim  for  him,  he  would  not  have  studied  a  coincidence  with 
their  minutise  in  the  plans  of  Hannibal. 

The  brief  way  in  which  he  indicates  the  whole  route  pur- 
sued from  the  Pyrenees  to  the  Alps,  and  the  brief  way  in 
which  he  relates  the  progress  from  the  Is^re  to  the  Durance, 
show  that  he  spoke  from  general  impressions,  not  from  par- 


CHAP.  II.]       March  from  Is^re — Turn  to  the  Left.  125 

ticular  research  on  the  tracks  established  in  Provence  and 
Dauphine.  He  need  not  have  cared  to  notice  whether  a 
crossing  of  the  Ehone  above  Avignon  would  be  favourable  or 
not  for  a  progress  to  the  Cottian  Alp,  nor  is  it  easy  to  pro- 
nounce with  confidence  how  that  would  have  been  in  the 
time  of  Hannibal.  Bridges  there  were  none  at  any  part  of 
the  stream ;  the  place  of  crossing  was  chosen  for  its  own 
natural  merits ;  indeed,  Livy  does  not  notice  the  resolution 
to  deviate  towards  the  Isere,  till  he  has  brought  the  arma^ 
ment  safe  over  the  Ehone,  and  it  is  plain  to  me  that  the  first 
thing  which  that  historian  did,  in  his  search  for  the  track, 
was  to  acquire  an  impression  on  the  pass.  More  will  be  said 
on  this  hereafter. 

A  few  words  may  be  said  now  in  support  of  the  propo- 
sition, that  Livy  viewed  the  Genevre  Pass,  or  Cottian  Alp,  as 
that  which  Hannibal  had  designed  to  reach,  and  that  he 
imagined  a  reason  why  the  accomplishment  of  that  design 
should  be  for  a  time  suspended.  He  writes  consistently  with 
such  an  impression;  there  are  statements  in  his  narrative 
which  show  Hannibal  not  to  have  intended  the  more  southern 
route  by  the  Maritime  Alps  ;  and  there  are  statements  which 
show  him  not  to  have  intended  a  more  northern  route  by  the 
Is^re.  The  one  medium  which  is  not  absurd  is  the  Genevre. 
After  telling  the  engagement  of  cavalry,  Livy  speaks  of 
Hannibal  as  undecided  whether  he  should  at  once  persevere 
in  his  march  for  Italy,  "  utrum  cceptum  in  Italiam  intenderet 
iter,"  or  come  into  conflict  with  Scipio.  "  Cceptum  iter  "  implies 
that  he  was  intending  a  particular  route.  This  could  not  be 
to  the  Maritime  Alp,  for  when  he  is  said  to  hesitate  between 
persisting  in  his  course  and  risking  an  engagement,  we  must 
understand  him  to  hesitate  between  two  different  things ;  but  if 
that  intended  course  was  to  the  Maritime  Alp,  the  two  things 
were  not  different :  a  march  to  the  enemy  and  a  march  to  the 
Maritime  were  the  same ;  whether  for  one  or  the  other,  he 


1 26  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

must  have  moved  southward  from  his  camp  on  the  Ehoiie. 
Equally  clear  is  it  that  "  coeptum  iter  "  cannot  denote  a  march 
to  the  Isere,  for  Livy  expressly  says,  that  this  was  forced 
upon  Hannibal  by  circumstances,  in  the  policy  of  avoiding 
an  engagement.  The  result  is,  that  unless  Livy  supposed  Han- 
nibal to  have  come  without  any  plan  at  all,  he  deemed  his 
premeditated  course  to  be  the  intermediate  one  ;  that  which 
■would  carry  him  to  the  pass  of  Alps  afterwards  known  as 
Cottian,  the  "  rectior  via  "  for  one  coming  from  Spain. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  march  continued.  Tricastini.  Vocontii.  Tricorii.  UAn- 
ville  and  Letronne  are  both  right  in  thinking  that  Livy,  in 
naming  these  peoples,  intended  an  ascent  hy  Briangon  to  the 
Genhvre.  But  each  commits  great  mistake  on  the  mode  of 
reaching  that  town. 

We  must  now  consider  the  four  geographical  indicia  by  which 
Livy  marks  the  progress  after  turning  to  the  left.  The  object 
still  is,  to  determine  the  track  which  that  historian  intended. 
It  was  not  over  the  Cenis,  but  over  the  Gen^vre,  marching 
by  Die,  Luc,  Gap,  Embrun,  and  Brianc^on.  Of  those  who 
have  written  in  favour  of  the  Genevre,  the  two  most  eminent 
men  have  adopted  the  most  erroneous  ways  of  reaching  it ; 
and  those  ways  must  be  separately  canvassed. 

Tricastini, 

We  do  not  read  of  the  Tricastini  as  taking  part  in  the 
events  of  history :  they  are  named  only  in  notices  of  geo- 
graphy ;  by  Livy,  Pliny,  and  Ptolemy.  Their  territory  was 
clearly  south  of  Isere,  and  below  that  of  the  Segalauni.  In 
a  story  told  by  Livy,  v.  34,  about  the  inroad  of  a  host  of 


CFIAP.  III.]        The  Three  Nations — The  Druentia.  127 

Gauls  into  Italy  under  one  Bellovesus,  in  the  reign  of  Tar- 
quinius  Priscus,  he  says  that  they  arrived  among  the  Tricastini, 
and,  while  they  were  perplexed  with  the  aspect  of  the  Alps, 
were  called  away  to  help  the  Phoceans,  who  had  landed  at 
Marseille.  These  Gauls  under  Bellovesus  having  assisted  the 
strangers  to  gain  a  footing  there,  "  ipsi  per  Taurines  saltusque 
invios  Alpes  transcenderunt." 

If  this  story  has  been  exploded  as  fabulous,  it  may  still  be 
taken  as  an  aid  to  geography.  The  way  of  these  Gauls  to 
Marseille  would  take  them  down  the  Rhone :  and  thence  to 
the  Mont  Gen^vre  their  way  would  be  up  the  Durance  :  and 
so  they  would  at  last  come  to  the  Taurini.  From  this  short 
tale,  one  would  expect  the  Tricastini  to  be  farther  down  the 
Rhone  than  the  mouth  of  the  Is^re :  and  this  fact  becomes 
plainer  by  the  passage  of  the  21st  book  now  before  us ;  in 
which  Hannibal  is  said  to  turn  into  the  Tricastini,  when  on 
his  way  to  the  Druentia,  after  settling  the  disputes  of  the 
AUobroges. 

Pliny  in  his  chapter  on  the  province  of  Narbo,  iii.  5,  names 
Augusta  Tricastinorum  among  the  Latin  towns.  When 
Augustus  acquired  the  supremacy,  Augusta  became  the  name 
of  many  towns.  Some  appear  to  us  called  simply  Augusta, 
as  Aoste  on  the  Guiers  in  the  north  of  Dauphin^  :  some  with 
a  national  or  other  mark  added,  as  Augusta  Prsetoria,  or 
Augusta  Taurinorum,  where  the  latter  idea  survives  in  Torino. 
Two  places  claim  to  represent  Augusta  Tricastinorum,  both 
being  in  the  region  ascribed  to  that  people:  Aoste  on  the 
Drome,  which  is  in  the  Itineraries  as  Augustum  and  Mansio 
Augusta ;  and  St.  Paul-trois-chateaux,  which  is  known  near 
the  Rhone  and  the  Lez.  One  who  is  going  down  the  Rhone 
would,  by  bending  his  steps  to  the  left  for  either  of  these 
places,  turn  into  the  Tricastini.  But  I  think  that  the  former 
is  to  be  accepted  as  the  Augusta  Tricastinorum  in  this  inquiiy, 
because  it  lies  in  the  route  which  accords  with  the  progress 


128  Livy  mterpreted.  [part  ix. 

that  Livy  was  describing,  from  the  Tricastini  to  the  Vocontii, 
and  eventually  to  the  Druentia.  In  both  Itineraries  this  line 
of  road  is  drawn  from  Valence  through  Aoste  to  Die,  Dea 
Vocontiorura :  it  is,  in  fact,  the  Eoman  road  to  Luc,  Gap, 
Embrun,  and  Briangon. 

There  is  another  place,  the  Nseomagus  of  Ptolemy,  by  whose 
latitude  Larauza  would  give  the  position  of  the  Tricastini  ; 
saying,  p.  76  :  "  Cette  latitude  nous  montrant  ce  peuple  sur  les 
bords  de  I'ls^re."  This  "  civitas"  of  the  Tricastini  is  pleasing 
to  him,  not  because  he  can  suggest  its  identity  with  any 
place  that  he  ever  heard  of,  but  because  Ptolemy  appends  to 
it  a  longitude  and  latitude,  which  he  deems  suitable  to  a 
progress  to  the  Mont  Cenis,  and  which  D'Anville  calls  "  une 
position  fort  etrange." 

Larauza  calls  attention  to  Ptolemy,  who,  after  placing  the 
Allobryges  on  the  eastern  "  side  of  the  Ehone,  having  Vienna 
"  as  their  civitas,  places  under  them  more  to  the  west  the 
"  Segalauni,  whose  civitas  is  Valentia :  and  more  to  the  east 
"  the  Tricastini,  whose  city  is  Naeomagus."  Now,  for  appre- 
ciating the  value  of  Ptolemy's  enumeration,  we  should  con- 
tinue the  quotation,  and  this  immediately  follows  :  "  Then, 
"  below  the  Segalauni,  the  Cavari ;  and  below  them,  the 
*'  Salices  : — But  below  the  Tricasteni  are  the  Mimeni,  below 
"  whom  are  the  Vocontii  and  their  city  Vasio."  Now  it  is 
not  easy  to  suppose  the  Tricasteni  east  of  the  Segalauni  along 
the  Is^re,  especially  with  the  Mimeni  south  of  them,  and  the 
Vocontii  south  of  the  Mimeni. 

On  referring  to  the  map  of  Celtogalatia  Narbonesia  belong- 
ing to  this  same  folio  edition  of  Ptolemy  by  Bertius  (Europae 
tabula  tertia),  I  do  not  find  all  the  innovations  pourtrayed 
which  the  text  might  lead  us  to  expect.  The  great  nation  of 
Vocontii  is  not  banished  from  its  position :  it  still  extends 
from  the  Durance  to  the  Isere,  as  we  collect  from  Cicero, 
Csesar,  and  Strabo.     The  Mimeni,  however,  surprise  us  by 


CHAP.  III.]         The  Three  Nations —The  Druentia.  129 

displaying  themselves  north  of  Is^re :  and  the  Tricasteni, 
with  their  town  Neomagus,  appear  to  flourish  at  the  western 
part  of  the  lake  of  Geneva.  I  think  we  may  safely  construe 
Livy  as  introducing  Hannibal  into  the  Tricastini  in  the  early 
part  of  a  march  from  the  Is^re  down  the  Ehone. 

Vocontii. 

The  Vocontii  were  a  powerful  people,  who  made  head 
against  the  Eomans  on  their  first  invasion  of  Gaul  beyond 
the  Alps.  We  know  from  the  best  writers  that  their  most 
northern  part  touched  the  Is^re  opposite  to  Grenoble.  On 
the  east,  they  seemed  to  have  been  confined  for  some  way  by 
the  Drac,  whose  stream  in  early  times  sought  the  Is^re  above 
Grenoble,  dividing  them  from  the  Uceni.  On  the  west,  they 
probably  joined  the  Segalauni:  Die  was  Dea  Vocontiorum. 
As  to  their  southern  and  south-western  frontier,  whether  the 
99  miles  of  their  ground,  through  which  Strabo  carries  the 
travelling  road  towards  Embrun,  be  correct  or  not,  one  cannot 
doubt  that  they  owned  a  very  extended  frontier  along  the 
Durance,  and  must  have  been  in  contiguity  with  other  peoples 
besides  those  mentioned. 

Tricorii, 

I  conceive  the  Drac  to  have  flowed  along  the  borders  of  the 
Tricorii  before  it  came  to  touch  the  Uceni  (Iconii).  The 
general  position  of  Iconii  and  Tricorii  seems  marked  by  Livy's 
contemporary  Strabo.  After  speaking  of  Cavari,  as  a  deno- 
mination of  many  peoples,  who  border  the  Ehone  from  the 
Durance  to  the  Is^re,  he  says  (p.  185) — "Above  the  Cavari  lie 
the  Vocontii ;  and  the  Tricorii  and  Iconii."  Again,  in  p.  203 — 
"  After  the  Vocontii  are  the  Siconii  and  Tricorii." 

Thus  the  Cavari  of  Strabo  lay  along  the  Ehone,  having 
behind  or  above  them  the  Vocontii :  and  behind  or  above  the 
Vocontii  lay  the  Tricorii  and  Iconii :  the  Tricorii,_as  I  appre- 

VOL.  II.  K 


130  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

hend,  more  south  towards  the  Durance  ;  the  Iconii  more  north 
towards  the  Is^re.  The  Iconii  are  commonly  identified  with 
the  Uceni  of  Pliny.  Some  advocates  of  the  Cenis,  who  alto- 
gether disown  the  Durance  of  Livy,  are  driven  to  place  his 
Tricorii,  as  well  as  the  Tricastini  and  Vocontii,  along  the 
Is^re.  D'Anville,  though  he  would  not  acknowledge  them 
to  be  so  far  south  as  to  include  Yapincum  (Gap),  still  places 
their  country  wholly  south  of  the  Iconii  or  Uceni,  though  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Drac.  In  his  map  of  Gallia  Antiqua, 
the  Uceni  are  to  the  north,  with  Bourg  d'Oysans  belonging 
to  them  :  and  south  of  them  are  the  Tricorii,  but  not  reaching 
to  Gap  or  Embrun.  He  writes  (under  Iconii) — "  Les  Tricorii, 
"  selon  la  marche  d'Annibal,  doivent  avoir  occupe  les  bords 
"  du  Drac  vers  le  haut  de  son  cours." 

In  interpreting  Livy,  the  position  of  the  Tricorii  becomes 
important,  because  he  brings  the  march  through  them  to  the 
Druentia,  and  soon  after  into  the  Alps.  We  know  that  while 
those  who  conceive  the  march  to  be  tending  to  the  Cenis, 
imagine  all  three  nations  along  the  Isere,  those  who  believe 
him  to  have  crossed  the  Gen^vre,  approach  this  pass  from  the 
Durance.  I  may  now  say  of  the  two  most  eminent  authors 
among  those  who  favour  the  Gen^vre,  D'Anville  and  Letronne, 
that  they  are  right  in  their  decision  of  the  pass  of  Livy ;  in 
their  methods  of  arriving  at  it  they  differ  greatly  from  one 
another,  and  are  both  grievously  in  error.  D'Anville  made 
an  unhappy  guess  for  interpreting  the  text.  Letronne  con- 
tradicts the  text. 

D'Anville. 

The  map  of  D'Anville,  for  illustrating  the  march  of 
Hannibal,  which  I  never  saw  till  after  Christmas,  1863,  was 
published  in  April,  1739.  The  line  of  march  begins  south  of 
St.  Paul-trois-chateaux  ;  is  carried  up  the  Ehone  to  the  junc- 
tion of  the  rivers ;  and,  without  crossing  the  Isere,  is  drawn 
some  way  up  the  left  bank  :  it  then  cuts  away  to  the  position 


CHAP.  III.]        The  Three  Nations — The  Druentia.  131 

of  Corps ;  and  soon  strikes  away  from  the  Drac  in  a  direct 
line  to  Brian9on,  as  if  by  the  Val  Godemar :  then  over  the 
Gen^vre  to  C^sanne,  and  over  the  Sestri^res  to  the  Po  above 
Turin.  From  Turin  it  keeps  the  left  bank  of  the  Po  till  near 
the  Ticinus,  then  crosses  the  Po  and  comes  to  some  point  on 
the  Trebia  :  then  to  Placentia :  thence  to  Parma  and  Mutina, 
and  crosses  the  Arno  above  Florence. 

The  peculiarities  which  belong  to  the  visible  tracing  of  this 
line  might  have  been  in  parts  varied  in  the  author's  descrip- 
tion of  places  that  occur  in  his  subsequent  writings  :  he  might 
have  discovered  errors  in  that  track  during  the  twenty-one 
years  which  had  elapsed  when  he  published  his  Dictionary 
called  Notice  de  VAncienne  Gaule  in  1760  :  but  we  find  no 
contradiction  or  inconsistency  ;  the  peculiarities  are  confirmed 
as  the  fruit  of  his  deliberations.  Now  the  track  evidently 
shuns  the  angle  formed  by  the  Is^re  with  the  Drac,  and  there- 
fore did  not  tend  to  the  vale  of  Gresivaudan  :  and,  when  we 
see  it  to  reach  Briangon  by  a  direct  track  from  the  nearest  point 
of  the  Drac  to  that  place,  we  are  sure  that  he  imagined  a  route 
up  the  Yal  Godemar,  without  any  misgiving  on  the  pervious- 
ness  of  such  a  line.  Under  the  word  Geminse,  he  recognises 
the  route  from  Luc  to  the  Gen^vre,  which  is  drawn  in  the 
Theodosian  Table  (as  he  always  calls  the  Carte  de  Peutinger), 
by  noticing  the  two  places  which  occur  in  it.  "Je  crois 
"  retrouver  le  nom  de  Geminse  dans  celui  de  Mens,  et 
"  Gerainae  *  dans  le  nom  de  Jarain,  que  conserve  un  petit 
"  lieu  du  Val  Godemar,  sur  la  direction  de  la  route  qui  rend 
"  vers  Briangon."  He  repeats  this  under  the  word  Gerainse  ; 
adding,  "  II  est  situ^  h  la  gauche  du  cours  d'une  riviere 
"  nomm^e  Severesse,  qui  tombe  dans  le  Drac  vis-^-vis  de 
"  Lesdiguieres.    En  avan9ant  au-dela,  pour  arriver  au  Mont 

*  In  the  later  edition  of  Tabula  Peutingeriana  (Vindobonse,  1753), 
which  D'Anville  may  not  have  seen  in  1760,  both  places  seem  to 
be  printed  Geminas. 

k2 


132  Livy  i7iierpreted.  '  [part  ix. 

*'  Gen^vre,  la  disposition  du  local  exige  que  Ton  se  rende 
"  par  le  Val  Louise  k  Brian90ii."  Thus,  though  the  Val 
Godemar  is  blockaded  by  the  highest  mountains  between 
Mont  Blanc  and  the  Mediterranean,  prohibiting  an  advance 
to  Brian9on,  yet  it  is  quite  evident  that  D'Anville,  being 
unacquainted  with  the  group  of  Mont  Pelvoux,  did  conceive 
that  line  as  the  course  of  the  Carthaginian  march.  He  pro- 
fesses to  desire  the  shortest  line  from  the  mouth  of  the  Isere 
to  the  Gen^vre ;  and  argues  that  Hannibal  did  not  come  so 
far  south  as  Gap,  inasmuch  as  he  would  in  that  case  have 
touched  the  Caturiges,  whom  Livy  does  not  mention.  What 
then  ?  Many  things  are  not  mentioned  by  Livy.  Strabo  has 
given  in  much  more  detail  the  traveller's  route  up  the 
Durance,  in  which  that  people  could  not  be  avoided ;  but 
he  does  not  mention  them. 

When  D'Anville  in  his  later  work  recognises  the  route 
from  the  Drac  up  the  Severaisse,  as  leading  to  Brian9on  and 
the  Gen^vre,  not  saying  a  word  to  show  it  impracticable,  he 
is  abiding  by  his  map :  and  he  had  found  this  impossible 
track,  from  Luc  to  the  Cottian  Alps,  in  the  Theodosian  Table 
which  he  names ;  accordingly  he  treats  the  names  of  the 
places  in  it  as  he  would  search  for  stations  in  an  Itinerary, 
endeavouring  to  find  modern  places  which  correspond  with 
them.  I  believed  this  to  be  the  case  before  ever  I  saw 
D'Anville's  own  map,  from  the  entries  in  his  Ancienne 
Gaule,  which  show  that  he  did  not  reject  the  line  direct  from 
Luc  to  the  Gen^vre  as  an  impossible  thing ;  but  when  it 
appeared  that  he  had  himself  delineated  the  same  route  from 
Corps,  it  was  plain  that  his  mind  had  been  deluded  by  an 
error  which  took  place  1300  years  before. 

I  refer  the  reader  to  the  articles  in  D'Anville's  Notice  de 
r Ancienne  Gaule — Tricastini — Tricorii — Geminse — Gerainse 
— Lucus — Vapincum,  &c. 

His  map  of  1739  is  in  a  book  at  the  British  Museum, 


CHAP.  III.]        The  Three  Nations— The  Bnieniia.  133 

which  was  bought  at  the  sale  of  M.  Letronne's  books  after 
his  death,  about  1847.  The  book  contains  Atlas  de  G4o- 
graphie  Ancienne  pour  servir  d  V intelligence  des  (Euvres  de 
M.  Rollin,  Paris,  1818.  Among  which  is  D'Anville's  Carte 
pour  V expedition  d'Annihal — and  there  is  also,  bound  up 
with  it,  an  early  copy  of  this  same  map,  having  the  date 
Avril  1739.  M.  Letronne's  answers  to  De  Luc  came  out  in 
January  and  December  1819,  which  might  be  soon  after  he 
acquired  the  atlas. 

Letronne. 

M.  Letronne,  a  man  of  great  distinction,  has  also  main- 
tained the  Gen^vre  as  the  pass  of  Hannibal.  Unlike 
D'Anville,  he  struggled  to  ascribe  to  both  histories  the 
merit  of  giving  the  true  track ;  and  persuaded  himself  that 
there  was  consistency  between  them  without  altering  a  word 
of  either.  He  must  have  been  intimate  with  all  that 
D'Anville  had  written ;  and  must  have  seen  the  great  dif- 
ference between  himself  and  his  distinguished  predecessor : 
but  as  they  travelled  to  the  same  point,  though  by  different 
ways,  he  never  mentions  him.  D'Anville  is  not  noticed 
either  in  January  1819,  or  in  December  1819.  Letronne 
could  not  be  silent  on  Polybius :  he  wrote  under  special 
excitement.  He  had  to  contend  with  one  who  had  just 
challenged  public  attention  with  the  new  light  of  the  Graian 
Alp  ;  and  he  was  driven  to  the  effort  of  making  Polybius  his 
witness,  and  could  make  no  allusion  to  D'Anville,  who  rested 
on  Livy. 

On  Letronne  fell  the  task  of  answering  De  Luc,  whose 
proofs  were  in  Polybius :  he  had  to  make  every  sacrifice  to 
conciliation  ;  and  his  facility  in  doing  it  is  marvellous.  We 
saw  before,  how  he  shifted  the  river  from  Ehone  to  Isere  by 
his  translation  of  a  Greek  verb  irop  eve  fiat  ;  and  how  he  then 
made  Hannibal  transfer  himself  from  Isere  to  Drac  without 
knowing  it.     So  now,  dealing   with  Livy,  he  avoids  "  recta 


134  Livy  i7iterpTeted.  [part  ix. 

regio"  by  not  going  forward  up  the  vale  of  Gr^sivaudan ;  and 
satisfies  "  ad  Isevam  "  by  using  the  left  hand  of  Livy  instead 
of  that  of  Hannibal. 

M.  Letronne  says  (p.  32),  that  the  words  of  Livy  "pr^sentent 
"  deux  difficult^s,  contre  lesquels  ont  dchoues  tons  les  critiques 
"  — La  premiere  consiste  dans  les  mots,  ad  Icevam — la  seconde 
"  difficult^  tient  en  mot  in  Tricastinos  :  au  tems  de  Tite-Live, 
"  et  mSme  de  I'expedition  d'Annibal,  les  Tricastini  pouvaient 
"  s'etre  etendus  davantage  vers  le  nord,  et  dominer  les 
"  Segalauni."  Then  he  adduces  an  earlier  history  of  Livy, 
lib.  V.  c.  34,  and  assumes  that  he  meant  to  conduct  Bellovesus 
and  Hannibal  by  the  same  route,  as  each  is  said  to  touch  the 
Tricastini  in  Gaul  and  the  Taurini  in  Italy.  This  tends  to 
show  that  Livy  meant  both  their  movements  to  have  been 
made  over  the  Mont  Genevre :  but  it  does  not  help  M. 
Letronne  to  the  position  of  the  Tricastini.  M.  Letronne 
works  out  his  ideas  thus : — "  On  reconnoit  beaucoup  de  con- 
"  sistance  dans  les  idees  de  cet  historien,  relativement  k  la 
"  position  des  Tricastini :  et  Ton  ne  pent  ainsi  douter  que 
"  leur  territoire,  au  moins  dans  son  opinion,  ne  s'etendit 
"  jusque  sur  les  bords  de  ces  deux  rivieres  (I'lsere  et  le  Drac). 
"  Voil^  I'explication  naturelle  de  ce  passage  de  Tite-Live,  qui 
"  est  la  principale  cause  de  la  diversite  des  opinions  sur  la 
"  route  d'Annibal ! "  M.  Letronne's  identity  of  the  two 
tracks  pursued  at  some  centuries'  interval  is  not  promoted  by 
his  quotation  of  what  concerns  Bellovesus,  for  he  happens  to 
omit  the  extra  "  viam  "  to  Marseille. 

M.  Letronne  quite  breaks  down  before  he  gets  to  Druentia 
flumen.  Though  he  rightly  construes  it  to  be  the  Durance, 
the  truth  of  that  one  proposition  does  not  vindicate  his  ex- 
position of  Livy's  route.  Livy's  notion  was  that  Hannibal, 
after  bending  to  the  left,  passed  through  the  three  Gaulish 
nations,  and  reached  the  Druentia  without  interruption  of 
the  march,  "  nusquam  impedit^  vi^  ;  "  and  that,  after  crossing 


CHAP.  IV.]  Divergence  from  Polyhius.  135 

that  river,  he  still  proceeded  onward  quietly  through  Gauls 
for  some  distance  more  or  less,  before  he  reached  the  Alps : 
he  was  then  set  at  defiance  by  those  whom  Livy  calls,  not 
Galli,  but  Montani. 

M.  Letronne  comes  to  his  Alps  and  fights  the  first  battle  at 
St.  Bonnet,  which  is  far  short  of  the  Durance.  At  St.  Bonnet 
he  expressly  exhausts  his  distance,  and  encounters  his  Alps  ; 
"a  Ten  tree  du  D^partement  des  Hautes  Alpes  :  alors  I'arm^e 
"  commenga  a  gravir  les  Alpes — ^1^  commence  la  montee  des 
"  Alpes."  M.  Letronne  submits  the  Carthaginian  progress  to 
a  great  interruption  by  a  severe  mountain  conflict  and  a 
serious  loss  of  men,  horses,  and  cattle,  long  before  they 
approach  the  Durance.  As  an  interpreter  of  Livy,  he  was 
pledged  to  bring  Hannibal  to  the  Druentia  "  nusquam  impedita 
vi^,"  and  then  to  give  him  a  ''  campestre  iter  "  to  the  Alps. 
Livy  marches  from  the  passage  of  the  Druentia  to  the  first 
Alps  :  M.  Letronne  marches  from  the  first  Alps  to  the  Druentia. 


CHAPTEE  IV. 

Druentia  flumen.      The  Durance — Rival  pretensions  of  the 
Arve,  the  Dranse,  and  the  Drac. 

This  is  the  last  object  named  by  Livy  in  narrating  the  march 
to  the  Alps,  with  only  the  addition  of  "  iter  campestre  "  before 
the  Carthaginian  force  arrives  at  those  mountains.  It  was  to 
be  expected  that  there  would  be  some  difference  of  opinion 
among  his  interpreters  on  the  territorial  boundaries  of  nations ; 
but  one  would  hardly  have  expected,  that  the  river  which 
is  said  to  have  been  reached  after  visiting  the  three  spe- 
cified peoples  would  be  called  in  question ;  and  that  the 
Druentia  of  Livy  would  not  be  accepted  as  the  Druentia  of 
Strabo   and   Pliny,  that   is,  as  the  Durance.     This  river  is 


VX-. 


136  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

always  called  Druentia :  and  no  other  river  of  Gaul  is  ever 
called  Druentia. 

They  who  believe  the  Gen^vre  to  be  the  pass  of  Hannibal, 
cannot  be  sceptical  on  the  identity  of  the  Druentia :  but  they 
may  misconstrue  Livy  in  the  way  of  getting  to  it.  D'Anville 
imagined  a  way  that  is  not  possible.  Letronne  also,  though 
he  shows  a  way  to  the  Durance,  contradicts  the  geography  of 
Livy's  march.  Other  theories  for  interpreting  Livy  have  had 
a  Druentia  invented  for  them.  To  Mr.  Whitaker  it  was  the 
Arve :  to  Mr.  Tytler  it  was  the  Dranse :  to  M.  Larauza  it 
^  was  the  Drac ;  which  is  adopted  by  the  other  Cenisians, 
Dr.  Ukert  and  Mr.  Ellis.    Let  us  consider  the  merits  of  these. 

The  Arve,  the  Druentia  of  Mr.  Whitaker, 

Those  who  hear  of  the  Druentia  of  this  writer,  will  expect 
to  be  told  how  he  got  to  it. '  Having  brought  Hannibal  to 
Lyons,  Mr.  Whitaker,  in  p.  137,  thus  describes  the  march  to 
Geneva  : — "  He  went  through  the  country  of  the  Tricastini, 
"  from  the  grand  angle  of  the  Ehone  at  Lyons  to  the  deep 
"  indent  of  it  at  St.  Genis.  He  ranged  along  the  limits  of 
"  Vocontian  dominions,  from  this  indent  to  the  Sier.  He 
"  passed  also  through  the  region  of  the  Tricorii,  up  to  the 
"  town  and  lake  of  Geneva.  He  met  with  only  one  diffi- 
"  culty :  this  arose  from  a  river,  which  Livy  calls  the 
*'  Druentia ;  which  the  critical  world  has  therefore,  with  a 
"simplicity  of  faith  that  is  founded  only  on  a  delusive 
"  symphony  of  names,  believed  to  be  the  Durance  of  Avignon, 
"  Embrun  and  BrianQon ;  and  which  will  appear  demon- 
"  strably,  from  what  I  shall  allege,  to  be  merely  the  Arve 
"  of  Geneva." 

The  three  peoples  of  Livy  are  described  by  Mr.  Wliitaker 
in  the  following  manner  (pp.  129  to  133) : — 

"The  Tricastini  owned  the  lands  from  the  Guier  at  St. 
"  Genis  and  Pont  Beauvoisin  to  Lyons.     They  inhabited  from 


CHA.P.  IV.]  Divergence  from  Polyhi  US.  137 

"  the  Rhone  on  the  north,  along  the  back  of  the  AUobroges  of 
"  Vienne  and  of  the  Segalauni  of  Valence,  to  St.  Paul  on  the 
"  south — in  a  long  and  narrow  portion  of  land." 

"  The  Vocontii  possessed  the  country  from  the  Sier  at 
"  Seyssel  to  the  Guier  at  St.  Genis  and  Pont  Beauvoisin  : — 
'*  they  lay  in  a  long  narrow  braid,  stretching  at  the  back  of 
"  the  Tricastini,  having  the  Rhone  for  their  boundary  on  the 
"  north,  and  their  capital  Vaison  low  to  the  south." 

"  The  Tricorii  possessed  the  region,  probably,  between  the 
"  Arve  of  Geneva  and  the  Sier  at  SeysseL  They  appear  to 
"  have  lain  with  their  heads  to  the  Rhone,  at  the  back  of  the 
"  Vocontii,  extending  in  length  towards  CavaiUon  and  Orange 
"  in  the  south. 

"  All  lay,  extending  from  these  their  respective  possessions 
"  on  the  north,  in  three  long  waves  as  it  were,  one  behind  the 
"  other,  down  the  narrow  length  of  Dauphiny." 

Let  any  one  take  a  map,  and  slice  out  Mr.  Whitaker's  three 
waves,  flowing  one  from  Lyons  and  St.  Genis  to  St.  Paul,  one 
from  Seyssel  to  Vaison,  and  one  from  Geneva  to  Cavaillon. 
He  will  see,  in  the  originality  of  the  arrangements,  a  fair 
sample  of  the  author's  power — of  the  boldness,  and  respect 
for  evidence,  which  distinguish  his  whole  work.  In  per- 
forming this  exploit,  Mr.  Whitaker  remarks,  "  D'Anville  was 
singularly  puzzled  and  perplexed  in  settling  these  tribes.'* 
D'Anville  was,  indeed,  another  sort  of  man — a  sound  and 
honest  inquirer.  His  aim  was  truth ;  he  could  acknowledge 
a  difficulty,  though  he  could  not  always  master  one. 

The  bold  blunder  of  making  the  Arve  the  Druentius  of 
Strabo,  which  belongs  to  Mr.  Whitaker  alone,  has  an  affinity 
to  the  error  of  D'Anville,  already  noticed,  in  making  his 
Doria  the  minor  Doria,  which  has  obtained  so  much  currency. 
Both  are  founded  on  the  same  passage  of  that  geographer. 
In  the  fourth  book,  p.  203,  Strabo  names,  among  other  things, 
the  Doria  and  the  Druentius  as  rising  from  one  spring  in  the 


138  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

heights  of  Medulli ;  the  former  running  to  join  the  Po,  the 
latter  running  the  other  way  to  join  the  Ehone.    The  erroneous 
assertion  of  the  identity  of  the  sources  was  accepted  as  a  fact 
by  D'Anville  in  1760,  and  by  Whitaker  in  1794  ;  and  it  caused 
to  each  his  particular  error.     Strabo  was  not  warranted  in 
asserting  that  identity.     He  knew  whence  the  Doria  came, 
but  blundered  on  the  source  of  the  Druentia.     Eecent  occur- 
rences of  Eoman  warfare  had  made  him  to  know  well  the 
source  of  the  Salassian  Doria,  but  he  had  no  means  of  knowing 
the  vast  mountainous  regions  which  lay  spread  from  north  to 
south  between  the  source  of  that  river  and  the  source  of  the 
Druentia  ;  and  he  spoke  rashly  without  evidence  when  he  pro- 
nounced one  source  for  the  two,  if  ever  he  did  pronounce  it. 

Whitaker,  assuming  the  proximity,  and  knowing  that  the 
Doria  flowed  from  the  Col  de  la  Seigne  to  Italy,  made  the 
Druentia  flow  to  Gaul  from  the  other  side  of  the  same  ridge, 
and  so  identified  it  with  the  Arve.  D'Anville  had  before 
assumed  a  similar  proximity  on  the  two  sides  of  a  ridge ; 
and,  apprehending  the  source  of  the  Durance  to  be  in  the 
Mont  Gen^vre,  conceived  Strabo's  Doria  to  spring  on  the 
other  side  of  that  mountain,  and  to  be  the  river  called  Doria 
Minor.  Both  writers  blundered  from  the  same  cause;  one 
making  the  Doria  to  rise  where  it  does  not,  the  other  making 
the  Druentia  to  rise  where  it  does  not.  These  two  rivers, 
which  Strabo  alleges  to  spring  in  the  same  region,  do  not 
spring  in  the  same  region ;  and  if  you  find  the  source  of  one, 
it  is  no  guide  to  the  source  of  the  other.  The  introduction  of 
the  Druentia  as  a  river  whose  source  was  near  to  those  of  the 
Po  and  the  Doria,  is  the  blemish  in  Strabo's  description  of  the 
rivers  ;  and  it  is  right  to  bring  to  view  modern  errors  which 
are  founded  upon  his  error.  I  hope  that  I  succeeded  in  show- 
ing, against  D'Anville  and  his  followers,  that  Strabo's  Doria  is 
not  the  river  of  Susa ;  and  I  think  it  will  be  acknowledged, 
against  Whitaker,  that  Strabo's  Durentius  is  not  the  Arve. 


CHAP.  IV.]  Divergence  from  Polyhius.  139 

The  Dranse,  the  Druentia  of  Mr»  Tytler  {Lord  Woodhouselee). 

It  was  the  liappy  fortune  of  Mr.  Wliitaker  to  receive  the 
applause  of  a  good-natured  critic,  who  promptly  composed 
a  pamphlet  expressly  in  praise  of  his  discoveries.  It  was 
published  in  London,  1795,  without  a  name,  and  called  "  A 
"  Critical  Examination  of  Mr.  Whitaker's  Course  of  Hannibal 
"  over  the  Alps  ascertained."  The  noble  editor  of  Gibbon 
and  the  authors  of  the  Oxford  Dissertation  ascribe  it  to 
Mr.  Tytler  (Lord  Woodhouselee). 

I  may  give  a  sample  of  the  complaisance  of  the  reviewer. 
He  says  (p.  32),  and  I  conceive  not  ironically  :  "  From  Lyons 
"  Hannibal  passed  through  the  country  of  the  Tricastini  to 
"  the  deep  indent  of  the  Ehone  at  St.  Genis.  He  ranged  along 
"  the  limits  of  the  Vocontii  and  Tricorii,  up  to  the  Lake  of 
"  Geneva.,  without  interruption  till  he  came  to  the  river 
"  Druentia."  Here,  he  says,  "  The  river  Druentia  has,  from  a 
"  similarity  of  appellation,  misled  most  of  our  authors.  They 
"have  neglected  the  local  descriptions,  and  childishly  trusted 
"  to  a  delusive  similarity  of  names."  Keading  this,  one  ex- 
pected to  find  a  commendation  of  Mr.  Whitaker's  Druentia, 
the  Arve ;  but  not  so.  As  if  it  were  necessary,  for  the 
credit  of  a  reviewer,  to  find  some  little  error  in  the  author 
whom  he  patronises,  Mr.  Tytler  repudiates  the  Arve,  goes  the 
whole  length  of  the  lake,  and  still  ascends  the  Ehone.  At 
last,  forgetting  the  delusiveness  of  similarity,  he  discovers 
Livy's  Druentia  in  the  Dranse,  which  falls  into  the  Ehone 
near  Martigny. 

The  Drac,  the  Dncentia  of  the  Cenisians. 

M.  Larauza  professes  to  identify  the  Druentia  of  Livy  as 
being  the  river  now  well  known  as  the  Drac.  He  is,  I  believe, 
the  inventor  of  this  notion ;  and  he  numbers  among  his  dis- 
ciples Dr.  Ukert  and  Mr.  Ellis.     Arguing  against  Letronne, 


140  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

lie  objects  that  Livy's  description  does  not  agree  with  the  cha- 
racter of  the  Durance  in  the  part  of  its  course  where  Letronne 
assumed  Hannibal  to  have  crossed  it,  namely,  between  Chorges 
and  Embrun.  This  argument  against  Letronne  is  made  on 
the  assumption  that  Livy's  local  description  must  be  accurate. 
It  appears  from  what  all  the  French  writers  say,  that  no 
part  of  the  stream  near  to  Embrun,  whether  above  or  below 
that  place,  accords  with  the  character  given  to  it  by  Iayj. 
Letronne  himself  admitted  it,  as  an  error  on  the  part  of  the 
historian : — "  II  se  livre  en  cet  endroit  a  quelques  exagera- 
"  tions,  en  faisant  de  la  Durance  une  peinture  qui  ne  convient 
"  qu'^  ce  qu'est  cette  riviere  au-dessus  de  Cavaillon." 

Larauza  dwells  on  this  point,  and  even  thinks  it  expedient 
to  show  that  the  breadth  of  stream,  with  the  many  channels 
and  the  whirlpools  of  Livy,  do  not  belong  to  the  Durance 
near  Briangon — a  superfluous  effort,  which  rather  indicates  a 
sense  of  weakness.  He  says  (p.  55) :  "  Je  I'ai  vu  et  avant 
"  et  apr^s  Briaii9on :  lorsqu'on  va  de  cette  ville  au  Mont 
"  Genevre,  on  la  passe  sur  un  petit  pont  d'une  arche,  au 
"  sortir  du  village  de  la  Vachette,  situe  au  pied  du  Mont 
"  Genevre ;  elle  a  peut-etre  1^  de  dix  a  douze  toises  de  large 
"  sur  deux  k  trois  pieds  de  profondeur.  A  Embrun  (et  ces 
"  details  je  les  tiens  de  gens  ayant  vu  et  connaissant  bien  le 
"  pays),  elle  est  beaucoup  plus  large,  quoiqu'encore  tres  pen 
"  profonde.  Mais  ni  k  la  Vachette,  ni  k  Brian^on,  ni  a 
"  Embrun,  elle  ne  pr^sente  aucune  des  particularites  que 
"  signale  la  description  de  Tite-Live.  Depuis  la  Vachette  et 
"  Brianqon  jusqu'k  Embrun  et  au-dela,  elle  est  encaissee  dans 
"  un  Lit  r^gulier :  son  cours  ne  varie  jamais  et  n'offre  aucun 
"  de  ces  accidens  dont  parle  I'historien  latin — Ce  n'est  gu^re 
"  que  vers  Sisteron  qu'elle  commence  a  se  presenter  avec  les 
"  caract^res  qui  lui  donne  Tite-Live,  et  qu'elle  conserve  k 
"  son  embouchure." 

"We  saw  (ante,  Part  IV.  c.  iv.)  how  M.  Larauza  criticised  the 


CHAP.  IV.]  Divergence  from  Polybius.  141 

roughness  of  the  Drac  valley ;  and  the  honest  rebuke  which 
he  got  from  M.  Bandd  de  Laval  ette,  reminding  him  of  the 
Lower  Isere.  When  now,  in  his  advance  up  the  Is^re,  he  at 
last  finds  himself  in  plain,  he  exults  for  a  short  time  in  the 
vale  of  Gresivaudan  as  "  iter  campestre."  It  does  in  itself 
deserve  that  character.  But  M.  Larauza  takes  credit  for  it  as 
"  iter  campestre  ab  Druentia,"  not  allowing  that  a  march  to- 
wards the  Alps  near  the  Durance  could  be  "  ab  Druenti^."  I 
do  not  see  that  Livy,  by  the  word  "  ab,"  need  have  intended 
that  the  march,  after  crossing  the  river,  was  directed  straight 
away  from  it,  quasi  at  right  angles  with  its  course ;  but  on 
this  notion  is  rested  the  claim  of  the  Drac.  Do  we  not  read 
in  ch.  xxxii.  "  ab  rip^  Ehodani  movit"  ?  and  yet  the  march  in 
that  case  was  a  march  up  the  Ehone.  In  both  instances  the 
preposition  imports  a  progress  from  that  part  on  a  river  where 
it  had  just  been  crossed. 

The  objections  which  Larauza  has  taken  against  Letronne, 
have  no  force  to  divert  us  from  construing  Druentia  the 
Durance.  An  exaggeration  in  the  painting  of  this  notorious 
mountain  stream  does  not  disprove  that  Livy  intended  the 
river  which  he  names.  His  information  on  its  features  may 
have  been  inaccurate  in  itself,  or  apprehended  erroneously  by 
him :  he  may  have  heard  of  the  Druentia  as  possessing  the 
features  which  he  pourtrays,  and  have  introduced  them  to 
give  effect  to  his  story,  not  reflecting  that  one  paii:  of  that 
river's  course  might  greatly  differ  from  another. 

And  now  what  are  the  affirmative  arguments  of  M.  Larauza, 
by  which  he  construes  Druentia  to  be  the  Drac  ?  He  under- 
takes to  show,  that  the  four  landmarks  of  Livy  suit  his  own 
order  of  march  :  but  he  rather  shows  that  they  do  not :  for 
he  misplaces  them.  Having  spread  the  Tricastini  along  the 
Isere  nearly  to  the  Drac,  he  says,  "  Apr^s  eux  viendront  les 
"  Vocontii,  occupant  les  vallees  que  parcourt  le  Drac  jusqu'^ 
"  son  embouchure :  enfin  apr^s  les  Vocontii  nous  placerons 


142  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

"  les  Tricorii."  Thus  M.  Larauza's  Druentia  running  through 
Vocontian  valleys,  has  been  left  behind  before  Hannibal  gets 
into  the  Tricorii.  In  Livy  the  sequence  is  Tricastini,  Vocontii, 
Tricorii,  Druentia. 

That  the  Drac  should  be  called  Druentia,  was  a  difficulty 
worthy  of  M.  Larauza's  powers  of  solution :  and  he  makes 
his  effort.  After  telling  us  (p.  90)  that  Druentia  and  Dracus 
must  have  the  same  root,  he  writes  thus : — "  Quand  on  observe 
"  enfin  que,  du  tems  de  Tite-Live,  le  dernier  de  ces  deux 
"  fleuves  n'avait  pas  encore  de  nom  dans  la  geographic, 
"  puisqu'on  ne  le  trouve  pas,  meme  plus  tard,  dans  Strabon, 
"  ni  dans  Ptolom^e,  ne  conqoit  on  pas  facilement  comment 
"  cet  historien,  rencontrant  ce  fleuve  d^crit  dans  les  memoires 
"  d'apres  lesquels  il  travaillait,  et  design^  sous  un  nom  qu'il 
"  ne  retrouvait  dans  aucun  geographe ;  voyant  d'ailleurs  le 
"  rapport  qu'il  avait  et  par  lui-meme,  et  par  son  nom  avec  la 
"  Durance,  riviere  alors  tr^s  connue,  aura  pu  prendre  sur  lui- 
"  meme,  tout  en  conservant  la  description  de  substituer  k  la 
"  denomination  inconnue  celle  de  la  Druentia  qui  est  rest^e. 
"  Si  Ton  veut  que  ce  mot,  par  cela  seul  qu'il  se  trouve  dans 
"  la  narration  de  Tite-Live  ait  du  se  trouver  dans  les  memoires 
"  qu'il  consultait,  ne  pourrait-on  pas  alors  voir  1^  une  seule  et 
"  meme  denomination  appliqu^e  k  deux  rivieres  diff^rentes, 
"  et  penser  que  les  auteurs  de  ces  memoires  reconnaissaient 
"  deux  Durances,  comme  depuis  on  a  reconnu  deux  Doires, 
"  la  Doria  major  ou  Doria  Baltea,  et  la  Doria  minor  ou  Doria 
"  riparia  ?  Ou  bien  enfin  ne  pourrait-on  pas  encore  supposer 
"  que  la  riviere  en  question  se  trouvait  decrite  seulement  sans 
"  ^tre  nommee  dans  les  anciens  memoires,  et  que  Tite-Live, 
"  d'apr^s  les  analogies  qu'elle  avait  avec  la  Durance,  aura  cru 
''  reconnaitre  en  elle  ce  dernier  fleuve  dont  il  lui  aura  impose 
"  le  nom?"     Larauza,  pp.  90,  91. 

Thus,  M.  Larauza  offers  us  the  choice  of  three  views  of  the 
matter.     1.  Livy  had  found  the  Drac  mentioned  under  some 


CHAP.  IV.]  Divergence  from  Polyhius.  143 

name  which  he  did  not  know,  and  thought  it  might  be  the 
Durance  which  he  did  know.  2.  There  may  have  been  two 
Druentias,  like  two  Dorias,  and  the  Drac  might  be  one  of 
them.  3.  He  found  it  without  a  name,  and  called  it  Druentia 
from  its  likeness  to  the  Durance.  Two  of  these  notions  show 
that  Livy  intended  to  speak  of  the  Durance  :  as  to  the  third, 
on  which  Larauza  says,  "  Peut-^tre  le  Drac  ^tait-il  appel^ 
Druentia  minor,  ou  Druentius?"  p.  91,  it  is  enough  to  say 
that  Pliny  has  named  two  Dorias,  and  has  not  named  two 
Druentias.  Moreover,  the  notion  of  a  Druentia  minor  is  itself 
unfortunate :  Livy  is  not  telling  of  a  second-rate  river :  he 
gives  it  distinction  among  the  rivers  of  the  Alps — "  Druentia 
"  fiumen  :  Alpinus  amnis,  long^  omnium  Gallise  fluminum 
"  difficillimus  transitu."  It  is  not  incredible,  that  Livy  should 
exaggerate  the  characteristics  of  a  torrent  river ;  or  that  he 
should  be  without  safe  information  on  a  particular  part  of  its 
stream.  But  it  is  incredible,  without  better  solutions  than 
those  here  imagined,  that  he  should  have  introduced  into  this 
portion  of  his  story  a  river  other  than  that  which  he  names, 
being  a  river  well  known,  as  he  names  it,  to  all  his  contem- 
poraries, and  which  had  become  familiar  in  Eoman  warfare, 
as  belonging  to  their  great  line  of  communication  with  Spain 
through  the  Western  Alps. 

Dr.  Ukert  subscribing  to  the  theory  of  the  Cenis,  accepts 
the  Drac  of  Larauza,  as  being  the  Druentia  of  Livy;  and 
Mr.  Ellis  follows  them,  saying  (p.  136),  "  The  Drac  and  the 
"  Druentia  of  Livy  have  been  concluded  to  be  identical  by 
"  M.  Larauza — see  Ukert's  Geograpliie!'  The  French  critic 
has  exhausted  all  his  ingenuity  on  the  matter,  and,  I  hope 
to  have  shown,  without  success.  The  others  do  not  try  to 
strengthen  his  dogma  by  ideas  of  their  own.  If  we  can  bring 
ourselves  to  reject  the  Arve,  the  Dranse  and  the  Drac,  and 
admit  the  Durance  to  be  the  Druentia  of  Livy,  it  follows  that 
his  pass  is  the  Gen^vre. 


144  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 


*■-)* 


CHAPTEE  V. 

Durance  being  conclusive  of  Livy's  intention,  identity  of  the 
two  tracks  is  disproved.  Livy  diverged  from  Polyhius  at 
the  Isere.  Fro7n  thence  to  the  Durance  utter  dissonance  hoth 
in  topography  aiid  incidents.  Subsequent  incidents  are 
largely  copied  from  Polyhiics:  topography  there  is  none. 
Ascent;  Summit,  with  Mr.  Ellis's  eocplanaiions ;  Descent 
Livy's  argument  will  helong  to  the  ultimate  question. 

Though  we  have  not  traced  the  progress  told  by  Livy  beyond 
the  crossing  of  the  Durance,  the  fact  of  reaching  the  Durance 
determines  one  essential  point ;  that  Livy's  track  is  not  the 
same  as  that  of  Polybius.  That  fact  shows  that  to  him  the 
pass  of  Hannibal  was  the  Mont  Gen^vre  :  for  to  that  pass 
only  could  the  Durance  lead.  It  cannot  be  requisite  to  give 
further  consideration  to  the  Viso  :  and  the  pretensions  of  the 
Cenis  must  be  withdrawn,  if  the  Druentia  be  the  Durance. 
One  who  from  the  Lower  Isere  is  tending  to  the  Mont  Cenis, 
can  never  come  upon  the  Durance  at  any  part  of  its  course  : 
and  Livy's  track,  which  did  not  touch  the  Durance,  cannot 
have  been  directed  to  the  Cenis. 

The  track  of  Livy  has  diverged  from  that  of  Polybius  at 
the  Is^re ;  for,  when  it  crosses  the  Durance,  the  Gen^vre  is  in- 
dicated as  the  pass  of  his  hypothesis.  It  was  meant  by  him  to 
be  reached,  not  by  the  approach  which  D'Anville  conceived,  nor 
by  the  route  contrived  by  Letronne,  but  through  Valence,  Die, 
Luc,  Gap,  Embrun  and  Brianqon  :  and,  when  we  say  that  the 
notion  of  identity  of  the  two  tracks  must  be  abandoned,  it  is 
also  to  be  remembered,  that  the  opponents  of  our  Graian 
theory  are  pledged,  as  conciliators,  to  accommodate  the  tale 
of  Polybius  to  the  landmarks  of  Livy,  and  the  tale  of  Livy  to 


OHAP.  v.]  Last  Attempts  at  Conciliation,  145 

the  landmarks  of  Polybius.  Let  us  then  lay  all  the  materials 
of  accommodation  concisely  before  the  reader  :  for,  unless  the 
two  are  ascertained  to  differ,  the  question  of  preference  will 
not  arise. 

It  is  necessary  to  make  a  complete  comparison  of  Livy's 
narrative  with  the  other,  from  the  mouth  of  Is^re  to  the 
plain.  I  speak  not  now  of  his  own  subsequent  argument 
growing  out  of  speculations  on  the  amount  of  the  surviving 
force.  By  narrative,  I  mean  the  tale  of  progress,  which  ends 
with  "  inde  ad  planum  descensum,"  "  hoc  modo  in  Italiam 
perventum  est,"  "quinto  decimo  die  Alpibus  superatis." 
Livy's  story  may  be  briefly  compared  with  the  other  in  regard 
to  two  subjects :  topography  and  incidents.  The.  question 
throughout  is  on  localities :  but,  if  the  routes  intended  are 
identical,  there  will  also  be  similarity  in  the  facts  stated  to 
have  occurred  :  for  the  facts  which  did  occur,  occurred  only 
once.  Accordingly  the  identity  will  appear  most  strongly, 
if  there  is  similarity  both  in  topography  and  incidents :  if 
there  is  no  similarity  in  either  one  or  the  other,  it  fails ;  and 
one  story  only  can  be  true. 

In  treating  this  matter,  it  will  be  convenient  to  consider 
the  whole  line  of  march  from  near  the  mouth  of  Isere  in  two 
parts  :  1.  to  the  Alps  ;  2.  through  the  Alps.  We  shall  find, 
in  the  first,  an  utter  incongruity  between  the  two  narratives, 
both  in  respect  to  topography  and  incidents.  In  the  latter 
part,  we  find,  on  the  part  of  Livy,  great  similarity  in  facts, 
and  no  topography  at  all :  Livy  copies  the  facts  of  Polybius  ; 
but  says  nothing  whereby  we  can  say  where  they  occurred. 

To  the  Alps. 

In  the  march  from  the  Is^re  to  the  Druentia,  there  is  an 
absolute  and  irreconcilable  dissonance  between  the  two  nar- 
ratives, both  in  the  geogTaphy  and  the  incidents.  In  telling 
of  the  country  traversed,  there  is  not  one  idea  common  to  the 

VOL.  II.  L 


146  Livy  interpreted.  [paht  ix. 

two  histories.  In  Polybius  the  inarch  from  the  point  of  the 
Island  to  the  mountain  barrier  is  through  the  Allobroges  :  in 
Livy  it  is  through  three  nations,  of  whom  the  Allobroges  are 
not  one.  In  Polybius  it  is  along  a  river  :  in  Livy  it  is  not 
along  a  river ;  but  it  crosses  a  river  after  the  march  has  been 
carried  through  the  three  nations.  In  Polybius  it  is  over 
plain  country,  favourable  to  cavalry  :  in  Livy  it  is  mostly 
mountainous,  ending  with  an  "iter  agreste  "  for  a  short  way. 

As  to  the  facts  belonging  to  this  march,  the  incidents  told 
by  Polybius  are  these  :  that  the  friendly  prince  accompanied 
the  march  with  his  force  as  an  ally,  the  enemy  hovering  about 
them  :  that  this  ally  returned  home,  when  the  plain  country 
came  to  an  end  and  the  mountains  were  approached.  These 
things  have  no  place  in  Livy :  the  only  incidents  of  any  kind 
in  his  story  of  this  march,  are  the  turning  to  the  left,  and 
the  "  tumultus  "  and  "trepidatio"  in  crossing  a  great  river 
after  visiting  three  specified  peoples  :  incidents  which  have  no 
parallels  in  Polybius.  In  Polybius  this  march  has  a  specified 
time  and  a  specified  distance  :  in  Livy  there  is  neither  time 
nor  distance. 

If  any  should  contradict  this  by  pointing  to  the  Allobroges 
as  an  incident  belonging  to  both  narratives,  I  would  answer, 
that  in  that  feature  there  is  the  most  affirmative  disagreement. 
In  Polybius,  Hannibal,  after  entering  the  Island  and  striking  a 
blow  in  favour  of  one  of  two  litigants,  continues  his  march 
for  ten  days  along  the  river  to  the  Alps,  during  which  he  is 
menaced  by  the  Allobroges  ;  he  then  storms  those  first  Alps 
against  the  resistance  of  the  Allobroges,  and  occupies  the 
town  of  the  Allobroges  beyond  those  first  Alps.  According 
to  Livy,  Hannibal  marches  to  the  Island,  promptly  settles  the 
disputes  of  the  Allobroges  by  arbitration,  having  gone  to- 
wards them  only  in  the  purpose  of  a  short  delay,  then  turns 
his  march  away  from  them  to  the  Alps,  never  seeing  them 
again ;  but  marching  through  three  other  nations,  w^hom  he 


CHAP,  v.]  Last  Attempts  at  Conciliation.  147 

names,  to  the  Druentia,  and  then  to  the  Alps,  where  he  is 
obstructed  by  a  people  to  whom  he  gives  no  name. 

Through  the  Alps. 

Advancing  with  Livy  from  the  passage  of  the  Druentia  to 
the  first  Alps,  wherever  that  point  should  be,  and  proceeding 
thence  across  the  mountains  to  the  plain,  we  have  in  his  story 
no  aid  to  the  geography  of  the  line  which  he  is  dealing  with. 
He  relates  incidents  similar  to  the  incidents  of  Polybius  :  so 
similar,  that  he  must  have  had  the  Greek  history  before  him. 
He  copies  the  events  of  that  history  in  succession,  occasion- 
ally adding  things  not  derived  from  it.  Still  there  is  nothing 
that  enables  us  to  apply  the  incidents  which  he  relates  to  the 
identification  of  his  route.  Even  those  who  see  that  Livy 
meant  Hannibal  to  cross  the  Mont  Gen^vre,  and  therefore 
think  that  Hannibal  had  done  so,  do  not  found  this  belief 
upon  anything  which  that  historian  says  in  telling  the  march 
in  the  Alps.  They  read  that  Hannibal  came  to  the  Dtirance ; 
and  see  that,  if  he  did  so,  he  was  of  necessity  tending  to  the 
Genevre. 

A  better  use  has  been  made  of  the  narrative  of  Polybius. 
He  copied  nature  :  and  by  his  incidents  we  identify  the 
places  where  he  describes  them  to  have  occurred.  As  we  re- 
cognised them  by  his  account  of  the  march  to  the  Alps 
through  the  Allobroges  till  Hannibal  forced  the  mountain 
boundary  of  the  Island  :  so  in  the  Alps  his  instructions 
enabled  us  to  trace  the  scenes  of  events  and  circumstances 
which  occurred  at  the  foot  of  the  main  pass,  and  also  the 
place  of  the  casualties  in  the  descent.  Livy,  in  the  Alps, 
though  sometimes  almost  transcribing  the  facts  of  Polybius, 
furnishes  no  memorial  by  which  his  greatest  admirers  have 
been  able  to  point  out  in  the  map  the  places  where  they  may 
be  supposed  to  have  taken  place  :  he  adds  occasionally  a  new 
feature,  such  as  the  vinegar,  the  combustion,  and  the  pre- 

l2 


148  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

cipice  :  but,  from  whatever  sources  he  obtained  his  materials 
for  things  done  in  the  Alps,  his  followers  have  not  professed 
to  recognise  the  scenes  of  action  from  the  Druentia  to  the 
plain  of  Italy.  Even  M.  Letronne  never  gave  the  site  of 
XevKOTrerpov. 

It  is  expedient  to  speak  separately  of  Livy's  ascent, 
summit,  and  descent.  We  shall  see  that,  though  the  events 
are  the  events  of  Polybius,  the  geography  is  none.  You  only 
know  Livy's  track  in  the  Alps,  by  his  track  to  the  Alps. 

The  Ascent. 

Here  Livy's  incidents  are  those  which  had  already  appeared 
in  the  history  of  Polybius  ;  the  halt  in  front  of  the  first 
mountain  heights ;  the  report  of  the  spies  that  the  pass  was 
left  unguarded  in  the  night ;  the  lighting  of  the  camp  fires ; 
the  occupation  of  the  pass  by  Hannibal  with  his  light  troops 
in  the  night ;  the  astonishment  of  the  enemy  in  the  morning ; 
the  assault  upon  the  column  in  its  embarrassments ;  Hannibal 
charging  down  upon  them,  and  the  results  ;  his  occupation  of 
their  town  ;  the  supply  of  three  days'  provisions  ;  the  march 
unimpeded  till  they  came  among  a  new  people;  the  con- 
ference with  these ;  their  insidious  designs ;  Hannibal's 
caution  ;  his  order  of  march,  himself  with  the  heavy  infantry 
in  the  rear ;  the  attack  made  in  a  narrow  pass  ;  the  pressure 
from  the  rear ;  his  separation  for  the  night  from  the  cavalry 
and  baggage ;  the  dispersion  of  the  enemy ;  the  summit 
gained  on  the  ninth  day ;  the  encampment  for  two  days ;  the 
beginning  of  snow  ;  the  season  of  the  setting  of  the  Pleiades. 
These  are  similarities,  whereby  the  later  history  may  be 
looked  upon  as  in  effect  a  translation  of  the  former. 

Notwithstanding  this  almost  unqualified  similarity  of  the 
incidents  in  the  ascent,  Livy's  tale  of  them  speaks  nothing  to 
fix  their  sites.  We  only  see  that  he  adopted  the  incidents 
themselves  from  another  writer.     In  that  other  writer  we  do 


CHAP,  v.]  Last  Attem'pts  at  Conciliation,  149 

find  aid  to  the  localities  :  he  had  described  them  on  an  expe- 
rience of  the  country  where  they  had  occurred.  Accordingly 
we  who  trust  him  are  led  to  the  first  mountains  by  the  Ehone 
and  the  country  along  the  Ehone :  and  that  same  writer, 
having  brought  us  to  understand  Hannibal's  combat  with  the 
Allobroges  on  reaching  the  Alps  by  a  march  up  the  Ehone, 
shows  us  the  scene  of  the  second  engagement  by  a  visible 
memorial  eight  days  afterwards.  No  such  marks  of  locality 
are  offered  to  us  by  the  explainers  of  Livys  ascent  to  the 
Mont  Gen^vre. 

The  Summit, 

One  incident,  which  was  discussed  in  vindicating  Polybius 
from  the  Mont  Cenis,  must  again  be  noticed  for  the  purpose 
on  which  we  are  now  engaged,  of  pointing  out  those  things 
which  do,  and  those  things  which  do  not,  constitute  a  dis- 
crepancy between  the  two  historians.  It  is  related  by  Livy 
that  Hannibal  when  proceeding  on  his  march  in  descent,  halted 
his  troops  upon  a  certain  promontory,  whence  there  was  a 
view  far  and  wide  over  the  expanse  of  the  Italian  plain,  and 
that  he  there  made  an  address  to  them  to  revive  their  droop- 
ing courage :  and  Mr.  Ellis,  now  interpreting  Livy,  declares 
this  topic  to  be  in  the  list  of  congruities  between  the  two 
historians, 

Polybius  records  an  address  made  by  Hannibal  to  the 
troops,  on  the  day  of  pure  rest  when  encamped  on  the 
summit — that  he  administered  consolation  to  his  men,  not 
pending  the  most  frightful  day's  work  that  belonged  to  their 
whole  five  months'  expedition,  but  during  that  one  day  of 
undisturbed  quietness*  which  they  so  much  required,  and 
which  also  had  the  purpose  of  waiting  for  stragglers  to  come 

*  They  only  reached  the  summit  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
first  day. 


150  Livy  interpreted.  [pakt  ix. 

up  ;  a  purpose  which  was  answered.  Mr.  Ellis  ventures  to 
maintain  that,  in  spite  of  this,  the  two  stories  coincide.  He 
was  pledged  to  such  an  attempt,  as  is  every  critic,  to  whom 
we  of  the  Graian  Alp  are  opposed.  All  but  ourselves  are 
conciliators  of  the  histories,  though  not  all  make  the  effort. 

Deeming  the  Mont  Cenis  to  illustrate  both  the  histories, 
Mr.  Ellis  exhibits  his  powers  of  conciliation  in  the  following 
manner — ^he  admits  (p.  140),  that  "  at  first  sight  there  appears 
a  direct  contradiction  between  the  two  authors."  He  recon- 
ciles them  by  supposing,  that  this  incident  took  place  not  at 
the  encampment  on  the  plateau  of  the  summit,  but  some- 
where out  of  the  road  and  west  of  La  Grande  Croix.  He 
makes  it  out  by  presuming  both  historians  to  mean  what 
neither  has  said ;  namely,  that  Hannibal  encamped  on  the 
summit  for  one  night;  and  shifted  his  camp  a  few  miles 
down  for  the  second  ;  also,  that  the  imagined  view  was  not  to 
be  had  in  the  track  of  the  march ;  so  he  made  an  excursion 
for  the  enjoyment  of  it,  in  travelling  from  one  point  to  the 
other.  The  philosophy  of  the  conciliation  is  this — Hannibal 
made  a  speech  :  the  three  authors,  Polybius,  Livy,  and  Ellis, 
all  assign  the  speech  to  the  summit :  therefore  all  must  mean 
the  same  thing.  They  all  assign  it  to  the  summit,  because 
the  whole  seven  miles  are  summit,  from  the  Col  of  the  Little 
Mont  Cenis  down  to  La  Grande  Croix.  Polybius  introduces 
the  speech  at  the  camp  on  the  top ;  Livy  introduces  it  en- 
route,  halting  his  troops  to  hear  it :  Ellis  gives  it  somewhere 
on  one  side,  making  an  excursion  for  the  purpose  :  therefore 
all  three  had  it  on  the  summit,  and  all  three  tell  the  same 
tale. 

The  argument  is  thus  expressed  by  its  author — "  The  de- 
'*  scent  from  this  pass  into  Italy  is  considered  to  begin  from 
"  La  Grande  Croix,  all  the  ground  above,  though  varying  con- 
"  siderably  in  level,  being  included  in  the  plateaux  which 
"  form  the  summit  of  the  Mont  Cenis.     Hannibal  therefore, 


CHAP,  v.]  Last  Attempts  at  Gmiciliation.  151 

"  when  on  the  promontory,  or  at  La  Grande  Croix,  would  still 
"  be  correctly  spoken  of  by  Polybius  as  being  on  the  summit 
"  of  the  pass.  Yet  he  might  naturally  be  mentioned  by 
"  another  author,  as  having  begun  his  descent,  when  on  his 
"  way  from  the  plateau  of  the  Little  Mont  Cenis  to  La  Grande 
"  Croix." 

I  fear  that  Mr.  Ellis's  edition,  which  pretends  to  agree  with 
the  two  others,  is  as  palpably  opposed  to  both,  as  they  are  to 
one  another :  for  it  attributes  to  a  day  of  rest  a  movement  of 
some  miles  for  the  whole  armament,  aggravated  by  a  senseless 
and  laborious  "  extra  viam."  The  text  of  both  histories,  though 
differing  as  to  the  scene  of  Hannibal's  address,  require  that 
the  time  on  the  summit  was  a  time  of  actual  rest — avrov 
KaTeo-TpaTOireBevo-e,  kol  Bvo  '^fiepa<;  TrpoaefJiecye.  Livy's  story 
is,  if  possible,  still  plainer  on  the  unqualified  rest  from  labour  : 
Polybius  interrupts  it  in  some  degree  by  the  very  fact  of  the 
soldiers  assembling  to  listen  to  their  chief.  No  such  incident 
breaks  the  second  day  of  Livy — "Biduum  in  jugo  stativa 
habita ;  fessisque  labore  ac  pugnando  quies  data  militibus." 
Livy  relates,  concerning  the  renewal  of  the  march,  on  the 
morning  that  followed  the  two  days  of  rest,  that,  as  it  pro- 
ceeded, "cum  signis  prima  luce  motis  segniter  agmen  incederet" 
— sluggish  despair  in  every  countenance,  a  halt  was  ordered  : 
the  general  addressed  them  to  revive  their  courage,  showing 
the  plains  of  the  Po  spreading  wide  beneath,  and  pointing  to 
Pome  the  citadel  of  Italy,  which,  if  they  made  the  effort, 
would  soon  fall  into  their  hands.  The  protracted  calamities 
of  that  day's  march  are  then  strongly  painted,  before  we 
read,  "castra  in  jugo  posita,  segerrim^  ad  id  ipsum  loco 
purgato." 

Mr.  Ellis  relieves  what  he  justly  calls  "  the  direct  contra- 
diction apparent  between  the  two  authors,"  by  giving  from 
himself  a  new  version  of  Hannibal's  proceedings  discordant 
from  the  narrative  of  either.      Presently,   conscious  of  his 


152  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

infirmity,  he  gently  censures  Livy,  for  not  having  done  that 
which  he  would  without  scruple  have  done  himself ;  namely, 
thrown  away  one  of  the  two  days  of  summit :  and,  as  if  time 
were  the  only  obstacle  to  his  improvements,  he  draws  this 
consolatory  hypothesis  : — "  By  these  means  he  would  have 
"  made  his  narrative  of  the  events  at  the  summit  of  the  pass 
"  quite-  consistent  in  itself,  and  completely  in  accordance, 
"  though  at  first  sight  apparently  at  variance,  with  the 
"  account  of  the  Greek  historian." 

An  English  tourist,  full  of  fresh  vigour,  and  in  a  season 
not  threatening  a  grave  of  snow,  may  bound  rapidly  from 
one  point  of  interest  to  another  in  regions  which  spread  from 
Bramante  to  Susa.  Mr.  Ellis  seems  to  have  as  great  personal 
experience  of  the  district  of  Mont  Cenis  as  any  but  the  late 
Mr.  Brockedon  and  the  Sardinian  engineers:  he  with  his 
carpet-bag  might  pass  a  night  at  the  Granges  de  Dervieux, 
and  after  touching  at  the  Lac  Blanc  or  other  point  of  interest, 
and  staying  successively  at  La  Poste  and  La  Grande  Croix, 
might  fairly  write  home  that  he  had  spent  a  few  days  on  the 
Mont  Cenis.  But  the  texts  that  we  are  studying  and  com- 
paring are  not  to  be  explained  by  Punic  wanderings  over  Mr. 
Ellis's  constructive  summit..  Hannibal  had  not  time  which 
he  could  so  trifle  with :  he  desired  remission  of  toil  for  the 
shattered  multitude  :  he  sought  rest  to  the  weary  :  Mr.  Ellis 
gives  none :  his  specula,  if  it  deserve  the  name,  may  be 
somewhat  less  offensive  than  the  Balbotet  of  Folard  ;  but  it 
is  not  less  peremptorily  to  be  repudiated,  as  a  vain  conjecture, 
and  repugnant  to  authority.  The  episode  of  an  excursion,  as 
he  fondly  calls  it,  is  incredible  either  for  a  marching  day  or 
for  a  resting  day.  Hannibal,  always  husbanding  the  strength 
of  his  men,  would  not,  in  his  terrible  descent,  purposely 
deviate  from  the  line,  incurring  superfluous  danger,  and 
courting  an  increase  of  labour,  to  prove  the  diminution  of 
it.     Not  a  yard  of  that  blind  and  bitter  march  gave  security 


CHAP,  v.]  Last  Attempts  at  Conciliation*  153 

against  the  destruction  of  man  and  beast :  and  he  did  not, 
in  pursuit  of  evidence,  devote  them  to  fresh  calamity  over 
ground  still  more  unpractised  and  therefore  still  more 
dangerous.  Mr.  Ellis,  of  all  men,  should  not  be  insensible 
to  unnecessary  risks  :  it  is  he  who  records  a  loss  of  10,000 
men  in  that  descent  without  an  enemy. 

The  Descent. 

In  the  residue  of  Livy's  march  to  the  plain,  he  must  still 
have  had  the  story  of  Poly  bins  in  view ;  but  he  does  not  try 
much  to  adhere  to  it.  He  has  a  mauvais  pas  of  his  own  in 
the  early  descent ;  and  one  of  a  very  serious  kind  :  four  days 
are  spent  in  vanquishing  it ;  and  three  in  resting  after  it.  Still 
there  is  nothing  to  suggest  the  locality.  No  one  can  tell  us 
where  to  find  his  precipice  of  1,000  feet ;  whereas  we  do 
give  site  to  the  impediment  described  in  the  other  history ; 
we  find  a  place  where  to  this  day  the  same  peculiar  causes 
still  produce  the  same  effects. 

As  the  identity  of  the  two  routes  is  at  present  our  subject, 
it  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  obstructions  given  to  the  march 
in  the  first  day  of  descent  are  so  differently  related  by  the 
two  historians,  that  the  stories  can  hardly  be  applied  to  the 
same  locality.  The  three  half  stades  is  in  Polybius  a  measure 
of  length ;  the  same  estimate  with  Livy  is  a  measure  of  height. 
Niebuhr  is  rather  severe  on  Livy's  precipice.  We  read  this 
in  his  ninth  Lecture,  i.  173  : — "  Livy  says,  that  the  mountain 
"  formed  a  precipice  of  one  thousand  feet,  and  that  the  new 
"  road  was  built  down  that  precipice.  This  is  nonsense,  as 
"  every  one  must  see." 

There  appears  also  a  difference  between  the  two  historians 
in  the  estimate  of  climate,  which  does  not  aid  the  identity  of 
place.  Livy  seems  to  depict  a  climate  too  mild  for  the  story 
of  Polybius,  as  Dr.  Arnold  depicts  one  too  severe.  They  who 
suggest  that  the  Carthaginians  of  Polybius  were   for  some 


154  Livy  interpreted.  [part  ix. 

days  above  the  snow-line,  will  probably  think  that  the  Cartha- 
ginians of  Livy  were  not.  His  story,  like  the  other,  has  no 
snow  till  it  has  reached  the  summit ;  but  further,  when  the 
mauvais  pas  is  come  to  in  the  descent,  there  is  not  only 
vegetation  enough  for  twigs,  stumps,  and  roots  for  them  to 
cling  to,  but  trees  of  vast  size  are  at  hand  for  combustion  of 
the  precipice. 

Livy's  story  of  the  vinegar  is  supposed  by  Mebuhr  to  have 
been  derived  from  Cselius  Antipater ;  but  no  reason  appears 
why,  in  the  absence  of  authority,  it  should  be  fathered  on 
him.  Csellus  knew  that  the  Carthaginians  came  over  the 
Little  St.  Bernard,  and  must  have  known  that  he  was  agreeing 
with  Polybius.  Livy,  who  is  silent  on  Polybius,  must  have 
been  conscious  that  he  did  not  agree  with  him. 

If  we  pretend  to  trace  the  Carthaginian  track  of  Livy  from 
what  he  has  written,  we  fail  in  the  want  of  materials.  We 
know  the  pass  which  he  intended  by  the  line  which  he 
draws  from  the  Is^re  to  the  Durance.  As  to  the  march  in 
the  Alps,  his  events  are  chiefly  taken  from  Polybius,  but 
with  nothing  of  locality  to  aid  us :  and  if  we  seek  to  know 
by  which  of  the  two  descents  from  the  Gen^vre  he  conceived 
Hannibal  to  have  come  down  to  the  plain,  there  is  nothing  in 
his  narrative  of  progress  that  enables  us  to  answer  such  a 
question.  We  have  had  occasion  to  show  the  two  routes 
used  by  the  Eomans  in  later  times  to  descend  to  the  Cisalpine 
province.  But  nothing  shows  that  Livy  had  knowledge  of 
the  distinction.  His  extant  works  are  silent  on  Susa,  which 
is  in  one  road,  and  on  Ocelum,  which  is  in  the  other ;  as 
much  so  as  those  of  Polybius. 

But  after  Livy's  narrative  of  the  march,  concluding  with 
<*  ad  planum  descensum,"  he  makes  some  comments  on  the 
question  of  the  pass,  which  arise  out  of  a  discussion  into 
which  he  had  entered  on  the  amount  of  force  which  survived 
to  the  invaders  after  their  arrival  in  the  plain ;  and  when 


CHAP,  v.]  Last  Attempts  at  Co7iciliation.  155 

they  were  restored  to  condition  for  commencing  warlike 
operations.  This  argumentative  matter  will  show  the  grounds 
on  which  he  had  conceived  the  Cottian,  and  not  the  Penine 
or  Cremo,  to  be  the  pass  of  Hannibal ;  and  it  will  be  most 
conveniently  treated  when  we  deal  with  our  final  question ; 
whether  we  shall  accept  that  opinion  of  'Livy  in  preference  to 
that  which  results  from  the  study  of  Polybius. 


THE  ALPS  OF  HANNIBAL. 

PAET  X. 

TWO  PECULIAR  THEORIES. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Before  I  bring  this  inquiry  to  a  close  with  a  comparison  of 
the  stories  of  Polybius  and  Livy,  two  peculiar  theories  should 
be  mentioned,  which  are  not  among  those  whose  merits  have 
been  discussed  under  the  arrangement  of  tracks  made  above 
in  Part  IV. 

In  one  of  them  the  Carthaginian  army  never  bends  its 
course  towards  the  Is^re  at  all :  Hannibal  takes  leave  of  the 
Rhone  as  soon  as  he  has  crossed  it,  and  makes  his  way  direct 
to  the  Gen^vre  as  by  Nions  and  Serres.  I  will  exhibit  a  few 
samples  of  this  scheme,  for  inviting  attention  to  the  originality 
of  the  author. 

I.  Theory  of  M.  le  Gomte  de  Fortia  U  Urban. 

This  respectable  gentleman,  author  of  "Antiquit^s  et 
Monuments  du  D^partement  de  Vaucluse,"  has  disclosed  his 
views  on  our  subject  in  a  volume  entitled  "Dissertation  sur 
le  Passage  du  Rhone  et  des  Alpes  par  Annibal.  Troisieme 
Mition,  Paris,  1821."  He  concurs  in  the  usually  recognised 
place  of  crossing  the  Rhone :  but  he  runs  out  of  the  course 
almost  as  soon  as  he  has  crossed  it.    His  track  is  from  Orange 


158  Two  Peculiar  Theories.  [part  X. 

up  the  Eygues  to  Nions :  then  by  Eemusat  and  Eozans  to 
Serres,  Gap,  Embrun,  &c.  He  is  a  sceptic  svA  generis :  and  his 
notions  are  so  original,  that  the  best  way  of  exhibiting  them 
will  be  by  quoting  some  of  his  own  words. 

From  page  19,  shovnng  how  Hannibal's  anxiety  to  avoid  an 
engagement  caused  him  to  move  as  slowly  as  possible. 
"Mandajors  place-t-il  son  lie  apres  le  passage  de  I'lske, 
"  c'est-a-dire  k  cinquante  six  mille  cinq  cents  toises,  environ 
"  six  cents  stades  de  distance.  Mais  peut-on  v^ritablement 
*'  croire  que  Polibe  a  pretendu  peindre  la  frayeur  d'Annibal 
"  telle,  qu'aussitot  apres  le  passage  tres  penible  d'un  fleuve 
"  aussi  rapide,  il  ait  fait  une  course  forc^e  avec  une  arm^e 
"  aussi  nombreuse  ?  On  salt  qu'il  avait  cinquante  mille 
"  hommes  d'infanterie,  neuf  mille  de  cavalerie,  et  trente  sept 
*'  elephans.  Cela  n'est  nuUement  vraisemblable ;  et  je  crois 
"  que  cela  n'est  pas  vrai.  C'est  surtout  au  commencement  de 
"  sa  marche  vers  les  Alpes,  que  craignant  peut-etre  encore 
"  d'etre  attaqu^  par  les  Eomains,  qu'il  ne  voulait  pas  com- 
"  battre  alors,  il  dut  marcher  avec  beaucoup  de  precaution." 

From  page  21,  showing  that  Hannibal  did  not  begin  to  push 
forward  till  after  the  retreat  of  Scipio. 

*'  Le  troisieme  jour  depuis  le  passage  du  fleuve,  le  second 
"  depuis  I'arriv^e  d'Annibal  k  Tile,  Scipion  vint  k  Eoquemaure, 
**  k  I'endroit  ou  les  Carthaginois  avaient  passe  le  fleuve,  lorsque 
"  ce  general  remain  eut  pris  le  parti  de  retourner  dans  la 
"  Tirrhenie,  croyant  que  les  Barbares  des  Alpes  leur  oppose- 
"  raient  assez  d'obstacles.  Ce  fut  seulement  le  cinqui^me 
"  jour,  c'est-a-dire  le  lendemain  du  depart  de  Scipion,  qu' 
"  Annibal,  prenant  sa  route  de  la  mer  vers  I'orient,  comme  le 
"  dit  Polibe,  et  cette  observation  est  tr^s-importante,  traversa 
"  Orange  et  les  deux  branches  de  TEygues,  et  tourna  k  droite, 
"  apres  avoir  traverse  la  seconde  branche,  ainsi  que  le  font 
"  encore  aujourd'hui  ceux  qui  veulent  aller  d' Orange  k  Nions." 


CHAP.  I.]  M.  le  Gomte  de  Fortia  UUrhan.  159 

From  page  23,  showing  in  luhat  manner  Hannibal  consumed 
the  four  days  mentioned  hy  Polyhius. 

"  La  phrase,  \vvi^a<i  he  TroLrja-dfievof;  e^9  eirl  rerrapa^ 
"  7]fjLepa(i  Trjv  Tropelav,  doit  ^tre  rendue  mot  h  mot,  '  Mais 
"  Annibal  ayaut  ordonn^  a  son  arm^e  une  marche  de  quatre 
"  jours  de  suite.'  En  reflecliissant  sur  ce  passage  et  sur  la 
"  situation  d' Annibal,  on  sentira  que  ce  general,  qui  s'^tait 
"  fait  rendre  compte  du  local  et  qui  avait  un  chef  des  Tauri- 
"  niens  pour  le  guider,  savait  que  son  armee  ne  pouvait 
"  marcher  de  front  le  long  de  I'Eygues  :  il  la  partagea  done  en 
"  quatre  portions,  qui  exigeaient  quatre  journees  pour  qu'elle 
"  fut  deplac^e  toute  enti^re.  C'est  ce  qu'expriment  les  mots 
"'pendant  quatre  jours  de  suite.'  On  comprend  aisement 
"  que  les  premieres  portions  ^taient  composees  chacune  de 
"  vingt-cinq  mille  hommes  d'infanterie ;  les  deux  derni^res 
"  de  sa  cavalerie  et  de  ses  ^lephans,  comrne  I'a  dit  Polibe  lui- 
"■  meme  un  pen  plus  haut." 

From  page  29,  showing  further  that  Scipio  marched  away  from- 
Hannibal,  not  Hannibal  from  Scipio. 

■  "  C'est  a  I'original  qu'il  faut  s'en  tenir,  et  Polibe,  en 
"  enon9ant  que  Scipion  s'etait  retir^  le  troisi^me  jour  apr^s  le 
"  passage  du  fleuve,  et  qu' Annibal  avait  ensuite  continue  sa 
"  route,  a  suffisamment  exprime  que  le  g^n^ral  carthaginois 
"  ne  s'est  eloign^  du  Ehone  qu'apres  la  retraite  du  general 
"  remain,  et  cons^quemment  qu'il  a  pu  I'attendre,  ce  qu'il  est 
"  tr^s  naturel  de  penser." 

From  page  40,  showing  the  boundaries  of  the  Island  or  Delta. 

"  L'Eygues  prend  sa  source  dans  le  sein  meme  des  Hautes- 
"  Alpes,  comme  on  pent  le  voir  dans  la  carte  de  Cassini,  ou 
"  il  est  tres-bien  d^crit,  et  qui  lui  donne  le  nom  d'Aigues,  ou 
"  de  la  Vigne.     II  nait  au-dessus  de  Saint- Andr^-de-Kozans, 


1 60  Two  Peculiar  Theories.  {pakt  x. 

"  oii  il  se  joint  a  im  autre  torrent  appeM  Lidane.  II' revolt, 
"  au-dessns  de  K^mnsat,  une  petite  riviere  aussi  considerable 
"  que  lui,  dont  la  source  est  au-dessus  de  ClialanQon,  et  qui 
"  se  nomme  I'OuUe.  Une  autre  petite  riviere,  connue  sous  le 
*'  nom  de  Legnu^es,  s'unit  a  lui  h.  Curnier,  un  peu  au-dessus 
"  des  Piles.  Ces  quatre  torrens,  reunis  a  beaucoup  d'autres, 
"  forment  une  petite  riviere  pendant  un  cours  que  ses  detours 
"  peuvent  faire  e valuer  a  pres  de  trente  lieues,  jusqu'^  son 
"  embouchure  dans  le  Khone.  C'est  environ  a  trois  lieues  au- 
"  dessus  de  cette  embouchure,  qu'il  est  subdivis^  en  deux 
"  branches,  dont  I'une  va  se  joindre  k  une  petite  riviere, 
"  connue  sous  le  nom  de  la  Meyne,  et  tombe  avec  elle  dans  le 
"  Ehone  k  plus  de  deux  lieues  de  I'autre.  II  en  r^sulte  une 
"  petite  ile  de  deux  lieues  de  base  sur  trois  lieues  de  hauteur, 
*'  et  plus  exactement  de  six  mille  romains  sur  dix,  qui  occupe 
"  environ  quatre  lieues  carries  d*un  terrain  tres-fertile  en 
"  bM,  ou  se  trouvent  renfermdes  les  villes  d'Orange  et  de 
"  Caderousse." 

From  'page  46,  showing  how  far  the  Delta  of  the  critic  resemhles 

the  Delta  of  the  Nile. 

"  Mon  ile,  surtout  dans  la  carte  du  comtd  Venaissin,  faite  par 
"  D'Anville  en  1745,  a  la  forme  du  Delta,  sans  en  avoir 
''  r^tendue." 

From  page  47,  showing  that  Livy  did  not  flatly  contradict 
Polyhius,  through  a  feeling  of  respect  for  his  memory. 

"  Tite-Live,  au  tems  duquel  ce  Delta  des  Celtes  etait 
"  beaucoup  mieux  connu,  a  eu  soin  d' observer  que  cette  ile 
"  ne  renfermait  qu'un  territoire  tres-born^.  II  a  seulement 
"  menagd  Polibe,  en  ne  le  critiquant  pas  comme  il  aurait  pu 
"  le  faire,  et  cette  attention  pour  un  historieu  aussi  respectable 
"  ne  pent  que  lui  faire  honneur,  sans  rien  diminuer  de  la 
''  force  de  son  tdmoignage." 


€HAP.  I.]  M.  le  Coriite  de  Fortia  D' Urban,  161 

Extracts   shovnng  the  true    cattses  of  topographical   a^curasy 

in  military  matters. 

From  page  16. 

"  Ce  second  historien  (Tite-Live)  ne  lui-meme  k  Padoue 
"  dans  la  Ganle  cisalpine,  n'avait  pas  besoin  de  venir  chercher 
"  les  habitans  du  pays  comme  TArcadien  Polibe." 

From  page  11. 

"  Trogue  Pompee,  n^  a  Vaison,  aurait  leve  tons  nos  doutes, 
"  si  nous  avions  conserve  son  histoire  malheureusement 
"  perdue." 

From  pages  47,  8. 

"  Je  crois  avoir  etudi^  la  marche  d'Annibal,  autant  que  la 
"  connaissance  parfaite  des  lieus  permettait  de  le  faire — J'etais 
"  propri^taire  du  Lampourdier,  sur  la  Meyne,  avant  M.  le 
"  general  Chabran." 

Thus  we  learn  that  the  faculty  of  interpreting  historical 
notices  of  Celtic  topography  comes  by  birth  and  by  property. 
If  Polybius  had  in  his  cradle  breathed  the  air  of  Padua 
instead  of  that  of  Megalopolis,  and  in  his  maturity  had  been 
possessed  of  the  estate  of  Lampourdier,  he  would  not  have  so 
failed  in  his  account  of  the  Island,  He  would  have  set  be- 
fore us  a  piece  of  ground  surrounded  by  water,  having  two 
leagues  of  Ehone  for  its  base,  three  leagues  of  Eygues  for 
each  side. 

From  page  31,  showing  the  claim  of  the  author  to  the  grati- 
tude of  the  literary  world. 

"Les  amateurs  de  I'antiquit^  me  sauront  gr^  d'avoir  mis 
"  d'accord  Polibe  et  Tite-Live  autant  qu'il  ^tait  possible.  Ce 
"que  je  dirai  dans  les  articles  suivans  achevera  de  lever  tous 
"  les  doutes  qui  peuvent  rester  dans  I'esprit  du  lecteur  m^me 
"  le  plus  prevenu  centre  mon  opinion," 

VOL.  n.  M 


162  Two  Peculiar  Theories.  [part  X. 

The  author  has  indeed  brought  the  two  historians  to  a  level, 
and,  as  the  amateurs  here  spoken  of  will  probably  agree  with 
him  in  deeming  his  commentary  to  furnish,  as  he  announces, 
"  une  explication  enticement  nouvelle,"  curiosity  may  tempt 
them  to  proceed  in  the  study  of  it.  If  they  are  startled  by 
the  few  samples  which  I  have  exhibited,  their  surprise  wi]l 
not  be  diminished,  when  they  come  to  learn  that  the  last 
section  of  the  march  defined  by  Polybius,  1200  stadia,  was 
from  Brian^on  to  the  Ticino.  "  Polibe  compte  1200  stades 
"ou  150  milles  Eomains  du  passage  des  Alpes  aux  plaines 
"de  ritalie,  qui  sont  le  long  du  Po,  chez  les  Insubriens, 
"  comme  le  dit  Polibe,  c'est  a  dire  de  Brian^on  a  I'extremit^ 
"  de  la  Gaule  que  les  Eomains  appelaient  Cisalpine,  lorsqu' 
"apres  avoir  franchi  le  Tesin,  Annibal  fut  entre  dans  les 
"plaines  du  Po:  c'est  encore  la  verity"! 

The  author  accounts  for  his  own  accuracy  in  this  way,  p.  14 
"  J'adopte  la  traduction  de  Dom  Thuillier,  qui  est  en  genial 
"  d'autant  plus  exacte,  que  ce  savant  ben^dictin  a  eu  pour 
"guide  la  version  latine  de  Casaubon."  If  the  Count  had 
himself  followed  that  guide,  he  would  never  have  marched 
up  the  Eygues  :  for  Casaubon,  telling  the  march,  "along  the 
"river  to  the  Alps,"  translates  TrorayitoV  Ehodanum :  and,  if 
Hannibal's  entry  into  the  plain  had,  as  the  Count  says,  been 
deferred  till  he  crossed  the  Tesin,  he  would  never  have 
entered  it  at  all. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

The  Theory  of  M.Re'plat 

This  commentator  published  a  pamphlet  of  87  pages  in 
1851,  entitled  "Note  sur  le  Passage  d' Annibal" — Chamlery. 
Imprimerie,  Bachet,  Hue  du  Chateau.  In  the  course  of  the 
march  ho  proposes  this  question  : — "Par  ce  mot  (XevKOTrerpov) 


CHAP,  il]  J/.  Replat.  163 

"  Polybe  n'aurait  il  point  indique  le  Mont-Blanc  ?  On  d^- 
"  couvre  le  Mont-Blanc  depuis  qnelques  points  de  la  valine  de 
"  Beaufort :  c'est  une  roche  blanche  un  pen  plus  merveilleuse 
"  que  celle  assise  au  pied  du  Petit- Saint-Bernard  ;  et  le  roi  des 
"  Alpes  meritoit  une  mention  speciaJe  de  la  part  de  Polybe, 
"le  doyen  des  touristes." 

As  said  in  my  preface,  I  found  this  pamphlet  on  my  arrival 
at  Aix-les-Bains  in  August  1854,  and  forthwith  published  a 
comment  upon  it,  also  at  Chamb^ry ;  Imprimeriey  Puthod. — 
The  whole  of  it  was  given  in  my  Criticism  published  in  London, 
April  1855,  which  was  chiefly  directed  against  the  new  theory 
of  the  Little  Mont  Cenis  :  and  I  did  intend  to  give  here  also 
the  whole  20  pages.  But  it  would  be  thought  an  unnecessary 
incumbrance ;  and  it  is  enough  to  show,  by  my  first  few  pages, 
which  were  on  that  occasion  the  opposing  passes. 

Observations  sur  L'Ouvrage  de  M.  Replat 

Aix-les-Bains,  4  septembre  1854. 

Je  suis  venu  dans  ce  charmant  lieu  pour  ma  sante  au  com- 
mencement du  mois  d'aout.  Parmi  les  amusements  que  j'y  ai 
rencontres,  je  trouve  un  ouvrage  sur  le  passage  d'Annibal, 
public  k  Chamb^ry  par  M.  Eeplat,  jurisconsulte  a  Annecy:  je 
voudrais  qu'on  me  permit  aussi  le  plaisir  de  le  critiquer.  Je 
veux  dedier  les  observations  suivantes  aux  habitants  et  aux 
visiteurs  d'Aix-les-Bains,  qui  s'interesseront  toujours  vive- 
ment,  j'en  suis  sur,  a  I'evenement  qui,  plus  que  tout  autre, 
donne  la  cel^brite  a  leur  Mont-du-Chat.  Quant  k  moi,  la 
seule  partie  de  la  route  entiere  des  Carthaginois,  de  I'Espagne 
a  la  plaine  d'ltalie,  que  j'ai  pu  parcourir  jusqu'^  present,  est 
peut-etre  de  six  kilometres,  depuis  le  col  de  cette  montagne 
jusqu'au  village  du  Bourget.  Jamais  je  ne  me  suis  approch^ 
de  la  chaine  principale  des  Alpes. 

II  est  fort  Evident  que  M.  Eeplat  s'est  bien  instruit  des 
auteurs  classiques.     II  avance  ses  opinions  avec  vivacite ;  son 

M  2 


164  Two  Peculiar  Theories.  [part  X. 

style  est  agr^able,  et  ses  nouvelles  id^es  sont  deploy ^es  d'une 
manike  modeste.  L'examen  que  je  veux  faire  de  ses  opinions 
n'a  pour  objet  que  ceci  seul:  la  v^rit^  sur  un  fait  historique, 
Maintenant  cet  exainen  sera  court  par  n^cessite.  Je  suis  sans 
livres, — sans  Polybe, — sans  Tite-Live  ;  et,  ce  qui  est  encore 
plus  d^sastreux  pour  celui  qui  fait  un  premier  essai  en  fran- 
9ais,  je  suis  sans  dictionnaire.  Si  je  ne  r^siste  pas  h,  aborder 
un  sujet  aussi  inter^ssant,  je  m'y  mele  seulement  dans  le  but 
de  corriger  des  erreurs  singulieres,  sans  pr^tendre  en  cette 
occasion  etablir  en  detail  les  conclusions  les  plus  positives, 
auxquelles  chacun  pent  arriver  a  force  de  lire  I'historien  grec. 

Voici  rhypoth^se  de  M.  Eeplat:  "Le  col  de  la  S eigne  est 
**  incontestablement  le  col  du  Cramont,  le  Jiigum  Cremonis  de 
"  Cselius  Antipater." 

Je  puis  bien  conc^der,  puisque  je  I'ai  toujours  cru,  que  le 
mot  Cramont  repr^sente  le  mot  Cremo,  mentionn^  par  Tite- 
Live.  C'est  lui  qui  dit  que  Thistorien  Cselius  avait  racont^ 
qu'Annibal  traversa  le  Cremonis  Jugum.  J'ai  cru  aussi 
qu'Annibal  a  traverse  la  montagne  ainsi  indiquee  par  Tite- 
Live  ;  mais  pourquoi  le  Col  de  la  Seigne? 

Le  Cramont  est  une  montagne  qui  s'^l^ve  k  droite  quand 
on  va  de  Pre-S^-Didier  vers  le  Petit-S*-Bernard.  On  pent  en 
faire  Tascension  en  partant  par  cette  route,  soit  apr^s  une 
demi-heure  de  Pr^-Saint-Didier,  soit  du  village  d'El^va,  qui 
est  plus  avance  sur  le  chemin  et  plus  pr^s  du  village  de  la 
Thuile,  qui  ne  se  trouve  pas  loin  du  pied  du  passage  du  Petit- 
Saint-Bernard.  Le  Cramont,  au  nord,  est  un  precipice  qui 
borde  TAUee-Blanche,  par  laquelle  on  voyage  de  Courmayeur 
au  Col  de  la  Seigne,  cotoyant  a  droite  les  glaciers  du  Mont- 
Blanc.  De  Saussure  dit :  "  La  cime  du  Cramont  ne  domine 
"  pas  immediatement  sur  TAllee-Blanche.  EUe  en  est  s^par^e 
"  par  des  chaines  de  montagnes  plus  basses,  qui  emp^chent 
"  que  les  yeux  ne  plongent  jusqu'au  fond  de  cette  valine." 

Je  ne  doute  pas  que  Cselius,  rapportant  Cremonis  Jitgum^ 


CHAP.  II.]  M.  Replat  165 

a  parl^  de  la  veritable  route  d'Annibal;  et  j'accepte  son 
t^moignage  comme  le  temoignage  d'un  historien  qui  suivit 
Polybe  sur  un  sujet  dont  il  n'^tait  alors  pas  question.  Main- 
tenant  il  me  semble  que,  pour  comprendre  ce  que  c'^tait  que 
Cremonis  Jugum,  il  faut  penser  h.  Tautorit^  dont  nous  recevons 
ces  id^es,  c'est-a-dire  k  Tite-Live.  Sans  adopter  son  opinion, 
il  faut  ^couter  sa  narration.  II  ne  croyait  pas  que  ce  que 
Caelius  avait  rapporte  fut  vrai.  II  a  prononc^  qu'Annibal  ne 
traversa  pas  le  Cremonis  Jugum.  II  parle  de  ce  passage-1^ 
comme  d'un  passage  qu'il  connaissait  bien ;  il  dit  que  c'est  un 
passage  qui  conduit  au  pays  des  Salasses,  et  que,  selon  son 
opinion,  il  etait  tr^s  improbable  qu'un  tel  passage  ihi  ouvert 
du  temps  d'Annibal.  II  prononce  de  meme  sur  le  passage 
Penine,  qui  conduit  aussi  dans  le  pays  des  Salasses.  En  effet, 
il  declare  que  ces  deux  passages,  qui  de  son  temps  etaient 
bien  connus  comme  routes  militaires,  ne  pouvaient  etre  prati- 
cables  dans  un  temps  aussi  ancien. 

II  est  n^cessaire  done  que  M.  Eeplat  maintienne  que  Tite- 
Live,  quand  il  fait  mention  du  Cremonis  Jugum,  parle  du  Col 
de  la  Seigne.  La  raison  en  faveur  d'une  telle  theorie,  que  je 
trouve  dans  ses  observations,  est  la  meme  qu'on  a  trouv(^.e 
quelquefois  en  faveur  des  autres,  c'est-^-dire  qu'elle  est  in- 
contestable. S'il  y  a  d'autres  raisons,  je  ne  m'en  aper9ois  pas. 
II  me  semble  qu'il  y  a  de  meilleures  raisons  pour  soutenir  que 
I'historien  parle  du  Petit-Saint-Bernard. 

So  began  my  pamphlet,  written  at  Aix  in  August,  1854. 
It  ended  thus : — Les  idees  curieuses  de  M,  Eeplat,  au  sujet 
du  Bonhomme  et  du  Mont-Blanc,  ne  sont  pas  les  plus  recentes, 
ni,  peut-etre,  les  plus  ^tonnantes,  auxquelles  on  se  soit  livr^ 
sur  le  passage  d'Annibal.  Cette  annee  meme,  1854,  un  savant 
de  Cambridge  a  public  un  ouvrage  pour  demontrer  qu'Annibal 
traversa  le  Petit-Mont-Cenis  ;  et,  pour  soutenir  cette  opinion, 
11  declare  positivement  que  la  route  par  ce  mont-la  est 
marquee  {laid  down)  sur  la  carte  de  Peutinger ! ! 


THE   ALPS    OF   HANNIBAL. 

PART  XI. 

CONCILIATION    FAILS.      QUESTION 
OF  PEEFERENCE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

We  must  elect  between  the  two  historians.  Their  general  repu- 
tation. Polyhius  had  hetter  access  to  facts.  Livy's  facts 
hear  against  Ms  hypothesis.  We  learn  from  him  that  the 
prevailing  helief  was  in  a  descent  hy  the  valley  of  Aosta  ; 
and  that  an  early  ivriter  of  celebrity  named  the  Pass  of 
Cremo.     He  avoids  to  mention  Polybius. 

I  HAVE,  as  at  first  proposed,  interpreted  separately  the  narra- 
tives of  the  two  historians,  for  ascertaining  the  track  of  march 
intended  by  each:  and  I  have  endeavoured  to  deal  fairly  with 
the  conflicting  theories  by  which  they  are  explained.  The 
result  of  the  inquiry  is,  that  the  story  of  Polybius  denotes  the 
Little  St.  Bernard ;  and  that  the  story  of  Livy  denotes  the 
Mont  Genevre.  I  have  fairly  encountered  the  question  of 
identity ;  can  the  same  track  have  been  intended  by  both 
historians  ?  Two  sorts  may  lean  to  tlie  affirmative  :  those  who 
began  with  minds  warped  to  the  presumption  that  they  meant 
the  same ;  and  those  who,  deeming  both  narratives  to  be 
doubtful,  are  wiUing  to  bend  that  which  they  deem  the  more 
doubtful  into  an  accordance  with  the  other. 


168  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  XI. 

I  am  too  far  removed  from  a  sympathy  with  either  of  these, 
that  I  should  affect  the  task  of  conciliation.  A  geographical 
conformity  between  Polybius  and  Livy  was  not  anticipated  as 
necessary :  nor  need  we  strain  for  it,  in  relief  of  doubt :  care- 
ful and  patient  investigation  has  in  my  view  made  clear  the 
meaning  of  both  writers  :  and  I  find  no  doubt  that  vindicates 
so  desperate  an  attempt.  I  have  not  the  pliancy  of  construc- 
tion with  which  to  say,  after  M.  Letronne,  Janv.  1819,  p.  24 : 
"  Dans  Tite-Live  il  n'y  a  pas  uii  seul  mot  a  changer  pour  faire 
coincider  son  texte  avec  celui  de  Polybe."  On  the  contrary, 
I  do  not  discover  a  word  which  justifies  the  suspicion,  that 
their  lines  of  progress  coincide  for  the  length  of  a  kilometre 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Is^re  to  the  plain  of  Italy.  If  my 
reasonings  have  been  just,  the  Polybian  march  by  a  necessity 
of  construction  moves  from  the  Isere  up  the  Ehone  :  the 
Livian  march  by  an  equal  necessity  moves  from  the  Isere 
down  the  Ehone.  In  one,  the  progress  from  the  Is^re  to  the 
first  Alps,  is  altogether  through  the  Allobroges :  the  other 
takes  leave  of  them  at  the  Is^re  and  never  meets  with  them 
again.  By  one  statement  the  army  arrives  among  the  friendly 
Insubres  :  by  the  other  among  the  hostile  Taurini. 

Both  tracks  being  made  evident  on  ample  scrutiny,  I  cannot 
bend  either  of  them  into  accommodation  with  the  language  that 
describes  the  other :  nor  can  I  bring  myself  to  a  compromise 
in  that  unhappy  medium,  the  Cenis  theory,  which  has  the 
merit  of  impartially  disregarding  the  language  of  both  histo- 
rians. I  leave  the  effort  of  conciliation  to  those,  who  prescribe 
it  as  the  chief  or  only  duty  belonging  to  this  inquiry,  and 
have  so  zealously  devoted  themselves  to  the  performance 
of  it. 

The  question  of  preference. 

Which  then  were  the  Alps  of  Hannibal  ?  On  which  of  the 
two  histories  shall  we  rely,  as  instructing  us  to  the  track  of 
the  great  invader  ? — Before  we  examine  the  particular  grounds 


CHAP.  I.]  Reasons  for  preferring  Volybius.  16^ 

on  which  one  story  is  preferable  to  the  other,  some  notice 
may  be  expected  of  the  estimation  in  which  these  authors  are 
generally  held :  and  of  their  opportunities  of  knowledge  on 
the  facts  which  they  relate. 

Jteputation. 

I  have  no  desire  to  dwell  on  their  comparative  claims  to 
the  merits  of  truth  and  accuracy :  no  wish  to  exalt  the  pre- 
tensions of  one,  or  depress  those  of  the  other.  They  who  are 
at  a  loss  on  this  subject  may  be  referred  to  the  sentiments  of 
Niebuhr.  His  enthusiasm  on  the  splendid  work  of  Livy  has 
been  duly  mentioned :  yet  he  did  not  hesitate  to  confess  the 
blemishes  of  the  author  whom  he  most  admired.  "  Often," 
he  says,  speaking  of  the  defeat  at  Candium,  "  have  I  been  //(^ 
"  obliged  to  fulfil  the  odious  duty  of  exposing  Livy's  falsifica- 
"  tions  or  negligences :  but  nowhere  does  he  deserve  severer 
"  censure  than  in  this  part  of  his  history,  one  of  the  most 
"  brilliant  in  masterly  clearness."  *  The  same  eminent  man 
points  to  the  value  of  both  historians  as  recorders  of  fact, 
when  contrasting  their  accounts  of  the  same  portion  of  history. 
After  speaking  disparagingly  of  the  statements  of  one,  he 
thus  expresses  himself  concerning  the  other.  "  In  the  account 
"  of  Polybius,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  not  one  feature 
"  which  is  not  correct,  and  founded  upon  accurate  observa- 
"  tion.f "  In  a  previous  lecture  he  has  said  of  Polybius : 
"  As  far  as  we  possess  his  work,  we  cannot  wish  for  anything 
"  further  or  better :  his  third  book  is  a  master-work,  and 
"  there  is  nothing  in  it,  which  leaves  the  mind  of  the  reader 
"  unsatisfied."  j 

I  ought  in  fairness  to  say,  that  all  do  not  make  the  same 
estimate.     Dr.  Arnold  held  a  very  different  opinion  on  the 

*  Transl.  by  Smith  and  Schmitz,  iii.  213. 

t  Niebuhr's  Lectures,  edited  by  Dr.  Leonhard  Schmitz,  vol.  i. 
Lect.  9.  .  .  t  Ibid.  Lect.  8. 


170  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  xI. 

third  book  of  Polybius.  He  wrote  on  28th  January,  1841 — 
"  I  have  been  working  at  my  history  pretty  steadily,  and  have 
'•  just  finished  Cannae. — The  text  of  Polybius  appears  to  me 
"  in  a  very  unsatisfactory  state,  and  the  reading  of  the  names 
"  of  places  in  Italy  worth  next  to  nothing.  I  am  sorry  to 
"  say,  that  my  sense  of  his  merit  as  an  historian  becomes 
"  less  and  less  continually. — I  should  like  to  know  what 
"  Niebuhr  thought  of  him."  *  This  is  followed  by  more 
severe  comments  on  Livy ;  of  which  there  is  another  strong 
specimen  in  the  following  September. 

A  strong  testimony  to  the  solid  reputation  of  Polybius  is 
found  in  the  20th  volume  of  the  great  work  of  M.  Thiers. 
Speaking  of  the  later  days  of  Napoleon,  he  says  (p.  683),  "  II 
"  demandait  des  livres,  et  surtout  Polybe,  qu'il  n'avait-pas,  ce 
"  qui  le  contrariait  beaucoup,  car  il  voulait  puiser  aux  sources 
"  memes  des  notions  exactes  sur  Annibal,  pour  lequel  il 
"  eprouvait  la  plus  profonde  admiration."  Again,  p.  700,  "  II 
"  se  faisait  lire  Homere,  et  les  guerres  d' Annibal  dans  Tite- 
"  Live,  ne  pouvant  se  les  faire  lire  dans  Polybe,  qu'il  n'avait 
"  pu  se  procurer." 

If  our  most  diligent  and  ingenious  adversary,  M.  Larauza, 
had  survived  to  defend  or  surrender  his  arguments  for  con- 
ciliating the  two  narratives,  he  would  not  have  desired  to  rest 
on  a  comparison  of  historical  credit:  his  words  are  (p.  29), 
"  Certes  nous  conviendrons  bien  avec  M.  De  Luc,  que,  dans 
"  cette  question,  le  temoignage  de  Tite-Live  ne  saurait  avoir 
"  la  meme  autorite  que  celui  de  Polybe,  et  que  dans  le  caa  ou 
"  il  y  aurait  impossibilite  ^vidente  de  les  concilier,  on  ne 
"  devrait  plus  balancer  a  sacrifier  I'historien  latin  a  I'historien 
"  grec." 

There  is  a  practical  confirmation  of  M.  Larauza's  remark  in 
this  circumstance :  among  the  interpreters  of  the  march, 
many  profess  to  follow  both  Polybius  and  Livy  as  intending 
*  Xiebuhr's  Lectures  were  not  published  till  1844. 


CHAP.  I.]  Rea$07is  for  preferring  Polyhius.  171 

the  same  line :  a  lew  follow  Polybius,  rejecting  Livy  :  there 
might  have  been  a  third  class,  professing  to  follow  Livy  and 
to  reject  Polybius.  There  are  none  such:  though  there  is  the 
utmost  disregard  of  what  Polybius  has  written,  none  avow  it : 
the  persuasion  is  universal,  that  he  knew  the  truth  and  re- 
lated the  truth ;  and  that,  if  we  can  apprehend  his  meaning, 
we  are  to  accept  his  authority. 

Polyhius  had  the  advantage  of  tetter  knoivledge. 

If  any  should  suppose  that  the  claims  of  the  two  historians 
to  influence  our  belief  are,  generally  speaking,  equal,  I  would 
point  out  that  on  this  subject  they  are  not  equal.  There  are 
cogent  grounds  of  preference,  founded  on  the  superior  strength 
of  one,  available  to  the  particular  question  which  we  desire 
to  solve.  Polybius  claims  a  higher  credit,  from  the  nature  of 
the  evidence  which  he  had  the  opportunity  to  give,  being 
such  as  Livy  was  not  enabled  to  give.  The  geographical 
evidence  of  Polybius  is  that  of  a  man  who  made  a  careful 
inspection  of  the  country  in  which  the  events  recorded  had 
taken  place,  and  who  in  his  daily  life  listened  deliberately  to 
competent  witnesses.  The  evidence  of  Livy  is  that  of  one 
telling  things  not  conveyed  to  his  mind  by  direct  testimony, 
but  which  had  been  subject  to  the  variations  of  successive 
relators,  and  liable  to  the  infusion  of  their  conjectures. 
Polybius  knew  the  scenes  of  action :  Livy  knew  them  not. 
Polybius  saw  and  conversed  with  performers  of  the  exploits 
told  :  Livy  flourished  among  their  remote  descendants. 

These  distinctions  give  to  the  earlier  historian  a  superiority 
of  credit,  even  for  the  campaigns  in  Italy :  but  for  the  first 
invasion,  and,  most  of  all,  for  the  march  from  the  Ehone  to 
the  plain,  his  advantage  is  still  greater ;  while  to  his  succes- 
sors this  subject  was  the  most  open  to  scepticism.  The  place 
where  Hannibal  crossed  the  Ehone  was  inspected  by  a  Eoman 
consul :  it  was  not  likely  to  become  a  subject  of  disputation, 
and  we  do  not  trace  that  it  was  so.    But,  from  the  spot  where 


/^ 


172   ■  Comparison  of  the  Histm-ies.  [part  XI. 

Scipio  saw  the  deserted  entrenchments  to  that  where  in  the 
plain  of  the  Po  he  saw  the  living  enemy,  there  was  no  official 
knowledge  of  the  Carthaginian  track  to  the  Roman  govern- 
ment. I  have  noticed  their  ignorance  of  the  Alps  prior  to 
these  events,  and  their  long  state  of  non-intercourse  with 
those  mountains,  which  succeeded.  Whatever  was  the  infor- 
mation which  they  first  received  on  the  particulars  of  that 
march,  it  would  not,  though  true,  be  stamped  with  an 
authority  that  defied  question,  or  that  would  in  after  times 
disarm  the  scruples  of  those  who  were  inclined  to  doubt. 
But  see  the  difference  between  a  new  publication  of  Livy\ 
day,  and  one  that  was  produced  a  hundred  and  seventy  years 
earlier.  While  facts  were  fresh,  Polybius  was  the  plain  un- 
biassed narrator  of  things  which  he  had  safe  means  to  ascer- 
tain, and  on  which  there  was  no  dispute,  no  doubt  engendered 
by  conflicting  speculations.  After  a  lapse  of  many  generations, 
Livy  came  forth  as  a  theorist  in  a  matter  which  could  not 
defy  controversy. 

Some,  thinking  that  the  theory  did  not  originate  with  him, 
urge  that  he  cites  the  authority  of  Cincius  and  others,  as 
agreeing  with  his  own  on  Hannibal's  passage  of  the  Alps. 
This  is  a  mistake  :  he  refers  to  Cincius  only  on  the  amount 
of  loss  between  his  crossing  the  Rhone  and  his  being  in  the 
Taurini :  and  the  just  observation  is  this  ;  that,  as  in  the  sen- 
tence which  follows,  he  argues  the  question  of  the  pass,  he 
would  on  that  subject  also  have  brought  forward  Cincius,  if 
he  had  been  an  authority  in  his  favour.  On  that  question, 
however,  Livy  expresses  his  surprise  that  the  world  did  not 
agree  with  himself :  he  does  not  intimate  that  any  one  did 
agree  with  him.  We  understand  from  his  protesting  against 
the  Penine  and  the  Graian,  that  he  was  espousing  some  other 
way,  which  led  to  the  Taurini :  and  this  could  only  be  the 
Cottian ;  but  no  modern  writer  has  brought  much  to  his 
support.  Livy  himself  is  more  intelligible  on  the  routes  which 
he  denies,  than  on  that  to  which  he  inclines. 


CHAP.  I.]  Reaso7Ui  for  ^preferring  Polyhins.  173 

The  Statement  of  Livy  hears  against  his  own  hypothesis. 

When  Livy's  narrative  has  brought  the  invaders  into  the 
plain,  he  discusses  the  amount  of  force  which  survived  :  and 
expresses  his  surprise  that  there  should  be  doubt  on  the  pass 
by  which  they  had  crossed,  and  gives  an  argument  upon  it. 
Here  I  shall  contend  that  the  hypothesis  of  Livy  is  to  be  con- 
demned on  his  own  evidence ;  that  his  comment  on  the  track 
is  unfavourable  to  his  own  theory,  and  bears  strongly  in 
favour  of  that  which  it  is  the  purpose  of  these  pages  to 
maintain.  In  short,  that  those  things  which  we  learn  from 
him  preponderate  in  favour  of  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  though 
his  particular  impression  was  in  favour  of  the  Mont  Gen^vre. 

I  will  quote  all  his  words — as  far  as  I  know  them,  which 
is  from  Drakenborch's  Edition,  Baxter,  Oxford,  1825 : — 
"  Quantse  copise  transgresso  in  Italiam  Hannibali  fuerint, 
"  nequaquam  inter  auctores  constat :  qui  plurima,  centum 
"  millia  peditum,  viginti  equitum  fuisse,  scribunt :  qui  mini- 
"  mum,  viginti  millia  peditum,  sex  equitum.  L.  Cincius 
"  Alimentus,  qui  captum  se  ab  Hannibale  scribit,  maxime 
"  auctor  me  moveret,  nisi  confunderet  numerum,  Gallis  Ligu- 
"  ribusque  additis  :  cum  his  octaginta  millia  peditum,  decem 
"  equitum,  adducta  in  Italiam  (magis  adfiuxisse  verisimile 
"  est,  et  ita  quidem  auctores  sunt) :  ex  ipso  autem  audlsse 
"  Hannibale,  postquam  Ehodanum  transient,  triginta  sex 
"  millia  hominum,  ingentemque  numerum  equorum  et  aliorum 
"  jumentorum  amisisse  in  Taurinis,  quse  Gallis  proxima  gens 
"  erat  in  Italiam  degresso. 

"  Id  quum  inter  omnes  constet,  eo  magis  miror  ambigi, 
"  quanam  Alpes  transierit :  et  vulgo  credere,  Penino,  atque 
"  inde  nomen  et  jugo  Alpium  inditum,  transgressum.  Caelius 
"  per  Cremonis  jugum  dicit  transisse  :  qui  am  bo  saltus  eum 
"  non  in  Taurines,  sed  per  Salassos  montanos  ad  Libuos  GaUos 
"  deduxissent.  Nee  verisimile  est,  ea  turn  ad  Galliam  patuisse 


1 74  Co7npariso7i  of  the  Histories.  [part  XI. 

"  itinera :  utique  quae  ad  Peninum  ferunt,  obsepta  gentibus 
"  semigermanis  fuissent.  Neque,  Hercule,  montibus  his  (si 
"  quern  forte  id  movet)  ab  transitu  Poenorum  ullo  Yeragri, 
"  incolse  jugi  ejus,  norunt  nomen  inditum  ;  sed  ab  eo,  quern,  in 
"  summo  sacratum  vertice,  Peninum  montani  adpellant. 

"  Peropportune  ad  principia  rerum  Taurinis,  proximse  genti, 
"  adversus  Insubres  motum  bellum  erat.  Sed  armare  exer- 
"  citum  Hannibal,  ut  parti  alteri  auxilio  esset  (in  reficiendo 
"  maxime  sentientem  contracta  ante  mala),  non  poterat. 
"  Otium  etenim  ex  labore,  copia  ex  inopia,  cultus  ex  inluvie 
"  tabe([ue,  squalida  et  prope  efferata  corpora  varie  movebant. 
''  Ea  P.  Cornelio  consuli  caussa  fuit,  quum  Pisas  navibus 
"  venisset,  exercitu  a  Manlio  Atilioque  accepto  tirone,  et  in 
*'  novis  ignominiis  trepido,  ad  Padum  festinandi ;  ut  cum 
*'  hoste  nondum  refecto  manum  consereret.  Sed  cum  Placen- 
"  tiam  consul  venit,  jam  ex  stativis  moverat  Hannibal ;  Tauri- 
"  norumque  unam  urbem,  caput  gentis  ejus,  quia  volentes  in 
"  amicitiam  non  veniebant,  vi  expugnarat :  junxissetque  sibi, 
*'  non  metu  solum,  sed  etiam  voluntate,  Gallos  adcolas  Padi  ; 
"  ni  eos,  circumspectantes  defectionis  tempus,  subito  adventus 
"  consulis  obpressisset.  Et  Hannibal  movit  ex  Taurinis,  in- 
*'  certos,  quae  pars  sequenda  esset,  Gallos  praesentem  se 
*'  secuturos  ratus." 

What  do  we  learn  from  this  disquisition  of  Livy  ?  We 
learn  two  facts  : — 1.  That  in  his  day  the  prevalent  belief  was, 
that  Hannibal  crossed  the  Penine  Alp,  seeking  the  plain  of 
Italy  by  the  valley  of  Aosta.  2.  That  in  the  history  of  Caelius 
Antipater,  he  was  said  to  have  come  by  the  Cremonis  jugum, 
which  also  leads  to  the  plain  down  that  same  valley.  Both 
these  statements  are  unfavourable  to  Livy's  theory.  And,  on 
scrutinising  his  reasons  for  coming  to  a  conclusion  adverse  to 
the  Cremonis  jugum,  we  shall  find  that  he  rests  it  upon  feeble 
and  erroneous  grounds. 


CHAP.  1.]  Reasons  for  preferring  Polyhius.  175 

Livy  states  the  prevailing  helief  to  he  in  favour  of  the  Penine. 

This  appears  in  the  latter  part  of  the  comment — "  Vulgo 
credere  Penino  transgressimi :  "  this  prevailing  belief  involves 
a  persuasion  that  Hannibal  came  down  the  valley  of  Aosta : 
and  it  is  hostile  to  Livy's  hypothesis,  which  imports  an  ap- 
proach to  the  Po  by  the  valley  of  Susa,  or  that  of  the  Clusone. 
Now  that  prevailing  opinion,  as  it  involves  an  approach 
through  Aosta,  avails  to  aid  our  theory  of  the  Graian.  A 
descent  from  the  Penine,  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  brings  you  into 
the  plain  through  the  Salassi  down  the  valley  of  the  Doria.  But 
a  descent  from  the  Graian,  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  also  brings 
you  into  the  plain  through  the  Salassi  down  that  same  valley. 
Aosta  (Augusta  Prsetoria)  was  built  in  the  mountains  where 
the  former  track  falls  into  the  latter,  which  Jias  come  into  the 
Dorian  valley  at  a  higher  point.  Where  these  two  approaches 
to  Italy  fall  into  one  line,  the  Eoman  general,  employed  by 
Augustus  to  reduce  the  Salassians,  had  his  head-quarters ; 
and,  after  the  successes  of  the  war,  a  Eoman  colony  was 
founded  on  the  site  of  his  camp.  From  hence  the  Doria  con- 
tinues its  course  in  the  mountains,  for,  I  believe,  fifty  miles 
more,  before  it  reaches  the  plain.  Thus,  while  the  tradition 
of  an  invasion  of  Italy  from  the  Penine  involves  the  tradition 
of  an  invasion  from  the  valley  of  the  Doria,  it  may  be  that 
the  latter  only  had  a  just  foundation,  though  the  former  be- 
came engrafted  upon  it.  And  such  I  conceive,  was  the  case  : 
we  see  our  way  to  the  truth  of  one  and  the  error  of  the  other. 

When  we  estimate  a  simple  tradition  that  the  invaders 
poured  themselves  into  the  plain  from  this  valley,  it  is  rea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  it  was  founded  in  truth  :  it  would  be 
preserved  among  those  who  dwelt  oji  the  stream  above  and 
below  its  outlet  into  the  plain  :  it  would  live  among  the  de- 
scendants of  eye-witnesses  :  from  them  it  would  be  caught  by 
the  Romans,  whose  more  habitual  contact  and  communication 


176  Comparuon  of  the  Histories,  [PART  xr. 

with  those  descendants  had  been  rather  at  the  skirts  of  the 
Italian  plain  than  in  the  higher  valleys  or  steeps  of  the  Alps. 
There  is  not  the  same  probability,  that  the  name,  which  some 
were  appending  to  the  tradition,  was  founded  in  truth ;  and 
that  the  Dorian  valley  had  been  itself  invaded  from  the 
Penine  Summit.  Livy  bears  witness  against  this  :  he  de- 
clares that  such  a  notion  had  sprung  from  the  fancy  of 
etymologists,  and  asserts  distinctly  that  it  did  not  stand  upon 
tradition  among  the  natives — "  neque  montibus  his  ab  transitu 
"Pcenorum  uUo  Veragri,  incolse  jugi  ejus,  norunt  nomen 
"  inditum."  The  denial  of  the  tradition  is  applied  to  the 
Penine,  and  to  the  Veragri  who  occupied  the  Penine  :  these 
were  not  inhabitants  of  the  valley  of  the  Doria,  or  owners  of 
the  approach  to  it  from  the  Little  St.  Bernard :  they  owned 
of  the  summit  of  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  and  their  capital  was 
Martigny  upon  the  Khone.  Livy,  controverting  a  Veragrian 
reputation,  adverts  rather  to  the  Helvetian  than  the  Italian 
side  of  the  Alps,  and  establishes  a  negative  which  is  con- 
sistent with  and  auxiliary  to  the  route  which  I  maintain. 

He  is  of  course  sceptical  on  both  these  passes,  and  states 
both  to  be  improbable.  But  his  argument  attaches  itself  only 
to  one  of  them.  He  disproves  a  descent  from  the  Penine 
Alp,  but  leaves  untouched  a  descent  from  the  Graian,  into  the 
valley  which  is  the  conduit  to  the  plain  from  both.  He  suc- 
ceeds in  exposing  one  error.  That  error,  I  conceive,  had  been 
engrafted  upon  truth.  Separating  one  from  the  other,  we 
discover  the  real  force  of  a  tradition  which  in  his  day  was 
distorted  to  a  popular  belief  of  the  Penine  pass.  Rome  had 
received  the  truth  from  the  Salassian  valley,  but  had  given 
her  a  false  name. 

The  name  Penine,  and  the  blunder  about  it,  were  probably 
novelties  when  Livy  wrote,  as  well  as  his  own  conception  of 
a  Taurine  pass.  He  was  about  thirty-five  years  old,  getting 
up  his  materials,  when  Terentius  Varro  reduced  the  brave 


CHAP.  I.]  Livy  damaged  hy  his  mvn  Facts.  177 

inhabitants  of  the  Salassian  valley,  on  which  the  colony  was 
planted  at  Aosta.  Speculations  on  the  Carthaginian  march 
may  have  been  induced  on  the  improved  opening  of  that 
valley  after  the  pacification.  Augustus  at  that  time  assigned 
names  to  the  several  parts  of  the  Alpine  chain  :  Penine  no 
doubt  was  one  of  them  ;  Julius  Caesar  had  spoken  par- 
ticularly of  that  same  pass,  but  without  a  name  :  he  gives 
account  of  protecting  the  merchants  who  travelled  it  from  the 
exactions  of  the  natives  :  but  there  is  no  Penine  in  the  Com- 
mentaries. 

Livy  informs  tts  that  the  historian  Gmlius  Antipater  related 
HannibaVs  passage  over  the  Cremonis  jugum. 

The  reputation  of  the  Salassian  valley,  as  explained,  pre- 
pares us  for  another  matter  of  evidence,  w^hich  Livy  has 
furnished  against  himself,  and  in  favour  of  our  opinion  ; 
namely,  that  Cselius  Antipater,  who  wrote  a  history  of  the 
second  Punic  war  in  the  Latin  language,  and  preceded  Livy 
by  a  century,  had  recorded  the  Cremonis  jugum  as  the  Car- 
thaginian pass. 

In  Cremo  we  trace  Cramont,  a  mountain  which  ranges  on 
your  right  hand,  as  you  go  up  to  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  from 
the  valley  of  the  Doire.  Not  that  this  similarity  of  names  is 
wanted,  for  showing  that  Cselius  intended  this  pass.  Livy 
identifies  it  in  saying,  that  the  route  by  that  "  saltus,"  so  re- 
corded by  Cgelius,  brings  you,  like  that  by  the  Penine,  through 
the  Salassi  into  the  Gauls  of  Italy  :  which  is  applicable  only 
to  the  Little  St.  Bernard.  So  Strabo,  208,  when  he  tells  of 
two  routes  to  Lyons  diverging  out  of  the  valley  of  the 
Salassi,  speaks  unquestionably  of  the  Great  and  Little  St. 
Bernard.  As  to  the  word  not  occurring  in  other  writers,  this 
need  not  surprise  us.  Cfelius  in  using  it  may  not  have  been 
intelligible  to  all  :  Livy  clearly  recognises  it :    some  might 

VOL.  II.  N 


178  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  xi. 

better  know  the  term  Graian.  Cremo  may  have  designated 
one  particular  mountain,  as  known  to  the  natives  rather  than 
to  the  rest  of  the  world.  How  many  now  can  talk  of  the 
Great  and  Little  St.  Bernard,  who  know  not  the  Cramont ! 

And  yet,  on  reference  to  the  best  modern  works,  this 
mountain  claims  an  interest  in  our  studies ;  we  sympathise 
with  the  disappointment  of  philosophers,  who,  on  reaching  its 
summit,  have  perceived  an  intervening  ridge,  that  eclipsed  the 
base  of  Mont  Blanc.  Professor  Forbes,  in  his  Travels  through 
the  Alps  of  Savoy,  p.  114,  having  reached  the  top  of  the 
Cramont  from  the  mule-path  of  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  says  : — 
"  I  was  so  fully  imbued  with  De  Saussure's  enthusiastic 
"  picture  of  the  grandeur  of  the  station,  that  I  was  a  little 
"  disappointed  to  find  it,  not  only  equalled  in  height  by  some 
"  others  in  the  neighbourhood,  but  overtopped  by  one,  which 
"  stands  between  the  Cramont  and  the  AUee  Blanche, 
"  effectually  preventing  the  eye  from  diving  into  its  depths, 
"  and  thus  measuring  Mont  Blanc  at  once  from  top  to  bottom, 
"  as  is  the  case  in  the  view  from  the  Breven,  above  the  valley 
"  of  Chamouni."  But  De  Saussure  had  himself  said  seventy 
years  before,  "La  cime  du  Cramont  ne  domine  pas  imme- 
"  diatement  sur  I'Allee  Blanche :  elle  en  est  sdparee  par  des 
"  chaines  de  montagnes  plus  basses,  qui  empechent  que  les 
"yeux  ne  plongent  jusqu'au  fond  de  cette  valine."  §  915. 
The  charms  of  the  Cramont  are  effectively  described  in  a 
recent  work  by  the  Eev.  S.  W.  King. 

Mr.  Ellis,  in  his  Treatise,  p.  146,  says  of  the  Cremonis 
jugum,  "  It  is  probably  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  the  ancient 
"  name  being  apparently  preserved  in  the  neighbouring  peak 
''  of  the  Cramont."  In  his  Defence,  Journal  of  Philol  iii.  5, 
ha  again  admits  the  probability :  but,  unwilling  to  concede 
the  plainest  fact  without  some  straggle,  expresses  a  doubt, 
saying,  "  If  this  (Alpis  Graia,  Little  St.  Bernard)  were  the 
"  Cremonis  jugum  of  Cfelius,  he  was  undoubtedly  in  error. 


CHAP.  I.]  Livy  damaged  hy  his  ovm  Facts.  179 

"  Yet  it  must  be  remembered  that  in  the  time  of  Cselius  there 
"  were  no  Alpes  Cottiae."  Be  it  so.  But  the  identity  is  quite 
independent  of  the  terms  Cottian,  Graian  or  Penine.  When 
Livy  quotes  Cselius  as  naming  "  Cremonis  jugum,"  he  proves 
it  to  have  been  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  by  saying,  that  it  was 
one  of  the  two  "  saltus/'  which  bring  you  down  through  Salassi 
into  Galli. 

It  is  then  extremely  important  that  Cgelius,  being  of  an  age 
long  prior  to  the  obscuration  of  this  matter  of  history,  names 
the  pass  for  which  we  contend.  The  works  of  Caelius  are 
lost :  but  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  his  good  faith  in  nar- 
rating a  fact  like  this.  Livy  adopted  much  matter  from 
Cselius  ;  and  refers  to  him  here,  as  giving  a  name  to  the  pass 
of  Hannibal. 

Those  who  hesitate  to  recognise  the  Alps  of  Polybius,  and 
who,  in  the  absence  of  a  name,  desire  contirmation,  may 
accept  through  Livy  this  confirmation  by  Cselius,  and  be 
satisfied.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose,  that  that  early  his- 
torian, who  flourished  between  Polybius  and  Livy,  differed 
from  his  predecessor  ;  or  that  in  his  time  any  dispute  on  the 
question  had  begun.  He  must  have  known  that  he  spoke  in 
accordance  with  the  experience  of  Polybius,  whose  acquaint- 
ance he  may  in  his  youth  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  enjoy. 

Livy  does  not  name  Polybius. 

It  is  reasonable  to  inquire  why,  as  he  names  Cselius,  he  did 
not  name  Polybius.  Polybius  was  a  writer  whom  he  knew 
well  and  greatly  respected :  to  whose  authority  he  often 
refers  ;  *  as  in  book  xxxiii.  c.  10,  "  Nos,  Polybium  secuti  sunms, 
"  non  incertum  auctorem,  quum  omnium  Eomanorum  rerum, 
"tum  prsecipu^  in  Graeci^  gestarum."     It  might  have  been 

*  See  Livy,  book  xxx.  45  ;  xxxiii.  10  ;  xxxiv.  50 ;  xxxvi.  19  ; 
xxxix.  52  ;  xlv.  45. 

N  2 


180  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [pakt  XT. 

that  Livy  did  not  know  him  as  a  writer  on  Hannibal,  or  was 
not  aware  which  pass  w^as  favoured  by  him.  But  he  knew 
it  all ;  and  did  not  deem  it  expedient  to  call  public  attention 
to  so  formidable  an  authority. 

Livy,  studying  other  authors  on  this  subject,  must  have 
studied  Polybius:  for  he  talks  of  something  on  which  all 
writers  were  agreed  :  Polybius  could  not  fail  to  be  one  of 
them.  In  fact,  he  was  especially  under  his  notice.  It  has 
been  pointed  out  that  in  one  part  of  the  march  Livy  is  an 
attentive  copier  of  the  incidents  of  Polybius,  though  not 
assigning  to  them  a  perceptible  locality :  in  another  part 
we  have  seen  his  utter  discordance  from  Polybius,  in  inci- 
dents, localities,  and  everything.  Is  it  possible  that  Livy 
should  himself  have  been  unconscious  of  the  disagreement ; 
or,  while  he  perceived  the  track  of  Polybius  to  be  hostile  to 
his  own,  could  he  fail  to  perceive  which  track  it  was  ?  Was 
it  not  one  of  the  two  which  he  recognises  as  the  rivals  of  his 
own  ? 

There  is  no  question  but  this — ^when  Livy  in  one  part  of 
his  line  takes  his  facts  from  Polybius,  and  in  another  part 
varies  from  him  in  everything,  which  did  he  suppose  to  be 
the  track  intended  by  the  other,  Mons  Peninus  or  Cremonis 
jugum?  He  shows  his  own  knowledge  of  both.  And  are 
we  to  attribute  his  silence  to  accident  or  design  1  A  writer 
of  to-day  may  excuse  himself  for  not  understanding  Polybius, 
because  he  finds  no  name  to  his  pass.  Livy  could  not  have 
so  excused  himself.  He  was  more  acute  than  his  followers ; 
he  knew  that  he  differed  from  Polybius  :  they  think,  or  with- 
out thinking  presume,  that  the  two  tracks  were  the  same. 


CHAP.  11.]  Livy  damaged  by  his  own  Facts.  181 


CHAPTEE  11. 

Livy  grounds  his  hypothesis  on  the  words  of  Cincius,  inferring 
that  the  Taurini  lay  in  the  line  of  HannihaVs  march  to 
the  Cisalpine  Gauls.  The  inference  is  unsound.  Salassi. 
Lihui.  Explanation  hy  Gibbon.  Version  of  Ukert.  Ver- 
sion of  Ellis.  On  the  nation  of  placing  Turin  in  the 
line  of  march. 

Thus  it  is  Livy,  who  tells  us  of  the  general  persuasion 
prevailing  in  his  day,  that  the  invaders  came  down  the  valley 
of  Aosta.  It  is  he  who,  though  avoiding  to  speak  of  Poly- 
bius,  tells  us  that  Cselius  named  the  track  over  the  Little 
St.  Bernard.  Let  us  now  examine  the  ground  of  his  own 
dissentient  opinion. 

He  reasons  as  offering  his  opinion  in  opposition  to  existing 
opinions.  If  he  had  told  the  story  without  argument,  it 
might  be  supposed  that,  in  naming  Tricastini,  Vocontii,  Tri- 
corii,  Druentia,  he  expressed  what  was  offered  to  him  in  prior 
narratives  of  the  march ;  we  might  give  to  those  ideas  the 
credit  of  an  earlier  date,  and  say  :  "  Why  should  he  invent 
them?"  But  Livy  does  argue  the  question  of  the  pass,  and 
those  ideas  have  no  part  in  his  argument,  though  they  stand 
in  his  narrative.  We  may  believe,  therefore,  that  he  first 
introduced  them  into  the  story ;  and  in  this  we  make 
no  forced  construction,  nor  one  that  derogates  from  his 
veracity.  Having,  on  certain  grounds,  imbibed  an  opinion  on 
the  mountain  pass  of  Hannibal,  he  supplies  his  readers  with 
a  clue  for  reaching  it.  Being  persuaded  that  from  the  Isk'e 
the  march  must  have  proceeded  to  the  Mont  Gen^vre,  he 
names  four  objects  which  in  such  a  march  could  hardly  be 
avoided,  and  this  is  done  in  a  single  sentence.  But  he  is  not 
reasoning  from  those  objects  :  when  he  wrote,  this  transalpine 


182  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  XI. 

district  had  come  fully  under  the  dominion  of  Eome,  and  it 
was  fit  that  he  should  at  least  provide  his  reader  with  such 
general  brief  instruction.  It  is,  indeed,  of  the  most  meagre 
kind ;  for,  in  getting  across  to  the  Druentia,  which,  as  has 
been  shown,  could  only  lead  to  the  Genevre,  not  a  town  or 
resting-place  is  named,  nor  a  single  incident  reported.  The 
inference  is,  that  he  derived  no  information  from  other 
writings  concerning  that  progress.  In  his  details  of  the 
mountain  march  which  follow,  we  recognise  much  fact  of  the 
Greek  history,  but  no  geography — his  geography  is  given 
only  from  the  Is^re  to  the  Druentia,  a  space  which  he  fills  up 
by  naming  three  peoples,  whom  he  would  find  in  his  map. 
He  had  read  Polybius  and  Cselius  Antipater,  and  he  certainly 
did  not  find  the  four  objects  in  their  narratives  :  why  in  any 
others  ? 

His  impression  on  the  pass  of  Hannibal  had  been  acquired 
without  regard  to  those  objects  :  it  was  founded  on  the  march 
in  Italy,  not  on  the  march  in  the  Transalpine ;  and  having 
the  belief  that  that  pass  was  the  Cottian,  he  roughly  intimates 
the  way  of  getting  to  it  by  a  few  intelligible  signs ;  a  way 
very  simple  and  probable  for  him  to  think  of 

His  opinion  on  the  pass  was  founded  on  the  incident  of 
the  Taurini :  he  conceived  that  Hannibal  had  from  the  first 
intended  the  Genevre  pass  ;  for  he  says  that  he  turned  up 
the  Khone  to  the  Is^re,  not  as  being  his  way  to  Italy,  but 
that  he  might  avoid  the  enemy  for  a  time,  and  postpone 
hostile  encounter  till  he  arrived  in  Italy.  The  cause  of  the 
deviation  having  ceased,  "quum  jam  Alpes  peteret,"  Livy 
tells  the  march  to  the  Druentia  :  having  in  view  the  Cottian 
Alp,  he  gives  his  readers  in  few  words  the  way  for  getting  to 
it  from  the  Is^re.  As  far  as  the  Durance,  there  is  a  short 
local  instruction,  but  from  thence  to  the  plain  of  the  Po  the 
narrative  has  no  local  instruction  at  all,  not  even  stating  into 
what  people  Hannibal  came  down,  unless  it  appears  in  an 


CHAP.  II.]  Livy  damaged  hy  his  own  Facts.  183 

argument  which  follows  the  narrative.  After  saying  "ad 
planum  descensum,"  and  "hoc  modo  in  Italiam  perventum 
est  Alpibus  superatis,"  Livy  enters  into  a  discussion  upon  the 
amount  of  force  which  Hannibal  then  had  left  to  him,  out  of 
which  have  arisen  remarks  in  which  the  Taurini  are  men- 
tioned, and  from  which  it  has  been  inferred  that  Hannibal 
first  came  down  into  that  people  from  the  Alps. 

On  Hannibal's  losses,  Livy  quotes  the  historian  Cincius 
Alimentus,  who  had  at  some  time  in  the  war  been  Hannibal's 
prisoner,  and  had  heard  him  speak  on  the  subject.  Livy 
refers  to  his  writings  thus.  After  saying  that  different 
numbers  were  believed  to  have  come  over  into  Italy  with 
him,  some  saying  100,000  foot,  20,000  horse,  others  only 
20,000  foot,  6,000  horse,  writes  thus  : — "  L.  Cincius  Alimentus, 
"  qui  captum  se  ab  Annibale  scribit,  maxim^  auctor  moveret 
"  me,  nisi  confunderet  numerum,  Gallis  Ligaribusque  additis  : 
"  cum  his  scribit  octoginta  millia  peditum,  decem  equitum, 
"  adducta  in  Italiam  (magis  affluxisse  verisimile  est,  et  ita 
"  quidem  auctores  sunt)  :  ex  ipso  autem  audiisse  Annibale, 
"  postquam  Ehodanum  transierit,  triginta  sex  miUia  hominum 
"  ingentemque  numerum  equorum  et  aliorum  jumentorum 
"  amisisse  in  Taurinis,  quae  Gallis  proxima  gens  erat,  in 
"  Italiam  degresso.  Id  quum  inter  omnes  constet,  eo  magis 
"  miror  ambigi,"  &c.     See  this  all  quoted  lefore. 

Id  quum  inter  omnes  constet. 

Here  we  inquire  what  is  referred  to  by  "  id,"  as  concurred 
in  by  all :  for  whatever  Livy  meant  by  "  id,"  it  seems  given 
as  the  foundation  of  his  own  hypothesis  on  the  pass :  "  id  " 
must  mean  something,  and  if  we  ask  what  it  is,  the  question 
claims  a  very  specific  answer.  The  answer  cannot  be  in  the 
amount  of  men  saved  or  the  amount  of  men  lost  {poth  are 
given) ;  whether  the  former,  including  Gauls  and  Ligurians, 
were  80,000  and  10,000,  or  the  latter  36,000   and  a  vast 


184  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  xi. 

number  of  horses.  Such  is  not  the  answer;  the  answer 
ought  to  be  by  some  proposition,  which  is  plainly  expressed 
in  the  previous  sentence.  No  proposition  has  been  plainly 
expressed,  except  the  amount  of  lost  or  saved  which  one  or 
other  person  had  reported,  with  a  special  ambiguity  in  the 
report  of  Cincius  ;  and  the  fact  that  the  Taurini  adjoined  the 
Cisalpine  Gauls. 

It  is  not  there  alleged  that  Hannibal  descended  from  the 
Alps  into  the  Taurini ;  and  yet  this  is  treated  as  the  fact 
which  Livy  says  was  universally  agreed  upon.*  Interpreters 
may  choose  to  infer  this  from  the  text,  but  this  has  not  been 
said  in  the  text,  and  it  ought  to  have  been  said,  in  order  that 
it  should  represent  "  id."  t  So  far  is  Livy  from  saying  what 
is  imputed,  that  his  statement  is  the  reverse  :  he  states  the 
common  belief  to  be  opposed  to  his  own,  and  in  favour  of 
those  passes  which  would  have  brought  Hannibal  out,  not 
into  the  Taurini,  but  through  the  Salassi  and  then  into  the 
Libui  Galli.  And  so  would  the  Penine  and  Graian  have 
done.  As  the  Taurini  and  the  Galli  were  contig-uous,  it  is 
reasonable  that  the  country  of  Taurini  should  be  taken  as  the 
point  up  to  which  he  may  have  counted  his  troops,  estimat- 
ing those  who  survived,  or  those  whom  he  had  lost ;  and  this 
is  consistent  with  my  geography  as  well  as  that  of  my  adver- 
saries, whatever  it  be.  I  contend  that  Hannibal  renovated 
his  troops  among  his  friends  the  Gauls,  and  then  turned  aside 
from  them  over  the  Po  against  the  Taurini,  who  had  offended 
him  by  spurning  his  alliance,  while  he  lay  encamped,  occu- 
pied with  the  reparation  of  his  army.  My  opponents  who 
never  trace  the  march,  do  not  give  the  point  of  contiguity 
between  Taurini  and   Galli.     To  that  point   he   may   have 

*  Mr.  ElHs's  Treatise,  p.  146. 

f  This  is  confessed,  when  the  prior  words  are  altered,  so  that 
"id"  may  lit  that  fact. 


CHAP.  II.]  Livy  damaged  by  his  o-wn  Facts.  185 

calculated  his  reverses.  I  think  it  requisite  to  call  attention 
to  the  position  of  both  these  peoples.  The  text  invites  us 
to  the  subject. 


Gens  Gallis  jproxima. 

Galli  here  are  the  Cisalpine  Gauls,  who  began  in  the  plains 
of  the  Salassian  Doria,  near  the  Po  in  the  region  of  Chivasso, 
a  place  between  the  Orca  and  the  Doria,  and  the  Gauls  spread 
east  to  Sena  on  the  Adriatic.  The  Taurini  were  a  Ligurian 
people,  beginning  some  distance  below  Susa  ;  their  territory- 
succeeding  that  of  the  Segusini  along  the  minor  Doria  at 
about  sixteen  miles  above  the  site  of  Augusta  Taurinorum : 
it  was  continued  to  the  site  of  that  place,  and  a  short  way 
down  the  Po  to  where  the  great  river  bends  to  the  east. 

What  then  may  we  understand  by  the  proximity  of  Taurini 
to  Galli  ?  Was  it  at  one  end  of  their  narrow  territory  or  at 
the  other  ?  At  Avillano,  or  near  Chivasso  ?  They  adjoined 
the  Cisalpine  Gauls  at  the  latter  extremity.  The  Orca  or 
the  Doria  separated  them  from  Gauls :  and  Hannibal,  when 
his  army  had  been  renovated  among  his  friends,  passed  into 
the  country  of  the  enemy,  and  punished  them.  At  the  other 
extremity  of  the  Taurini,  these  were  not  "gens  proxima 
Gallis."     There  were  no  Galli,  therefore  no  proximity. 

I  know  no  better  mode  of  speculating  on  the  words  which 
Livy  has  used  on  this  subject.  Perhaps  Mr.  Ellis  will  hardly 
think  they  deserve  so  much  consideration.  He  says  of  Livy  : 
"He  loses  himself  among  the  Alps,  a  region  of  which  he 
"  appears  not  only  personally  ignorant,  but  also  to  have  failed 
"  in  forming  a  tolerably  accurate  conception."  Treatise,  p.  137. 
After  reading  both  histories,  I  am  led  to  believe  that  Hannibal, 
having  marched  down  the  Salassian  valley  directly  into  Cis- 
alpine Gaul,  and  there  thoroughly  established  the  efficiency 


186  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  xi. 

of  his  troops,  turned  aside  to  strike  a  blow  against  an  enemy  * 
The  solution  of  Livy's  mistake,  if  he  made  one,  may  be 
this  :  he  learned  from  Cincius,  that  Hannibal's  march  brought 
him  to  a  point  where  Galli  and  Taurini  were  contiguous ;  he 
neglected  the  fact  that  the  Taurini  were  accessible  through 
the  Gauls,  and  hastily  assumed  that  the  march  had  come  to 
the  Taurini  first.  Knowing,  moreover,  that  the  first  act  of 
warfare  in  the  plain  was  against  the  Taurini,  he  adhered  to 
his  error  on  their  position  as  corresponding  with  that  fact, 
though  not  asserted ;  and  imagined  the  aggression  by  Hannibal 
to  have  preceded  his  arrival  among  his  allies,  instead  of  being 
his  first  enterprise  after  devoting  himself  to  renovate  his 
army  among  them.  A  careful  reader  will  not  doubt  that 
the  hospital  quarters  of  the  Carthaginians  were  established 
among  friendly  Gauls,  and  not  among  Taurini,  and  that  the 
work  of  repairing  the  army  was  performed  before  he  invaded 
the  neighbouring  people,  who  had  dared  to  spurn  his  alliance. 
His  primary  duty,  a  necessity  on  escaping  from  the  Alps,  had 
been  to  restore  life  to  his  army,  whose  shattered  state  both 
historians  so  painfully  describe.  The  offending  people,  who 
invited  his  vengeance,  were  near  at  hand ;  but,  notwithstanding 
the  proximity,  Hannibal  would  have  pursued  his  course  with- 
out contact  with  them,  but  for  the  special  provocation.  They 
brought  the  visitation  upon  themselves  :  their  contumacy 
alone  diverted  Hannibal  from  his  route,  and  has  made  their 
name  to  belong  to  the  tale  of  the  Carthaginian  progress. 

Having  ventured  to  speak  of  these  Gauls  as  Cisalpines,  I 
would  observe  that  all  do  not  recognise  Livy's  distinction 

*  Dr.  Arnold  writes  :  "  Hannibal  remained  in  the  country  of  the 
"  Insubrians,  till  rest,  a  more  temperate  climate,  and  wholesome  food, 
"  with  which  the  Gauls  plentifully  supplied  him,  restored  the  bodies 
"  and  spirits  of  his  soldiers,  and  made  them  again  ready  for  action. 
"  The  first  movement  was  against  tlie  Taurinians,  a  Ligurian  people, 
"  who  were  constant  enemies  of  the  Insubrians,"  &c.  p.  92. 


CHAP.  II.]  Livy  damaged  hy  his  own  Facts.  187 

between  Transalpines,  Alpines,  and  Cisalpines.  He  speaks 
of  Galli  in  France ;  Galli  in  Italy ;  and  Alpini  or  'Montani 
in  the  Alps.  When  he  is  bringing  the  march  to  the  Alps,  he 
speaks  of  the  natives  as  Galli,  "  cum  bona  pace  incolentium 
ea  loca  Gallorum,  in  Alpes  pervenit."  When  the  march  is  in 
the  Alps,  we  read,  "  apparuerunt  montani ;  montani  jam 
pauciores  concursabant ;  montani  viam  insedere."  When  he 
has  brought  Hannibal  into  the  plain  of  Italy,  we  read  of 
Gauls  again :  these  are  Cisalpines,  and  they  extend  to  the 
Adriatic.  But  the  mountaineers  are  named  distinctly :  as, 
when  Hannibal  speaks  of  himself  to  his  soldiers  in  c.  xliii., 
"  domitor  HispanisB  Gallia3que,  victor  Alpinarum  gentium." 
So,  "  Gallicse  atque  Alpinse  gentes." 

In  observing  this  distinction,  there  is  some  variety  among 
commentators,  and  one  specimen  happens  to  call  my  attention. 
In  the  Camhridge  Journal  of  Philology,  vol.  iii.  p.  34,  Mr. 
Ellis,  after  pronouncing  a  strong  censure  on  Mr.  Law  for 
impeaching  Hannibal's  veracity  (an  escapade  which  needs  no 
answer),  sets  forth,  as  from  Livy,  these  words  : — "  Taurinis, 
quoe  Gallis  proxima  gens  erat,  in  Italiam  degresstoji ;  "  and 
says  of  them,  "  Gallis  is  plainly  contrasted  with  Italiam, 
"  the  one  expression  indicating  the  Transalpine,  and  the  other 
"the  Cisalpine  country."  I  understand  no  such  contrast, 
and  I  believe  that  the  Gauls  of  whom  Livy  here  speaks  are 
all  Cisalpines  ;  and  as  Mr.  Ellis  seems  to  have  conceived  a 
special  respect  for  one  tribe  of  them — the  Libui — he  ought 
to  be  correct  on  the  point,  and  it  is  well  to  notice  what  he 
says  of  them. 

Livy  happened  to  name  Libuos  Gallos,  and  not  wrongly : 
though  he  might  have  said  Laos,  or  Lebecios,  or  Libicos,  or 
Lsevos,  or  Gallos  only  ;  perhaps  there  were  not  the  five  distinct 
tribes  ;  though  all  varieties  are  found  in  Poly  bins,  or  Livy,  or 
Pliny,  or  Ptolemy ;  and  all  may  have  been  higher  up  in  the 
plain  than  the  Insubres   who  founded   Milan.      No   writer 


]88  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  xi. 

speaks  of  so  many,  or  tells  their  relative  situations ;  it  would 
be  difficult  to  show  these  Libui  closer  to  Salassi  than  other 
petty  tribes.  But  Mr.  Ellis  seems  to  think  that  they  were 
closer,  and  may  think  that  Polybius  ought  to  have  written 
Karrjpe  ek  to  twv  Ki^voav  €6vo<;,  instead  of  ^laofi^pcov. 

I  have  before  justified  the  narrative  of  Polybius  for  the 
descent  into  Insubres.  He  mentioned  them  by  reason  of 
history,  not  for  geographical  controversy.  It  would  have 
been  a  great  mistake  if  he  had  put  forward  an  unimportant 
tribe,  if  he  had  named,  Lai,  Lebecii,  Libui,  or  Libici,  when 
Hannibal  is  said  to  come  from  the  Alps  among  his  friends  in 
the  plain.  He  is  received  by  the  Insubres,  the  great  leading 
power,  under  whom  the  minor  tribes  are  serving.  From  the 
time  when  Polybius  brought  the  march  through  the  Allobroges 
on  the  other  side,  no  people  has  yet  been  named,  and  who  so 
worthy  now  to  be  named  as  the  Insubres  ?  Among  the  Gauls 
of  Italy  they  had  always  held  the  highest  rank.  At  the  time 
of  an  early  irruption  of  the  Gauls,  Pol.  ii.  17,  we  read  of 
the  Insubres  as  "  the  chief  nation  among  them  : "  and  now, 
on  the  approach  of  Hannibal,  they  are  heading  the  con- 
federacy against  Eome,  and  welcome  the  arrival  of  their 
illustrious  ally.  Even  they  are  not  named  again  during  the 
campaign  ;  and  no  other  Gauls  are  named  at  all.  As  to  the 
Libui,  whatever  degree  of  independence  they  ever  had  (there 
is  no  trace  of  any),  none  can  doubt  that  they  were  subordinate 
to  the  greater  power,  which  had  in  older  times  settled  near 
them  in  the  plain. 

Livy,  too,  recognises  the  superior  rank  of  the  Insubrian 
state,  when  he  resumes  the  narrative  in  c.  xxxix.  Telling  the 
state  of  war  in  which  Hannibal  found  that  country  involved 
against  Eome,  he  names  no  Gauls  but  the  Insubres,  because 
they  were  the  chief  belligerents.  "  Peropportune  ad  prin- 
"  cipia  rerum,  Taurinis  proximse  genti  adversus  Insubres 
"  motum  bellum  erat."     Though  it  is  not  essential  to  contend 


CHAP.  IT.]  Livy  damaged  by  his  oivn  Facts.  189 

that  in  this  passage  the  proximity  is  to  the  Insubres,  my 
opinion  is  to  that  effect :  for  which  I  am  complimented  by 
Mr.  Ellis  with  the  want  of  reason  and  syntax.  As  he  offers 
no  reason  or  syntax  of  his  own  in  opposition,  it  still  strikes 
me,  that  Livy's  nomination  of  Insubres  as  the  party  to  the 
war  is  in  congruity  with  Polybius,  who  treats  them  as  the 
great  allies  of  Hannibal,  among  whom  he  came  down  from 
the  Alps. 

In  answer  to  my  views  on  these  Cisalpine  Gauls,  Mr.  Ellis 
takes  the  Libui  under  his  special  protection,  and  charges  me 
with  "  an  utter  disregard  of  ancient  authorities."  (Journ.  of 
Phil.  ii.  312.)  He  is  shocked  by  my  comment  on  the  inferior 
rank  of  that  people,  and,  as  the  champion  of  the  oppressed, 
writes  thus :  "  My  object  is  to  prove  the  continued  existence 
*'  of  the  Libui.  It  is  sufficient  for  my  purpose  that  Livy 
"  asserts  the  presence  of  the  Libui  in  the  plains  of  which 
"  Mr.  Law  seeks  to  dispossess  them."  Not  content  with  the 
evidence  of  Polybius  and  Livy,  he  appeals  to  later  testimony, 
and  exclaims — "My  third  witness  to  the  existence  of  the 
"  Libui  will  be  Ptolemy,  who  assigns  to  them  the  towns  of 
*'  Vercelli  and  Lomello.  We  have  thus  satisfactory  evidence 
''  of  the  continued  presence  for  some  centuries  of  the  Libui  in 
"  the  same  district.  All  Mr.  Law's  efforts  to  annihilate  them 
"  at  the  time  of  Hannibal's  passage  will  be  perfectly  vain  in 
"  the  face  of  such  testimony." 

So  far  am  I  from  dispossessing  or  annihilating  that  people, 
Libui,  that  I  am  content  to  let  them  be  where  Livy's  argument 
places  them.  I  believe  that,  two  centuries  before  Hannibal 
came  that  way,  some  such  tribe  or  tribes  settled  between  the 
Salassi  of  the  mountains  and  the  Insubres  of  Milan.  My 
words,  v^hich  raised  this  storm  on  the  part  of  Mr.  EUis,  were 
these  :  "  We  are  not  to  infer  from  the  words  of  Livy,  that  the 
"  obscure  tribe  Libui  held  the  territory  in  question  so  that 
"  Hannibal's  friends,  the  Insubres,  could  not  be  masters  of 


190  Comparison  of  the  Histories,  [paht  xi. 

"  it."  I  say  so  still.  Other  tribes— whether  called  Lai,  Lebecii, 
Libici,  Lsevi,  Libui,  whichever  be  the  fit  names — would  be 
serving  under  the  Insubrian  banner  in  that  memorable  war  ; 
and  Mr.  Ellis  might  have  been  satisfied  with  my  admitting 
their  occupancy  without  contending  for  their  importance.  I 
was  willing  to  suppose  that  they  remained  where  Polybius 
settled  them,  Lai  and  Lebecii,  notwithstanding  their  doubtful 
substance  as  a  nation.  I  only  object  to  a  few  of  the  centuries 
of  their  continued  presence,  on  which  Mr.  Ellis  makes  so 
touching  an  appeal  to  his  third  witness,  Ptolemy.  Whatever 
degree  of  independence  such  a  state  retained  at  the  outbreak 
of  Hannibal's  war,  when  we  may  presume  them  to  have 
served  against  Eome,  I  cannot  believe  that  any  independence 
survived  that  few  years'  struggle.  On  the  contrary,  I  believe 
that  they  then  came  under  the  Eoman  yoke.  In  218  B.  c.  the 
Boii  would  be  friendly  to  that  little  people :  after  the  war, 
they  were  not. 

Livy,  speaking  of  a  time  very  soon  after  Hannibal  quitted 
Italy,  about  200  B.C.,  relates  (lib.  xxxiii.  c.  37)  that  a  Eoman 
army,  having  attacked  the  Boii,  and  compelled  the  surrender 
of  Bologna,  turned  into  Liguria;  that  the  Boii  then  moved 
with  a  force  to  harass  their  rear.  Missing  the  Eomans,  they 
crossed  the  Po,  and  plundered  the  Laevi  and  Libui.  Coming 
back  by  the  Ligurian  border,  they  fell  in  with  the  Eomans, 
and  were  themselves  cut  to  pieces.  If  this  is,  as  it  may  be, 
the  latest  memorial  of  Libui,  we  need  not  estimate  their 
importance  in  succeeding  centuries,  even  if  Mr.  Ellis  calls  his 
third  witness. 

So  long  as  these  Libui  or  Libici  existed  as  a  distinct  people, 
they  may  have  been  near  the  Salassiau  valley :  being  in  the 
plain,  they  would  be  crushed  sooner  than  those  mountaineer 
neighbours.  Strabo  gives  copious  details  of  the  extermination 
of  the  Salassi,  without  a  word  of  the  others,  who  must  have 
vanished  sooner.     The  Salassi  themselves  had  been  annihi- 


CHAP.  II.]  Livy  damaged  by  his  own  Facts.  191 

lated  before  Livy  wrote  his  lost  book  to  tell  of  it.     The  great 
nation  of  Boii  had  been  quite  expelled  from  Italy  long  before 
Livy's  time  ;  and  Ptolemy  was  nearly  two  centuries  later  still. 
If  the  appearance  of  the  Libici  in  his  catalogue  bespeak  their 
existence  in  his  day,  by  parity  of  reasoning  their  appearance 
in  the  catalogues  of  D'Anville  and  Walckenner  would  prove 
their  existence  at  the  present  day.     Ptolemy  could  only  have 
any  knowledge  of  the  Libui..  as  we  have,  from  the  writings  of 
his  predecessors,  such  as  Polybius  and  Livy.     If  Mr.  Ellis 
should  call  his  third  witness,  he   could  only  say  to  him, 
"  Now,  Ptolemy,  recollect  yourself ;  did  not  you  publish  two 
"  towns  of  the  Libici,  Vercellae  and  Laumellum ;  and  did  not 
"  you  publish  two  towns  of  the  Salassi,  Augusta  Praetoria  and 
*'  Eporedia  ? "     The  answer  would  be  :  "  To  be  sure  I  did ; 
"  and  what  then?     I  picked  up  names  as  I  could.     As  for 
"  Libici,  I  found  them  in  Polybius,  and  their  towns  some- 
"  where  else.     I  know  nothing  of  them  myself,  more  than 
"  you  do.    When  I  entered  Augusta  as  ttoXj?  ^aXaaalwv,  the 
"  country  may  or  may  not  have  still  been  called  from  the 
"  Salassians.     But  those  poor  fellows   never  saw  Augusta : 
"  they  were  exterminated  first,  and  their  destroyer  made  that 
"  place  afterwards ;  and  it  is  called  Augusta  still." 

Such  is  the  claim  to  celebrity  which  Mr.  Ellis  puts  forth 
on  behalf  of  the  Libui  as  next-door  neighbours  to  the  Salassi 
montani.  We  concede  to  them  all  that  he  claims  for  them, 
save  a  few  centuries  of  existence  as  a  nation.  A  particular 
region  seems  once  to  have  retained  their  name  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  before  the  second  Punic  war,  and,  for  anything 
I  know,  they  may  give  name  to  a  parish  at  the  present  day. 
It  is  not  true  that  I  have  denied  their  existence.  I  believe 
that  we  have  a  correct  idea  of  their  original  location  by 
rightly  interpreting  the  words  of  Polybius  in  his  second 
book  *     None  of  these  small  tribes  appear  as  independent 

*  See  ante,  Part  VIII.  ch.  iv. 


1 92  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  xr. 

nations,  and  the  few  notices  where  their  names  are  seen  are 
consistent  with  their  having  been,  in  Hannibal's  war,  sub- 
ordinate to  a  more  powerful  state.  History  tells  the  achieve- 
ments of  the  Insubres  and  the  Boii,  vieing  with  Eome  herself. 
The  Salassi,  the  Comenses,  the  Cenomani,  the  Anamani,  and 
others,  are  recorded  actors  on  the  stage  of  history:  on  the 
performances  of  the  Libui  history  is  silent.  We  learn  from 
the  gravest  and  safest  historian,  that  the  Insubres  received 
Hannibal  on  his  descent  from  the  Alps ;  and  that  fact  is  not 
to  be  rejected  because  he  did  not  introduce  the  other  petty 
tribes  into  the  story. 

Notions  of  Gibbon  on  the  text. 

Gibbon,  on  reading  Livy,  understood  that,  though  Han- 
nibal's first  act  of  warfare  in  Italy  was  in  the  Taurini,  he  did 
not  enter  their  territory  directly  from  the  Alps.  In  his  mis- 
cellaneous works  (v.  376,  &c.),  he  discusses  at  some  length 
the  purport  of  those  words ;  and  his  comment  is  this  :  "  Han- 
"  nibal  wished  to  give  an  idea  of  the  losses  which  he  had 
"  sustained  in  passing  the  mountains,  in  consequence  of 
"  battles,  cold,  and  fatigue.  He  begins,  therefore,  from  his 
"  crossing  the  Ehone,  and  ends  at  his  arrival  in  the  territory 
"  of  the  Taurini ;  since  it  was  really  in  their  country,  and  by 
"  taking  their  capital,  that  he  began  his  operations  in  Italy. 
"  Their  territory,  therefore,  formed  the  limit  between  two 
"  things  totally  distinct — his  losses  in  Italy,  and  those  in  the 
"  Alps.  It  is  not  necessary  that  the  country  of  the  Taurini 
"  should  be  the  first  of  Italy  into  which  he  descended  from 
"  the  Alps  ;  it  sufficed  that  it  was  the  first  where  he  fought  a 
"  battle.  The  former  explication  is  adopted  by  Livy,  but  the 
"  latter  appears  to  me  very  capable  of  being  defended.  It 
"  deprives  the  Latin  historian  of  what  appears  to  him  a 
"  decisive  proof.  It  even  turns  this  alleged  proof  against 
"  him,  by  laying  open  the  source  of  his  mistake." 


CHAP.  II.]  Livy  damaqcd  hy  his  man  Facts.  193 

Presently  Gibbon  hesitates,  and  says  this — "  I  confess  in- 
"  deed  that  the  sense  of  this  famous  passage  is  rather  guessed 
"  at  than  explained :  so  perplexed,  defective,  and  faulty  is  its 
"  construction.  Critics  have  endeavoured  to  correct  it ;  but 
"  it  should  seem  more  natural  to  say  that  Livy  copied  Cincius, 
"  and  that  the  latter  had  preserved  the  very  words  of  the 
"  Carthaginian  general,  who  spoke  Latin  like  a  foreigner." 

This  whimsical  conjecture  does  not  aid  to  solve  difficulty. 
It  may  be,  that  Hannibal  was  not  quite  fluent  in  Latin  con- 
versation :  but  he  and  his  prisoner  need  not  have  conversed  in 
Latin :  Cincius  wrote  his  history  in  Greek.  The  whole  of 
the  discussion  is  confused.  The  perplexity  is  from  Livy's 
own  words,  which  are  meant  to  give  the  grounds  of  his 
opinion,  but  which  fail  to  do  so,  not  telling  us  what  it  was 
that  had  met  mth  universal  assent :  only  that  his  own  theory 
did  not. 

If  Mr.  Gibbon  were  living  and  should  continue  to  suspect 

the  conversation  of  Hannibal,  Dr.  Ukert  and  Mr.  Ellis  might 

tempt  him  to  enlarge  his  comments  on  the  latinity.     These 

advocates  of  the  Cenis  have  each  used  versions  of  the  text, 

which  show  an  effort  to  remove  the  word  "  Taurinis  "  from  its 

proper  use  in  the  sentence,  and  bring  it  into  connexion  with 

"  degressum." 

Version  of  Dr.  Ukert. 

In  the  2d  volume  of  the  Professor's  G^ographie,  p.  604,  his 
version  places  a  fuU  stop  after  "amisisse" ;  closing  the  reference 
to  Cincius  without  the  idea  of  Taurini.  Livy  is  made  to  say 
on  his  own  account,  "  In  Taurinis,  quae  Gallis  proxima  gens 
"  est,  in  Italiam  degressum  quum  inter  omnes  constet,  eo 
"  magis  miror,"  &c.  The  word  "  id  "  is  omitted ;  and  those 
ten  words,  being  cut  off  from  the  previous  sentence,  make  the 
nominative  to  "  constet,"  By  this  modelling  of  sentences,  Livy's 
statement  on  Hannibal's  losses  loses  all  its  point :  for  the 
losses  were  those  which  occurred  between  crossing  the  Rhone 

VOL.  11.  0 


194  Comparison  of  the  Histories,  [part  XI. 

and  coming  into  the  Taurini.  This  version  also  damages  the 
Latin :  "  in  Tanrinis  "  being  a  clumsy  addition  to  "  degressum 
in  Italiam." 

Version  of  Mr.  Ellis. 

In  VoL  III.  of  the  Camhridge  Journal  of  Philology,  p.  32, 
the  version  of  Mr.  EUis  has  a  comma  inserted  after  "amisisse  " 
and  omits  "in "  before  "  Tanrinis  :"  so  that  it  stands  thus  : — 
"  amisisse,  Taurinis,  quae  Gallis  proxima  gens  erat,  in  Italiam 
"degressum.  Id  quum  inte  romnes  constet,  eo  magis  miror,"  &c. 
This  also  diverts  the  idea  of  Taurini  from  the  statement  of 
losses,  and  attaches  it  to  the  descent  from  the  Alps :  and  here 
again,  "Taurinis"  is  a  clumsy  addition  to  "degressum  in 
Italiam." 

If  Gibbon  could  have  seen  these  later  attempts  to  express 
Livy's  thoughts,  he  might  have  been  more  indulgently  inclined 
to  what  he  thought  was  the  Latin  of  Hannibal.  Let  these 
learned  Cenisians  settle  their  punctuation  as  they  will ;  and 
determine  the  comparative  merits  of  "degressum  in  Italiam 
Taurinis  "  and  "  degressum  in  Italiam  in  Taurinis." 

On  the  notion  that  Turin  stood  in  the  line  of  march. 

Many  critics  think  that,  as  Hannibal  chastised  the  Taurini 
before  he  moved  forward  to  meet  Scipio,  he  must  have  chosen 
that  course  through  the  Alps,  by  which  Turin  would  lie  in 
his  way.  They  reason  thus — "  If  Hannibal  had  entered  Italy 
"  from  the  Graian  or  the  Penine  pass,  what  business  had  he 
"  in  the  Taurini  ?  Those  passes  would  have  brought  him 
"  down  into  Gaul :  the  Cottian  Alp  sent  him  straight  on  to 
"  the  Ligurian  Taurini,  a  people  whom  all  admit  him  to  have 
"  attacked  after  his  arrival  in  Italy."  We  admit  that  he 
attacked  them  ;  but  not  that  he  thought  of  doing  so  till  the 
necessity  arose;  which  was  while  he  lay  encamped  among 
his  friends  the  Gauls.     Some  there  are,  who  presume  that  he 


CHAP.  II.]  Livy  damaged  hy  his  own  Facts,  195 

must  have  contrived  the  nearest  road  from  the  Is^re  to  Turin  ; 
and  therefore  would  not  have  approached  them  by  the  valley 
of  the  Doria :  and  that,  if  he  had  come  down  that  valley,  he 
would  not  have  strayed  from  line  of  operations  by  turning 
against  the  Taurini.     Both  arguments  are  unfounded. 

Ukert's  comment  on  behalf  of  the  Cenis  is  thus  exhibited 
by  Dr.  Thirlwall  in  the  Philological  Museum,  iii.  p.  683:  — 
"  The  motive  for  quitting  the  Iske  at  Montmeillan  is  suffi- 
"  ciently  indicated  by  the  map,  which  shows  that  the  road 
"  from  hence  to  Turin,  compared  with  that  by  the  Little 
"  St.  Bernard,  is  the  chord  of  a  great  curve."  A  similar  con- 
ception was  indulged  by  Mr.  Whitaker,  in  conceding  the 
apparent  probability  of  the  Mont  Gen^vre,  i.  19.  "  Over  this 
"  mountain,  Mont  Genevre,  is  the  natural  line  of  Hannibal's 
"  march  at  present,  Turin  being  his  grand  object." 

I  know  not  how  it  has  been  discovered,  that  Hannibal  was 
providing  for  a  Taurine  war  before  he  directed  his  march  to 
the  Alps.  Livy's  story,  "  peropportun^  ad  principia  rerum," 
&c.,  gives  no  countenance  to  such  a  notion :  on  the  contrary,  it 
imports  that  the  opportunity  of  chastising  an  enemy  came 
unlocked  for.  It  is  one  of  the  many  futile  fancies  which  this 
controversy  has  called  forth,  to  imagine  Hannibal  on  the  Is^re, 
studying  the  most  direct  line  to  Turin.  If  Turin  existed,  and 
a  Taurine  war  had  then  occupied  a  chief  place  in  his  thoughts 
instead  of  none  at  all,  it  would  not  have  influenced  his  course 
through  the  Alps.  Their  importance  was  in  themselves  ; 
whatever  was  his  best  way  through  the  Alps,  was  also  his 
best  way  to  attain  a  town  on  the  other  side.  A  few  miles 
saved  in  the  plain  were  as  nothing,  compared  with  an 
advantage  gained  in  the  mountains. 

Some  who  cannot  believe  in  the  deviation  of  a  few  miles  to 
the  hostile  town,  wherever  it  was,  by  reason  of  the  time  that 
it  would  consume,  cont^d  with  an  appropriate  inconsistency, 
that  this  very  object  was  of  sufficient  importance  to  decide 

o2 


196  Com'paTison  of  the  Histories.  [part  xi. 

tlie  course  by  which  the  invaders  should  attempt  the  Alps. 
But,  if  we  could  suppose  that  the  anticipation  of  a  Taurine 
enemy  could  have  swayed  the  election  of  a  pass,  the  Cottian 
pass  is  just  that  which  he  would  not  have  elected.  He  was 
one,  who  could  appreciate  the  severity  of  the  great  mountain 
enterprise,  and  foresee  the  consequences.  On  reaching  the 
plain,  his  men  were  unfit  for  conflict :  "  squalida  et  prop^ 
efferata  corpora — armare  exercitum  non  poterat."  The  repose 
which  was  to  precede  action  would  be  better  enjoyed  among 
acknowledged  friends  who  bordered  on  the  enemy's  country 
than  among  the  enemies  themselves.  There  is  a  just  comment 
made  by  Dr.  Arnold,  which  favours  the  Little  St.  Bernard ; 
namely,  that  it  led  more  directly  into  the  country  of  the 
expected  allies,  than  the  shorter  passage  into  Italy  by  the 
Cottian  Alps.*  The  fact  is  true :  and  it  is  an  important  one  : 
but  if  the  mountain  dangers  had  been  greater  than  in  other 
routes,  even  the  arrival  among  friends  in  the  plain  might  not 
alone  have  been  a  cause  of  preference. 

The  other  argument  is  urged  in  recent  opinions,  civil  and 
military.  M.  Letronne,  speaking  of  the  reduction  of  the 
Taurine  town,  says  :  "Get  ^v^nement  ach^ve  de  prouver  que  le 
"  Mont  Gen^vL'e  fut  le  lieu  du  passage  :  Turin,  place  au  con- 
"  fluent  de  la  Doria  et  du  P6,  opposoit  aux  Carthaginois  une 
"  barri^re  qu'il  falloit  renverser  pour  passer  outre.  La  prise 
"  de  cette  ville  ^toit  done  necessaire :  dans  I'hypoth^se  de 
"  M.  De  Luc,  elle  est  inexplicable."  f  M.  Baud^  de  Lavallette 
writes,  p.  108  :  "Si  on  le  fait  descendre  du  petit  St.  Bernard, 
"  ce  si^ge  de  trois  jours  devient  inexplicable :  c'est  un  long 
"  detour,  un  ecart  inutile,  oh  s'amortit  Telan  de  sa  marche 
"  rapide  :  c'est  un  veritable  hors  d'ceuvre  dans  ses  operations. 
"  Eien  ne  saurait  excuser  la  supposition  ni  faire  admettre 
"  I'idee  d'une  excursion  si  Strange."     General  St.  Cyr  Nugues 

*  Note  L  to  page  84. 

t  Journal  des  Savans.     Janv.  1819,  p.  34. 


CHAP.  II.]  Livy  damaged  hy  his  own  Facts,  197 

expresses  the  same  notions  (p.  22),  insisting  that  Hannibal 
would  only  have  lost  ground  and  wasted  time  by  attacking 
the  Taurini,  "  dans  la  vue  de  forcer  un  passage  qu'ils  lui  fer- 
ment et  dont  il  n'a  pas  besoin." 

If  the  Taurine  town  was  on  the  site  of  Turin,  which  I  see 
no  reason  to  assume,  Hannibal's  policy  was  to  seize  the  first 
opportunity  of  encouraging  his  troops  by  a  successful  effort 
on  Italian  ground  ;  of  crushing  those  who  dared  to  declare 
against  him  and  reject  his  friendship ;  of  assuring  his  allies. 
Livy's  remark  is,  that  the  occasion  of  striking  such  a  blow  at 
the  outset  of  the  campaign  was  offered  to  him  most  oppor- 
tunely. It  is  true  that  the  line  of  his  operations  was  down 
the  Po :  but  it  was  his  principle  not  to  leave  an  efficient 
enemy  in  his  rear.  Among  the  urgent  motives  to  the  reduc- 
tion of  Saguntum,  we  read,  to  he  iJb€rfL(TTov,  ovBev  dTroXtiruyv 
OTTLadev  TToXi/jiiov,  aa^aXw^i  TrotrjaaaOaL  ttjv  eh  Tov/JLirpoadev 
iropeLav*  The  same  wisdom  belonged  to  another  invader, 
"  quod  neque  post  tergum  hostem  relinquere  volebat."  f 

Such  motive  was  cogent  to  justify  the  delay  which  the 
operation  of  chastising  the  Taurini  might  cause ;  and  wisely 
did  Hannibal  turn  aside  for  it.  The  end  was  commensurate. 
Polybius  tells  us  (iii.  60),  that  he  struck  so  great  a  terror  into 
the  barbarians  around,  that  all,  not  under  present  coercion  of 
the  Eomans,  promptly  avowed  their  allegiance  to  him.  Nor 
is  it  clear  that  the  operation  did  cause  delay.  Some  length 
of  time  necessarily  elapsed  between  the  escape  of  the  army 
from  the  Alps,  and  their  competence  to  march  forward  against 
Scipio  :  and,  as  the  movement  which  destroyed  the  Taurini 
may  only  have  required  a  portion  of  the  army,  it  may  have 
been  completed  before  they  were  ready  to  move  in  mass  down 
the  Po :  in  which  case  no  increased  procrastination  of  the 
campaign  resulted  from  it. 

I  have  pointed  out  as  clearly  as  I  can,  the  nature  and  the 
*  Polyb.  iii.  17.  f  De  Bello  Galileo,  iv.  22. 


1 98  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [paet  xi. 

value  of  Livy's  argument  in  favour  of  the  Cottian  Alps  :  and 
now,  let  me  ask,  what  is  the  effect  of  his  disquisition  on  the 
passage  of  Hannibal  ?  The  facts  which  we  know  through  his 
disclosure  of  them  are, — that  there  was  a  prevailing  belief 
that  Hannibal  entered  Italy  by  the  valley  of  Aosta  :  that  a 
foolish  assimilation  of  the  word  Penine  to  Poeni  had  induced 
the  notion  that  he  came  into  that  valley  over  the  Penine 
pass ;  and  that  Cselius  recorded  him  to  have  reached  it  by 
the  pass  of  Cremo.  Is  it  not  curious,  that  Livy  himself,  the 
advocate  of  the  Cottian  pass,  should  be  the  reporter  of  these 
striking  and  important  facts  ?  The  legitimate  application  of 
them  is  purely  in  favour  of  the  pass  of  Cremo.  Livy,  how- 
ever, objected  to  that  pass :  he  did  not  believe  it  to  have  been 
open  in  so  early  times.  The  pass  of  Cremo,  the  Little  St. 
Bernard,  had  been  traversed  by  Eoman  armies  fi'om  the  time 
he  was  born ;  and  it  became  a  great  Military  Way  of  the 
Empire.  He  advances  no  good  reason  to  impeach  that  pass : 
but  discloses  matters  which  are  powerful  to  support  it.  If, 
besides  all  this,  his  argument  for  his  own  hypothesis  is  as 
nugatory  as  I  have  on  fair  examination  shown  it  to  be,  we 
are  entitled  to  claim  him  as  a  witness,  an  involuntary  witness, 
in  support  of  Polybian  truth. 

CHAPTEE  III. 

Of  writers  prior  to  Livy  no  one  favours  his  hypothesis.  In 
addition  to  the  historians  Polyhius  and  Ccelius,  we  find 
some  evidence  in  Sallust  and  Cornelius  Nepos,  tending  in 
favour  of  the  Little  St.  Bernard.  Writers  after  Livy  give 
no  light.  Silius  Italicus.  Pliny,  Appian,  Ammianus 
Marcellinus. 

SALLUST. 

Theee  is  an  observation  in  Mr.  Merivale's  History  of  the 
Romans  under  the  Empire^  which,  being  found  in  so  great  a 


CHAP.  III.]  None  have  supjported  Livy.  199 

work,  I  cannot  leave  unnoticed.  In  vol.  i.  c.  6.  p.  290,  having 
stated  that  Caesar  hurried  back  into  Gaul  by  the  route  of  the 
Cottian  Alps,  we  read  in  a  note,  "  The  more  usual  but  longer 
*'  route  would  be  that  by  the  Col  de  Tiniers  and  Barcelonette, 
"  discovered  by  Pompeius.  Sail.  Ft.  Hist,  iii  3.  Appian, 
"  B.C.  i.  119.     Walckenaer,  0.  des  G.  i.  225,  538." 

I  can  only  suppose  that  Mr.  Merivale  has  stated  the 
opinion  of  the  Baron  Walckenaer  without  scrutiny,  entering 
as  authority  the  references  of  that  writer  without  consulting 
them  himself.  There  is  nothing  which  appears  to  warrant  or 
provoke  the  introduction  of  the  name  of  Sallust,  for  carrying 
Pompey  over  the  Pass  here  denominated  Col  de  Tiniers.  This 
singular  notion  seems  to  have  been  caused  by  an  unsuccessful 
effort  on  the  part  of  Baron  Walckenaer  to  render  a  few 
words  of  Appian,  whereby  he  has  converted  a  disaster  of 
Pompey  in  Spain  into  a  success  of  Pompey  in  France. 

Let  us  first  vindicate  Sallust.  Among  the  fragments  of  his 
works  is  a  despatch  addressed  by  Pompey  to  the  Senate  about 
the  year  75  B.C.  Pompey  is  remonstrating  with  the  Senate 
for  starving  the  war  in  Spain.  With  feelings  of  resentment 
and  indignation,  he  points  out  what  in  three  years  he  has 
done  for  them,  and  what  they  have  not  done  for  him — "  Per 
"  Deos  immortales,  utrum  censetis  me  vicem  serarii  pra3stare, 
"  an  exercitum  sine  frumento  et  stipendiis  habere  posse  ? 
"  Equidem  fateor  me  ad  hoc  bellum  majore  studio  qu^m 
"  consilio  profectum  :  quippe  qui,  nomine  modo  imperii  h. 
"  vobis  accepto,  diebus  quadraginta  exercitum  paravi :  hostes- 
"  que  in  cervicibus  jam  Italise  agentes,  ab  Alpibus  in  His- 
"  paniam  submovi.  Per  eas  iter,  aliud  atque  Hannibal,  nobis 
"  opportunius,  patefeci.  Kecepi  Galliam,  Pyrenseum,  &c." 
This  must  be  the  fragment  referred  to  for  the  Col  de  Tiniers  ! 

Let  us  look  to  the  other  references  for  Pompey  crossing  a 
Col  de  Tiniers,  meaning,  I  presume,  a  pass  accessible  by 
ascendinj.^  tlie  river  Tinea.     The  Baron  Walckenaer  writes 


200  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  XI. 

thus,  p.  225  : — "  Le  premier  qui  d^couvrit  un  passage  des 
"  Alpes  diiferent  de  celui  que  nous  venous  de  nommer,  est 
"  Pomp^e,  qui  s'en  fit  un  titre  d'honneur  aupr^s  du  Senat, 
"  ainsi  que  nous  le  voyons  par  une  de  ses  lettres  conserv^es 
"  dans  les  fragmens  de  Salluste — lib.  iii.  p.  157.  J'ai  prouve 
"  ailleurs  que  eette  route,  peu  Eloign ee  de  celle  des  Alpes 
**  maritimes,  etait  le  passage  du  col  de  Timers  et  de  la  vallee 
"  de  Barcelonette ;  mais  comme  ce  passage  retombait  dans 
"  celui  des  Alpes  maritimes,  il  n'en  fut  jamais  distingue.  Le 
"  lieu  nomme  Lauro  dans  Appien,  o^  Pompee  posa  son  camp 
"  apres  avoir  defait  les  Gaulois,  est  Laures,  dans  la  vallee  de 
"  Barcelonette."     See  also  p.  538. 

In  a  note  to  the  same  page  (225)  of  Partie  ii.  ch.  1,  of 
Geographic  des  Gaules,  there  is  this  translation  of  Appian  : 
"  Pompee  fut  charge  de  se  mettre  en  marche  pour  I'lberie :  il 
"  prit  courageusement  le  chemin  des  Alpes.  II  ne  suivit  pas 
"  la  route  frayee  par  Annibal,  et  il  s'en  ouvrit  une  nouvelle." 
"  Appien  ajoute  que  Pompee,  apres  avoir  defait  les  Gaulois, 
*'  posa  son  camp  pres  d'un  lieu  nomme  Lauro,  qu'il  le  prit,  le 
"  saccagea,  et  le  detruisit.  Laures,  qui  est  Lauro,  se  trouvait 
"  en  effet  sur  la  route  de  Pompee  :  quelques  cartes  nomment 
*'  a  tort  ce  lieu  Lauret." 

Such  is  the  Baron's  version  of  Appian.  Now  see  what 
that  author  has  said  according  to  some  editions.  He  states 
that  "  Pompey,  being  commissioned  to  Spain  with  a  fresh 
"  army,  struck  boldly  through  the  Alps  by  a  new  route  dif- 
"  ferent  from  that  of  Hannibal,  and  near  to  the  sources  of  the 
"  Rhone  and  the  Po,  rivers  that  rise  in  the  Alps  not  far  from 
"  one  another."  He  then  writes — a<j>LKo^evov  S'  e?  'l^rjpLav, 
avTiKa  6  '2€pT(opio<;  reXo?  oXx)v  iwl  ')(opTo\oyiav  i^tov  avTo2<: 
vTTo^vytoif;  koX  OepdirovaL  avveKoyjre*  Kal  Aavpcova  TroXtv 
e<^op6)vTo^  avTOv  Hojiirrjiov  BitjpTraa-e  koI  /careaKayfrev — edit. 
Amstelodaini,  ii.  696.  "  When  Pompey  had  arrived  in  Spain, 
"  Sertorius  succeeded  in  entirely  cutting  off  one  of  his  legions 


CHA:^.  III.]  None  have  supported  Livij.  201 

"which  was  out  foraging,  together  with  its  followers  and 
"  baggage  cattle ;  and  assaulted  and  plundered  the  town  of 
"  Lauro  under  the  eyes  of  Pompey  himself."  The  innovation 
of  the  critic  seems  to  be,  that  he  substitutes  "  apres  avoir 
d^fait  les  Gaulois  "  for  d<])CKO{jievov  B'  e§  ^l^rjpiav,  and  makes 
Pompey  the  nominative  to  ScTjpiraa-e  Kal  KaTeaKa^jreVy  instead 
of  Sertorius.* 

As  to  the  supposed  route,  I  find  no  meaning  in  the  propo- 
sition, "  ce  passage  retombait  dans  celui  des  Alpes  maritimes 
— 11  n'en  fut  jamais  distingu^."  Such  a  route  would  from 
Nice  proceed  up  the  Var  by  Aspremont,  then  up  the  Tinea 
by  St.  Sauveur  and  St.  Etienne,  and  then  over  the  Col  in 
question  to  Barcelonette  in  the  valley  of  the  Ubaye.  Tliis 
course  and  the  route  of  the  maritime  Alps,  are  from  the  Var 
to  the  Ehone  utterly  dissociated.  Such,  however,  is  the 
Baron's  "  opportunius  iter."  I  should  think  that,  if  Pompey 
had  ever  got  to  Nice  in  his  way  to  Spain,  he  would  have 
proceeded  by  the  Military  Way  then  already  established 
through  Prejus  and  Aix.  If  curiosity  should  lead  any  man 
over  the  Col  de  Timers,  let  him  come  again  and  try  the 
Estrelles :  then  let  him  say  which  is  the  easiest  and 
pleasantest  march  :  and  let  him,  if  he  can,  find  the  meaning 
of  "jamais  distingue." 

Let  us  now  see  whether  this  despatch  of  Pompey,  as  re- 
ported by  Sallust,  may  throw  light  on  the  track  of  Hannibal. 
Pompey  claims  credit  for  having  opened  to  the  Eomans  a 
military  way  through  the  Alps  to  Spain  more  convenient 
than  that  by  which  Hannibal  had  come  from  Spain  into 
Italy.  He  names  neither  pass  ;  but  he  distinguishes  his  own 
from  that  of  Hannibal :  and  speaks  of  the  latter  as  a  thing 
known  and  recognised  by  those  to  whom  he  writes.     Which 

*  The  author  refers  also  to  "Tanalyse  des  Itineraires"  in  his 
3d  vol.  (p.  41,  I  beHeve);  but  there  I  found  no  assistance. 


202  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  XI. 

then  was  the  "  opportunius  iter"  of  Pompey?  Enough  has 
been  said  to  negative  the  Col  de  Timers.  So  also  it  was  not 
the  coast  line :  Pompey  could  not  boast  of  that  as  his  own 
discovery ;  for  Eoman  armies  had  used  it  for  half  a  century 
or  more.  Also  we  may  throw  aside  the  Col  d'Argentiere  and 
the  Col  de  Viso,  as  Pompey  has  not  yet  been  charged  with 
making  those  passages.  We  need  only  advert  to  the  Mont 
Genevre,  the  Mont  Cenis,  the  Little  St.  Bernard  and  the 
Great  St.  Bernard. 

The  superior  convenience  and  facility  of  the  Genevre  have 
satisfied  many  in  construing  the  words  of  Pompey,  both  that 
it  was  his  own  pass,  and  that  it  was  not  the  pass  of  Hannibal : 
for,  if  it  had  been,  there  was  none  which  Pompey  could,  on 
comparison,  call  "  opportunius  "  for  himself.  All  who  carry 
Haimibal  by  any  one  of  the  three  more  northern  passes,  may 
acquiesce  in  the  Genevre  as  the  route  of  Pompey,  and  ac- 
knowledge it  as  the  most  convenient  "  in  Hispaniam."  Even 
Mr.  Ellis,  who  sends  Hannibal  over  the  Little  Mont  Cenis,  as 
"  the  earliest  known  passage,"  and  whose  etymology  compels 
Csesar  into  the  same  track,  even  he  seems  to  tolerate  the 
Genevre  as  the  pass  of  the  intermediate  general.  He  states 
{Journ.  of  Phil.  No.  7,  p.  20) — "  Mr.  Law  says  that  Pompey's 
"  march  to  Spain  was  undoubtedly  over  the  Mont  Genevre. 
"  I  wish  I  could  prove  this,  as  it  is  exactly  the  assumption 
"  that  I  should  wish  to  make."  I  must  take  exception  to  the 
word  "exactly."  Our  routes  would  differ  exceedingly.  Erom 
the  Po  to  Cesanne  they  have  not  a  yard  in  common.  Mr. 
Ellis  would  carry  him  through  Susa  :  T  know  that  Csesar 
in  his  march  quitted  the  Inner  Province  at  Ocelum  :  and  I 
believe  that  Pompey  had  there  established  a  garrison  post  on 
the  frontier  sixteen  years  before.  He  was  bound  for  Spain, 
and  his  way  was  down  the  Durance.  No  Eoman  way  to  those 
Alps  through  Susa  then  existed. 

But,  while  Pompey's  letter  indicates  that  the  Genevre  was 


CHAP.  III.]  None  have  supported  Livy.  203 

his  own  pass,  does  it  help  us  to  recognise  any  one  of  the 
other  three  as  the  pass  of  Hannibal  ?  I  think  that  it  does 
so ;  and  for  this  reason.  He  takes  Hannibal's  route  as  a 
standard  of  comparison,  as  a  thing  known  to,  and  acknow- 
ledged by  those  whom  he  is  addressing ;  and  it  is  probable 
in  itself,  that  the  passage  so  understood  between  them  should 
be  the  same,  which  at  that  time  stood  designated  by  one 
historian  of  established  reputation,  Cselius  Antipater,  and 
which  soon  after  was  so  clearly  pointed  out  by  another,  Cor- 
nelius Nepos.  It  is  far  less  probable  that  the  track  which 
in  this  correspondence  was  recognised  as  the  iter  of  Hannibal, 
should  be  a  track  which  is  not  found  mentioned  or  referred  to 
in  history  till  fully  900  years  later. 

The  Cenis  is,  I  believe,  not  to  be  recognised  in  the  whole 
range  of  ancient  literature.  Even  that  curiosity  of  later  date, 
the  Chart  of  Peutinger,  while  it  exhibits  new  tracks  within 
the  Alps  not  known  to  the  Eoman  itineraries,  is  exempt  from 
any  discovery  of  the  Cenis  route.  I  have  never  urged  the 
ancient  ignorance  of  the  Cenis  as  itself  conclusive  on  this 
question  of  Hannibal :  but  it  is  a  very  important  circum- 
stance :  and  when  the  great  genera],  who  had  triumphed  over 
the  Alps  in  his  way  to  Spain,  is  bringing  forward,  for  com- 
parison as  ascertained  things,  the  two  routes,  his  own  and  the 
earlier  course  of  Hannibal,  it  is  greatly  to  the  purpose  that 
we  know  only  of  two  writers  prior  to  the  controversy  after- 
wards made  by  Livy,  who  gave  a  name  to  that  earlier  course  : 
and  that  they  pointed  out  unmistakeably  the  course  of  the 
Little  St.  Bernard ;  Cselius  in  the  term  "  Cremonis  jugum," 
and  Cornelius  Nepos  as  the  pass  of  the  Graian  Hercules. 
Pompey  writes  between  the  periods  of  these  two  definite 
commemorations  :  he  treats  the  pass  of  Hannibal  as  a  known 
thing,  and  negatives  the  more  commodious  pass  of  the 
Genevre :  may  we  not  then  believe,  that  he  apprehended 
that  which  had  been  named  by  the  standard  historian  who 


204  Comparison  of  the  Histoi^ies,  [pakt  XI. 

preceded  him,  and  was  soon  named  again  by  the  accomplished 
writer  who  succeeded  him  ? 

This  recognition  of  the  pass  by  the  earlier  authorities  aids 
the  belief  that  the  controversy  began  with  Livy.  The  only 
good  sense  which  belongs  to  his  criticism  is  available,  not 
against  the  truth,  but  against  that  which  had  chanced  to 
pervert  the  truth  :  like  other  critics,  he  vanquishes  a  phantom. 
The  nonsense  about  the  Penine,  which  he  exposes,  had  not 
embarrassed  the  minds  of  Pompey  or  Nepos :  we  hear  of  it 
first  in  Livy's  report.  I  may  add,  that,  if  any  should  not 
credit  the  despatch  of  Pompey,  but  think  it  to  have  been 
written,  as  speeches  are,  by  the  historian  for  his  hero,  the 
argument  remains  the  same  :  Sallust  was  of  a  generation  prior 

to  Livy. 

Cornelius  Nepos. 

This  author,  writing,  as  I  have  said,  before  the  criticism  of 
Livy,  notices  the  Carthaginian  passage  in  his  Life  of  Ha7inihal. 
He  says  this  : — "  Ad  Alpes  posteaquam  venit  quae  Italiam 
"  ab  Gallia  sejungunt,  quas  nemo  unquam  cum  exercitu  ante 
"  eum  prgeter  Herculem  Graium  transierat  (quo  facto  is  liodie 
"  saltus  Grains  appellatur),  Alpicos  conantes  prohibere  tran- 
"  situm  concidit ;  loca  patefecit,  itinera  muniit,  effecitque  ut 
"  ea  elephantus  ornatus  ire  posset,  qua  ante  unus  homo 
"  inermis  vix  poterat  repere." 

The  anonymous  critic  of  Cambridge,  1830,  who  has  been 
occasionally  alluded  to,  denies  that  this  evidence  favours  the 
Graian  Alp.  He  denies  (pp.  25,  26),  that  the  words  repre- 
sent Hannibal  to  have  crossed  the  Graian  Alp,  or  followed  the 
steps  of  Hercules  :  his  opinion  is,  that  "  is  saltus"  means  only 
the  pass  where  Hercules  crossed ;  not  the  "  pass  of  Hannibal." 
But  he  is  mistaken :  "  is  saltus  "  is  not  explained  by  gram- 
matical relation  :  for  no  "  saltus  "  or  pass  has  been  spoken  t)f 
before.  But,  as  "  is  saltus  "  must  mean  some  pass,  we  seek  it 
in  the  context  of  the  previous  words  ;  and  from  them  we  find 


CHAP.  III.]  •  None  have  sujyported  Livy.  205 

it  to  mean  "  that  over  which  none  but  Hercules  had  gone  with 
an  army  before  Hannibal."  Accordingly,  Hannibal  was  the 
first  who  crossed  it  with  an  army  after  Hercules  :  and  the 
pass  spoken  of  is  that  of  Hercules  and  Hannibal.  If  the 
words  in  parenthesis  were  wanting,  the  idea  that  none  but 
Hercules  had  ever  crossed  with  an  army  before  Hannibal 
might  be  applied  to  the  entire  Alps  that  range  between  Gaul 
and  Italy  :  but  the  words  "  quo  factu  is,"  &c.  limit  the  appli- 
cation of  that  idea  to  the  one  particular  pass.  Cornelius 
Nepos  would  never  have  applied  the  proposition  to  all  those 
Alps  ;  he  could  not  mean  to  say  that  none  but  Hercules  ever 
led  an  army  over  the  Alps  till  218  A.c.  He  was  well  aware 
of  the  large  bodies  which  before  Hannibal's  time  had  crossed 
the  Penine  under  Viridomarus  and  others  :  it  was  the  Graian 
Alp  which  he  considered  to  have  been  traversed  before  Han- 
nibal only  by  the  expedition  of  Hercules.  The  way  was 
called  Graian,  from  the  Graian  Hercules  who  first  crossed  it. 
But  what  way  ?  The  way  of  Hannibal :  Hannibal's  way  is 
the  subject  which  employs  the  writer. 

The  same  critic  has  discovered  another  reason  that 
Cornelius  Nepos  did  not  impute  the  same  pass  to  Hercules 
and  Hannibal :  namely,  that  the  wretched  track  of  the  latter, 
"  qua  unus  homo  inermis  vix  poterat  repere,"  could  not  be 
one  which  had  given  passage  to  Hercules  and  his  army :  he 
is  confident  that  Hannibal  would  have  found  a  good  wide 
road  if  he  had  followed  Hercules.  I  cannot  admit  this 
necessity.  Without  disparaging  the  merit  of  Hercules  as  an 
engineer,  one  may  conceive  his  improvements  to  have  become 
obliterated  after  the  lapse  of  ten  centuries. 

Here,  again,  as  in  the  dispatch  of  Pompey,  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  the  author,  a  learned  and  accomplished  man, 
the  friend  and  biographer  of  Cicero,  speaks  of  the  pass  of 
Hannibal  as  a  thing  known  to  his  readers,  without  any  mark 
of  doubt. 


206  Com]paHso7i  of  the  Histories.  [part  xi. 

Writers  after  Livy. 

An  author  so  popular  and  fascinating  as  Livy,  was  likely 
to  make  proselytes  to  his  opinion.  But  his  influence  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  so  great  of  old  as  upon  the  savans  of  the 
18th  and  19th  centuries.  Indeed  his  successors  are  not  seen 
to  have  made  a  question  on  Hannibal's  march. 

Silius  Italicus  is  claimed  as  an  ally  by  some  French  critics  ; 
and  they  are  welcome  to  his  assistance.  He  was  born  soon 
after  the  death  of  Livy,  and,  as  to  the  route,  is  to  some  extent 
a  versifier  of  Livy,  but  not  without  poetical  variety.  From 
the  Pyrenees  he  seems  to  conduct  Hannibal  to  Lyons  :  for  he 
describes  the  more  vigorous  stream  embracing  the  gentler 
waters  of  the  Arar,  and  carrying  them  along  with  his  own. 
So,  when  we  come  to  Asdrubal's  expedition,  whom  Livy  brings 
from  Spain  through  the  Arverni,  the  poet  seems  to  do  the 
same,  by  placing  in  his  way  the  dwellers  on  the  lazy  Arar  : 
after  which  this  general  appears  to  cross  the  Alps  by  fol- 
lowing the  steps  of  his  brother,  Hercules  having  been  the 
precursor  of  both. 

When  the  armament  has  crossed  the  Ehone,  the  poet  con- 
trives to  fall  into  the  track  of  Livy:  we  meet  with  "Tricas- 
tinus  finibus,  rura  Vocontia,  turbidus  Druentia  ; "  and  when 
Hannibal  has  subdued  the  Alps  by  combustion,  he  is  brought 
to  an  encampment  "  Taurinis  campis."  The  noble  Eoman  does 
not  further  mark  his  own  view  of  the  controversy  on  the  route. 
When  Hannibal  has  reached  the  summit,  no  locality  is  to  be 
found  for  it,  unless  through  the  remote  idea  of  Taurini.  The 
poet  exhibits  Venus  coaxing  Jupiter  to  favour  the  descendants 
of  ^neas  :  but  she  does  not  happen  to  mention  the  particular 
Alpine  heights  against  which  it  would  be  expedient  to  hurl 
the  divine  thunderbolt  for  arresting  the  Carthaginian  progress. 

Pliny  was  a  very  learned  man :  but  his  belief  was  not 
diverted  from  the  valley  of  Aosta  to  the  Cottian  Alp  :  enume- 


CHAP.  III.]  None  have  mpported  Livy.  207 

rating  places  and  peoples  in  a  geographical  work,  he  fixes 
the  position  of  Aosta,  giving  the  names  of  the  two  Alpine 
tracks  which  meet  there — Salassorum  Augusta  Prsetoria, 
juxta  geminas  Alpium  fauces,  Graias  atque  Peninas — and 
he  adds  the  vulgar  reputation  of  their  origin,  '^  His  Panos, 
Graiis  Herculem  transisse  memorant."     Lib.  iii.  21. 

Appian,  who  flourished  about  60  years  later,  in  his  book  on 
the  wars  of  Hannibal  (p.  315)  says,  that  he  made  his  way 
through  the  Alps  with  fire  and  vinegar ;  that  he  descended 
into  the  plain ;  and,  having  rested  for  a  time,  moved  on  to 
Taurasia,  a  Celtic  town,  and,  taking  it  by  storm  massacred  the 
inhabitants,  and  then  advanced  to  the  Po  and  encamped.  He 
further  informs  us,  De  Bell.  Civit  p.  419,  that  Pompey  did 
not  adopt  the  same  track ;  that  he  ascended  the  Alps,  not 
according  to  the  great  enterprise  of  Hannibal,  but  cutting 
through  by  a  different  way  about  the  sources  of  the  Rhone 
and  the  Po,  rivers  which  rise  not  far  from  one  another.  Thus 
Appian  appears  impartial  in  the  patronage  which  he  affords 
to  the  two  great  historians.  The  conquest  of  the  Alps  by  fire 
and  vinegar  is  favourable  to  the  authority  of  Livy  :  the 
source  of  the  Rhone  is  quite  opposed  to  it ;  so  that  Mr. 
Whitaker  was  satisfied  with  Appian  as  confirming  his  own 
preference  of  the  Great  St.  Bernard. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus,  writing  towards  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century,  as  we  have  seen  already,  paints  strongly  the 
horrors  of  the  descent  into  Italy  from  the  Cottian  Alp :  but 
at  the  same  time  states  it  to  be  the  best  and  most  frequented 
in  his  day.  He  adds  that  other  ways  were  used  in  ancient 
times :  the  first  having  been  constructed  by  Hercules  near  to 
the  Maritime  Alps.  The  author  then  undertakes  to  explain 
the  reason  why  the  Poenine  Alp  came  to  be  so  caUed.  The 
explanation  is  this,  and  no  more :  that  Scipio,  finding  he 
could  not  overtake  Hannibal,  who  crossing  the  Rhone  got 
three  days'  start  of  him,  made  a  rapid  voyage  to  Genoa,  and 


208  Comparison  of  the  Histories.  [part  xi. 

waited  there  to  catch  him  on  his  descent  from  the  Alps  :  that 
Hannibal,  being  too  cunning  for  him,  "  Tanrinis  ducentibus 
"  accolis,  per  Tricastinos  et  oram  Yocontiorum  extremam  ad 
"  saltiis  Tricorios  venit :  indeque  exorsns,  aliud  iter  antehac 
"  insuperabile  fecit,  excisaque  mpe  in  irnmensnm  elata,  quam 
"  cremando  vi  magna  flammarum  acetoque  infuso  dissolvit,  per 
"  Druentiam  flumen  gurgitibus  vastis  intortum  regiones  occu- 
"  pavit  Hetruscas." — So  the  story  ends  :  The  problem,  "  hac  ex 
caus^  sunt  Alpes  excogitatse  Poeninae,"  is  not  further  elabo- 
rated :  but  the  author,  as  if  suddenly  inspired  by  Livy, 
defeats  a  prodigious  precipice  with  fire  and  vinegar  and  then 
rushes  through  the  whirlpools  of  the  Uruentia  into  Etruria. 
I  leave  it  to  the  followers  of  Mr.  Whitaker,  Lord  Wood- 
houselee,  and  Mr.  Ellis,  to  decide  whether  the  whirlpools  of 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  belonged  to  the  Arve,  the  Dranse,  or 
the  Drac. 

I  have  noticed  the  ancient  memorials  of  the  Carthaginian 
march  of  invasion,  as  far  as  I  am  invited  to  do  so  by  the 
adverse  efforts  which  have  been  made  on  the  subject.  Livy 
was  the  only  litigant :  the  only  writer  who  plainly  challenged 
existing  opinions.  When  he  approached  the  subject,  there 
had  been  no  dispute,  save  a  competition  of  the  two  lines 
which  join  one  another  at  Aosta :  and  I  have  endeavoured  to 
show  that  his  evidence  adds  strength  to  one  of  them. 

As  to  writers  who  came  after  Livy,  their  allusions  to  the 
matter  are  futile,  and  neutral  in  their  futility.  Some,  as 
PHny,  inherited  the  impression  on  the  northern  entrances, 
without  heeding  that  Livy  had  proposed  another.  Others, 
such  as  Silius  and  Ammianus,  show  by  their  incoherent  and 
contradictory  stories,  that  Livy's  theory  floated  with  others  in 
their  memories.  Some  say  too  much:  some  too  little. 
Appian  suits  no  party :  and  Florus,  caring  for  no  party,  omits 
the  Taurini  altogether.  None  treat  it  as  a  matter  of  dis- 
sension :  none  argue  it,  reasonably  or  unreasonably.    Nothing 


CHAP.  III.]  NoTie  have  supported  Livy.  209 

shows  that  Livy's  views  on  the  passage  of  Hannibal  swayed 
the  minds  of  his  countrymen  as  they  have  disturbed  the 
judgments  of  the  savana  of  modern  times. 

The  earlier  memorials,  which  could  not  be  influenced  by 
his  conceptions,  are  adverse  to  his  hypothesis  :  all  indicate 
the  passage  which  is  here  maintained :  and  he  himself,  though 
looked  upon  as  the  champion  of  a  contrary  opinion,  is  in  truth 
an  effective  witness  for  verifying  the  same  passage.  As  such,  he 
closes  a  continuous  series  ;  Polybius,  Caelius,  Pompey,  Nepos, 
Livy.  The  first  explainer  of  the  track  receives  confirmation 
from  all  the  rest :  all,  when  we  examine  them,  carry  us  to  one 
conclusion,  not  excepting  the  adversary  himself.  His  evidence 
is  strong,  though  he  felt  it  not :  its  impulse  is  against  the 
intention  of  the  writer ;  who,  as  the  advocate  of  an  unsound 
proposition,  has  disclosed  the  better  reasons  for  the  worthier 
cause.  Truth  required  not  this  corroboration :  but  we  have 
it.  If  the  march  of  Hannibal  had  found  no  memorial  in  the 
writings  of  Polybius  and  others,  there  is  in  the  history  of 
Livy  that  which  should  incline  us  to  reject  the  opinion  which 
he  himself  cherished,  and  to  believe  that  the  invaders  were 
launched  into  the  Italian  plain  through  the  valley  of  Aosta. 
His  own  statement,  which  is  aimed  against  both  the  courses 
for  entering  that  valley,  exhibits  good  reason  for  believing 
that  the  invasion  was  made  by  one,  and  that  it  was  not  made 
by  the  other. 


VOL.  11. 


THE  ALPS  OF  HANNIBAL. 

PAET   XH. 

CAUSE  OF  DOUBT.    CONCLUSION. 

CHAPTEE  I. 

Doubt  has  come  by  neglect  of  Polybius.  D'Anville  failed^  in 
ignorance  of  Polybius.  Gibbon  failed,  in  deference  to 
UAnville,  Niebuhr  did  not  fail,  Melville  had  unveiled 
the  Truth:  and  Be  Lua  had  ^proclaimed  it  adding  frcsk 
light. 

One  who  has  noted  the  phenomena  of  this  controversy,  may 
feel  what  has  been  said  by  Mr.  Babbage  concerning  more 
serious  inquiries — "  It  is  a  condition  of  our  ra<ie,  that  we  must 
ever  wade  through  error  in  our  advance  towards  truth."  I 
would  add  that,  when  error  has  been  surmounted,  it  is  useful  to 
account  for  its  having  existed.  Prominent  among  the  causes 
of  failure  in  this  long  fought  question,  is  found  that  disabling 
prejudice,  the  fear  of  difficulty.  There  has  prevailed  a  sort  of 
timid  acknowledgment  that  it  is  full  of  difficulty  and  doubt : 
and  this  impression  has  dissuaded  instead  of  stimulating  the 
spirit  of  original  search.  Many  a  critic  has  known  the  Latin 
narrative  of  events  rather  than  the  Greek :  and  it  has  hap- 
pened, that  better  men  have  adopted  the  doubts  of  their  less 
competent  predecessors.  Doubt  which  originated  in  incom- 
petence has  thus  become  inveterate,  engendering  a  general 

p2 


212  Cause  of  Doubt  [part  xii. 

persuasion  that  there  is  not  intelligible  evidence,  and  many, 
giving  undue  weight  to  prior  opinions,  have  consented  to  blame 
the  obscurity  of  truth,  themselves  making  no  effort  to  discern 
it.  There  has  been  no  want  of  courage  to  embrace  a  theory 
first,  and  work  up  arguments  for  it  afterwards,  but  great  want 
of  resolution  for  the  independent  purpose  of  sincere  inquiry 
and  interpretation. 

The  subject  has  become  one,  in  which  a  theory  cannot  be 
effectively  enforced  without  fairly  combating  other  theories : 
some  writers  abstain  from  the  pugnacious  effort ;  and  this  is 
no  proof  of  confidence  in  their  own  tenets.  The  cause  with 
some  is,  that  the  spirit  of  just  inquiry  has  yielded  to  the 
desire  to  be  original :  others  have  found  it  easier  to  invent 
than  to  explain ;  and  some  are  open  to  the  suspicion  of 
struggling  against  their  own  conviction.  Livy  was  an  original 
sceptic  :  and  was  too  easily  satisfied  on  a  hasty  and  superficial 
view  of  the  subject :  one  excuse  for  him  may  be  that  he  had 
no  knowledge  of  Alps ;  an  excuse  which  men  cannot  plead 
now.  After  reading  Poly  bins  he  resolved  to  have  an  hypo- 
thesis of  his  own :  he  expresses  neither  assent  nor  dissent ; 
nor  inquires  into  that  great  authority  on  the  invading  march. 
If  it  were  asked,  why  did  he,  in  his  discussion  of  other 
men's  opinions,  bring  forward  Caelius,  and  not  bring  forward 
Polybius,  the  most  plausible  excuse,  though  not  the  true  one, 
would  be,  that  Cselius  had  named  the  pass  of  the  Alps,  Polybius 
had  not.  This  want  of  a  name  is  an  excuse  better  suited  to 
the  moderns,  under  which  they  are  tempted  to  disregard  the 
chief  authority,  or  avoid  the  task  of  interpreting  him. 

In  progress  through  the  subject,  I  have  exhibited  by 
instances  the  extravagant  resources  which  I  began  with 
imputing  to  the  defenders  of  many  hypotheses.  But  there 
have  been  grave  and  strong  minds — minds  not  given  to  wild 
fancies  or  deformed  with  the  desire  of  novelty — whose  failure 
to  hit  the  truth  may  well  surprise  us.     It  was  said  in  the 


CHAP,  l]  Neglect  of  Polylines — Examples.  213 

outset,  that  when  the  views  of  distinguished  men  are  adduced 
for  gaining  assent  to  some  interpretation  of  the  problem,  their 
arguments  only  should  be  heeded,  not  their  names.  Profiting 
by  this  caution,  we  may  still  be  perplexed  to  conceive  how 
some  have  been  deluded  into  error,  or  disabled  from  detecting 
it.  The  fundamental  cause  of  mistake,  whether  in  critics  the 
most  distinguished  or  the  least  so,  has  been  always  this,  that 
Polybius  has  not  been  studied.  By  many  he  has  not  been 
studied  at  all ;  by  some  under  the  bias  of  unreasonable  pre- 
possession; by  few  with  any  fixed  and  steady  attention. 
Ignorance  of  his  history  in  some,  and  neglect  of  it  in  others, 
has  been  the  primary  cause  of  failure. 

If,  as  has  been  said,  the  data  are  really  insufficient  for 
solving  the  question,  all  must  fail.  But  it  is  hasty  to  pro- 
nounce them  insufficient,  till  every  effort  has  been  made  to 
comprehend  and  apply  them;  and  this  effort  is  due  now, 
among  others,  that  we  should  strive  to  discern  the  causes  of 
failure  in  those  who  seem  best  qualified  to  have  been  suc- 
cessful— men  such  as  D'Anville,  Gibbon,  and  Arnold.  If  we 
can  safely  see  the  reasons  why  they  have  not  established  the 
truth  before  the  world,  it  is  more  conceivable  that  success 
may  be  reserved  for  others.  Also,  by  seeing  where  they  have 
erred,  we  may  more  easily  believe  that  the  larger  catalogue  of 
unsatisfactory  reasoners  could  be  confounded  by  their  own 
mistakes,  or  the  blundering  of  their  predecessors. 

D'Anville  failed. 

It  is  not  without  regret  that  we  miss  the  respected  name  of 
D'Anville  from  the  list  of  partisans  in  all  the  theories  for 
interpreting  Polybius.  If  it  is  asked  how  such  a  man  could 
fail  to  hit  the  truth,  the  question  has  a  ready  answer.  Though 
deservedly  esteemed  in  matters  of  ancient  geography,  he  took 
no  pains  to  explore  the  text  of  Polybius.  The  pretensions  of 
the  Graian  Alp  were  unknown  to  him :  he  would  have  written 


214  Cause  of  Doubt.  [part  xii. 

differently  if  De  Luc  had  written  before  him ;  he  partook  of 
the  common  inclination  to  reconcile  the  two  histories,  or 
rather  to  presume  on  their  concurrence.  This  has  caused,  in 
many,  a  careless  study  of  that  which  claims  the  greater  study, 
and  which,  without  that  greater  study,  is  not  to  be  inter- 
preted. The  narrative  of  Polybius  is  a  tale  of  fact  and 
description,  written  by  an  original  inquirer,  suspecting  no 
controversy.  The  narrative  of  Livy  is  rather  a  tale  of  names, 
written  in  a  later  age  for  a  theory  in  a  declared  controversy. 
The  latter  has  this  chance  of  success  in  the  hands  of  an  inter- 
preter— it  is  easier  to  make  description  bend  to  names  than 
to  make  names  yield  to  description:  by  the  first  course  a 
man  deludes  himself  with  a  seeming  conciliation ;  when  he 
strikes  out  a  name,  he  is  conscious  of  an  act  of  violence.  The 
pass  of  Alps  intended  by  Livy  could  not  be  mistaken  by  so 
reasonable  a  man  as  D'Anville;  and  if,  as  appears,  he  took 
for  granted  the  coincidence  of  the  two  histories,  he  might 
think  it  enough  to  interpret  that  in  which  the  pass  intended 
was  hardly  open  to  doubt,  and  which,  perhaps,  was  the  more 
familiar  to  him.  If  he  had  been  told  that  he  had  made  no 
effort  to  interpret  Polybius,  he  would  have  acknowledged  the 
imputation,  and  struggled  further. 

D'Anville's  Carte  pour  V EaypMition  d'Annibal,  published 
in  1739^  (see  a7ite,  Part  IX.  c.  iii.),  shows  an  early  intention 
simply  to  follow  Livy.  When,  in  1760,  he  published  his 
Notice  de  I'Ancienne  Gaule,  he  had  still  the  wish  to  illus- 
trate Hannibal's  march ;  and  his  neglect  of  the  authority 
which  would  best  have  guided  him,  is  as  plainly  apparent  as 
his  mistake  on  that  which  did  guide  him.*  If  we  turn  to  the 
word  AUobroges,  we  find  that  his  account  of  that  people,  as 
concerned  with  Hannibal,  is  given  on  the  scanty  notice  of 
them  by  Livy  :  the  ampler  account  of  the  AUobroges  by  the 
Greek  historian,  who  wrote  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  earlier, 
*  8ee  ante^  Part  IX.  c.  iii. 


€HAP.  I.]  Neglect  of  Polyhiv^ — Examples.  215 

is  not  noticed ;  Polybius  being  only  mentioned,  together  with 
Plutarch,  Dion,  and  Appian,  as  spelling  the  word  Allobroges 
with  an  "  i,"  instead  of  an  "  o."  There  is  the  same  neglect  of 
him  in  the  article  "  Allobroges "  of  Dr.  Smith's  Dictionary, 
from  the  pen  of  a  well-known  writer,  where  we  read :  "  The 
"  Allobroges  are  first  mentioned  in  history  as  having  joined 
"  Hannibal  (b.c.  218)  in  his  invasion  of  Italy. — Liv.  xxi.  31." 
The  earlier  historian  is  not  alluded  to.  In  either  Dictionary^ 
however,  both  that  of  1760  and  that  of  1856,  there  is  a  sub- 
sequent article,  "  Insula  AUobrogum,"  where  the  name  of 
Polybius  is  introduced  on  the  geographical  character  of  the 
Island.  It  is  curious  that,  in  Dr.  Arnold's  account  of  Han- 
nibal's progress,  neither  the  Allobroges  nor  the  Island  are  ever 
mentioned  at  all. 

D'Anville  assumed  that  Livy  represented  Polybius,  and 
therefore  read  the  earlier  narrative  with  little  attention.  He 
says,  in  v.  Tricorii,  that  the  two  historians  give  the  reason  for 
Hannibal,  on  crossing  the  Rhone,  deviating  to  the  Isere ;  but 
Livy  alone  speaks  to  that  effect.  I  am  not  aware  of  D'An- 
ville's  bringing  any  statement  of  Polybius  into  discussion  on 
the  effect  or  bearing  of  it.  Once,  when  he  seeks  to  give  pro- 
bability to  Livy's  march,  "  depuis  I'lsere  jusqu'aux  Alpes," 
also  in  v.  Tricorii,  he  adduces  the  800  stadia  of  Polybius.  A 
most  unhappy  illustration  !  To  serve  Livy,  he  invents  his 
worst  error ;  besides  which,  the  thing  was  not  applicable :  the 
800  of  Polybius  was  800  along  a  river ;  and  D'Anville  thought 
to  corroborate  a  measurement  which  was  quite  across  country. 
I  believe  that  D'Anville  never  discusses  the  meaning  of  Poly- 
bius, or  the  application  of  his  words;  nor  alludes  to  the 
possibility  of  his  having  intended  a  route  differing  from  that 
which  he  is  imputing  to  Livy.  He  does  not  seem  to  appre- 
hend that  any  one  would  suppose  the  two  to  disagree ;  and 
shows,  in  a  few  words,  the  summary  and  infirm  process  by 
which  he  allied  himself  to  livy: — "Comme  Annibal  des- 


216  Cause  of  Doubt,  [partxii. 

"  cendant  en  Ttalie,  rencontra  d'abord  les  Taurini,  cette  cir- 
"  Constance  determine  en  effet  le  passage  d'Annibal  par  cet 
"  endroit  des  Alpes."  It  is  clear  that  the  French  geographer 
never  sifted  the  Greek  history,  nor  adverted  to  the  necessity 
of  doing  so.  Accordingly,  there  was  nothing  which  could 
bring  him  to  the  result  of  renouncing  the  French  Alps  of 
Livy,  or  to  a  suspicion  that  his  Tricastini,  Vocontii,  Tricorii, 
and  Druentia  were  fallacious.  While  these  stood  unsuspected 
in  the  line,  his  pass  was  necessarily  the  Mont  Genevre. 

I  have  spoken  only  of  the  error  for  which  D'Anville  is 
accountable  in  the  neglect  of  Polybius,  not  of  the  blunder 
in  his  conception  of  Livy.  That  misfortune  might  have  hap- 
pened to  any  man  in  1739,  when  he  published  the  map 
which  tells  of  his  construction  of  Livy's  track.  (See  antCy 
Part  IX.  c.  iii.)  Most  men  were  then  unacquainted  with  Mont 
Pelvoux,  and  liable  to  be  misled  by  an  apparent  authority 
framed  1,300  years  before.  D'Anville  is  not  for  that  less  en- 
titled to  our  respect.  But  it  was  his  own  fault  that  he  was 
uninstructed  by  Polybius.  Yet,  under  the  circumstances,  he 
might  have  done  worse.  Two  candidates,  at  the  most,  to 
represent  the  pass,  were  likely  to  arise  in  his  mind,  as  a 
disciple  of  Livy.  He  voted  for  the  Genevre :  he  might  have 
done  worse,  voted  for  the  Cenis. 

Gihhon  failed. 

One  should  have  expected  that  the  opinion  of  a  man 
having  the  powers  and  the  advantages  of  Gibbon  for  a 
subject  like  the  present,  would  be  a  safe  opinion  :  and  we 
have  a  good  lesson  on  the  imperfection  of  critical  inquiries, 
when  we  see  the  result  of  the  "  reading  and  careful  reflec- 
tion upon  the  subject,"  which  he  states  himself  to  have 
bestowed.*  He  began  well,  for  he  cleared  the  common 
stumbling-block,  the  determination  to  reconcile  the  histories  : 
*  Miscellaneous  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  370. 


CHAP.  I.]  Neglect  of  PolyUns— Examples.  217 

and  he  promptly  apprehended  two  strong  points  of  Polybius, 
of  which  so  many  critics  are  insensible  ;  the  continuance  of 
the  march  np  the  Rhone,  and  the  emerging  from  the  Alps 
into  the  Insubres.  This  amount  of  observation  might  have 
led  to  more,  and  have  encouraged  him  to  probe  the  whole 
text.  But  he  did  not  persevere :  he  heeded  not  the  plain 
country  to  the  first  Alps,  nor  the  AUobroges  defending  them, 
nor  the  measurement  of  the  march  which  led  to  them.  He 
huiTied  up  the  Rhone  to  Martigny,  blind  to  the  other  pre- 
scriptions of  the  historian. 

His  faculties  of  inquiry  seem  to  have  been  paralysed  by  a 
most  unreasonable  impression  with  which  he  embarked  in  it, 
and  from  which  he  never  escaped.  He  entertained  the  subject 
as  a  matter  of  competition  between  the  Great  St.  Bernard  and 
the  Mont  Genevre,  as  if  he  had  only  to  arbitrate  between  their 
respective  advocates.  He  declares  the  former  to  be  the  pass 
of  Polybius,  as  promptly  as  he  declares  the  latter  to  be  the 
pass  of  Livy;  and  the  chief  thing  which  he  agitates  is  the 
question  of  credit  between  the  two  authorities.  On  this 
point  he  writes  with  spirit  and  interest,  pronouncing  a 
laboured  eulogium  of  Polybius,  as  the  historian  of  higher 
truth.  But  he  ends  the  matter  miserably.  He  is  dissatisfied, 
as  might  be  expected,  with  the  two  Alpine  passes  which  he 
has  admitted  to  the  competition ;  he  does  not  suspect  the 
possibility  of  a  third  candidate,  and  at  last,  in  despair, 
generously  surrenders  his  right  of  thinking  to  the  name  of 
D'Anville,  and  for  the  very  strange  reason  that  that  writer 
had  not  disclosed  the  grounds  of  his  opinion.  He  says  :  "  In 
"  M.  D'Anville's  map  of  Hannibal's  expedition,  that  accurate 
"  geographer,  whose  positions  are  always  chosen  on  reflection, 
"  makes  the  Carthaginians  pass  by  the  Cottian  Alps.  I  am 
"  stopped  and  silenced  by  the  authority  of  this  learned  man, 
"  which  in  this  case  is  the  greater,  because  he  conceals  the 
"  reasons  on  which  his  opinion  is  founded."     Thus  does  one 


218  Cause  of  Doubt.  [pakt  xii. 

man  desist  from  a  comparison  of  two  historians  in  deference 
to  another  man,  who  had  never  thought  it  necessary  to  com- 
pare them  at  all. 

It  is  evident  that  Gibbon,  being  under  the  impression  that 
the  question  was  wholly  between  the  Great  St.  Bernard  and 
the  Genevre,  and  seeing  which  of  the  two  was  related  by 
Livy,  looked  into  Polybius  only  so  far  as  to  be  assured  that 
he  differed  from  Livy.  He  neglected  to  investigate  the  story 
of  Polybius  as  a  subject  of  itself.  If  he  had  read  the  narra- 
tive with  fair  attention,  not  caring  for  the  opinions  of  others, 
he  could  not  have  mistaken  it.  After  all,  it  is  strange  that 
his  attention  was  not  compelled  to  the  evidence  ;  for  he  cites 
the  1,200  stadia  as  the  "  breadth  of  Alps,"  and  yet  the  1,400 
which  in  the  enumeration  of  Polybius  immediately  precedes 
the  1,200,  is  unobserved.  It  is  said  erroneously,  in  the  Preface 
to  the  Oxford  Dissertation,  that  Gibbon  was  ignorant  of  the 
passage  alluded  to  by  Polybius,  i.e.  of  the  Little  St.  Bernard, 
He  may,  indeed,  have  forgotten  it  for  a  moment  when  he  was 
writing  these  words  (v.  380)  : — "  Hannibal  at  the  confluence  of 
"  the  Ithone  and  Saone  followed  the  shortest  route  into  Italy, 
"  when  he  crossed  the  St.  Bernard."  *  But  this  was  careless- 
ness, not  ignorance.  He  deprives  himself  of  all  excuse  when 
(p.  378)  he  thus  retails  the  ideas  of  Strabo.  "  In  the  reign 
"  of  Augustus,  when  Eoman  policy  had  levelled  the  Alps, 
"  that  prince  made  two  military  ways,  which,  diverging  from 
"Augusta  Prsetoria,  again  united  at  Lyons.  One  of  those 
"  roads,  which  crossed  the  Pennine  Alps,  was  still  so  difficult 
"  that  it  could  not  be  passed  by  carriages."  He  who  wrote  this 
might  have  paused  to  ask  himself  whether  the  other  of  those 
two  ways,  which  he  well  knew  as  a  course  of  Eoman  armies, 
might  not  be  the  line  of  Hannibal  intended  by  Polybius. 

*  He  has  already  said,  "  Livy  carries  Hannibal  over  the  Cottian 
"  Alps,  properly  Mont  Genevre ;  Polybius  leads  him  by  the  Summus 
"  Pemiinus,  or  Great  St.  Bernard." 


CHAP.  I.]  Neglect  of  Polybius — Examples.  219 

I  say  then  of  Gibbon,  that  he  failed  in  his  study  of  Poly- 
bius. He  began  inquiry  under  a  false  prepossession ;  that 
is  to  say,  with  a  contracted  notion  of  the  scope  of  it.  But 
he  was  dealing  with  evidence,  and  had  the  fairest  prospect 
of  encountering  the  truth,  which  was  in  a  line  which  lay 
between  his  line  and  D'Anville's.  They  were  both  wrong, 
and  he  saw  it ;  but  instead  of  prosecuting  the  search  for 
truth  by  renouncing  both  errors,  he  says  a  civil  thing  to 
D'Anville  and  gives  the  matter  up.  What  was  this  but  the 
fear  of  difficulty  ?  The  result  of  a  little  perseverance  would 
have  been  that  the  world  would  owe  the  development  of 
truth  to  Mr.  Gibbon  instead  of  General  Melville. 

If  any  one  had  happened  to  address  Mr.  Gibbon,  "  What 
say  you  to  the  Graian  Alp?"  he  would  have  opened  his  eyes, 
quickened  his  attention,  and  determined  the  question.  He 
wrote  his  comment  in  1763  :  in  a  later  day  he  would  at  least 
have  said  one  thing  which  is  said  by  his  friend  and  editor. 
Lord  Sheffield :  "  Perhaps  the  subject  is  best  understood  by 
the  late  General  Melville."  The  noble  editor  is  alluding,  in 
a  note,  to  Mr.  Whitaker's  treatise  of  1794,  and  he  speaks 
with  kind  commendation  of  the  criticism  which  followed  it 
by  Mr.  Tytler,  Lord  Woodhouselee,  a  Lord  of  Session. 
That  short  work  is  but  an  indiscreet  eulogium  of  the  vagaries 
of  Mr.  Whitaker.  But  the  compliment  to  the  pamphlet  is 
duly  superseded  by  the  words  that  follow,  "Perhaps  the 
subject  was  best  understood  by  the  late  General  Melville.** 
See  Gibbon's  Miscellaneous  Works,  v.  381. 

Niehuhr  did  not  fail. 

Niebuhr  was  not  spared  to  embrace  in  his  great  work  the 
career  of  Hannibal,  and  to  pourtray  in  all  its  dimensions  the 
genius  of  that  wonderful  man:  accordingly,  he  was  not 
brought  to  deal  deliberately  with  the  invading  march.  His 
history,  however,  though  not  reaching   that  period,  is   not 


220  Cause  of  Doubt.  [part  xii. 

without  allusion  to  the  subject,  and  it  may  be  seen  that  the 
Polybian  narrative  of  the  track  through  the  Alps  is  accepted 
with  its  obvious  interpretation. 

Speaking  of  the  invasion  of  the  Gauls,  he  says  : — "  It 
"  may  be  regarded  as  clearly  certain  that  the  Gauls  came 
"  down  into  Italy  through  the  valley  of  Aosta.  It  would  be 
"  idle  to  inquire  whether,  like  Hannibal,  they  crossed  the 
"  Little,  or  like  Buonaparte,  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  and 
"  whether  their  march  followed  the  Is^re,  or  the  northern 
"  shore  of  the  lake  of  Geneva."  Translation  by  Hare  and 
Thirlwall,  ii.  535. 

In  his  last  lectures  on  Eoman  history,  given  in  the  winter 
of  1828-9,  and  published  by  Dr.  Leonhard  Schmitz  in  1844, 
Niebuhr  shortly  alludes  to  the  controversy,  and  in  very  plain 
terms.  He  gives  to  General  Melville  the  credit  of  having 
shown  the  truth  to  the  world :  he  speaks,  indeed,  as  if  the 
General  had  himself  published  the  result  of  his  investiga- 
tions. These  are  his  words — "  After  the  researches  of  General 
"  Melville,  there  can  be  no  longer  any  doubt  as  to  the  road 
"  which  Hannibal  took  :  and,  if  any  one  who  has  a  practical 
"  mind  compares  with  the  researches  of  General  Melville  the 
"  account  which  Polybius  gives,  he  must  see  that  no  other 
"  road  is  possible."  Vol.  i.  p.  170.  The  name  of  De  Luc 
might  with  justice  have  been  added  to  that  of  General 
Melville. 

CHAPTER  IL 

Arnold  recognised  the  Truth :  and  might  ham  extinguished 
Doubt.  But  not  giving  to  Polybius  the  credit  of  showing 
him  the  Truths  he  blamed  him  where  he  should  have  com- 
mended him.     Conclusion. 

In  investigating  the  narrative  of  Polybius,  I  have  sometimes 
adverted  to  comments  of  Dr.  Arnold,  according  to  my  view  of 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold— Conchmmi.  221 

their  merits.  Though  some  have  required  to  be  canvassed,  he 
plainly  leaned  to  our  hypothesis.  But  there  is  from  time  to 
time  one  general  persevering  criticism,  more  likely  than  any 
comments  on  the  narrative,  to  influence  the  judgment  of 
others ;  his  censure  of  the  authority  on  which  the  question 
rests.  Those  who  may  be  inclined  to  treat  the  question  as 
depending  on  the  authority  of  Polybius,  are  taught  by  that 
censure  to  distrust  the  value  of  his  evidence. 

The  distinguished  writer  of  whom  I  speak,  whose  death  is 
still  a  fresh  grief  to  literature  and  to  society,  and  whose 
memory  every  good  man  must  cherish,  was  one  of  rare  power 
and  attainments.  His  mind  was  characterised  by  zeal  for  all 
that  was  right  and  tending  to  the  happiness  of  his  fellow- 
creatures.  His  days  were  devoted  to  vigorous  and  various 
research.  As  a  traveller  with  keen  faculties  of  observation, 
as  one  who  must  have  worked  laboriously  *  on  the  career  of 
Hannibal  before  he  grasped  the  history  of  Eome,  and  to  whom 
the  line  of  the  great  invasion  continued  to  be  a  subject  of 
strong  interest  and  repeated  study,  he  must  be  deemed  amply 
conversant  with  the  question  in  which  I  am  engaged.  For 
these  reasons  I  cannot  disregard  his  declared  sentiments  :  and 
not  disregarding,  I  must  either  resist  or  embrace  them. 

One  who  recognises  the  superior  ability  of  Dr.  Arnold  for 
scrutinising  the  style  and  merits  of  a  Greek  author,  may 
nevertheless  be  excused  for  objecting  to  the  particular  crimi- 
nation here  spoken  of :  for  it  arises  out  of,  and  is  specially 
e^pplied  to  the  history  of  the  march  through  the  Alps.  The 
charges  brought  against  Polybius  are  illustrated  expressly 
from  this  subject :  and,  if  the  attacks  are  just  and  fair,  tliey 
damage  the  authority,  on  whose  strength  I  rely  throughout. 
I  will  examine  them  with  the  freedom  that  would  have  been 
approved  by  him  whose  views  provoke  the  comment. 

In  the  third  volume  of  the  History  of  Rome,  remarks  on 
*  See  Encyclopcedia  Metropolitana. 


222  Cause  of  Doubt.  [part  xii. 

the  geographical  incompetency  of  Polybius,  and  the  conse- 
quent inaccuracy  and  obscurity  of  his  writings,  appear  in 
many  places.      The   most  injurious   matter,   which   I   will 
presently  exhibit,  is  in  the  text.     Much  that  is  curious  and 
interesting  is  found  in  the  notes :  the  following  is  an  elaborate 
instance.    Note  L.  to  ch.  xliii.     "  The  question,  in  what  direc- 
*'  tion  this  famous  march  was  taken,  has  been  agitated  for 
"  more  than  eighteen  hundred  years :  and  who  can  under- 
"  take  to  decide  it  ?     The  difficulty  to  modern  inquirers  has 
"  arisen  chiefly  from  the  total  absence  of  geographical  talent 
"  in  Polybius.     That  this  historian  indeed  should  ever  have 
"  gained  the  reputation  of  a  good  geographer,  only  proves  how 
"  few  there  are  who  have  any  notion  what  a  geographical 
"  instinct  is.     Polybius  indeed  laboured  with  praiseworthy 
"  diligence  to  become  a  geographer ;  but  he  laboured  against 
"  nature  ;  and  the  unpoetical  character  of  his  mind  has  in  his 
*'  writings  actually  lessened  the  accuracy,  as  it  has  totally 
"  destroyed  the  beauty  of  history.     To  any  man  who  compre- 
"  hended  the  whole  character  of  a  mountain  country,  and  the 
"  nature  of  its  passes,  nothing  would  have  been  easier  than  to 
"  have  conveyed  at  once  a  clear  idea  of  Hannibal's  route,  by 
"  naming  the  valley  by  which  he  had  ascended  to  the  main 
"  chain,  and  afterwards  that  w^hich  he  followed  in  descending 
"  from  it.     Or,  admitting  that  the  names  of  barbarian  rivers 
^'  would  have  conveyed  little  information  to  Greek  readers, 
"  still  the  several  Alpine  valleys  have  each  their  peculiar 
"  character,  and  an  observer  with  the  least  power  of  descrip- 
"  tion  would  have  given  such  lively  touches  of  the  varying 
"  scenery  of  the  march,  that  future  travellers  must  at  once 
"  have  recognised  his  description.     Whereas  the  account  of 
"  Polybius  is  at  once  so  unscientific  and  so  deficient  in  truth 
"  and  liveliness  of  painting,  that  persons  who  have  gone  over 
"  the  several  Alpine  passes  for  the  very  purpose  of  identifying 
"  his  descriptions,  can  still  reasonably  doubt  whether  they 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclmimi.  223 

**  were  meant  to  apply  to  Mont  Gen^vre,  or  Mont  Cenis,  or 
"  the  Little  St.  Bernard."  Again,  in  note  F,  he  says :  "  His 
"  descriptions  are  so  vague  and  imperfect,  and  so  totally 
"  devoid  of  painting,  that  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  understand 
"  them." 

Thus  does  the  Alpine  traveller  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
charge  him  of  160  B.C.  with  neglecting  his  facilities.  He  may 
be  defended  by  denying  the  facilities.  Neither  Polybius,  nor 
any  man  of  his  day  or  of  ages  which  succeeded  him,  had 
the  means  "  to  comprehend  the  whole  character  of  a  moun- 
tain country  and  the  nature  of  its  passes."  No  civilized 
community  possessed  the  necessary  facts,  or  knowledge,  or 
experience.  I  conceive  that  Polybius  was  fully  on  a  par  in 
geographical  instinct  with  Larauza,  Arnold,  and  Ellis  :  and 
that,  if  he  had  possessed  their  advantages,  and  seen  what  they 
have  seen,  he  would  have  conveyed  by  names  and  otherwise, 
as  clear  an  idea  of  the  several  passes,  as  they  could  do.  He 
has  plainly  told  them  the  valley  by  which  Hannibal  gained 
his  first  Alps  ;  and  is  hardly  listened  to.  He  has  not  named 
that  by  which  he  ascended  to  the  main  chain  :  and  possibly 
he  hardly  knew  that  in  that  valley  the  invaders  regained  the 
river  over  which  they  crossed  into  the  Island  a  fortnight 
before.  Geography  from  authors  he  had  none :  maps  there 
were  none  :  and  the  identity  may  not  have  been  conveyed  to 
his  mind  through  the  varying  dialects  of  successive  Alpine 
tribes :  the  name,  as  articulated  at  Conflans  or  St.  Maurice, 
may  have  been  neither  Scoras  nor  Isaras,  nor  anything  which 
would  have  given  light  to  his  narrative,  had  he  attempted  to 
pourtray  it  in  Greek  characters.  I  may  at  least  reply  to  such 
objection — "As  you  do  not  understand  his  valley  of  the 
"  Ehone,  say  not  that  he  would  have  made  you  understand 
"  the  valley  of  Scez." 

Dr.  Arnold,  always  conceiving  that  the  course  through  the 
Alps  should  have  been  characterised  by  a  lively  pourtraying  of 


224  Cause  of  Doubt.  [part  xii. 

its  varied  scenery,  wrote  in  1835 :  "  I  have  been  and  am 
**  working  at  Hannibal's  passage  of  the  Alps  :  how  bad  a 
"  geographer  is  Polybius  ! — The  dulness  of  his  fancy  made  it 
"  impossible  for  him  to  conceive  or  paint  scenery  clearly : 
"  and  how  can  a  man  be  a  geographer  without  lively  images 
"  of  the  formation  and  features  of  the  country  which  he 
"  'scribes  ?  How  different  are  the  several  Alpine  valleys : 
"  and  how  would  a  few  simple  touches  of  the  scenery  which 
"  he  seems  actually  to  have  visited,  yet  could  neither  under- 
"  stand  nor  feel  it,  have  decided  for  ever  the  question  of  the 
"  route !  Now  the  account  suits  no  valley  well,  and  therefore 
"  it  may  be  applied  to  many."  While  I  doubt  that  such 
touches  of  scenery  would  have  decided  the  question,  I  con- 
sider that  the  plain  leading  Tacts  of  the  narrative  do  decide 
the  question.  They  pronounce  the  path  of  Hannibal  by  land- 
marks which  are  ample  for  our  guidance,  though  so  many  are 
unsuccessful  in  the  recognition  of  them.  The  clouds  which 
have  so  long. obscured  this  subject  were  not  produced  by  the 
defective  painting  of  Polybius.  It  is  the  false  light  streaming 
from  the  more  familiar  tale  of  the  Eoman  historian  which  has 
diverted  many  from  observation  of  the  better  guide  :  and,  if 
that  guide  has  not  led  to  knowledge,  it  is  because  they  who 
most  wanted  it  have  so  feebly  sought  and  accepted  his 
instruction. 

The  landmarks  of  Polybius  are  these — The  arrival  at  the 
Island.  The  operations  in  it.  The  clear  description  of  that 
country.  The  further  ascent  of  the  Ehone  to  the  Alps.  That 
this  march  was  over  ground  practicable  to  cavalry.  That  it 
traversed  the  country  of  the  Allobroges.  That  the  first  Alps 
were  forced  against  leaders  of  that  people.  The  precipitous 
descent  on  the  other  side  of  the  barrier.  The  quiet  of  the 
succeeding  march.  The  productiveness  of  the  district,  ap- 
parent from  the  supplies  obtained  after  the  first  conflict,  and 
again  on  the  sixth  day  of  Alps.     The  white  rock  at  the  scene 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclmion.  225 

of  action  on  the  eve  of  the  summit.  The  broken  way,  and 
the  last  year's  snow  on  the  first  day  of  descent.  The  pasture 
valley  below.  The  arrival  in  the  plain  among  the  Insubres. 
These  things,  with  the  arrangement  of  the  whole  track  of  the 
march  into  intelligible  sections,  and  the  assigning  to  each  of 
them  its  proper  measurement  and  period  of  time,  these  are 
the  landmarks  of  Polybius :  more  or  less  strong,  when  taken 
separately  ;  conclusive,  when  combined. 

An  inquirer  into  the  Polybian  history  ought  at  least  to 
apprehend  these  leading  features  of  the  tale,  before  he  com- 
X^lains  of  the  absence  of  instruction.  When  it  is  asked  how 
for  so  many  miles  we  read  no  names,  the  historian  himself 
has  provided  the  answer :  *  and  it  is  philosophical  and  just. 
When  something  more  lively,  more  pictorial,  more  poetical, 
is  required,  we  feel  that  it  is  not  reasonable  to  exact,  that 
Polybius  should  have  painted  the  features  of  Hannibal's  Alps 
in  the  spirit  of  contrast  with  those  of  other  Alps.  He  did 
not  go  to  solve  a  disputed  point  of  history  :  dispute  had  not 
begun.  He  found  the  track,  and  he  pursued  it.  We  know 
not  that  he  ever  explored  any  other  Alpine  pass.  He  alone 
of  his  rank  and  station  encountered  the  perils  of  this. 

The  illustrious  of  Eome  in  his  day  had  little,  if  any 
personal  intercourse  with  the  Alps.  The  Greek  hostage  threw 
himself  into  those  mountains  in  search  of  truth,  and  has  re- 
corded it  in  sufficiently  clear  characters.  It  was  not  presented 
to  his  mind,  that  he  should  guard  it  against  misapprehension, 
by  cumulating  characteristic  notices  in  the  chance  of  distin- 
guishing this  pass  from  others  of  which  he  had  no  experience. 
He  could  not  foresee  the  singular  fatality  by  which  truth  has 
been  resisted,  nor  the  inventions  which  have  led  to  feuds 
among  his  interpreters.  He  affected  only  the  historian.  His 
employment  was  on  facts,  not  the  embellishment  of  facts : 
and  the  indicia  which  he   has  given    us   are   better  than 

*  Polybius,  iii.  36. 

VOL.  II.  Q 


1:11 


226  Cause  of  Douht  [part  xii, 

painting  or  poetry.  But  even  here  his  defects  may  be  exagge- 
rated. He  could  paint,  and  with  a  strong  hand.  When  man 
or  nature  gives  obstruction  to  the  march,  that  strength  appears. 
"When  all  is  easy  and  unimpeded,  he  bestows  a  lighter  touch. 
His  subject  was  history,  not  landscape :  Hannibal,  not  the 
Alps.  Is  there  the  imjDuted  dulness  ?  Many  a  page  of  more 
popular  history  may  be  read,  without  finding  a  truer  or  livelier 
picture  than  that  which  Polybius  has  given  of  the  passage  of 
the  Ehone  by  the  Carthaginian  armament.  The  account  of 
the  assault  on  the  unwinding  column,  as  they  surmounted 
their  first  Alps,  and  trod  the  margin  of  the  precipice,  is 
strikingly  clear  and  forcible.  The  descriptive  power  of  Poly- 
bius, not  enough  for  some,  is  too  great  for  others.  The  opr) 
BuairpoaoSa  koX  Bvo-e/JL^oXa,  koI  <7')(^eS6v,  co?  eiTretv,  aTrpnaiTa, 
represent  effectively  the  outworks  of  the  great  natural  bul- 
wark which  seemed  to  defy  the  progress  of  the  invaders.  If 
truth  fails  here,  not  weakness  nor  dulness  is  the  cause  :  for 
grave  authorities  have,  on  this  force  of  description,  been 
seduced  to  say,  that  through  such  mountains  no  way  could 
be  for  Hannibal.  Dr.  Ukert,  arguing  to  that  effect,  is  called 
sagacious  by  Dr.  Thirl  wall.* 

I  repeat  that  none  are  entitled  to  impute  their  difficulties 
on  the  track  to  the  dulness  of  the  author,  so  long  as  they  are 
blind  to  the  main  facts  through  which  he  has  exhibited  it. 
Dr.  Arnold  had  not  that  blindness.  His  error  is  peculiar  to 
himself  He  saw  the  truth,  and  was  qualified  to  grasp  it ; 
and  did  grasp  it.  My  complaint  is,  that  he  did  not  do  justice 
to  the  great  authority  from  which  he  learned  it.  The  struggle 
made  by  the  multitude  for  a  march  up  the  Ishve,  is  made  only 
in  the  pretence  of  following  Polybius.  Livy  did  not  misap- 
prehend his  predecessor.  He  did  not  insist  that  Hannibal, 
on  reaching  the  Island,  proceeded  to  the  Alps  by  keeping  the 
valley  of  any  river.  He  disregarded  the  track  of  Polybius, 
*  Philol.  Museum,  ii.  681. 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — OoTichtsimi.  227 

and  preferred  an  hypothesis  of  his  own.  No  modem  com- 
mentator, French,  German,  or  English,  has  the  courage  to  do 
this.  None  say  that  they  disown  Polybius.  All  say  that  he 
must  be  right.  Let  them  then  accept  his  evidence.  Let  them 
see  that  his  course  is  up  the  Rhone  to  the  Alps  ;  being 
of  necessity  irreconcilable  with  ever  reaching  the  Gen^vre. 
Let  them  see  that  his  descent  from  the  Alps  into  the  Cisalpine 
Gauls  places  him  in  incurable  contradiction  of  any  pass  which 
they  can  call  Cottian  :  and  that  his  distances  negative  irre- 
mediably an  approach  to  Italy  from  the  Penine. 

When  broad  instructions  are  openly  misconstrued,  truth  is 
challenged  and  error  can  be  met.  It  is  more  injurious  that 
they  should  be  passed  by,  with  saying  that  the  author  fails 
to  throw  light  upon  the  subject.  I  will  advert  here  to  a  most 
important  point  in  the  disputed  track,  and  one  on  which  Dr. 
Arnold  has  shown  more  courtesy  to  critics  than  justice  to  the 
historian ;  the  continuance  of  the  march  up  the  Rhone.  While 
Polybius  is  blamed  for  the  evidence  which  he  is  said  not  to 
give,  there  is  hardly  an  acknowledgment  of  the  evidence 
which  he  does  give.  Instead  of  thanks  for  his  instruction,  he 
receives  censure  for  the  want  of  it.  It  will  perhaps  be  said 
that,  as  Dr.  Arnold  believed  in  the  march  up  the  Rhone,  to 
the  Mont  du  Chat,  he  had  no  occasion  to  enlarge  his  pages 
by  giving  the  data  which  commanded  his  assent.  But  un- 
fortunately the  comment  that  he  does  find  room  for  is  a  repre- 
hension of  Polybius  touching  the  very  points  on  which  that 
march  depends.  There  is  not,  I  believe,  in  ancient  writings, 
a  hint  which  would  guide  Dr.  Arnold  up  the  Rhone  to  the 
Mont  du  Chat,  save  in  the  plain  words  with  which  Polybius 
has  made  the  facts  known.  And  it  is  to  be  lamented  here, 
that  the  censure  is  rashly  and  hastily  applied. 

Dr.  Arnold's  narrative  of  Hannibal's  arrival  on  the  Is^re, 
and  advance  towards  the  Alps,  is  in  these  words  :— "  In  four 
"  days  they  reached  the  spot  where  the  Isere,  coming  down 

q2 


228  Cause  of  DouU,  [part  xii. 

"  from  the  main  Alps,  brings  to  the  Ehone  a  stream  hardly 
"  less  full  or  mighty  than  his  own.  In  the  plains  above  the 
"  confluence,  two  Gaulish  brothers  were  contending  which 
*'  should  be  chief  of  their  tribe  :  and  the  elder  called  on  the 
*'  stranger  general  to  support  his  cause.  Hannibal  readily 
"  complied,  established  him  firmly  on  the  throne,  and  re- 
"  ceived  important  aid  from  him  in  return.  He  supplied  the 
"  Carthaginian  army  plentifully  with  provisions  ;  furnished 
"  them  with  new  arms ;  gave  them  new  clothing,  especially 
"  shoes,  which  were  found  very  useful  in  the  subsequent 
*'  march  ;  and  accompanied  them  to  the  first  entrance  on  the 
"  mountain  country,  to  secure  them  from  attacks  on  the  part 
"  of  his  countrymen." 

Such  is  the  historical  statement  as  imputed  to  Polybius  by 
the  pen  of  Dr.  Arnold,  who  immediately  adds  this  criticism, 
accounting  for  the  doubtful  information  which  it  contains  : — 
"  The  attentive  reader,  who  is  acquainted  with  the  geography 
''  of  the  Alps  and  their  neighbourhood,  will  perceive  that  this 
"  account  of  Hannibal's  march  is  vague.  It  does  not  appear 
"  whether  the  Carthaginians  ascended  the  left  bank  of  the 
"  Is^re,  or  the  right  bank,  or  whether  they  continued  to  ascend 
"  the  Khone  for  a  time,  and  leaving  it  only  so  far  as  to  avoid 
"  the  great  angle  which  it  makes  at  Lyons,  rejoined  it  just 
*'  before  they  entered  the  mountain  country,  a  little  to  the 
"  left  of  the  present  road  from  Lyons  to  Chamber!.  These 
"  uncertainties  cannot  now  be  removed,  because  Polybius 
*'  neither  possessed  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  country,  nor 
"  sufficient  liveliness  as  a  painter,  to  describe  the  march  so 
"  as  to  be  clearly  recognised."  Having  thus  fixed  the  blame 
on  the  historian,  he  expresses  his  own  opinion  on  the  line  of 
march,  according  to  the  line  which  Polybius  has  pointed  out. 

Though  the  uncertainties  which  the  incapacity  of  Polybius 
has  bequeathed  to  us  are  pronounced  irremovable,  they  are 
made  to  vanish  before  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Arnold.     In  truth 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclusion.  22^ 

they  only  appear  to  us  by  the  way  in  which  Dr.  Arnold  has 
told  the  story.  The  account  which  he  impeaches  as  vague,  is 
his  own.  It  affirms  nothing  upon  a  river  with  a  name,  or 
without  a  name,  and  raises  no  question.  In  the  statement  of 
Polybius  himself,  Hannibal  marches  irapa  rov  iroTafjuoVy  and 
I  greatly  doubt  that  any  man  ever  rose  from  a  first  perusal 
of  the  history  itself,  with  the  impression  that  the  author  by 
Tov  iroTafjLov  meant  anything  but  the  Rhone.  Polybius 
teaches  plainly  enough  for  any  one,  that  Hannibal  marched 
up  the  Rhone  tiU  he  found  the  Alps  :  he  teaches,  moreover, 
that  the  march  was  through  the  Allobroges,  menaced  by  that 
people,  and  ultimately  resisted  by  them.  If  Polybius  had 
been  the  liveliest  of  painters  he  could  hardly  have  identified 
the  river  more  intelligibly.  "  The  river"  by  ordinary  reference 
is  the  Rhone,  and  no  one  need  stray  from  that  construction 
to  assume  that  the  local  guides  would  take  the  army  away 
from  the  Alps  into  angles  only  to  bring  them  back  again  and 
increase  the  length  of  march.  If  Dr.  Arnold  saw  doubt  in 
the  TTora/jLov  of  c.  50,  he  might  have  said  so :  if  he  was  not 
satisfied  with  Polybius's  statement  of  the  march,  airo  t^? 
hia^doreoD^i  rov  'PoSavoO  Trap*  avrov  tov  Trorafiov  cos;  cttI  ra? 
7r'r}<yd<;  eo)?  irp6<;  rrjv  dva^oXrjv  TCdv  'AXTreojv  in  c.  39,  he 
might  have  said  so.  But  is  it  credible  that,  with  those  words  j 
before  him,  Dr.  Arnold  could  admit  either  shore  of  the  Is^re  » 
to  be  a  competing  line  of  march  within  the  words  of  Polybius?  i 
The  authority  of  Dr.  Arnold  condemning  the  vagueness  and  j 
uncertainty,  more  than  anything  that  has  been  written,  is  j 
calculated  to  engender  a  suspicion  that  the  text  of  Polybius 
is  ambiguous.  The  danger  of  this,  is  my  best  excuse  for 
having  dwelt  so  deliberately  on  the  text  and  context  of  the 
historian  touching  the  progress  to  the  first  Alps ;  protesting 
against  the  many  who  shirk  that  evidence,  and  the  few  who 
have  ventured  their  feeble  argument  in  favour  of  the  Iske — 
(Part  IV.  ch.  iii.)     A  careful  exhibition  of  the  facts  and  the 


«t 


230  Cause  of  Doubt.  [part  xii. 

context  was  indeed  called  for  by  the  scepticism  of  less  potent 
writers.  But  it  was  still  more  due  after  the  defective  report 
and  the  ready  reproaches  of  one  so  looked  up  to  as  Dr.  Arnold. 
Viewing,  as  I  do,  the  clearness  and  cogency  of  that  evidence 
already  pointed  out  by  De  Luc,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  understand, 
that  Dr.  Arnold  can  have  so  read  the  story,  as  to  find  the 
pretensions  of  the  rivers  and  of  his  three  suggested  tracks 
doubtfully  balanced ;  and  that,  while  he  himself  gives  pre- 
ponderance to  a  march  up  the  Ehone,  he  could  lament  that 
the  uncertainties  cannot  be  removed,  and  could  denounce 
Polybius  as  the  cause  of  them.  The  plain  words  of  Polybius,.. 
and  nothing  else,  taught  Dr.  Arnold  that  Hannibal  went  up ' 
the  Ehone  to  find  the  Alps  :  and  it  is  unfortunate,  that  the 
author  of  a  work  so  universally  read,  did  not  employ  a  few 
words  for  aiding  the  judgment  of  his  readers  with  that  which 
had  compelled  his  own.  Instead  of  giving  Polybius  credit 
for  the  instruction,  and  using  a  few  words  to  vindicate  his 
meaning,  he  reprehends  him  as  the  cause  of  the  uncertainty 
through  his  incompetence  to  apprehend  and  to  relate. 

Polybius  is  innocent  of  the  uncertainty.  Misconstruction 
has  long  been  favoured,  and  confusion  nursed  by  those  who 
would  distort  him  into  an  accordance  with  Livy.  But  such 
confusion  might  have  been  cleared  away  by  one  who  was 
himself  proof  against  it.  That  idle  longing  to  reconcile  irre- 
concilables  has  been  to  others  the  spring  of  the  mischief. 
If  Polybius  had  been  the  only  witness,  a  famed  Helleniste  of 
the  College  de  France,  Letronne,  would  no  more  have  thought 
to  construe  iroTa^ov  the  Isere  than  he  would  have  thought  to 
construe  it  the  Seine.  Larauza,  Ukert,  Ellis,  and  the  rest, 
would  have  been  spared  their  curious  efforts  in  the  same  de- 
ceptive cause.  And,  if  the  favourite  and  popular  blunder, 
the  doubtfulness  of  the  river,  had  not  been  so  engrafted  into 
the  controversy  when  Dr.  Arnold  came  to  deal  with  it,  he 
would  never  have  told  his  reader  that  the  river  of  the  march 


CHAP.  11.]  Dr.  Arnold — CoiiclvMon.  231 

does  not  appear;  and  that  the  uncertainty  cannot  he  removed: 
he  would  not,  when  suggesting  the  truth  for  himself,  have 
condemned  the  very  source  that  gave  it  him,  and  found 
excuse  for  doubts  which  were  unworthy  and  unable  to  shake 
his  own  judgment.  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion,  that  no 
reader  of  Polybius  is  to  be  excused  for  not  understanding 
that  Hannibal  found  the  Alps  by  marching  up  the  lihone  to 
the  Alps.  Dr.  Arnold  did  understand  it :  such  a  man  could 
not  help  understanding  it.  But  he  missed  the  opportunity 
of  doing  a  just  thing,  and  of  vindicating  the  historian,  rather 
than  the  host  of  authors  who  had  perverted  the  meaning  of 
his  words.  Toleration  of  doubt  by  him  has  been  more  inju- 
rious than  argument  from  others. 

The  incompetence  of  the  historian  is  proclaimed,  as  having 
caused  reasonable  doubts  of  modern  inquirers.  I  deny  that 
the  doubts  are  reasonable,  and  assign  a  different  cause  for 
their  existence.  Livy  reasoned  feebly :  he  avowed  his  belief 
in  a  line  of  march,  and  seemed  to  have  the  belief :  and  critics 
have  shrunk  from  rejecting  it.  While  none  dare  avow  that 
they  reject  Polybius,  this  has  sustained  a  state  of  doubt.  The 
perplexity  has  been  increased  by  the  efforts  to  escape  from 
it.  Volumes,  that  have  been  written  with  inventions  for 
solving  it,  have  been  but  a  waste  of  words  to  establish  an 
impossible  conciliation.  Many  constructions  of  Livy  had 
not  their  origin  in  doubt  of  the  pass  which  he  favoured,  but 
in  the  struggle  to  reconcile  him  with  Polybius.  Both  are 
mutilated,  that  they  may  be  one.  Men  would  never  have 
been  provoked  to  misconstrue  the  pass,  if  there  had  been 
but  one  history  to  construe.  If  Polybius  were  the  only 
writer,  the  Khone  would  be  the  accepted  criterion  of  the 
march  to  the  Alps.  If  Livy  were  the  only  writer,  the  accepted 
criterion  would  be  the  Durance.  All  theories,  except  the 
Graian,  are  infected  with  the  spirit  of  conciliation.  This 
alone  could  have  produced  the  laboured  theories  of  the  Mont 


232  Cause  of  Doubt  [paet  xir. 

Cenis.  Conciliation  dislocates  rivers,  and  builds  upon  their 
banks  with  etymology.  An  exchange  of  names  is  made 
between  the  Rhone  and  the  Isere.  Strange  casualties  awaited 
the  Druentia  :  it  was  not  enough  that  in  the  last  century  two 
of  our  countrymen  discharged  that  river  into  the  Ehone,  one 
at  Geneva,  and  one  at  Martigny.  The  bold  Cenisian&,  coming 
thirty  and  sixty  years  later,  empty  him  into  the  Isere  instead 
of  the  Ehone. 

Such  are  specimens  of  the  rise  and  progress  of  doubt. 
Charge  them  not  to  the  dulness  of  Polybius  :  but  to  the  vain 
spirit  of  conciliation.  Cease  to  make  Polybius  responsible 
for  the  doubts  of  "those  who  have  gone  over  the  several 
"  Alpine  passes  for  the  very  purpose  of  identifying  his  de- 
"  scriptions."  Dr.  Arnold  himself  really  travelled  in  that 
purpose :  and,  though  he  did  not  declare  all  doubt  dispelled, 
he  hardly  resisted  the  full  result  that  we  desire.  Others  have 
contemplated  the  Alps,  not  for  the  purpose  of  identifying  the 
descriptions  of  Polybius,  but  for  the  purpose  of  reconciling 
them  with  the  descriptions  of  another  writer.  This  has  been, 
and,  according  to  their  own  express  resolves,  this  ought  to  be, 
the  definitive  aim  of  their  exertions — "  Concilier  Polybe  et 
Tite-Live,  \o\\k  le  probleme ;  le  but  definitive  de  nos  efforts.'* 

Dr.  Arnold  travelled  with  a  mind  free  from  that  disturbance : 
he  was  not  a  man  to  be  awed  by  the  numbers,  weight,  or  per- 
tinacity of  the  heroes  of  this  controversy ;  but  he  laboured 
tinder  a  strong  distaste  of  the  author.  Depreciation  of 
Polybius  had  become  habitual  to  him  :  the  doubt  between 
the  right  of  Is^re,  the  left  of  Iske,  and  the  Rhone,  is  pro- 
nounced irremovable :  the  description  of  the  march  by  this 
historian  is  said  to  be  so  obscure  as  to  defy  recognition: 
vagueness  and  want  of  painting  are  said  to  make  it  unintel- 
ligible. Dr.  Arnold  made  repeated  efforts  to  understand  this 
matter  of  history  :  we  read  of  his  labours  and  his  scruples  in 
1825,  and  1830,  and  1835  :  and  in  1841  he  declares,  that  his^ 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Condicbim^.  233 

sense  of  Polybius's  merit  as  an  historian  is  becoming  con- 
tinually less  and  less.  This  feeling  did  not  favour  the  success 
of  a  search  into  the  author  for  instruction  :  and  the  result  has 
been,  that  justice  is  not  done  to  him,  and  that  false  critics  are 
spared  at  his  expense.  Had  Dr.  Arnold  sifted  more  severely 
the  wayward  interpretations  of  those  for  whose  errors  he  finds 
excuse,  and  tried  them  by  the  words  of  the  unpalatable 
history,  he  might  not  have  added  his  weight  to  denounce  the 
obscurity  of  a  plain  straightforward  tale. 

It  is  the  great  Eoraan  historian,  who  has  led  the  world 
astray  by  his  conception  of  the  Carthaginian  invasion.  His 
fame  is  riveted  by  the  eulogies  of  one  who  owns  his  faults, 
the  illustrious  Niebuhr.  Let  those  eulogies  adorn  the  name 
of  Livy.  But  let  the  interests  of  literature  and  historical 
truth  prompt  us  to  sustain  also  the  fame  and  character  of 
Poly  bins.  Homage  that  is  paid  to  the  memory  of  Livy,  the 
same  lament  over  the  spoils  of  time  is  due,  though  for  other 
-virtues,  to  the  historian  of  Megalopolis. 

Gonclusio7i. 

Of  the  comprehensive  histories  of  Poly  bins,  five  books 
only  have  survived  entire.  Others  are  partially  saved.  Their 
value  is  inestimable.  Through  the  few  years  to  which  these 
relics  belong,  we  cling  to  them  as  to  a  great  and  safe 
authority.  We  find  in  their  author  not  only  a  narrator  of 
facts,  and  an  expounder  of  geography,  but  an  accomplished 
soldier,  statesman  and  philosopher.  He  taught  his  country- 
men and  the  world  to  found  the  success  of  human  enterprise 
on  the  provisions  of  skill  and  industry,  noting  the  moral 
causes  of  events,  without  imagining  at  every  step  the  miracu- 
lous interposition  of  a  patronising  deity.  Such  precepts 
tended  to  improve  mankind  by  inducing  them  to  rely  for 
success  on  their  own  merits  and  exertions.  They  have  been 
censured  by  critics  of  different  periods  as  the  offspring  of 


234  Cause  of  Doiibt.  [part  xii. 

an  irreligious  mind.  Do  they  not  betoken  rather  a  mind 
breaking  from  the  gloom  of  the  religion  which  surrounded  it, 
and  struggling  to  discern  a  light  beyond  ! 

I  venture  upon  this  tribute  to  the  merits  of  Polybius,  not- 
withstanding the  following  criticism  : — "  Polybius,  by  temper 
"  and  by  circumstances  a  rationalist,  is  at  great  pains  to  assure 
"  his  readers  that  Scipio  owed  no  part  of  his  greatness  to  the 
"  Gods,  and  that  his  true  oracle  was  the  clear  judgment  of  his 
"  own  mind.  According  to  him  Scipio  did  but  impose  upon 
"  and  laugh  at  the  credulity  of  the  vulgar,  speaking  of  the 
''  favour  shown  him  by  the  Gods,  while  he  knew  the  Gods  to 
"  be  nothing."  Dr.  Arnold  conceives  that  Scipio  is  misrepre- 
sented ;  he  vindicates  the  hero,  impeaching  the  historian. 

I  venture  to  doubt  that  Polybius  imputed  such  sentiments 
to  Scipio,  or  that  he  entertained  them  himself.  Such  anim- 
adversions are  not  made  now  for  the  first  time.  Casaubon 
found  occasion  to  refute  the  errors  of  those  "  qui  male  de 
"  Diis  et  Divina  Providentia  Polybium  sensisse  ausi  sunt 
"  scribere."  *  The  Eoman  people  indulged  the  notion  that 
Scipio  was  a  favourite  with  the  Gods,  that  he  held  converse 
with  them,  and  that  his  schemes  prospered  under  their 
special  interposition.  It  appears  that  that  great  commander 
countenanced  a  superstitious  feeling  beyond  what  his  own 
mind  accepted;  that  he  encouraged  his  soldiers  to  believe 
that  there  was  a  divine  inspiration  in  his  enterprises,  and 
that  the  Gods  were  on  their  side,  knowing  that  this  per- 
suasion would  raise  the  spirits  of  other  men  nearer  to  a  level 
with  his  own,  and  work  them  to  a  state  of  resolution  for 
mighty  deeds — Trpo?  tcl  heiva  rcoy  epyeov.  The  historian  gives 
Scipio  the  credit  due  to  his  actions,  of  wisdom  in  his  designs, 
and  vigour  in  the  prosecution  of  them,  and  upon  this  is  based 

*  See  his  dedication  to  Henry  the  Pourth  of  Prance,  given  by 
Schweighseuser,  as  Prsefatio  Casauboni. 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conchision.  23r» 

the  imputation  that  the  power  of  the  Deity  was  held  of  no 
account,  and  the  superstition  of  the  Romans  treated  as  an 
object  of  ridicule. 

It  is  to  the  honour  of  Polybius,  that  he  did  not  keep  pace 
with  the  superstitious  of  the  age,  nor  suppose  the  noble 
Roman  whose  achievements  he  recorded  to  have  ascribed  all 
happy  results  to  dreams  and  omens  and  the  caprice  of  the 
Gods.  He  gave  its  due  rank  to  the  genius  of  that  illustrious 
man,  while  feebler  observers,  incapable  to  appreciate  his 
sagacity,  and  blind  to  the  connexion  of  moral  causes  and 
effects,  imputed  each  successful  effort  to  chance  or  to  the 
special  interference  of  the  Gods.*  It  is  unjust  to  charge 
Polybius  with  a  scorn  of  the  Deity,  because  he  censured  those 
writers,  or  because  he  extolled  the  greatness  of  Scipio.  Diffi- 
cult as  it  is  to  dissect  the  thoughts  of  men,  and  tell  where 
religion  ends  and  superstition  begins,  there  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  that  both  the  hero  and  his  eulogist  were  men  of 
reverential  minds. 

One  might  suppose  from  the  terms  of  condemnation,  that 
Polybius  was  the  patron  of  a  system  in  which  there  was  no 
God,  and  man  was  everything.  But  in  truth  the  ground  he 
takes  is  on  the  defensive  against  those  who  deemed  the 
virtues  and  abilities  of  man  to  be  nothing,  and  who  referred 
each  success  of  human  labour  to  the  caprice  of  a  God  or  the 
agency  of  chance.  If  we  could  study  the  whole  of  such  a 
controversy,  we  might  find  the  religious  principle  beaming 
with  a  purer  light  from  Polybius  than  from  his  opponents. 

There  is  good  sense,  and  no  impiety,  when  he  rebukes 
other  writers  for  introducing  divine  agents  where  they  are  not, 
wanted  :  and,  when  this  reasonable  censure  is  deemed  a  con- 
tempt of  the  Gods,  it  is  like  denouncing  a  man  as  an  infidel 
because  he  does  not  believe  in  ghost  stories.  Polybius  insists 
that  the  wisdom  and  energy  of  a  man  produces  fruits,  though 

*  Polyb.  X. 


236  Cause  of  Douht.  [part  xii. 

not  backed  by  preternatural  means  ;  and  he  dissents  from 
those  who  ascribe  each  prosperous  result  to  dreams,  omens, 
Gods,  and  fortune.  He  was  intolerant  of  the  story  that  some 
divinity  appeared  in  person  to  escort  Hannibal  over  the  preci- 
pices ;  and,  if  he  had  heard  of  the  celestial  vision  on  which 
that  hero  was  enjoined  to  fix  his  eyes,  with  the  gigantic 
serpent  and  the  destroying  tempest  in  the  rear,*  he  would 
have  remarked  that  the  great  invader  made  his  way  through 
Spain  and  France  without  those  auxiliaries.  He  did  not 
credit  the  special  interference  of  Neptune  to  accomplish  the 
assault  of  Carthagena,  though  he  tells  how  Scipio  encouraged 
his  soldiers  to  the  belief  of  it.  The  sentiments  of  Polybius 
were  not  only  not  hostile  to  religion,  but  they  accorded  with 
the  sounder  notions  on  the  divine  government  of  the  world. 
In  denying  false  agencies  and  vindicating  the  energies  of 
man,  he  best  asserts  the  power  of  God. 

The  distinguished  writer  and  editor  of  the  Dictionary  of 
Biography,  as  if  adopting  the  censure  to  which  I  object,  pro- 
nounces Polybius  to  be  "  a  decided  rationalist ;"  but  he  adds 
this :  "  Although  he  regards  Fortune  (Jvx^)  ^^  *^^  Goddess 
"  who  regulated  the  affairs  of  men,  whose  hand  may  always  be 
"  traced  in  the  history  of  nations,  and  to  whom  the  Eomans, 
"  therefore,  owe  their  dominion  (comp.  e.g.  i.  4,  58,  86,  ii.  35, 
"  70,  iv.  2,  viii.  4),  still  he  repeatedly  calls  the  reader's  atten- 
"  tion  to  the  means  by  which  Fortune  enabled  this  people  to 
"  rise  to  their  extraordinary  position.  These  he  traces  first  of 
"  all  in  their  admirable  political  constitution  (vi.  1),  and  in 
"  the  stedfastness,  perseverance,  and  unity  of  purpose,  which 
"  were  the  natural  results  of  such  a  constitution." 

One  who  so  speaks  of  the  Tvxn  of  Polybius,  might  have 
omitted  the  designation  of  rationalist.  The  term  Tvxn> 
representing  Chance  or  Fortune,  is  in  frequent  use  with 
Polybius,  as  with  others.     It  is  familiarly  used  by  some  for 

*  Livy,  xxi.  22. 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclusion.  237 

good  luck  :  and  why  not  ?  Polybius  personifies  her ;  so  do 
we.  If  he  deifies  her,  which  I  am  not  aware  of,  so  do  we. 
The  gravest  modern  writer  can  speak  of  the  smiles  and  the 
frowns  of  the  fickle  goddess,  but  his  conscience  bears  no 
allegiance  to  such  divine  personage,  neither  did  the  con- 
science of  Polybius.  There  is  no  sentence  of  his  in  which 
the  word  appears,  that  might  not  be  written  by  a  Christian. 
When,  in  opposition  to  certain  writers,  he  denies  the  agency 
of  Tv^r),  he  intends  Chance.  But  when,  in  discussing  the 
mutability  of  human  affairs,  he  reprehends  those  who  com- 
plain of  Tv')(rj,  he  has  regard  to  the  dispensations  of  Provi- 
dence. The  words  just  quoted  from  Dr.  Smith  express  a 
power  "  which  regulates  the  affairs  of  men,  and  whose  hand 
may  be  traced  in  the  history  of  nations."  What  is  this  but  the 
Providence  of  God? 

While  Polybius  with  sound  discernment  traces  effects  to 
their  moral  causes,  he  does  not  pretend  to  explain  all  results 
by  his  own  efforts  of  reasoning.  He  applies  the  ideas  of  bad 
and  good  fortune  as  we  do,  when  events  seem  not  the  fair  and 
probable  consequences  of  things  precedent :  as  when  one,  who 
has  ably  done  all  within  his  reach,  is  defeated  by  overpowering 
circumstances.  This  is  not  peculiar  to  him,  nor  wrong  in  any 
one.  We  do  not  offend  the  religious  sentiment,  when  we  call 
the  man  unfortunate,  who  with  honest  efforts  fails  of  success  : 
nor  is  Polybius  to  be  blamed  for  saying,  that  fortune  prevailed 
against  Hannibal,  who  had  done  iravra  ra  hwuTa  irpo^  to 
VL/cdv. 

L 

He  denies  the  agency  of  Chance,  when,  in  praise  of  the 
energy  and  perseverance  of  the  Eomans  (i.  63.  9),  he  states 
them  to  have  attained  the  ends  they  aimed  at,  ov  tvxv, 
KaOdirep  evLOL  Sokovctl  tcov  'FXXtjvcov,  ovS*  avrofidrco^y  aXXd 
KoX  \lav  et/coTW?.  This  very  repudiation  of  Chance  might  be 
thought  to  involve  him  in  irreligion  by  those  who  deemed  all 
praise  of  man  to  be  a  slight  of  the  Gods.   Insisting  on  human 


^f'f^ 


238  Caicse  of  DouU.  [part  xii. 

sagacity  and  labour  as  bearing  their  fruits,  he  condemns  those 
who  gave  to  Chance  the  merit  of  success  and  the  blame  of 
failure,  and  says  (ii.  38.  5),  "  Charge  it  not  to  Chance,  but 
look  for  a  cause."  Still  we  find  him  inclined  to  show  that 
the  course  of  events  is  just,  and  cautioning  his  readers  against 
the  hasty  assumption  that  it  is  unjust.  Speaking  (xv.  20.  5) 
of  the  conspiracy  of  the  two  kings  against  the  infant  sovereign 
of  Egypt,  and  their  spoliation  of  his  possessions,  he  says  that 
there  had  indeed  been  excuse  to  complain  of  Tvxn :  but  he 
calls  attention  to  the  retribution  which  followed,  rol^; 
€7rcy €vofievoc<;  koXXlcttov  vTroSeiyfia  tt/oo?  iirauopdcocnv.  Here 
Providence  is  the  object  of  vindication. 

If  there  is  reason  in  these  remarks,  the  comment  which  has 
invited  them  cannot  be  just.  The  severity  of  it  is  pointedly 
clear :  that  the  rationalist  Polybius  laboured  to  show  that 
Scipio  owed  no  part  of  his  greatness  to  the  Gods,  while  he 
laughed  at  the  vulgar  credulity  and  knew  the  Gods  to  be' 
nothing.  I  believe  that,  in  all  the  works  of  Polybius,  no  such 
nor  similar  sentiments  are  to  be  found.  In-  these  our  times 
rationalist  is  a  well  known^  term  of  reproach :  it  embraces 
that  with  which  Polybius  could  not  be  chargeable,  a  rejection 
of  divine  truth  ;  a  distrust  of  the  word  of  God,  in  resting  on 
the  standard  of  human  reason.  This  with  us  is  irreligion : 
for  U  shows  the  paramount  duty  of  obedience ;  and  we  are 
commanded  to  believe  though  we  cannot  comprehend.  Where 
was  the  revealed  word,  which  claimed  this  duty  of  Polybius  ? 
Was  it  in  the  favoured  communications  that  were  rumoured 
as  vouchsafed  to  Scipio,  or  in  the  familiar  interventions  with 
human  society  which  the  ancients  imputed  to  their  Gods  ? 
What  breach  of  duty  constituted  the  rationalism  charged 
against  Polybius?  To  repudiate  all  divine  interposition  in 
the  affairs  of  mankind  was  in  any  age  impious.  But  an 
ancient  philosopher  is  not  to  be  stigmatised  for  withholding 
his  assent  from  notions  which  his  reason  could  not  accept; 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclusion.  239 

for  disbelieving  miracles  which  he  had  not  witnessed,  or 
striving  to  account  for  them  by  natural  causes.  Before  we 
join  in  the  reproach,  we  should  at  least  know  the  character  of 
the  things  which  he  questioned :  if,  for  instance,  he  discredited 
a  knowledge  gained  through  the  flight  of  birds  or  the  entrails 
of  beasts,  was  the  scepticism  vicious  or  praiseworthy  ? 

See  now  the  rationalism  of  Poly  bins :  he  challenged  the 
absurdity  of  writers,  who  asserted  a  statue  of  Diana,  standing 
open  to  the  heavens,  to  be  privileged  against  rain  and  snow  :* 
he  impeached  the  authors,  who  declared  that  the  forms  of 
those  who  entered  a  certain  temple  would  throw  no  shadow 
from  the  light :  f  he  exposed  the  ignorance  of  a  commander, 
who,  being  blockaded  by  a  superior  force  and  having  contrived 
a  plan  of  escape,  was  deterred  from  the  execution  of  it  by  an 
eclipse  of  the  moon.  \  He  was  indeed  the  assertor  of  human 
reason  :  like  Strabo,  he  found  in  the  glorious  work  of  Homer 
a  depth  of  knowledge  not  heeded  in  the  poorer  praise  of  some 
who  went  before  him.§  Polybius  denied  the  splendid  course 
of  Scipio  to  be  the  mere  result  of  the  patronage  of  Gods,  and 
applauded  the  judgment,  wisdom,  and  energy  that  worked  the 
welfare  of  his  country.  They  too,  who  in  the  poverty  of  their 
reasonings  had  celebrated  the  Carthaginian  hero  as  achieving 
the  impossible  Alps  under  the  present  guidance  of  a  God,  are 
rebuked  with  the  assurance  that  this  extraordinary  man  had 
ascertained  and  estimated  all  difficulties,  and  foreplanned  the 
efforts  to  surmount  them. 

These  instances  of  right  reason  will  perhaps  be  conceded, 
and  the  charge  made  to  touch  a  more  serious  chord,  the 
acknowledgment  of  a  Supreme  Being.  Is  it  true  then,  that 
Polybius  imputed  to  Scipio,  that  he  believed  the  Gods  to  be 
nothing  1  His  desire  was  to  do  justice  to  the  memory  of 
that  great  man  on  points  where  others  did  not  do  him  justice. 

*  Polyb.  xvi.  12.  t  Ibid.  %  Ibid.  ix.  19. 

.     §  Strabo  i.  23,  &c. 


240  Cause  of  Doubt.  [part  xii. 

He  was  not  called  upon  to  extol  his  devotional  character.  In 
the  purpose  of  pourtraying  other  great  features,  he  was  more 
likely  to  soften  than  to  exaggerate  the  tinge  of  superstition 
which  belongs  to  the  anecdotes  that  he  relates.  It  seems  a 
great  mistake,  that  because  he  bestows  not  the  praise  of  super- 
stition, he  is  taken  to  deny  the  grace  of  religion :  and  the 
historian  is  himself  held  up  as  a  libeller  of  the  Gods,  because 
he  ascribes  to  his  hero  merit  of  his  own.  That  merit  was, 
that  he  served  his  country  with  transcendent  ability  and 
perseverance.  Polybius  complains  (lib.  x.)  that  all  who  had 
hitherto  written  about  him,  had  left  those  merits  untold,  only 
proclaiming  him  a  child  of  good  fortune  and  a  favourite  of 
the  Gods.  A  long  period  had  elapsed  since  the  death  of 
Scipio,  when  Polybius  so  vindicated  his  fame,  and  declared 
that  the  world  remained  uninstructed  on  the  greatness  of  his 
genius  and  energy  by  those  who  had  pretended  to  write  the 
history  of  his  time :  he  therefore  was  resolved  to  show  to  the 
Eomans  what  that  illustrious  commander  had  done  for 
their  country,  and  that  his  successes  were  the  intelligible 
results  of  wisdom  and  energy,  not  the  offspring  of  dreams 
and  omens. 

Before  he  exhibits  by  facts  the  marvellous  industry  and 
talent  displayed  by  Scipio  in  war,  he  relates,  as  heard  from 
Lselius,  an  incident  in  his  early  life,  which  encouraged  the 
general  impression  of  his  supernatural  support :  and  the 
historian's  report  of  it  has  tended  perhaps  to  bring  censure  on 
himself.  The  story  is,  that  the  elder  brother  Lucius  was  a 
candidate  for  the  of&ce  of  ^dile,  and  that  his  mother  was 
trying  to  propitiate  the  Gods  by  sacrifice.  Scipio,  conscious 
that  he  would  himself  be  most  acceptable  to  the  people,  and 
might  carry  his  brother's  election  also,  assured  his  mother 
that  he  had  dreamed  that  he  and  his  brother  were  both 
elected,  and  so  obtained  her  permission  to  offer  himself.  This 
incident,  with  the  success  which  followed,  aided  the  reputation 


CHAP.  11.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclusion.  241 

of  Scipio  as  a  favourite  with  the  Gods.  This  is  the  comment 
of  Polybius — "  of  which  things  the  dream  was  none :  but, 
"  being  generous,  munificent,  and  of  kindly  demeanour,  he 
"  reckoned  on  the  good-will  of  the"  multitude  towards  himself. 
"  In  the  result,  having  happily  hit  the  right  time  both  with 
"  the  people  and  with  his  mother,  he  not  only  gained  his 
<'  object,  but  was  thought  to  do  so  through  some  inspiration 
"  of  the  Deity.  For  those  who  cannot  survey  with  exactness 
"  the  seasons,  and  the  causes,  and  the  coincidences  of  things, 
"  whether  from  poverty  of  spirit  or  from  inexperience  or 
'*  indifference,  ascribe  to  the  Gods  and  Chances  the  originating 
"  of  that,  which  is  accomplished  by  sagacity  with  reasoning 
"  and  foresight.  I  make  these  observations  for  the  sake  of 
"  my  readers,  lest,  being  led  away  falsely  by  the  current  notion 
"  concerning  him,  they  should  be  insensible  to  the  most 
"  honourable  and  the  noblest  features  of  the  man :  I  mean 
"  his  skilfulness  and  perseverance  in  toil." 

These  sound  remarks  are  found  in  the  remains  of  the  tenth 
book :  where  afterwards,  in  the  admirable  account  of  the 
siege  of  Carthagena  and  the  recovery  of  the  Eoman  prepon- 
derance in  Spain,  Polybius  traces  the  effect  to  its  cause,  and 
explains  the  singular  merit  of  the  general.  All  is  plain 
common  sense,  and  creditable  to  him  who  tells  it :  there  is  no 
more  impiety  in  one  who  thus  commends  the  insight  of  Scipio 
into  the  affairs  of  life,  than  in  those  who  extol  the  military 
instinct  of  Wellington  or  Napoleon.  Well  does  the  historian 
pourtray  the  character  which  he  celebrates,  when  he  says  of 
the  youthful  proconsul,  going  forth  to  Spain  two  years  after 
the  anecdote  just  related, — evOapaax;  SieKetTo  tt/jo?  Tr)v  e^o^ov, 
ov  ry  TVXV  Trtcrreuft)!/  ciXXa  tol<;  av\XoyL(T/jbo2<i.  We  find  in 
Strabo  a  similar  contrast  between  Chance  and  Design,  where  it 
is  applied  to  a  higher  subject,  the  beneficent  providence  of 
the  Creator,  testified  by  arrangements  made  ovx  07ra)9  ervx^v, 
aX)C  0)9  av  fiera  Xoyia/jLov  tlvo^.    iv.  189. 

VOL.  II.  R 


\    I 


242  Cause  of  DouhL  [PART  XII. 

The  unfavourable  impressions  which  I  am  here  combating, 
have,  I  believe,  been  founded  partly  on  what  Polybius  has 
said  in  the  sixth  book  on  the  hetaihaifjiovla  of  the  Eomans  ; 
to  which  he  attributes,  among  other  things,  their  superiority 
in  moral  principle  to  Carthaginians  and  Greeks,  and  their 
resistance  to  pecuniary  corruption.  He  extols  as  a  whole 
their  studious  system  of  observances,  and  their  awe  of  the 
praeterhuman,  the  influence  of  which  was  practically  inter- 
woven with  all  affairs  of  state  and  the  usages  of  domestic  life. 
He  notices,  however,  the  excess  and  exaggeration  to  which 
these  things  were  carried,  and  observes  that  it  had  been  so 
done  Tov  7r\r)6ov^  X^P^^  (^^'^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  mass)  :  adding, 
"  that  such  a  method  would  be  unnecessary  to  a  community 
"  of  wise  men,  if  a  State  could  be  composed  of  them  ;  but 
"  that,  as  the  mass  everywhere  is  thoughtless,  full  of  illicit 
"  cravings,  irrational  impulse,  violent  passion,  they  must  be 
"  constrained  by  uncertain  terrors,  and  such  theatrical  solemni- 
"  ties  (to??  dBijXoL<;  (p6^oL<s  kol  rfj  roiavTrj  TpayaySla).  That 
"  the  ancients  therefore  appeared  to  have  designedly  intro- 
"  duced  for  the  mass,  notions  about  the  Gods,  and  conceptions 
"  of  things  done  in  the  infernal  regions  ;  and  that  the  moderns 
"  rather  were  unwise  in  rejecting  them."  In  the  same  spirit, 
and  without  the  tinge  of  irreligion,  Strabo  says  that  "you 
"  cannot  rouse  the  mob  of  mankind  by  philosophic  reason- 
"  ing  to  reverence,  holiness,  and  faith  (tt/oo?  evai^eiav  xal 
"  ocTLOTrjTa  Koi  TTLaTiv),  but  must  act  also  through  super- 
"  stition  (aWa  Set  /cal  BeLo-cBaLfjLovlafi),"     i.  19. 

The  religion  of  the  Eomans  did  indeed  embrace  a  wide  field 
of  wonders,  some  of  which  might,  for  swaying  inferior  minds, 
receive  a  qualified  sanction  from  philosophers.  Aeto-LBatfjuovla 
is  not  here  employed  merely  in  its  best  sense,  the  fear  of  God : 
nor  Ta  iv  dBov  to  express  the  fact  of  a  future  state.  To  dis- 
pense with  the  recognition  of  those  ideas,  would  be  to  teach 
that  religion  is  needed  only  as  a  bugbear  to  terrify  the  way- 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclusion.  243 

ward  and  headstrong.  But  it  was  not  those  instincts  of  a 
reasonable  mind,  that  wanted  merit  in  the  eyes  of  Polybius, 
or  that  he  would  dismiss  as  unnecessary  from  a  society  of  wise 
men.  The  fables  of  a  heathen  mythology  were  an  unreal 
mockery  to  his  sober  mind :  and  the  Seia-tBaifjuovla  of  the 
Eomans,  however  politically  useful,  abounded  in  the  false 
agencies  which  he  rejected.  He  repudiates  the  notions  that 
the  wise  Lycurgus  had  learned  to  found  his  polity  by  the 
teachings  of  a  Pythian  priestess,  and  that  Scipio  had  raised 
his  country  through  the  impulses  of  dreams  and  omens.* 
He  predicates  an  undue  Seia-iBai/juovLa  of  him  whose  courage 
quailed  under  an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  and  shows  that  he  would 
have  been  the  better  for  some  knowledge  of  astronomy .f  On 
Timseus  he  observes,  that,  while  he  opposes  the  audacious 
statements  of  others,  he  is  himself  full  of  dreams,  and  wonders, 
and  incredible  fables,  abounding,  in  short,  in  low  superstition 
and  womanish  nonsense  {Seca-cSaifiovLaf;  dyevvov^;  koI  Teparela^ 
yvvaiKooSov;).     xii.  24. 

It  seems  to  me  that  in  these  matters  Polybius  exhibits  a 
sound  discrimination  :  and  that  he  is  not  to  be  censured, 
either  for  the  resistance  which  he  offers  to  superstition,  or 
for  the  modified  toleration  which  he  extends  to  it.  If  he  is 
charged  with  imputing  atheism  to  Scipio,  it  seemed  relevant 
to  consider  whether  he  could  be  so  charged  himself :  therefore 
I  have  alluded  to  some  matters  in  the  sixth  book.  But  in 
truth,  in  those  comments  on  Eoman  institutions,  he  is  not 
dealing  with  the  principles  of  religion  and  the  duty  of  man  to 
his  Creator :  his  subject  is  the  perpetual  blending  of  sacred 
ceremonies  with  the  ordinary  transactions  of  life :  and  he 
treats  with  respect  forms  and  observances  which  awe  the 
ordinary  mind  into  rectitude.  Thus  he  notices  the  oath  of 
office,  the  obligation  of  which,  rj  Kara  rov  opKov  Trto-rt?,  made 

*  Polyb.  X.  3.  t  lb.  ix.  19. 

e2  ^^.."-^.-.-. 


244:  Cause  of  Doubt  [part  xii 

the  Eoman  faithful  to  his  trust  of  public  money,  a  virtue 
unknown  to  the  Greek.  Shall  we  also  not  allow,  that  in  a 
society  of  wise  and^  good  men,  oaths  would  be  superfluous  ? 
Yet  not  the  less  must  we  agree  with  Polybius  in  the  principle 
by  which  they  are  required.  We  claim  the  oaths  of  wit- 
nesses :  a  process  as  needless  to  bring  truth  from  a  good  man, 
as  it  is  vain  for  stifling  the  lies  of  a  bad  man  :  but  upon  the 
shadowy  multitude  that  intervenes,  the  solemnity  has  a  clear 
practical  influence  to  the  daily  benefit  of  society.  The  religion 
of  an  oath  has  merit  in  its  political  usefulness :  but  he  who 
approves  it  on  that  ground  is  not  to  be  construed. as  under- 
valuing religion. 

The  mind  of  such  a  man  as  Polybius  was  likely  to  become 
cautious  of  superstition,  and  bold  in  the  cause  of  Truth,  by 
the  variety  of  circumstances  in  which  his  life  was  placed,  and 
his  opportunities  of  viewing  with  deliberation,  and  scanning 
without  prejudice,  the  institutions  of  the  civilized  world,  their 
beauties  and  their  blemishes.  He  was  free  to  use  the  voice 
of  reason,  and  to  grapple  with  those  who  invited  the  belief 
of  mankind  to  things,  which  he  designates  as  "  falling  beyond 
the  scope,  not  only  of  what  is  probable,  but  of  what  is  possible." 
He  could  doubt  what  others  believed;  and  censure  what 
others  sustained:  but  did  he  withhold  honour  and  praise 
where  honour  and  praise  were  due  ?  Were  his  scruples  not 
based  in  truth  ?  If  they  were,  blame  him  not  for  moderating 
his  acquiescence  in  the  delusions  of  his  age.  Had  he  gone 
further,  we  might  have  excused  without  applauding  him. 
Things,  not  reasonable  in  themselves,  may  from  circumstances 
be  entitled  to  excuse,  or  almost  to  commendation.  Cicero 
believed  in  the  unity  of  a  wise  and  beneficent  Creator :  yet 
it  became  his  duty  to  observe,  and  to  enforce  the  observance 
of  the  religion  of  his  country.  So  let  it  stand.  If  it  be 
required  to  bring  these  merits  into  critical  balance,  and  to 


chaP/IL]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclusion.  245 

pronounce  for  one  the  greater  praise,  that  praise  must  be 
rather  that  he  w^as  a  sceptic  among  heathens,  than  that,  an 
enlightened  theologist,  he  was  an  actor  in  heathen  cere- 
monies. 

What  was  it,   then,  which  the  philosophy  of  Polybius 
rejected  ?    Not  the  belief  in  a  Being  greater  and  wiser  than 
man  :  but  the  surrender  of  the  understanding  to  notions  pre- 
posterous in  themselves,  and  irreverent  of  that  greater  and 
wiser  Being.     He  defines  the   extent  to  which  superstition 
may  be  tolerated,  limiting  it  to  that  which  is  subservient  to 
religion,  and  protesting  against  the  nonsense  which,  offending 
our  reason,  does  not  tend  to  a  reverence  of  Gt)d.     "  We  may 
"  excuse  some  historians,"  he  says  (xvi.  12,  9),  "  when  they 
'*  deal  in  miracles  and  fables,  so  far  as  it  tends  to  sustain  the 
"  piety  of  the  multitude  towards  the  Deity  (oaa  fikv  a-vvreivei 
"  7r/)09    TO    Biacrco^eiv  rrjv  rov   irk^Oov'^   evae^eiav   irpo^   to 
"  delov) ;  all  beyond  this  is  inadmissible."     This  comment  is 
in  check  of  superstition :  but  even  that  superstition  was  not 
the  subject  of  ridicule  :  still  less  could  religion  be  so.     If 
there  are  passages  in  which  his  accusers  find  the  Gods  to  be 
nothing,  let  them  be  pointed  out.     In  the  meantime  there 
are  those  which  tell  plainly  his  contrary  impressions.     When 
he  speaks  of  religion,  of  the  duty  of  man  to  God,  his  terms 
are  evai^eta  and  to,  irpb^   roif^   Oeoix;   oaia:  these  always 
had  an  advocate  in  him.     In  treating  of  democracy  as  a  form 
of  government  (vi.  4),  he  desires  to  be  understood  as  meaning, 
"  not  the  wilful  rule  of  a  mob,  but  a  system  which  cherishes  as 
"  national  the  worship  of  the  Gods,  honour  of  parents,  respect 
"  of  seniors,  obedience  to  the  laws."    His  praise  of  his  country- 
men, the  Arcadians  (iv.  20),  is  that,  "  while  they  habitually 
"  fulfil  the  duties  of  society  and  hospitality,  they  are  chiefly 
"  distinguished  by  their  reverence  of  the  Deity" — Bia  ttjv 
eh  TO  Oeiov  evae/SeLav. 


246  Cause  of  DouhL  [part  xii. 

One  who  so  writes  can  hardly  be  moved  only  by  worldly 
usefulness ;  but,  if  more  is  wanted  to  show  that  there  was  a 
duty  of  religion  in  which  Polybius  sympathised,  a  heartfelt 
principle,  not  the  mere  approval  of  an  invention  convenient 
to  society,  there  is  that  may  satisfy  the  most  scrupulous.  In 
the  very  passages  (x.  2)  where  he  has  been  supposed  to  heap 
honour  upon  Scipio  at  the  expense  of  the  Gods,  there  is  plain 
proof  that  his  was  the  true  spirit  of  piety,  and  which  retorts 
the  impiety  upon  his  opponents.  "All  other  writers,"  he 
says,  "  introduce  Scipio  as  the  man  of  good  fortune,  whose 
"  endeavours  prospered  as  of  themselves  and  beyond  reason : 
"  they  hold  such  men  to  be  more  godlike,  more  admirable, 
"  than  those  who  act  in  all  matters  upon  a  fixed  principle. 
"  They  see  not  the  distinction  between  that  wliich  is  praise- 
"  worthy  and  that  which  is  prosperous.  The  latter  may  fall 
"  to  any  sort  of  men ;  the  other  is  proper  to  those  who  are 
"  endowed  with  mind  and  reason :  these  we  are  to  esteem  as 
"  godlike — these  the  dearest  to  the  Gods."  This  doctrine  of  a 
divine  approbation  of  human  merit  is  worthy  of  the  writer ; 
while  there  is  a  vulgarity  in  its  opposite,  which  wantonly 
visits  with  celestial  patronage  those  who  have  not  merit  of 
their  own.  And  let  us  not  forget  that  Polybius  was  one  who 
acknowledged  a  divine  justice  and  a  divine  vengeance.  It 
is  enough  to  note  his  words  upon  the  rebels,  reduced  by 
Hamilcar,  and  perishing  by  famine :  "  The  deity  executing 
"  upon  them  an  appropriate  retribution  for  their  impiety  and 
"  lawlessness  towards  their  neighbours — rov  Baijuovlov  rrjv 
"  oiKeiav  dfioiffrjv  avTOL<i  ein^epovTO'i,  ry  irpo^  Tov<i  7reXa<; 
"  aae^ela  koI  Trapavofila."     i.  84. 

Such  sentiments  are  not  those  of  a  contemner  of  divine 
power,  but  of  one  who  believed  in  the  ever-present  miracle, 
unscanned  by  human  reason, — the  government  of  the  invisible 
God.     When  such  sentiments  have  sprung  under  the  light  of 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclusion.  247 

nature,  not  of  revelation,  let  us  give  credit  to  the  author  of 
them  for  a  pure  rather  than  a  perverse  impulse,  nor  depre- 
ciate the  source  of  that  which  in  itself  is  wise  and  true.  If 
the  doctrines  of  Polybius  are  challenged  as  adverse  to  the 
duties  of  Paganism,  let  them  be  hailed  as  akin  to  purer 
influences  by  which  Paganism  was  to  be  overthrown.  He 
vindicates  the  dignity  of  man's  intellectual  and  moral  nature, 
and  claims  that  great  and  good  actions  shall  bring  him 
honour.  Shall  this  be  treated  as  contempt  of  the  Gods? 
Different  was  the  impression  of  one  to  whom  his  full  works, 
unhappily  wanting  to  us,  gave  ampler  evidence  of  the  spirit 
of  his  opinions.  Suidas,  a  Greek  writer  of  the  eleventh 
century,  thus  alludes  to  those  opinions,  as  in  harmony  with 
the  sentiments  of  a  Christian  :  ''  Fortune,  with  Greeks,  is  the 
"  government  of  the  world  without  a  Providence ;  a  course 
"  from  uncertain  to  uncertain,  of  events  turning  up  as  of 
"  themselves.  But  we  Christians  acknowledge  God  as  admi- 
*  nistering  all  things ;  and  to  this  effect  speaks  Polybius."  * 

I  hope  to  be  excused  for  these  notices  of  a  great  and  good 
man,  whose  claims  to  our  respect  I  believe  to  be  not  suf- 
ficiently estimated.  While  he  is  the  only  safe  authority  on 
an  important  period  of  the  history  of  the  Roman  common- 
wealth, he  is  not  among  those  whose  works  every  one  reads 
in  the  course  of  classical  study,  as  pursued  for  improving  the 
taste  and  the  conception  of  universal  language.  He  is  read 
by  the  laborious  few  who  read  everything,  by  the  professed 
historian,  and  by  those  who  find  themselves  directed  to  him 
for  a  particular  object ;  not  by  the  mass.     Though  not  en- 

*  Twj(?/,  Trap'  "EXXt/o-tr,  dnpoi^orjro'i  Koaixov  SioiKr](Tis  *  y  tl>opd  i^ 
dd^Xwv  £ts  d.di]Xov  kol  avrofxaTov.  ot  Be  Xpiariavot  0eov  ofxoXoyovfXiy 
SioiKely  TO.  TravTtt.  Koi  IloXv(3io<:  (prjfft.  Suidse  Lexicon  in  v.  Tv)(»/, 
and  see  Casaubon's  dedication,  and  Schweigheuser's  edition  of 
Polyb.  Fragmenta  Grammatical  v.  Tt'x*?. 


248  Cause  of  Doubt.  [part  xn. 

dowed  with  the  splendid  eloquence  of  Thucydides,  nor  with 
the  masterly  and  charming  flow  of  Livy,  he  is  in  the  highest 
rank  of  historians.  Much  of  Aristotelian  wisdom  and  accuracy 
\  is  found  in  his  written  counsels  ;  but  he  belonged  not  to  the 
I  days  when  letters  were  fostered  by  liberty  in  Greece :  and 
I  there  was  in  him  a  sobriety  of  thought  not  favouring  the 
I  higher  polish  of  composition.  Some,  viewing  him  in  contrast 
[  with  the  more  brilliant  models,  have  been  extreme  in  dis- 
paraging his  genius :  not  satisfied  with  proclaiming  him  "  a 
decided  rationalist,"  they  denounce  him  as  "not  possessing 
a  particle  of  enthusiasm  in  his  nature."  *  I  venture  to  think 
that  in  every  sentiment  there  is  to  be  traced  a  disciplined 
and  right-feeling  mind — the  merit  of  enthusiasm,  without  its 
extravagance.  His  nature  knew  the  better  kind ;  an  ardent 
zeal  in  illustrating,  without  the  waywardness  of  fancy,  all 
that  is  great  and  noble,  and  that  sheds  honour  and  dignity  on 
our  species.  His  doctrines,  without  attracting  by  style  of 
expression,  are  persuasive  with  energy  and  warmth.  He 
"  had  musick  in  himself;"  and  if  there  be  anything  in  ancient 
literature  worthy  to  have  suggested  to  our  own  great  poet  his 
charming  eulogy  of  the  musical  sense,  it  is  in  the  congenial 
spirit  of  Polybius,  with  which  he  enforces  the  wisdom  and 
the  duty  of  its  cultivation.  We  sympathise  in  the  disdain 
with  which  he  rejects  the  notion  of  Ephorus,  that  music  was 
given  to  man  for  deceit  and  witchery,  and  insists  that  it  was 
to  reclaim  and  soothe  the  ruggedness  of  our  nature.  We 
sympathise  in  his  condemnation  of  his  savage  and  uncivilized 
neighbours,  and  in  his  prayer  for  their  conversion  to  music.f 
The  men  of  Cynsetha  were  "  fit  for  treasons,  stratagems,  and 
spoils/'  wanting  that  sweet  softener  of  humanity. 

One  who  shall  diligently  study  the  writings  of  Polybius 

*  Dictionary  of  Biography,  "  Scipio,"  12. 
t  Polyb.  iv.  20,  21,  22. 


CHAP.  II.]  Dr.  Arnold — Conclusion.  249 

which  time  has  spared,  not  diverted  by  undue  contrasts  and 
the  bias  to  which  they  lead,  and  who  will  observe  the  station 
which  he  took  in  the  promotion  of  general  knowledge  and  in 
the  active  business  of  the  world,  will  find  many  high  faculties 
to  be  respected,  many  admirable  features  to  be  contemplated 
in  his  character  as  a  citizen  and  a  philosopher.  The  study 
is  of  one,  whose  endowments  commanded  the  affectionate 
respect,  and  whose  care  framed  the  minds  of  the  sons  of 
j^milius  ;  whose  wisdom  under  national  affliction  secured  the 
gratitude  of  the  cities  of  Achaia ;  and  whose  monument  re- 
corded, that  he  reclaimed  from  the  oppressor  the  memorials  of 
those  who  had  asserted  their  country's  freedom ;  of  one  whose 
fame  it  is,  that,  if  she  had  obeyed  his  counsels,  that  country- 
would  have  averted  her  degradation.* 

And  with  these  merits,  let  us  remember  the  sacred  attri- 
bute, which,  though  it  can  consist  with  inferior  claims,  was 
in  him  the  controlling  guide  of  a  great  and  powerful  intellect. 
They  who,  in  the  easy  enjoyment  of  the  fruits  of  modem 
science,  look  down  upon  the  hard-earned  knowledge  of  the 
ancient  geographers,  and  they  whose  literary  taste  is  most 
unsatisfied  with  the  style  and  diction  of  this  historian,  fail 
not  to  confer  one  praise,  while  they  cling  to  censure  that  im- 
pairs it.  AU  are  constrained  to  own,  that  among  those  to 
whose  labours  we  are  indebted  for  a  knowledge  of  the  times 
that  are  past,  there  is  no  name  that  lives  ennobled  above  the 
name  of  Polybius  by  the  clear  spirit  of  truth.  This  was  the 
the  light  of  his  path,  and  thus  he  hails  it : — "  Truth  is  the 
"  eye  of  history :  for,  as  the  living  thing  deprived  of  sight 
"  becomes  all  useless,  so,  if  truth  be  taken  from  history,  what 
"  remains  is  an  unprofitable  tale."  f  And  again  :  "  If  one  has 
"  come  to  knowledge,  then  is  the  most  difficult  thing  of  all ; 

*  Pausanias  viii.  37.     Polyb.  xl.  8.  f  Polyb.  1.  U. 


250  Cause  of  Doubt.  [part  xii. 

"  for  even  the  eye-witness  to  control  his  knowledge,  and,  de- 
"  spising  the  paradoxical  and  marvellous,  to  give  for  his  own 
"  sake  the  first  honour  to  truth,  and  tell  us  nothing  that 
"  transgresses  her."  *  While  such  his  zeal,  and  such  his 
sense  of  danger,  he  felt  the  higher  principle  in  which  this 
virtue  has  her  safety :  he  taught  the  bright  lesson,  that 
truth  to  man  is  kindled  in  sincerity  to  God — to  ^ap  fiavddvecv 
d'sjreva-Telv  7rpo9  rou?  06oif<;  viroOir^i^  icrl  t^9  Trpo?  dXXtjXovfi 
aXTj6ela<;.f 

*  Polyb.  iii.  58.  t  Ibid.  vi.  59. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX   A. 


TRANSLATION  OF  PART  OF  THIRD  BOOK  OF   POLYBIUS. 

(c.  39  TO  c.  61.) 

From  SchweigTuBuser's  ed.     Oxford :  Baxter.  1823. 


Carthaginian  Power  in  Spain. 

39.  The  Carthaginians  at  this  period  ruled  all  those  parts 
of  Libya  which  border  on  the  Mediterranean  sea,  from  the 
altars  of  Philsenus,  which  are  on  the  Great  Syrtis,  as  far  as 
the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  a  line  of  coast  exceeding  16,000 
stadia.  Crossing  the  strait  at  the  Pillars,  they  had  in  like 
manner  subdued  all  Iberia,  as  far  as  the  rocky  ridge  which 
on  our  sea  terminates  the  Pyrenean  mountains,  that  separate 
the  Iberians  and  the  Celts.  That  place  is  distant  from  the 
Herculean  strait  about  8,000  stadia.  For  from  the  Columns 
to  the  new  City  whence  Hannibal  began  his  expedition  to 
Italy,  it  is  3,000  :  some  call  the  new  City,  New  Carthage. 

The  line  of  March  to  Italy  in  five  Sections. 

And  from  this  City  to  the  river  Ebro  it  is  2,600  stadia : 
and  from  the  Ebro  to  Emporium,  1,600  :  and  from  thence 
again  to  the  passage  of  the  Ehone,  about  1,600:  (for  these 
distances  have  now  been  stepped  and  carefully  marked  at 
every  eight  stadia  by  the  Eomans.*)  And  from  the  passage 
for  those  who  travel  along  that  river  as  if  towards  its  source, 

*  I  conceive  that  this  remark  ought  to  follow  the  1,600  to 
Emporium.  , 


254  Appendix. 

as  far  as  the  ascent  of  Alps  which  leads  into  Italy,  1,400 : 
and  the  rest  of  the  way  over  the  heights  of  Alps,  about  1,200: 
surmounting  which,  he  was  to  enter  into  the  Padan  plain  of 
Italy.  So  that  the  entire  distance  which  he  had  to  traverse 
from  the  New  City  was  about  9,000  stadia.  Of  his  march 
through  these  regions  he  had  already  accomplished  nearly 
half  in  distance :  but  in  difficulty,  the  greater  part  of  the 
march  remained  to  be  performed. 

Roman  Preparations.     Rising  of  the  Gauls. 

40.  Hannibal  was  now  encountering  the  defiles  of  the 
Pyrenean  Mountains,  having  some  fear  of  the  Celts  by  reason 
of  the  defensible  nature  of  the  positions.  About  the  same 
time  the  Eomans,  having  learned  from  their  ambassadors  to 
Carthage  all  that  had  been  resolved  and  the  words  spoken, 
and  the  news  of  Hannibal's  passing  the  river  Ebro  having 
come  upon  them  sooner  than  they  expected,  determined  to 
send  off  the  consuls  with  their  armies,  Publius  Cornelius  to 
Iberia,  and  Tiberius  Sempronius  to  Libya.  While  the  consuls 
were  engaged  in  the  enrolment  of  the  legions  and  other 
matters  of  preparation,  those  who  had  been  before  appointed 
to  dispatch  the  colonies  into  Gaul,  were  hastening  to  the 
fulfilment  of  the  business :  they  were  actively  walling  the 
cities,  and  they  ordered  the  settlers  to  repair  to  their  posts  in 
thirty  days,  in  number  as  much  as  six  thousand  for  each 
city;  one  of  which  they  founded  on  this  side  of  the  Po, 
calling  it  Placentia,  and  the  other  on  the  other  side,  naming 
it  Cremona. 

No  sooner  were  these  colonists  settled,  than  the  Gauls 
called  Boii,  who  had  long  been  watching,  as  it  were,  to  break 
their  alliance  with  the  Eomans,  but  as  yet  had  not  the  oppor- 
tunity, now  elated  and  confident,  through  the  emissaries,  of 
the  approach  of  the  Carthaginians,  broke  off  from  the  Eomans ; 
abandoning  the  hostages  delivered  by  them  on  the  close  of  the 


Narrative  of  Polybius  translated.  255 

last  war,  of  which  I  have  given  account  in  a  former  book. 
Having  called  to  them  the  Insubres,  and  laid  their  plans 
together  under  the  feelings  which  already  impelled  them, 
they  plundered  the  district  which  was  allotted  to  the  colonists 
by  the  Eomans :  and  jointly  pursuing  those  who  fled  to 
Mutina,  which  was  a  Koman  colony,  besieged  them  there. 
Among  these  were  three  men  of  distinction,  who  had  been 
commissioned  to  the  partition  of  the  lands ;  Caius  Lutatius 
of  Consular  rank,  and  two  of  Praetorian  rank.  On  these 
demanding  a  conference,  the  Boii  assented :  but,  when  they 
came  forth,  seized  them  in  breach  of  good  faith,  hoping  by 
this  means  to  recover  their  own  hostages.  Lucius  Manlius, 
who  was  Praetor,  and  had  charge  of  the  posts  thereabouts  with 
a  force  under  his  command,  hearing  what  had  taken  place, 
hastened  to  their  assistance.  The  Boii,  aware  of  his  approach, 
prepared,  an  ambuscade  in  a  forest  district ;  and,  as  his  force 
moved  on  into  the  wooded  parts,  fell  upon  them  at  once  from 
all  sides,  and  slew  many  of  the  Eomans.  The  survivors  at 
first  made  a  precipitate  flight ;  but,  on  reaching  high  ground, 
they  made  a  stand  in  some  measure,  so  as  to  effect,  though 
with  difficulty,  an  orderly  retreat.  But  the  Boii  pursued 
these  into  the  village  called  Tannes,  and  shut  them  in  there. 
When  the  news  reached  Eome  that  the  fourth  legion,  sur- 
rounded by  the  Boii,  was  besieged  by  open  force,  they  sent 
off  in  haste  to  their  relief,  under  the  command  of  a  Praetor, 
the  legions  which  had  been  equipped  for  Piiblius,  and  ordered 
him  to  raise  and  enrol  fresh  legions  from  the  allies. 

Scipio  lands  in  Gaul.     Hannibal  on  the  Rhone. 

41.  Such  then  was  the  state  of  events  among  the  Gauls 
from  the  first,  and  until  the  coming  of  Hannibal ;  and  such 
the  issue  of  them,  as  I  have  detailed  in  what  I  have  written 
both  before  and  now.  The  Eoman  generals,  having  got  all 
things  ready  for  their  respective  enterprises,  set  sail,  when 


256  Appendix. 

the  season  came,*  to  tlieir  appointed  duties:  Publius  for 
Iberia  with  sixty  ships ;  Tiberius  Sempronius  for  Libya  with 
a  hundred  and  sixty  quinqueremes,  with  which  he  purposed 
to  carry  on  the  war  in  so  astounding  a  manner,  making  such 
equipments  too  at  Lilybseum,  by  collecting  every  necessary 
from  every  quarter,  as  if  he  was  straightway  on  landing  to 
lay  siege  to- Carthage  herself. 

Publius,  making  his  voyage  along  the  Ligurian  coast,  came 
to  the  parts  about  Marseille  on  the  fifth  day  from  Pisse,  and 
mooring  off  the  first  mouth  of  the  Ehone,  he  landed  his 
forces,  hearing  indeed  that  Hannibal  was  already  crossing  the 
Pyrenees,  but  persuaded  that  he  must  still  be  far  distant,  on 
account  of  the  difficulty  of  the  country  and  of  the  great  popu- 
lation of  the  Celts  who  lay  between.  But  Hannibal  did 
arrive,  beyond  all  expectation:  having  overcome  the  Celts, 
some  by  force  of  arms,  others  with  bribes,  he  came  with  his 
forces,  having  the  Sardinian  sea  on  his  right  hand,  to  the 
passage  of  the  Ehone.  When  it  was  made  clear  to  Publius 
that  the  enemy  was  at  hand,  doubting  it  in  some  respects 
because  of  the  speed  of  his  appearance,  but  still  anxious  to 
know  the  real  trnth,  he  recovered  his  force  from  the  effects 
of  the  voyage,  and  deliberated  with  the  tribunes,  as  to  the 
positions  which  they  should  take,  and  where  they  should 
bring  the  enemy  to  action.  He  sent  forward  three  hundred 
the  most  valiant  men  of  his  cavalry,  adding  to  them  as  guides 
and  fellow-warriors  some  Celts,  who  were  with  the  Massaliots 
as  mercenaries. 

Preparations  for  crossing.     March  of  Hanno, 

42.  Hannibal,  having  arrived  in  the  country  upon  the 
Ehone,  straightway  set  about  effecting  the  passage  where  the 
river  ran  in  a  single  stream,  being  encamped  at  a  distance  of 

*  Scipio  was  delayed,  and  cannot  have  sailed  from  Pisse  so  early 
as  Sempronius  put  forth  from  Lilybseum. 


Narrative  of  Polybms  translated.  257 

nearly  four  days'  journey  from  the  sea :  and,  having  in  every 
way  conciliated  those  who  dwelt  along  the  river,  he  purchased 
from  them  all  their  single  timber  boats,  and  their  barges, 
which  were  sufficient  in  number,  as  many  of  the  dwellers  on 
the  Ehone  carry  on  a  trade  from  the  sea.  Moreover,  he  got 
from  them  suitable  timber  for  making  the  canoes ;  from 
which  there  was  in  two  days  a  numberless  multitude  of 
vessels  of  transport ;  each  man  striving  to  be  independent 
of  his  neighbour,  and  to  have  in  himself  his  hope  of  a 
passage. 

By  this  time,  a  crowd  of  the  barbarians  was  collected  on 
the  opposite  shore  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  passage 
of  the  Carthaginians.  Looking  well  at  these,  and  considering 
from  existing  circumstances,  that  it  would  neither  be  possible 
to  force  a  passage  in  the  face  of  so  numerous  an  enemy,  or  to 
keep  his  position  without  expecting  the  enemy  upon  him 
from  all  sides,  Hannibal,  as  the  third  night  is  coming  on, 
sends  off  a  division  of  the  army  under  the  command  of 
Hanno,  son  of  the  king  Bomilcar,  joining  to  them  guides 
who  are  natives  of  the  country.  After  marching  along  the 
river  up  the  stream  for  a  distance  of  200  stadia,  and  coming 
to  a  place  where  the  river  is  divided  into  two  branches  round 
an  island,  they  halted  there :  and  having  got  timber  from  a 
neighbouring  forest,  they  soon  fitted  out  a  number  of  rafts 
sufficient  for  the  present  purpose,  partly  by  framing  the 
timbers  together,  partly  by  tying  them.  On  these  they  were 
safely  carried  over,  no  one  obstructing  them  ;  and,  having 
taken  up  a  strong  position,  they  remained  there  that  day, 
giving  themselves  a  respite  after  the  hardships  they  had 
undergone,  and  preparing  themselves  for  the  coming  emer- 
gency, according  to  the  plan  concerted.  Hannibal  too  was 
doing  the  same  with  the  force  that  remained  with  him.  His 
greatest  difficulty  was  the  passage  of  the  elephants  :  there 
were  thirty-seven  of  them. 

VOL.  II,  s 


258  Appendix. 

The  Passage  of  the  Rhone. 

43.  As  the  fifth  night  came  on,  the  division,  which  had 
already  crossed  the  river,  pushed  forward  about  the  morning 
watch  along  the  river,  against  the  barbarians  who  were  oppo- 
site to  the  Carthaginian  army.  Hannibal  now,  having  his 
soldiers  all  ready,  was  intent  on  the  work  of  crossing,  having 
filled  the  barges  with  the  light-shielded  cavalry,  and  the 
canoes  with  the  lightest  of  the  infantry.  The  barges  were 
ranged  highest  up  and  along  the  stream ;  the  small  craft  were 
ranged  below  them ;  that,  the  former  sustaining  the  chief 
force  of  the  current,  the  crossing  of  the  canoes  at  the  passage 
might  be  accomplished  more  safely.  And  they  made  a  plan 
of  drawing  on  the  horses  swimming  at  the  sterns  of  the 
barges,  one  man  managing  three  or  four  with  reins  from 
either  side  of  the  stern,  so  that  a  sufficient  number  of  horses 
were  at  once  carried  over  with  them  in  the  first  crossing. 

The  barbarians,  seeing  the  purpose  of  their  enemies,  rushed 
out  from  their  entrenchments  in  a  disorderly  and  confused 
manner,  persuaded  that  they  could  readily  prevent  the  land- 
ing of  the  Carthaginians.  But  Hannibal,  as  soon  as  he  per- 
ceived that  his  own  troops  were  already  drawing  near  on  the 
other  side,  for  they  made  signal  of  their  approach  by  smoke 
as  was  agreed  upon,  at  once  gave  orders  for  all  to  embark, 
and  for  the  managers  of  the  transport  vessels  to  contend 
forcibly  against  the  current.  This  being  speedily  done,  and 
the  men  in  the  boats  vying  with  each  other,  and  shouting 
and  striving  against  the  force  of  the  stream,  and  the  two 
armies  standing  forward  on  either  side  to  the  brink  of  the 
river,  their  own  men  sympathizing  and  shouting  and  cheering 
them,  the  barbarians  in  front  raising  their  war  song  and 
challenging  to  the  danger,  the  scene  was  one  of  terror  and 
of  excitement  to  the  struggle. 

At  this  moment,  the  tents  of  the  barbarians  being  left 


Narrative  of  Polyhius  translated.  259 

vacant,  the  Carthaginians,  who  had  before  passed  to  that  side 
of  the  river,  falling  upon  them  suddenly  and  unawares,  some 
set  fire  to  the  camp,  while  the  mass  rushed  upon  those  who 
were  guarding  the  passage  of  the  river.  Seeing  an  event  so 
utterly  unlooked-for,  the  barbarians  ran,  some  to  protect  their 
tents,  others  stood  against  the  assailants  and  fought.  Han- 
nibal, all  things  succeeding  according  to  his  purpose,  straight- 
way drew  up  together  those  who  first  landed,  encouraged 
them,  and  engaged  with  the  barbarians  :  the  Gauls,  from  their 
want  of  order,  and  from  the  strangeness  of  all  that  occurred, 
soon  turned  and  made  a  precipitate  flight. 

Conference  ivith  the  Gaulish  Chiefs. 

44.  The  general  of  the  Carthaginians,  victorious  at  the 
same  time  over  the  passage  and  over  his  enemies,  immediately 
attended  to  the  transport  of  those  who  yet  remained  on  the 
other  side  :  having  in  a  short  time  brought  all  the  troops 
over,  he  encamped  that  night  along  the  river.  On  the 
morrow,  hearing  that  the  expedition  of  the  Eomans  had 
anchored  off  the  mouths  of  the  river,  he  selected  five  hundred 
of  the  Numidian  cavalry,  and  sent  them  off  to  ascertain 
where  the  enemy  might  be,  and  in  what  numbers,  and  what 
they  were  about :  at  the  same  time  also  he  appointed  fit  per- 
sons for  bringing  over  the  elephants.  Then,  himself  assem- 
bling his  forces,  he  introduced  the  chieftains  who  were  with 
Magilus :  for  they  were  come  to  him  from  the  plains  of  the 
Po  :  and  he  made  known  to  the  soldiers  through  an  inter- 
preter all  that  had  been  resolved  upon  among  them.  Of  the 
things  brought  forward,  the  most  effective  for  giving  confi- 
dence to  the  mass  were,  first  the  fact  of  the  presence  of  those 
who  were  inviting  them  on,  and  who  declared  that  they 
w^ould  make  common  cause  in  war  against  the  Romans ; 
next,  the  credit  that  seemed  due  to  their  promises  when  they 
engaged  to  conduct  them  through  regions  by  which,  with  no 

s2 


260  Appendix, 

want  of  necessary  means,  they  should  accomplish  the  march 
into  Italy  safely  and  by  a  short  route ;  and  beyond  all  this, 
the  richness  of  the  country  which  they  would  arrive  at,  its 
extent,  and  the  zeal  of  its  inhabitants,  in  conjunction  with 
whom  they  were  to  contend  against  the  armies  of  Eome. 

The  Celts,  having  discoursed  to  this  effect,  retired.  After 
them,  Hannibal  coming  forward  himself,  first  reminded  his 
multitudes  of  their  past  deeds ;  that,  engaged  in  many  an 
enterprise  of  difficulty  and  danger,  they  had  not  failed  in  one, 
having  obeyed  his  judgment  and  counsel:  next  to  this  h6 
exhorts  them  that  they  will  now  also  be  of  good  cheer,  seeing 
that  the  most  important  work  has  been  performed  with  suc- 
cess ;  for  they  have  mastered  the  passage  of  the  river,  and 
have  been  eye-witnesses  of  the  zeal  and  good  feeling  of  their 
allies  :  that  they  should  make  themselves  easy  on  matters  of 
detail,  as  being  his  care  ;  and,  obedient  to  orders,  should  be 
good  soldiers  worthy  of  their  past  exploits.  The  multitude 
applauding  and  exhibiting  great  zeal  and  eagerness,  he  com- 
mended them,  and  having  prayed  to  the  gods  on  behalf 
of  all,  he  dismissed  them,  with  orders  to  get  themselves 
refreshed,  and  to  make  their  preparations  with  activity,  as 
the  camp  would  be  broken  up  the  next  day. 

Conflict  of  Cavalry.     March  up  the  Rhone. 

45.  When  the  assembly  had  broken  up,  the  Numidians, 
who  had  been  before  sent  forward  to  reconnoitre,  came  in 
after  the  loss  of  most  of  their  number  and  the  total  route  of 
the  remainder :  for  on  their  falling  in,  not  far  from  their  own 
camp,  with  the  Eoman  horse  who  had  been  sent  out  on  the 
same  service  by  Publius,  both  parties  brought  such  a  zealous 
emulation  to  the  conflict,  that  there  were  slain  of  Eomans  and 
Celts  as  many  as  an  hundred  and  forty,  and  of  Numidians 
more  than  two  hundred.  On  this,  the  Romans  in  the  pursuit 
came  up  to  the  Carthaginian  entrenchments  ;  and,  after  recon- 


Narrative  of  Polyhius  translated,  261 

noitring,  made  all  haste  in  their  return,  in  order  to  confirm  to 
their  general  the  fact  of  the  enemy's  arrival :  reaching  the 
camp,  they  made  their  report.  Publius  immediately,  having 
put  all  his  baggage  on  board  the  ships,  broke  up  with  his 
whole  army,  and  led  forward  along  the  river,  eager  to  bring 
the  enemy  to  action. 

On  the  day  after  the  holding  of  the  assembly,  Hannibal 
with  the  first  light  placed  out  all  his  cavalry  in  direction  of 
the  sea,  drawn  up  as  a  corps  to  cover  his  operations  :  the  in- 
fantry force  he  put  in  motion  from  the  entrenchments  on  their 
march ;  and  waited  himself  for  the  elephants  and  the  men 
who  were  left  with  them. 

Passage  of  the  Elephants. 

46.  The  transport  of  the  elephants  was  effected  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner  : — Having  constructed  a  good  many  rafts,  they 
joined  togethel"  two  of  these  strongly,  and  so  as  to  fit  closely 
one  with  the  other,  and  planted  both  firmly  in  the  shore  at 
the  place  of  embarkation,  the  two  together  being  about  fifty 
feet  wide  :  then  joining  other  rafts  together  in  the  same  way, 
they  attached  these  on  to  the  former  at  the  outer  end,  carrying 
the  fabric  of  the  bridge  forward  in  the  line  of  passage  :  and, 
that  the  whole  structure  might  stay  together  and  not  be 
carried  away  down  the  river,  they  secured  the  side  which 
was  against  the  stream  by  cables  from  the  land  fastened  to 
some  trees  which  grew  on  the  brink.  When  they  had  thrown 
out  this  bridge  to  the  length  of  two  plethra  (200  feet)  in  the 
whole,  they  added  at  the  extremity  two  rafts  constructed 
more  perfectly  than  others  and  the  largest  of  all ;  bound  with 
great  strength  to  each  other,  but  to  the  rest  in  a  way  that  the 
fastenings  could  easily  be  severed :  to  these  they  fixed  a 
number  of  towing"  lines,  with  which  the  towing  barges  were 
to  prevent  their  being  carried  down  the  river,  and  holding 
them  by  force  against  the  stream,  to  take  over  the  elephants 


262  Appendix. 

upon  them  and  land  them  on  the  other  side.  After  this  they 
brought  a  quantity  of  dug  earth  to  all  the  rafts,  and  spread  it 
till  it  was  level  with  and  looked  just  like  the  road  that  led 
over  the  dry  land  to  the  crossing  place.  The  elephants  were 
used  always  to  obey  the  Indians  to  the  edge  of  the  water,  but 
never  yet  ventured  to  go  into  the  water :  they  brought  them 
therefore  along  this  bank  of  earth,  putting  two  females  first ; 
and  the  beasts  obeyed  them.  When  they  got  them  on  to  the 
furthest  rafts,  then,  cutting  away  the  fastenings  by  which 
these  were  fitted  to  the  rest,  and  laying  a  strain  on  the  two 
lines  with  the  barges,  they  soon  carried  away  the  beasts  and 
the  rafts  which  bore  them  from  the  earthy  pier :  thereupon 
the  animals,  quite  confounded,  turned  themselves  about  and 
rushed  in  every  direction :  but,  surrounded  every  way  by  the 
stream,  they  shrank  from  it  and  were  compelled  to  stay  where 
they  were  :  and,  in  this  way,  the  two  rafts  being  fitted  on 
repeatedly,  most  of  the  elephants  were  brought  over  upon 
them.  But  some  cast  themselves  into  the  river  in  the  midway 
across  through  fright ;  and  it  happened  that  all  the  Indians 
belonging  to  these  were  lost,  but  the  elephants  were  saved : 
for  with  the  power  and  size  of  their  probosces,  raising  them 
above  the  surface  of  the  water,  and  breathing  through  them, 
and  spouting  out  aU  that  got  into  them,  they  held  out,  making 
their  way  for  the  most  part  erect  below  the  water. 

March  up  the  river :  the  Rhone  :  the  Alps. 

47.  The  elephants  having  been  brought  over,  Hannibal, 
bringing  up  them  and  the  cavalry,  and  covering  the  rear,  put 
forward  along  the  river ;  making  his  march  away  from  the 
sea  as  towards  the  east,  as  if  for  the  midland  of  Europe.  The 
Ehone  has  his  sources  above  the  Adriatic  gulph  facing  west- 
ward, in  those  parts  of  the  Alps  which  slope  away  to  the 
north :  his  course  is  to  the  winter  sunset,  and  he  discharges 
himself  into  the  Sardinian  sea.     He  flows  for  a  considerable 


Narrative  of  Polyhius  translated.  263 

way  through  a  defile,  to  the  north  of  which  dwell  the  Ardyes 
Celts,  while  the  whole  southern  side  of  it  is  bounded  by  the 
mountain  sides  of  the  Alps  which  slope  northwards  :  the 
higher  Alpine  chain  separating  the  plains  of  the  Po,  on  which 
I  have  often  spoken  already,  from  the  valley  of  the  Ehone, 
and  spreading  from  Marseille  as  it  were  to  the  head  of  the 
Adriatic  gulph :  which  higher  chain  Hannibal  having  sur- 
mounted from  the  country  on  the  Rhone,  invaded  Italy. 

Errors  of  Authors. 

Some  of  those  who  have  written  on  this  passage  of  the 
Alps,  wishing  to  astound  their  readers  with  marvellous  stories 
on  the  regions  here  spoken  of,  fall  unconsciously  into  two 
things  most  adverse  to  all  history :  in  fact  they  are  driven 
to  state  falsehoods  and  to  write  things  which  refute  themselves. 
For,  while  they  proclaim  Hannibal  an  incomparable  general, 
both  in  daring  and  foresight,  they  unquestionably  exhibit  him 
to  us  as  quite  void  of  reason :  at  the  same  time,  unable  to 
reach  a  conclusion  or  any  result  of  their  fictions,  they  intro- 
duce Gods  and  the  sons  of  Gods  into  practical  history :  for, 
when  they  represent  the  impregnable  ruggedness  of  the  Alpine 
mountains  to  be  such,  that  not  only  horses  and  armies  with 
their  elephants,  but  even  light-armed  foot-soldiers  almost  find 
them  impassable,  and  when,  in  the  same  way,  they  describe 
such  complete  desolation  in  these  regions,  that,  unless  some 
God  or  hero  had  appeared  and  pointed  out  the  ways  to  Han- 
nibal's soldiers,  they  must  all  have  perished  without  resource, 
it  will  be  acknowledged  that  in  these  representations  they  fall 
into  each  of  the  faults  here  described. 

48.  In  the  first  place,  what  general  could  show  himself  a 
more  senseless  and  stupid  leader  than  Hannibal,  if,  command- 
ing so  vast  a  force,  and  resting  upon  it  the  high  hope  of  suc- 
ceeding in  his  main  purpose,  he  was,  as  these  writers  allege, 
altogether  uninformed  on  the  ways  and  the  positions,  and  as 


264  Appendix, 

to  where  he  was  marching,  and  into  what  nations  he  was 
marching ;  and  if,  moreover,  the  enterprises  which  he  pur- 
sued were  not  such  as  might  by  some  means  be  compassed, 
but  were  on  the  contrary  just  impossible.  And  yet  what 
even  those  who  have  utterly  failed  in  their  measures,  and  are 
in  every  way  reduced  to  emergencies,  do  not  venture  upon, 
namely,  to  plunge  with  an  army  into  a  country  of  which  they 
have  made  no  inquiry,  this  these  writers  ascribe  to  Hannibal 
at  a  time  when  upon  the  whole  undertaking  his  hopes  were  in 
their  full  integrity.  In  the  same  manner,  their  stories  of  the 
desolation  and  insuperable  difficulty  of  these  parts,  plainly 
falsify  themselves  :  for,  not  being  informed  that  in  fact  the 
Celts  who  dwelt  upon  the  Ehone,  having  before  the  coming 
of  Hannibal,  not  once  or  twice  only,  and  not  in  former  times 
only,  but  of  late,  crossed  the  Alps  with  great  armies,  had 
faced  the  Eomans,  making  common  cause  with  those  who 
inhabit  the  plain  of  the  Po,  as  told  by  me  in  what  has  gone 
before,  and  moreover  not  aware  that  a  numerous  race  of  men 
do  in  fact  inhabit  the  Alps  themselves ;  ignorant,  I  say,  of  all 
these  things,  they  tell  us  that  some  hero,  appearing  to  the  Car- 
thaginians, attended  as  the  guide  of  their  course.  Herein,  as 
might  be  expected,  they  fall  much  into  the  way  of  the  tragedy 
writers ;  with  all  of  whom  the  catastrophe  of  a  plot  requires 
to  have  a  God  or  some  artifice,  inasmuch  as  the  hypotheses 
on  which  they  rely  are  fundamentally  false  and  against  reason  : 
the  same  thing  necessarily  happens  to  writers  of  history,  when 
they  conceive  a  basis  of  their  narrative  that  is  incredible  and 
false :  they  too  must  provide  the  apparitions  of  gods  and 
heroes :  for  how  is  it  possible  to  give  a  rational  end  to  an 
irrational  beginning  ? 

The  truth  is,  that  Hannibal,  far  otherwise  than  as  these 
persons  have  written,  pursued  his  enterprises  throughout  in 
the  most  business-like  manner ;  for  he  had  investigated  ac- 
curately the  nature  of  the  country  which  he  designed  to  come 


Narrative  of  Folyhias  translated.  265 

down  upon,  and  the'  estrangement  of  the  population  from  the 
Komans  ;  and  for  all  the  difficult  country  which  lay  between, 
he  employed  native  guides  and  conductors,  men  who  w^ere  to 
share  the  same  hopes  with  himself.  I  give  account  of  these 
things  with  confidence,  because  I  have  sought  information 
upon  the  transactions  from  those  who  belonged  to  the  times 
when  they  took  place,  and  have  inspected  the  scenes  of 
action,  myself  making  a  journey  through  the  Alps,  that  I 
might  know  and  see. 

Scipio  returns  to  Italy. 

49.  Now  Publius,  the  Roman  general,  coming  up  three  days 
after  the  decampment  of  the  Carthaginians  to  the  place  where 
they  had  crossed  the  river,  and  finding  the  enemy  gone  for- 
ward, was  greatly  astonished  :  having  felt  persuaded  that  they 
would  never  venture  to  make  their  march  into  Italy  that  way, 
on  account  of  the  numbers  and  lawlessness  of  the  barbarians 
inhabiting  those  parts ;  seeing,  however,  that  they  had  ven- 
tured, he  hastened  back  to  his  ships,  and  on  reaching  them 
embarked  his  forces  :  he  sent  his  brother  off  to  carry  on  the 
war  in  Spain,  and  himself  set  sail  back  for  Italy,  eager  to 
anticipate  the  enemy  by  reaching  the  passage  of  the  Al^^s 
through  Etruria. 

Hannibal  in  the  Island. 

Hannibal,  having  marched  four  days  consecutively  from  the 
passage  of  the  Rhone,  came  to  the  Island,  as  it  is  called ;  a 
very  populous  and  corn-growing  country  ;  and  which  has  its 
appellation  from  this  incident,  that  the  Rhone,  on  one  hand, 
and  a  river  called  Isara,  on  the  other,  flowing  on  either  side  of 
this  region,  bring  its  form  to  a  point  at  their  confluence  with 
one  another.  It  nearly  resembles  in  size  and  shape  what  is 
called  the  Delta  in  Egypt :  only  that  one  side  of  the  Delta  is 
connected  with  the  streams  of  the  rivers  by  the  sea  ;  while  the 
third  side  of  this  region  is  formed  by  mountains,  difficult  to 


266  Appendix, 

approach,  difficult   to  penetrate,   and   almost,  so   to   speak, 
inaccessible. 

Coming  to  this  Island,  and  finding  there  two  brothers  in 
dissension  upon  the  sovereignty,  and  in  the  field  against  each 
other  with  armed  forces,  and  the  elder  seeking  to  gain  him 
and  imploring  his  co-operation  for  securing  the  command, 
Hannibal  assented;  and,  as  it  was  easy  enough  to  see  the 
advantages  that  would  result  to  him  for  his  present  purposes, 
he  joined  forces,  and  attacked  and  drove  out  the  other;  and 
he  earned  great  assistance  from  the  conqueror :  for  not  only 
did  this  chief  supply  the  army  liberally  with  corn  and  other 
necessaries,  but  also,  by  changing  all  their  arms  that  were  old 
and  worn,  he  renovated  the  whole  force  most  seasonably. 
Moreover,  by  furnishing  most  of  them  with  clothing,  and  in 
addition  to  other  things,  with  shoes,  he  rendered  them  vast 
service  towards  the  passage  of  the  mountains.  But  the 
greatest  of  all  was  this  :  as  they  were  in  a  state  of  much 
apprehension  about  their  march  through  the  country  of  the 
Gauls  called  Allobroges,  he  covered  their  rear  with  his  own 
forces,  and  secured  their  march  until  they  drew  near  to  the 
ascent  of  the  Alps. 

Hannibal  surinounts  the  first  Alps,  defeating  the  Allobroges. 

60.  Hannibal,  having  in  ten  days  made  a  march  of  800 
stadia  along  the  river,  began  the  ascent  of  the  Alps :  and  it 
happened  that  he  fell  into  the  greatest  dangers.  As  long  as 
they  were  in  the  plain  country,  all  the  detached  chieftains  of 
the  Allobroges  held  off  from  him,  partly  in  fear  of  the  cavalry, 
partly  of  the  barbarians  who  escorted  them.  But  when  the 
latter  had  turned  back  homewards,  and  Hannibal's  troops  were 
beginning  to  advance  into  the  difficult  places,  then  the  leaders 
of  the  Allobroges,  collecting  themselves  together,  being  an 
ample  force,  preoccupied  the  advantageous  posts,  by  which  it 
was  requisite  that  Hannibal's  forces  should  effect  their  ascent. 


Narrative  of  Polyhitis  translated.  267 

If  then  they  had  kept  their  intentions  secret,  they  might  have 
utterly  destroyed  the  Carthaginian  army:  as  it  was,  being 
detected  in  their  purpose,  they  still  inflicted  a  heavy  loss  to 
Hannibal's  force,  though  not  a  less  one  to  themselves.  For 
the  Carthaginian  general,  aware  that  the  barbarians  had  pre- 
occupied the  advantageous  posts,  encamped  his  army  in  front 
of  the  heights  and  waited  there :  then  he  sent  forward  some 
of  the  Gauls  who  were  acting  as  guides,  in  order  that  they 
might  see  into  the  designs  of  the  enemy  and  their  whole  plan. 
When  these  men  had  executed  all  that  was  arranged,  the 
general,  learning  that  the  enemy  steadily  kept  to  his  post  and 
watched  the  passes  through  the  day,  but  that  they  went  to 
their  repose  at  night  in  a  neighbouring  town ;  acting  suitably 
to  that  state  of  things,  he  contrived  this  scheme  :  pvitting  his 
force  in  motion,  he  led  them  forward  openly,  and  having  come 
near  to  the  difficult  places,  he  made  his  camp  not  far  from  the 
enemy :  when  night  came  on,  ordering  fires  to  be  lighted,  he 
left  the  greater  part  of  his  forces  there,  and,  having  lightly 
armed  the  most  effective  men,  he  made  his  way  through  the 
defiles  in  the  night,  and  took  possession  of  the  posts  pre- 
.  viously  held  by  the  enemy  ;  the  barbarians  having  retired  to 
the  town  as  they  were  accustomed. 

He  forces  the  Pass,  and  takes  the  enemi/s  town. 

51.  This  being  done  and  day  coming  on,  the  barbarians, 
when  they  saw  what  had  happened,  at  first  abstained  from  any 
attempt:  but  afterwards,  observing  the  crowd  of  beasts  of 
burthen  and  the  cavalry  winding  out  from  the  defile  with 
much  difficulty  and  in  a  long-drawn  column,  were  encouraged 
by  these  circumstances  to  close  in  upon  the  line  of  march. 
When  this  took  place,  and  the  barbarians  fell  on  at  many 
points,  a  great  loss  ensued  to  the  Carthaginians,  and  chiefly  in 
the  horses  and  beasts  of  burthen ;  not  so  much  from  the 
enemy  as  from  the.  nature  of  the  ground  :  for,  the  pass  being 


268  Appendix. 

not  only  narrow  and  rugged  but  also  precipitous,  at  every 
movement  and  every  shock  numbers  of  the  carrying  cattle 
were  sent  with  their  loads  over  the  precipices.  And  most  of 
all,  the  wounded  horses  were  the  cause  of  these  shocks :  for 
some  of  them,  in  the  panic  caused  by  their  wounds,  driving 
right  against  the  baggage-cattle,  others  with  a  rush  forward 
knocking  over  everything  that  came  in  their  way  in  this 
difficult  passage,  completed  the  vast  confusion.  Hannibal 
observing  this,  and  reflecting  that,  even  though  the  troops 
should  escape,  the  loss  of  the  baggage  must  be  attended  with 
the  ruin  of  the  army,  advances  to  their  aid  with  the  detach- 
ment which  had  occupied  the  heights  during  the  night ;  as  he 
made  his  attack  from  higher  ground,  he  destroyed  many  of 
the  enemy,  not  however  without  suffering  equally  in  return : 
for  the  disorder  of  the  march  was  much  increased  by  the 
conflict  and  clamour  of  these  fresh  troops.  But  when  the 
greater  part  of  the  Allobroges  had  perished  in  the  combat,  and 
the  rest  had  been  forced  to  fly  for  shelter  to  their  homes,  then, 
only,  the  remainder  of  the  beasts  of  burthen  and  cavalry, 
with  great  toil  and  difficulty,  succeeded  in  emerging  from  the 
pass. 

Hannibal,  having  then  drawn  together  all  the  troops  he 
could  collect  after  the  engagement,  proceeded  to  assault  the 
town,  from  whence  the  enemy  had  made  their  attack ;  and 
finding  it  almost  deserted,  because  the  inhabitants  had  been 
all  induced  to  go  forth  in  quest  of  booty,  he  easily  became 
master  of  it ;  and  from  thence  derived  many  important  advan- 
tages, both  for  his  immediate  as  well  as  his  future  wants. 

For  his  present  supply  he  obtained  a  vast  number  of  horses 
and  beasts  of  burthen  and  captives ;  and  besides,  a  quantity 
of  corn  and  cattle  sufficient  to  maintain  the  army  with  ease 
for  two  or  three  days :  he  also  infused  such  terror  into  the 
neighbouring  people,  that  none  of  those  who  dwelt  near  the 
ascent  of  the  mountains  would  easily  be  induced  to  form  any 
enterprise  against  him. 


Karrative  of  Polyhius  translated.  269 

After  a  day's  halt,  march  resumed.     On  fourth  day  conference 
with  natives,  who  attend  the  march  tvjo  days :  then  attack. 

52.  Here  then  Hannibal  encamped ;  and  after  staying  for 
one  day,  set  forward  again.     In  the  days  which  followed,  he 
carried  the  army  through  safely  up  to  a  certain  point :  but  in 
the  course   of  the  fourth  day,  he   again  came  upon  great 
dangers:    for  those   who   dwelt    near  the   passage,   having 
conspired  to  entrap  him,  met  him  bearing  green  branches  and 
wreaths :  for  this  is  the  symbol  of  friendship  among  nearly 
all  barbarians,  as  the  caduceus  is  with  Greeks.     Hannibal, 
who  was  inclined  to  be  suspicious  of  such  a  pledge  of  friend- 
ship, sifted  scrupulously  their  intentions   and  their  whole 
design :  when  they  said  that  they  were  perfectly  aware  of  the 
capture  of  the  town  and  the  destruction  of  those  who  had 
attempted  injury  to  him,  and  explained  that  they  were  come 
for  this  reason,  desiring  neither  to  give  nor  to  receive  any 
annoyance,  and  promised  moreover  to   give   hostages   from 
among  themselves,  he  was  for  a  long  time  apprehensive  and 
quite  distrustful  of  what  they  said  :  but  reasoning  with  himself 
that,  if  he  should  admit  their  proposals,  he  might  perhaps 
soon  make  those  who  had  come  to  him  the  more  cautious  and 
more  quietly  disposed,  but,  if  he  should  not  receive  them  as 
friends,  he  would  certainly  have  them  for  his  enemies,  he  con- 
sented to  what  they  had  spoken,  and  professed,  as  they  had 
done,  to  establish  the  friendship. 

On  the  barbarians  delivering  the  pledges,  and  bringing  a 
most  bountiful  supply  of  sheep  and  goats,  and  in  fact  putting 
themselves  completely  into  their  hands  without  any  pre- 
cautions, Hannibal's  men  trusted  them  so  far  as  to  employ 
them  as  guides  for  the  difficult  country  which  lay  before 
them. 

But  when  they  had  gone  in  advance  for  two  days,  then  the 
people  I  have  spoken  of  and  those  who  had  followed  with 


270  Appendix. 

them,  collecting  themselves  together,  set  upon  the  Cartha- 
ginians, as  they  were  making  their  way  through  a  defile  where 
there  was  very  bad  footing  and  much  precipice. 

The  Engagement, 

53.  At  this  juncture  Hannibal's  army  must  have  been 
utterly  destroyed  if  they  had  not,  still  retaining  some  degree 
of  fear  and  an  expectation  of  what  was  coming,  kept  the 
baggage-cattle,  and  the  cavalry  in  the  van  of  the  march,  and 
the  heavy  armed  infantry  in  the  rear :  these  being  always 
ready  in  reserve,  the  calamity  was  less  than  it  would  other- 
wise have  been,  for  they  withstood  the  onset  of  the  bar- 
barians. Not  but  that,  even  under  these  circumstances,  a 
considerable  number  both  of  men  and  horses  and  beasts  of 
burthen  were  destroyed,  for  the  ground  occupied  by  the 
enemy  being  on  a  higher  level,  the  barbarians  made  a  corre- 
sponding advance  along  the  sides  of  the  mountains,  and 
rolling  down  fragments  of  rock  on  some,  and  striking  others 
with  stones  thrown  by  the  hand,  threw  them  into  the  utmost 
consternation  and  danger,  to  a  degree  that  compelled  Hanni- 
bal to  pass  the  night  with  half  his  force  about  a  certain  white 
rock — a  strong  position — away  from  his  horses  and  beasts  of 
burthen,  on  guard  for  their  protection  till  in  the  whole  night 
they  with  difficulty  defiled  out  of  the  ravine. 

The  army  reaches  the  Summit  and  encamps  for  two  days. 

On  the  morrow,  the  enemy  having  retired,  he  joined  force 
with  the  cavalry  and  beasts  of  burthen,  and  led  forward  to 
the  summit  of  the  pass  of  Alps,  no  more  falling  in  with  any 
complete  organised  body  of  the  barbarians,  but  harassed  by 
them  partially,  and  at  particular  points,  some  of  whom  car- 
ried off  a  few  baggage  cattle  from  the  rear,  others  from  the 
van  of  the  march,  dashing  at  them  as  opportunity  favoured. 
The  elephants  rendered  Hannibal  the  greatest  service,  for  in 


Narrative  of  Polyhius  translated.  271 

whatever  part  of  the  line  they  showed  themselves  that  part 
the  enemy  did  not  dare  approach,  being  astounded  with  the 
strangeness  of  the  look  of  the  animals. 

On  the  ninth  day  Hannibal,  having  accomplished  his 
march  to  the  summit,  encamped  there,  and  staid  on  two  days, 
wishing  at  the  same  time  to  give  rest  to  those  who  were 
brought  up  safe,  and  to  wait  for  those  who  were  left  behind, 
during  which  time  many  of  the  horses  that  had  run  off  in 
fright,  and  many  of  the  beasts  of  burthen  that  had  thrown 
off  their  loads,  came  again  beyond  expectation,  following  the 
tracks  of  the  army,  and  joined  the  camp. 

Hannibal  addresses  his  Soldiers. 

54.  The  snow  having  by  this  time  become  collected 
about  the  tops  of  the  mountains,  for  the  setting  of  the  Pleias 
was  at  hand,  Hannibal,  seeing  his  multitudes  in  a  dis- 
heartened state,  both  from  the  hardships  which  had  already 
befallen  them,  and  those  which  were  still  anticipated,  assem- 
bled them  and  made  an  effort  to  cheer  them,  having  for  this 
end  one  resource,  the  clear  evidence  of  Italy.  For  she  so  lies 
stretched  under  the  mountains  which  I  have  before  described, 
that,  when  both  are  contemplated  together,  the  Alps  seem 
placed  as  citadel  to  the  whole  of  Italy.  Wherefore,  pointing 
out  to  them  the  plains  of  the  Po,  and  reminding  them  gene- 
rally of  the  friendliness  of  the  Gauls  who  dwelt  there,  and  at 
the  same  time  suggesting  to  them  the  very  situation  of  Eome 
herself,  he  succeeded  to  some  extent  in  confirming  the  spirits 
of  his  men. 

March  resumed — The  Snow — The  broken  path. 

On  the  next^  morning,  resuming  his  march,  he  began 
the  descent,  in  which  he  no  longer  fell  in  with  enemies, 
excepting  those  who  pillaged  by  stealth  ;  but  from  the 
character  of  the  country,  and  from  the  snow,  the  number 


^72  Appendix. 

that  he  lost  was  not  much  inferior  to  that  of  those  who 
perished  during  the  ascent.  For  the  downward  way  being 
narrow  and  very  steep,  making  it  impossible  for  any  one  to 
know  what  he  stepped  upon,  everything  that  erred  from  the 
right  track  and  lost  its  footing,  was  carried  down  the  preci- 
pices. Still,  however,  they  endured  these  calamities,  as  being 
familiar  with  such  hardships.  But  when  they  came  to  a 
place  such  that  neither  horses  nor  baggage-cattle  could  pos- 
sibly pass  on  account  of  its  narrowness,  the  path  having 
before  been  broken  away  for  nearly  three  half  stades,  and 
now  lately  being  still  more  broken  away,  then  was  the  army 
again  thrown  into  despondency  and  alarm.  At  first  the  Car- 
thaginian general  made  an  effort  to  go  round  the  bad  parts, 
but  fresh  snow  coming  and  making  this  impracticable,  he 
desisted  from  the  attempt. 

Causes  which  prevented  the  going  round. 

55.  For  the  circumstance  was  peculiar,  and  at  that  time 
excessive.  The  snow  of  the  present  year  had  recently  fallen 
upon  snow  that  was  already  lying,  having  remained  since  the 
last  winter.  The  new  snow  was  easy  to  be  cut  through,  both 
because  being  fresh  it  was  soft,  and  because  as  yet  it  had 
little  depth ;  but  when,  after  treading  through  this,  their 
steps  came  upon  that  which  was  beneath  it  and  of  a  firm 
consistence,  they  no  more  trod  through,  but  slipping  at  once 
with  both  feet  slid  upon  it,  as  happens  on  any  ground  to 
those  who  walk  where  there  is  a  surface  of  mud.  But  the 
consequence  of  all  this  was  still  more  distressing,  for  the 
men,  unable  to  penetrate  the  under  snow,  when  after  falling 
they  tried  to  raise  themselves  on  their  hands  or  knees  in 
order  to  get  up  again,  slid  on  so  much  the  more,  together 
with  anything  they  tried  to  hold  by ;  the  places  being  for 
some  way  on  a  declivity.  When  the  baggage-cattle  fell,  they 
broke  through  into  the  lower  snow  in  their  efforts  to  rise,  and, 


Narrative  of  Polyhhts  translated,  273 

having  penetrated  it,  remained  with  their  loads  as  if  fixed 
there,  both  by  reason  of  their  weight,  and  of  the  firmness  of 
that  older  snow. 

The  PafJb  repaired — Horses  pass  on,  ctnd  at  last  the  Elephants. 

Wherefore,  abandoning  this  hope,  Hannibal  made  his 
camp  near  the  mountain  ridge,  having  cleared  away  the  snow 
that  was  upon  it :  and  after  that,  turning  out  his  whole  force, 
built  up  the  precipice  with  very  laborious  effort.  Thus  in 
one  day  he  completed  a  passage  fit  for  horses  and  baggage- 
cattle,  so  that  carrying  these  through  at  once  and  pitching 
his  camp  about  parts  which  had  as  yet  escaped  the  snow,  he 
forwarded  them  away  to  the  pastures.  He  brought  out  the 
Numidians  in  successive  gangs  to  the  building  of  the  road ; 
and  it  was  with  difficulty  and  after  much  suffering  that  in 
three  days  he  got  the  elephants  through.  They  had  come  to 
be  in  a  wretched  state  from  hunger,  for  the  higher  points  of 
the  Alps,  and  the  parts  which  reach  up  to  the  heights  are 
utterly  without  trees  and  bare,  because  of  the  snow  remaining 
constantly  summer  and  winter ;  but  the  parts  along  the  middle 
mountain  side  produced  both  trees  and  underwood,  and  are 
altogether  habitable. 

Hannibal  comes  down  into  the  Plain  and  the  Insuh^es. 

56.  Hannibal,  having  got  together  all  his  force,  moved 
down,  and  in  the  third  day  from  the  precipices  which  have 
been  spoken  of,  completing  the  Alps,  touched  the  plain, 
having  lost  many  of  his  soldiers,  both  by  the  hand  of  the 
enemy  and  by  the  passage  of  rivers  during  the  entire  march  ; 
many  too  from  the  precipices  and  rugged  regions  of  the  Alps  ; 
not  men  only,  but  still  more  horses  and  baggage-cattle.  At  last, 
having  performed  the  whole  march  from  Garth agena  in  five 
months,  and  the  passage  of  the  Alps  in  fifteen  days,  he  came 
down  daringly  into  the  plain  of  the  Po  and  the  nation  of  the 

VOL.  II.  T 


274  Appendix. 

Insubrians,  having  safely  brought  through  of  his  Libyian 
force  12,000  infantry,  and  of  Iberians  8,000,  and  cavahy  in 
the  whole  not  above  6,000 :  as  he  himself  sets  forth  on  the 
column  at  Lacinium,  which  bears  an  inscription  concerning 
the  strength  of  his  army. 

Scipio  071  the  Po, 

About  the  same  time,  as  I  have  said,  Publius,  having  left 
his  forces  with  his  brother  Cnaeus,  and  enjoined  him  to  devote 
himself  to  the  affairs  of  Spain  and  prosecute  the  war  vigo- 
rously against  Asdrubal,  sailed  himself  with  a  small  number 
of  men  to  Pisse :  then,  after  making  his  way  through  Tyrrhenia 
and  having  taken  the  command  of  the  armies  from  the  Praetors, 
armies  which  were  in  the  field  sustaining  the  war  against  the 
Boii,  he  arrived  in  the  plains  of  the  Po  and,  having  encamped, 
was  intent  on  the  enemy,  eager  to  engage  with  him  in  battle. 

67, 58,  59.  {In  these  chapters,  lohich  may  he  omitted,  Polyhius 
excuses  himself  for  not  enlarging  on  geographical  description, 
when  writing  history.  Though  some  readers  might  expect  him 
to  describe  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  and  the  outer  sea,  the  British 
islands  and  the  tin  mines,  Spain  and  the  silver  mines,  &c.  &c., 
he  considers  that  such  a  course  would  too  much  interrupt  the 
narrative,  and  divert  attention  from  the  proper  subject.  He 
therefore  reserves  his  own  geographical  knowledge,  which  has 
cost  him  much  labour,  for  a  separate  work,  and  gives  reasons  for 
doing  so.) 

Hannibal  encamps — Restores  his  Army  to  condition — His 
Losses — He  chastises  the  Taurini. 

60.  We  have  already  shown  the  amount  of  force  with 
which  Hannibal  entered  Italy.  Having  made  his  encamp- 
ment close  under  the  mountain  range  of  Alps,  he  first  re- 
cruited the  health  of  his  forces  :  for  the  whole  army  was 
brought  into  wretched  condition,  not  only  by  their  marches 


Narrative  of  Polyhms  translated.  275 

of  ascent  and  descent,  and  further  by  the  ruggedness  of  the 
footing  in  the  heights  of  Alps  ;  but  by  the  scantiness  of 
necessary  supplies  and  the  neglect  of  their  persons  they  were 
in  miserable  plight ;  and  many  absolutely  gave  themselves  up 
under  this  state  of  destitution  and  continued  fatigue.  For 
they  were  quite  unable  to  convoy  through  such  places  provi- 
sions adequate  for  the  sustenance  of  so  many  thousands  ;  and 
of  the  quantity  which  they  had  provided,  these,  in  the 
destruction  of  the  baggage-cattle,  were  to  a  great  amount 
destroyed  also.  By  which  causes  he  who  had  set  out  from  the 
passage  of  the  Rhone  with  38,000  foot-soldiers  and  more  than 
8,000  cavalry,  had  lost  nearly  half  by  some  means  in  the 
passes  of  the  Alps,  as  above  told  :  and  those  who  were  saved 
had  all  become  savage  as  it  were,  both  in  appearance  and 
condition,  from  the  constancy  of  their  sufferings. 

Hannibal  having  great  providence  for  the  care  of  his  men, 
recruited  both  their  minds  and  their  bodies,  and  also  his 
horses.  When  these  things  were  done,  his  force  being  now 
recruited,  the  Taurini  who  dwell  in  front  of  the  mountain 
side,  being  then  at  war  with  the  Insubres  and  not  placing 
faith  in  the  Carthaginians,  Hannibal  in  the  first  place  invited 
them  to  his  friendship  and  alliance ;  and,  as  they  would  not 
listen  to  him,  he  invested  their  chief  town,  and  in  three  days 
took  it  by  storm  :  and,  having  put  to  death  all  who  opposed 
him,  threw  such  terror  into  the  neighbouring  tribes  of  bar- 
barians, that  they  all  promptly  joined  him,  giving  themselves 
up  into  his  confidence.  The  remaining  mass  of  Celts  inha- 
biting the  plain,  hastened  to  make  common  cause  with  the 
Carthaginians,  according  to  their  first  impulse.  But,  as  the 
Eoman  legions  had  already  passed  the  chief  part  of  them  and 
shut  them  in,  they  remained  quiet :  some  indeed  were  com- 
pelled to  join  force  with  the  Eomans.  Hannibal,  looking 
upon  these  things,  determined  to  make  no  delay,  but  to  lead 

t2 


\ 


276  Ajopendix. 

on  forward,  and  accomplish  something  for  encouraging  those 
who  were  ready  to  join  their  hopes  with  his. 

Each  Chief  wonders  at  the  presence  of  the  other. 

61.  Taking  these  things  into  consideration,  and  hearing 
that  Scipio  had  already  crossed  the  Po  with  his  forces,  and 
was  near  him,  he  at  first  distrusted  what  was  reported  to 
him,  rememhering  that  a  few  days  before  he  had  left  Scipio 
near  the  passage  of  the  Ehone,  and  considering  that  the 
voyage  from  Massalia  to  Tyrrhenia  was  somewhat  long  and 
difficult  in  the  performance  ;  and,  moreover,  ascertaining  that 
the  march  from  the  Tyrrhenian  sea  through  Italy  to  the  Alps 
was  long  and  nearly  impracticable  for  armies.  But  as  more 
were  always  bringing  him  the  same  information  and  more 
clearly,  he  wondered  and  was  struck  with  the  whole  enter- 
prise and  performance  of  that  general.  A  similar  feeling 
arose  also  to  Scipio  :  for  he  had  at  the  first  promised  himself, 
that  Hannibal  would  never  attempt  a  march  through  the 
Alps  with  a  force  composed  of  various  races  ;  and  that,  if 
he  should  dare  it,  he  would  evidently  be  destroyed.  With 
these  reasonings  therefore,  when  he  learned,  both  that  he 
had  arrived  in  safety,  and  that  he  was  already  laying  siege 
to  Italian  towns,  he  was  struck  with  the  desperate  daring  of 
the  man. 


APPENDIX  B. 


TRANSLATION  OF  PART  OF  TWENTY-FIRST  BOOK  OF  LIVY. 

(c.  22  TO  c.  39.) 

From  Drakenhorch's  edition,    Oxford ;  Baxter. 


March  from  Carthage7ia. 

22.  From  Gades  Hannibal  has  come  back  to  Carthagena, 
the  winter  quarters  of  the  army ;  and  from  thence,  having 
marched  by  the  city  of  Etovissa,  he  leads  them  to  the  Iberus 
and  the  sea-coast.  There  the  story  is  that  a  youth  of  god- 
like form  appeared  to  him  in  the  time  of  sleep,  who  de- 
clared himself  sent  by  Jupiter  for  a  guide  to  Hannibal  into 
Italy — ^let  him  then  follow,  and  by  no  means  turn  away  his 
eyes  from  him.  Alarmed  at  first,  he  followed,  not  looking 
about,  not  looking  behind :  then,  in  the  anxiety  of  human 
temper,  as  he  turned  in  his  mind  what  it  could  be  that  he 
was  forbidden  to  look  back  on,  he  could  no  longer  control  his 
eyes ;  that  he  saw  behind  him  a  serpent  of  wondrous  size, 
borne  on  with  vast  destruction  of  trees  and  thickets,  and  after 
him  came  on  a  rain-storm  with  a  crash  of  the  heavens  ;  then, 
seeking  to  know  what  was  this  monster,  what  did  it  portend, 
that  he  was  told.  It  was  the  devastation  of  Italy — Let  him  go 
forward,  nor  ask  more,  but  let  the  fates  be  undisclosed. 

Across  the  Ehro. 

23.  Eejoicing  in  this  vision,  he  led  his  forces  in  three 
divisions  across  the  Iberus,  having  sent  forward  some  who 


278  Appendix. 

might  propitiate  with  gifts  the  minds  of  the  Gauls  through 
whom  the  army  had  to  pass,  and  examine  the  passages  of  the 
Alps.  He  carried  across  the  Iberus  ninety  thousand  foot  and 
twelve  thousand  horse.  He  then  reduced  the  Ilergetes,  the 
Bergusii,  the  Ausetani,  and  Lacetania,  which  lies  under  the 
Pyrenean  mountains  ;  and  placed  Hanno  over  all  this  line  of 
country,  that  he  might  command  the  defiles  which  connect 
Sjpain  and  Gaul.  He  gave  him  ten  thousand  foot  and  a 
thousand  horse,  for  garrisoning  the  region  that  he  was  to 
occupy.  When  the  army  had  begun  to  move  through  the 
passes  of  the  Pyrenees,  and  reports  of  war  against  Eome  were 
spread  with  more  certainty  among  the  barbarian  allies,  three 
thousand  of  Carpetanian  infantry  marched  away  at  once  ;  not 
so  much  influenced,  as  was  evident,  by  dislike  of  the  war,  as 
by  the  length  of  the  march  and  apprehension  of  the  insur- 
mountable Alps.  Hannibal,  as  it  was  hazardous  to  counter- 
mand them  or  to  retain  their  services  by  force,  and  an  irritat- 
ing of  the  fierce  spirits  of  the  other  barbarians  was  to  be 
avoided,  sent  back  seven  thousand  more  to  their  homes,  whom 
he  knew  to  be  averse  to  the  campaign ;  pretending  too  that 
he  had  himself  discharged  the  CarpetanL 

Through  the  Pyrenees  to  RusciTW. 

24.  He  straightway  passes  the  Pyrenees  with  the  remainder 
of  his  force,  that  their  minds  may  not  get  uneasy  by  delay 
and  inactivity ;  and  encamps  at  the  town  of  Illiberis.  The 
Gauls,  though  they  understood  that  the  war  was  being 
carried  into  Italy,  still,  as  it  was  said  that  the  Spaniards  on 
the  other  side  the  Pyrenees  had  been  subdued  by  arms,  and 
strong  bodies  of  men  were  set  over  them,  some  states  roused 
to  arms  by  the  fear  of  being  enslaved,  assemble  together  at 
Euscino.  Which  when  it  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Han- 
nibal, fearing  delay  more  than  hostilities,  he  sent  envoys  to 
their  chiefs,  representing  that  he  desired  a  conference  himself 


Narrative  of  Livy  translated.  279 

with  them ;  and  either  they  might  come  nearer  to  Illiberis, 
or  he  would  go  forward  to  Euscino :  that  they  might  more 
readily  meet  from  head-quarters  :  for  that  he  would  be  happy 
to  receive  them  into  his  camp,  or  would  himself  without 
hesitation  come  to  them.  That  he  had  arrived  as  the  guest, 
not  the  enemy,  of  Gaul,  and  should  not  draw  a  sword  before 
he  reached  Italy,  if  the  Gauls  would  favour  that  intention. 
So  much  was  notified  through  emissaries.  Now,  when  the 
Gaulish  princes,  having  at  once  advanced  their  camp  towards 
Illiberis,  came  to  the  Carthaginian  without  any  feeling  of 
mistrust,  overcome  by  Ms  presents,  with  the  greatest  good- 
will they  forwarded  the  army  through  their  territories  past 
the  town  of  Euscino. 

Affairs  in  Italy. 
25.  In  the  meantime  no  further  intelligence  had  been 
brought  to  Eome  by  the  emissaries  of  the  Massilians,  than 
that  Hannibal  had  crossed  the  Iberus  ;  when  the  Boii,  having 
roused  the  Insubres,  revolted,  just  as  if  he  had  already  passed 
the  Alps :  and  this,  not  so  much  from  the  old  causes  of 
animosity  against  the  Eoman  people,  as  that  they  could 
not  patiently  endure  the  colonies  newly  established  on  the 
Po  within  the  Gaulish  territory,  Cremona  and  Placentia. 
Accordingly,  having  in  an  instant  taken  up  arms,  and  made 
irruption  into  that  very  district,  they  caused  so  great  terror 
and  confusion,  that  not  only  the  rural  populace,  but  the 
Eoman  Triumvirs  themselves,  who  had  come  to  apportion  the 
lands,  C.  Lutatius,  C.  Servilius,  and  T.  Annius,  not  trusting  to 
the  walls  of  Placentia,  took  refuge  in  Mutina.  There  is  no 
question  on  the  name  of  Lutatius.  Instead  of  C.  Servilius 
and  T.  Annius,  some  annals  have  Q.  Acilius  and  C.  Hereur 
nius  :  others  P.  Cornelius  Asina  and  C.  Papirius  Maso.  It  is 
doubted  also,  whether  the  persons  of  ambassadors  sent  to  re- 
monstrate with  the  Boii  were  violated,  or  whether  the  attack 
was  made  on  the  Triumvirs  measuring  the  around.     While 


280  Appendix. 

they  were  besieged  in  Mutina,  and  a  race  of  men  with  no 
experience  in  the  art  of  attacking  towns,  and  very  slow  in 
military  operations,  were  sitting  lazily  before  the  unassailed 
walls,  they  begin  pretending  to  enter  into  terms  of  accommo- 
dation :  and  the  ambassadors  invited  out  to  a  conference  by 
the  chiefs  of  the  Gauls,  are  seized,  not  only  against  the  law 
of  nations,  but  in  violation  also  of  the  faith  pledged  for  this 
occasion  :  the  Gauls  declaring,  that  they  will  not  release  them 
unless  their  own  hostages  should  be  restored. 

When  this  affair  of  the  ambassadors  was  reported,  and  that 
Mutina  and  the  garrison  were  in  peril,  the  Praetor  L.  Manlius, 
furious  with  anger,  heads  a  large  force  in  loose  march  to 
Mutina.  In  those  days  there  were  woods  about  the  line  of 
road,  most  parts  being  uncultivated.  There,  marching  through 
ground  which  had  not  been  examined,  he  went  headlong  into 
an  ambush,  and  with  difficulty  gained  the  open  country  after 
much  slaughter  of  his  men.  There  he  fortified  an  encamp- 
ment; and  as  the  Gauls  hoped  for  nothing  by  making  any 
attack  upon  that,  the  spirits  of  his  soldiers  were  revived ; 
although  it  was  clear  enough  that  his  resources  were  impaired. 
He  then  renewed  his  march :  and  so  long  as  he  was  carrying 
his  force  through  open  places,  no  enemy  appeared.  "When  the 
woods  were  entered  again,  then  attacking  his  rear  to  the  great 
confusion  and  alarm  of  all,  they  slew  eight  hundred  soldiers, 
and  captured  six  standards.  The  terrors  of  the  Gauls  and  the 
fears  of  the  Eomans  came  to  an  end,  on  their  getting  out  of 
the  trackless  and  entangled  forest.  From  thence  the  Eomans, 
easily  protecting  their  column  of  march  in  the  open  country, 
made  their  way  to  Tanetum,  a  village  n^ar  the  Po.  There 
they  maintained  themselves  with  an  entrenchment  for  the 
occasion,  and  with  supplies  obtained  by  the  river,  and  with 
the  aid  of  the  Brixiani  Gauls,  against  the  masses  of  the  enemy 
which  were  increasing  daily. 


Narrative  of  Livy  translated,  281 

Scipio  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rhone. 
26.  When  this  sudden  outbreak  becomes  known  at  Rome, 
and  the  Fathers  have  learned  that  a  Carthaginian  war  is 
grown  larger  by  the  addition  of  a  Gaulish  war,  they  order 
the  Praetor  C.  Atilius  to  proceed  and  reinforce  Manlius  with 
one  Eoman  legion  and  five  thousand  of  the  allies,  just  raised 
by  the  Consul  on  a  new  levy.  He  reached  Tanetum  without 
any  fighting,  the  enemy  having  retired  in  fear  of  him.  And 
P.  Cornelius,  a  new  legion  having  been  made  over  to  him  in 
place  of  that  which  had  been  sent  off  with  the  Praetor,  pro- 
ceeding from  Eome  with  sixty  ships  of  war,  along  the  coasts 
of  Etruria  and  Liguria,  and  the  mountainous  coasts  of  the 
Salyes,  gets  to  Massilia,  and  makes  his  camp  at  the  nearest 
mouth  of  the  Rhone  (for  the  river  comes  down  into  the  sea 
divided  into  many  streams) :  hardly  now  fully  believing  that 
Hannibal  has  passed  the  Pyrenean  mountains.  When  he 
comes  to  know  that  he  is  actually  preparing  for  the  passage 
of  the  Rhone,  then,  undetermined  as  to  where  he  should 
oppose  him,  his  own  men  too  not  yet  quite  recovered  from 
their  tossing  about  at  sea,  he  sends  forward  three  hundred 
cavalry,  picked  men,  guided  by  some  Massilians  and  auxiliary 
Gauls,  to  gain  information  on  all  things,  and  to  get  a  sight  of 
the  enemy  from  a  point  of  safety. 

Hannibal  is  already  crossing  the  Rhone. 
Hannibal  having  quieted  the  other  nations  either  by  fear 
or  gifts,  had  now  arrived  into  the  country  of  the  Yolcae,  a 
powerful  state.  They  also  occupy  both  banks  of  the  Rhone. 
But,  having  no  confidence  in  their  ability  to  keep  the  Cartha- 
ginians off  from  their  country  on  the  right  bank,  and  in  order 
to  have  the  protection  of  the  river,  they  were  now  occupying 
the  left  bank  in  arms,  having  carried  over  nearly  all  that  be- 
longed to  them  across  the  Rhone.  The  other  dwellers  on  the 
river,  and  such  of  this  people  too  as  had  remained  in  their 


282  .  Appendix. 

homes,  Hannibal  induces  by  gifts  to  get  together  vessels  for 
him,  and  to  build  them :  at  the  same  time  they  were  them- 
selves anxious  for  the  army  to  be  carried  over,  and  for  their 
own  district  to  be  relieved  as  soon  as  possible  from  the  pres- 
sure of  so  great  a  multitude.  And  thus  was  brought  together 
hastily  a  vast  force  of  vessels  and  boats,  which  happened  to 
be  ready  for  the  use  of  the  neighbourhood ;  and  other  new 
ones  the  natives,  beginning  them  first,  hollowed  out  of  single 
trees ;  and  then  the  soldiers  themselves,  encouraged  by  the 
abundance  of  material  and  the  easiness  of  the  work,  made 
hastily  illshapen  barks,  not  caring  for  more  than  that  they 
should  float  in  the  water  and  hold  their  burthens,  and  so 
carry  them  over  with  what  belonged  to  them. 

The  March  of  Hanno. 

27.  And  now,  when  all  preparations  for  crossing  had  been 
adequately  made,  the  enemy  on  the  other  side  gave  them 
much  alarm  occupying  the  whole  bank,  men  and  horsemen. 
To  divert  these,  he  orders  Hanno,  son  of  Bomilcar,  in  the  first 
night-watch  to  proceed  for  a  day's  march  up  the  river  with 
part  of  the  force,  and  cross  it -where  first  he  should  be  able, 
as  secretly  as  he  could,  and  bring  his  troops  round  for  attack- 
ing the  enemy  in  their  rear,  at  the  convenient  time.  The 
Gauls  who  were  given  as  guides  for  this  operation,  point  out 
that  about  five  and  twenty  miles  higher  up,  the  river  offers  a 
place  for  crossing,  flowing  on  both  sides  of  a  small  island, 
being  wider  where  it  is  so  divided,  and  accordingly  of  less 
depth.  Materials  were  hastily  cut  there,  and  rafts  made,  on 
which  men  and  horses  and  other  burthens  might  be  carried 
over.  The  Spaniards,  not  adding  to  this  mass,  put  their 
clothes  into  leathern  bags,  and  placing  their  bucklers  under 
them,  to  lean  upon,  swam  over  the  river.  The  rest  of  the 
troops  also,  carried  over  on  the  rafts  fastened  together,  after 
they  had  nxade  their  camp  near  the  river,  weary  with  the 


Narrative  of  Livy  translated.  283 

night  march  and  the  labour  of  these  operations,  are  recruited 

with  one  day's  rest,  their  leader  being  bent  on  fulfilling  his 

design  in  the  most  advantageous  manner.     On  the  following 

day,  having  made  their  march  from  that  place,  they  give 

signal  by  sending  up  a  smoke,  that  they  have  got  over,  and 

are  not  far  off.    As  soon  as  Hannibal  has  recognised  it,  he 

gives  the  order  for  crossing,  that  he  may  not  fail  in  his 

opportunity. 

The  Crossing, 

The  infantry  now  occupied  the  boats  ready  and  fit  for  them. 
The  mass  of  vessels  higher  up  the  stream,  carrying  over  the 
horsemen,  who  were  mostly  near  their  swimming  horses, 
broke  the  force  of  the  current,  and  made  the  passage  smoother 
for  the  boats  that  crossed  lower  down.  A  great  part  of  the 
horses  were  drawn  by  reins  at  the  stern,  besides  those  which 
they  had  got  into  the  ships  equipped  and  bridled,  that  they 
might  be  ready  for  the  use  of  the  horsemen  immediately  on 
disembarking. 

28.  The  Gauls  rush  to  the  bank  to  oppose  them,  with 
various  yelling  and  singing  in  their  fashion,  shaking  their 
shields  above  their  heads,  and  flourishing  their  weapons  in 
their  right  hands,  although  such  a  mass  of  vessels  from  the 
other  side  terrified  them,  together  with  the  prodigious  noise 
of  the  river,  and  the  various  shouts  of  the  sailors  and  soldiers, 
who  were  struggling  to  break  through  the  force  of  the  stream, 
and  of  those  who  from  the  opposite  bank  were  encouraging 
their  comrades  in  their  passage.  And  now,  being  amply 
frightened  by  the  uproar  in  face  of  them,  they  are  assailed  by 
a  more  alarming  clamour  from  behind,  their  camp  having 
been  taken  by  Hanno.  And  presently  he  himself  was  upon 
them,  and  a  twofold  terror  surrounded  them  ;  in  the  multitude 
of  armed  men  poured  out  of  the  ships  on  to  the  land,  and  the 
battle  pressing  unexpectedly  from  behind.  The  Gauls,  after 
being  repulsed  in  the  attempt  to  force  their  way  forward,  now 


284  Apperidix. 

break  through  wherever  a  way  seems  most  open  to  them,  and 
fly  trembling  in  all  directions  each  to  his  own  village.  Han- 
nibal, having  brought  over  his  forces  leisurely,  for  he  now 
holds  the  Gaulish  tumults  in  contempt,  makes  his  en- 
campment. 

Passage  of  the  Elephants. 

I  conceive  there  had  been  various  plans  for  getting  the 
elephants  across  :  there  are  certainly  various  accounts  of  the 
accomplishment  of  it.  Some  relate  that,  when  the  elephants 
were  assembled  on  the  bank,  the  most  savage  of  them  being 
irritated  by  his  driver,  pursued  him  on  his  retreating  swim- 
ming into  the  water,  and  drew  all  the  rest  after  him ;  and 
that  each,  as  the  ford  failed  him,  in  his  fear  of  the  deep 
water,  was  carried  by  •  the  very  force  of  the  stream  to  the 
opposite  bank.  But  it  is  rather  the  common  belief  that  they 
were  carried  over  on  rafts ;  and  as  this  would  have  been  the 
safer  plan  before  the  thing  was  done,  so,  since  it  was  done,  it 
is  the  more  fit  to  be  credited. 

One  raft  of  two  hundred  feet  in  length,  and  fifty  in 
breadth,  was  extended  from  the  bank  into  the  river,  and 
this,  that  it  might  not  be  carried  down  the  stream,  was 
firmly  bound  with  several  strong  cables  at  the  higher  part 
of  the  bank,  and  was  covered  with  earth  like  a  bridge,  in 
order  that  the  beasts  might  walk  on  to  it  with  confidence 
as  on  the  land  itself  Another  raft,  of  the  same  breadth, 
and  one  hundred  feet  long,  fit  for  passing  over  the  river, 
was  fastened  to  this ;  and  when  the  elephants,  driven,  with 
the  females  going  first,  had  passed  over  the  fixed  raft,  as  a 
road  on  to  the  smaller  one  which  was  attached  to  it,  the 
fastenings  with  which  the  latter  had  been  slightly  fixed  on 
were  at  once  loosened,  and  it  was  carried  on  by  some  towing 
vessels  to  the  opposite  bank.  So  the  first  being  landed,  the 
others  were  then  sent  for  and  taken  over.  They  were  not 
alarmed  at  anything,  so  long  as  they  were  driven  on  a  bridge 


Narrative  of  Livy  translated,  285 

which  held,  as  it  were,  to  the  land.  Their  first  fright  was 
when,  the  raft  being  detached  from  everything,  they  were 
hurried  on  to  the  deep  water :  then,  pressing  upon  one 
another,  as  those  on  the  edge  of  the  vessel  shrank  from  the 
water,  they  showed  some  amount  of  trepidation,  till  fear 
itself  rendered  them  quiet,  looking  on  the  water  around. 
Some  indeed,  growing  savage,  fell  into  the  stream  ;  but  stand- 
ing by  their  own  weight,  when  their  riders  were  thrown,  and 
feeling  their  way  in  the  shallows,  they  came  to  land. 

Conflict  of  Cavalry,     Boian  Envoys. 

29.  While  the  elephants  are  being  brought  over,  Han- 
nibal had  in  the  meantime  sent  five  hundred  Numidian 
cavalry  towards  the  Eoman  camp  to  reconnoitre ;  to  dis- 
cover where  they  were,  and  in  what  force,  and  what  they 
were  preparing  to  do.  The  three  hundred  Eoman  horse, 
sent,  as  said  before,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Ehone,  fall  in 
with  this  squadron  of  cavalry.  An  encounter  takes  place 
more  severe  than  in  proportion  to  the  numbers  :  for,  be- 
sides many  wounded,  the  number  of  killed  was  pretty  equal 
on  both  sides.  The  flight  and  panic  of  the  Numidians 
gave  the  victory  to  the  Eomans,  when  they  were  already 
much  exhausted.  There  fell  of  the  victors  to  the  number 
of  a  hundred  and  sixty  :  and  not  all  Eomans,  some  were 
Gauls.  Of  the  vanquished  more  than  two  hundred  fell. 
This,  a  beginning  and  an  omen  of  the  war,  as  it  portended 
to  the  Eomans  a  prosperous  issue  to  the  sum  of  events,  so 
it  portended  a  success,  not  bloodless,  but  through  a  fluc- 
tuating struggle.  When,  after  this  affair  so  performed,  each 
party  returned  to  their  general,  Scipio  could  come  to  no  re^ 
solution  beyond  this,  that  he  would  regulate  his  proceedings 
according  to  the  plans  and  undertakings  of  the  enemy. 
Hannibal,  undetermined  whether  he  should  push  on  the 
march  into  Italy  which  he  had  begun,  or  give  battle  to  this 


286  Appendix. 

the  first  Roman  army  that  had  thrown  itself  in  his  way^ 
is  dissuaded  from  present  hostilities  by  the  arrival  of  the 
Boian  envoys  and  the  potentate  Magalus ;  who,  declaring 
themselves  the  guides  of  his  marches,  the  associates  of  his 
dangers,  give  their  judgment  that  Italy  must  be  invaded  in 
the  freshness  of  the  war,  not  sooner  making  any  experiment 
of  strength.  The  multitude  were  indeed  in  fear  of  the  enemy, 
retaining  the  memory  of  the  last  war :  and  yet  they  were  in 
greater  fear  of  the  unmeasured  journey,  and  of  the  Alps,  an 
object  which  report  made  terrible  to  men  wholly  ignorant  of 
them. 

Hannibal  addresses  his  Troops. 

30.  And  so  Hannibal,  when  his  own  resolution  was 
formed,  to  push  forward  and  march  for  Italy,  having  sum- 
moned an  assembly,  works  upon  the  minds  of  his  soldiers  in 
various  ways  by  chiding  and  exhortation.  "  He  wondered," 
he  said,  "  what  sudden  alarm  had  entered  into  breasts  always 
"  undaunted  :  that  they  had  served  so  many  years  victorious, 
*'  and  only  quitted  Spain  when  all  the  nations  and  countries 
"  which  the  two  opposite  seas  enclose  were  subjected  to  the 
'*  Carthaginians:  and  then,  indignant  at  the  Eoman  people 
"  demanding  that  the  besiegers  of  Saguntum  should  be  de- 
"  livered  up  as  to  punishment,  had  crossed  the  Iberus  to 
*'  destroy  the  Eoman  name  and  liberate  the  world.  At  that 
^'  time,  no  one  thought  it  long  if  they  stretched  their  march 
"  from  the  setting  of  the  sun  to  its  rising.  Now,  when  the 
"  far  greater  part  of  the  journey  was  seen  to  be  performed, 
"  when  the  passes  of  the  Pyrenees  had  been  surmounted 
"  through  the  fiercest  peoples,  when  they  had  crossed  the 
"  Ehone,  so  great  a  river,  so  many  thousand  Gauls  resisting 
"  them,  and  the  power  of  the  stream  itself  being  overcome, 
"  when  the  Alps  were  in  sight,  whose  other  side  was  Italy, 
"  they  became  weary,  and  paused  in  the  very  gates  of  the 
"  enemy.     What  did  they  suppose  the  Alps  to  be  but  the 


Narrative  of  Lwy  translated.  287 

"  heights  of  mountains  ?  Let  them  be  thought  loftier  than 
"  the  Pyrenees :  earth  nowhere  reaches  the  heavens,  nor  is 
"  impassable  to  mankind.  The  Alps  are  cultivated ;  they 
"  produce  animals  and  maintain  them.  Are  they  practicable 
"  to  a  few,  and  not  to  armies  ?  The  ambassadors  who  were 
"  then  before  them  had  not  come  over  those  mountains  on 
"  wings.  Their  ancestors  had  themselves  not  been  aboriginal 
"  dwellers,  but  had  come  over  these  very  Alps  to  cultivate 
"  Italy,  as  strangers  migrating  from  time  to  time  in  numerous 
"  hosts  with  wives  and  children.  What  could  be  an  obstacle 
"  or  insuperable  to  an  armed  soldier,  bearing  with  him  nought 
"  but  the  mimitions  of  war  ?  For  the  capture  of  Saguntum, 
"  what  dangers  for  a  space  of  eight  months,  what  toil  did  they 
"  not  endure  ?  When  the  aim  is  Eome,  the  capital  of  the  world, 
"  shall  anything  seem  arduous  and  rough  to  arrest  their  en- 
"  terprise  ?  The  Gauls  of  old  had  vanquished  that  which  the 
"  Carthaginians  despaired  of  reaching.  Let  them  then  yield  in 
"  courage  and  spirit,  to  a  race  which  they  had  of  late  so  often 
*'  vanquished  :  or  let  them  trust  that  their  journey's  end  would 
"  be  the  plain  between  the  Tiber  and  the  walls  of  Eome." 

March  to  the  Island.     Transactions  with  Allohroges. 

31.  He  now  orders  his  men,  encouraged  by  these  exhor- 
tations, to  refresh  their  bodies  and  prepare  themselves  for  the 
march.  The  next  day,  having  gone  forward  on  the  further 
side  of  the  Ehone,  he  bends  his  way  towards  the  inmost  parts 
of  Gaul :  not  because  it  was  the  more  direct  way  to  the  Alps, 
but  because  he  thought,  that  the  further  he  withdrew  from 
the  sea,  the  less  chance  there  was  of  encountering  the  Eomans  ; 
with  whom  it  was  not  his  purpose  to  engage  before  he  should 
arrive  in  Italy.  In  four  days'  march  he  comes  to  the  Island. 
There  the  rivers  Ehone  and  Isere,  running  down  from  dif- 
ferent Alps,  and  having  encircled  a  good  district  of  land,  flow 
together  into  one  stream.    The  name  "  Island  "  has  been  given 


288  Appendix. 

to  the  country  which  they  enclose.  Near  at  hand,  the  Allo- 
broges  inhabit  it,  a  nation  already  then  inferior  to  none  in 
Gaul  for  power  or  reputation.  It  was  then  in  a  state  of  dis- 
cord. .Two  brothers  were  at  variance  in  a  struggle  for  the 
sovereignty :  the  elder,  he  who  had  ruled  it  before,  named 
Brancus,  was  then  excluded  by  his  brother  and  the  mass  of 
younger  men,  who  prevailed  by  force,  not  by  right.  The 
arbitrament  of  this  insurrection  being  very  opportunely  re- 
ferred to  Hannibal,  he  being  thus  umpire  of  the  kingdom, 
restored  the  government  to  the  elder  one,  because  this  had 
been  the  opinion  of  the  senate  and  men  of  rank.  For  this 
service  he  was  supplied  with  provisions,  and  all  things  in 
abundance,  chiefly  clothing,  of  which  an  ample  preparation 
was  demanded  by  the  intense  cold  of  the  Alps. 

March  towards  the  Alps :  to  the  Druentia. 

When  Hannibal,  having  settled  the  disputes  of  the  Allo- 
broges,  was  now  in  march  for  the  Alps,  he  did  not  shape  his 
course  by  the  direct  way :  but  turned  to  the  left  into  the 
Tricastini :  from  them,  going  through  the  further  borders  of 
the  Yocontii,  he  went  on  into  the  Tricorii  ;  the  march  being 
nowhere  impeded  till  he  came  to  the  river  Druentia.  This, 
being  itself  an  Alpine  stream,  is  by  far  the  most  difficult  to 
pass  of  all  the  rivers  of  Gaul,  for,  while  it  carries  a  prodigious 
force  of  water,  still  it  does  not  admit  of  navigation  ;  for,  not 
confined  within  banks,  flowing  in  many  channels,  and  not 
always  the  same,  constantly  forming  new  shallows  and  new 
whirlpools  (whence  the  track,  even  to  a  pedestrian,  is  uncer- 
tain), moreover  rolling  gravelly  rocks,  it  affords  nothing  that 
is  steady  or  safe  to  him  who  steps  into  it :  and  at  that  time, 
happening  to  be  swollen  by  rains,  it  caused  immense  confusion 
to  those  who  were  crossing  it,  while  beyond  all  other  things 
they  were  confounded  by  their  own  terrors  and  bewildered 
cries. 


Narrative  of  Livy  translated.  289 

Scipio  returns  to  Italy. 

32.  The  Consul  Publius  Cornelius,  in  about  three  days 
after  Hannibal  moved  from  the  banks  of  the  Ehone,  had 
arrived,  marching  in  square  order,  at  the  enemy's  encampment, 
meaning  to  make  no  delay  in  engaging  him.  However,  when 
he  sees  that  the  entrenchments  are  deserted,  and  that  he  shall 
not  easily  overtake  them,  having  got  so  much  in  advance  of 
him,  he  returns  to  the  sea  and  his  ships,  that  he  may  by  so 
doing  more  safely  and  more  easily  oppose  Hannibal  on  his 
descent  from  the  Alps.  Nevertheless,  that  Spain,  his  allotted 
province,  might  not  be  destitute  of  Boman  reinforcements,  he 
sent  his  brother  Cneius  Scipio,  with  the  larger  part  of  his 
force,  against  Asdrubal :  not  merely  that  he  might  protect  old 
allies  and  conciliate  new  ones,  but  that  he  might  even  drive 
Asdrubal  out  of  Spain  :  he  himself  sails  back  to  Genoa  with 
very  few  troops,  meaning  to  defend  Italy  with  the  army  which 
was  then  on  the  Po. 

HannihaVs  March  from  the  Dricentia  to  the  Alps. 
His  Stratagem. 

Hannibal  made  his  way  from  the  Druentia  to  the  Alps, 
chiefly  by  a  route  through  plain  country,  on  peaceable  terms 
with  the  Gauls  inhabiting  those  parts.  Then,  although  the 
subject  was  preconceived  from  report  (which  carries  beyond 
the  truth  things  not  ascertained),  yet  the  height  of  the  moun- 
tains seen  when  close  approached,  and  the  snows  intermixed 
with  the  sky, — ^hideous  dwellings  put  upon  rocks,  flocks  and 
cattle  parched  with  cold,  men  unshaved  and  uncivilized, — all 
things  animate  and  inanimate  stiff  with  frost,  and  all  besides 
more  foul  to  see  than  to  tell, — renewed  their  terror.  As  they 
brought  up  their  march  to  the  first  acclivities,  the  moun- 
taineers were  perceived  posted  on  the  eminences  that  hung 
above;  who,  if  they  had  planted  themselves  in  the  more 

VOL.  II.  u 


290  Appendix. 

hidden  ralleys,  and  sprung  suddenly  together  to  an  attack, 
would  have  inflicted  great  slaughter  and  rout.  Hannibal 
orders  his  standards  to  halt ;  and  finding,  after  he  had  sent 
forward  his  Gauls  to  inspect  the  places,  that  there  was  no 
passage  by  that  way,  he  encamps  in  the  most  extensive  valley 
he  can  command,  where  all  places  were  rugged  and  broken. 
Having  learned  through  those  same  Gauls,  who  had  got  into 
conversation  with  the  mountaineers — from  whom,  in  fact, 
they  differed  little  in  language  and  manner, — ^that  the  pass 
was  only  beset  in  the  daytime,  and  that  at  night  every  one 
betook  himself  to  his  own  dwelling,  he  moved  up  towards 
those  heights,  at  the  dawn  of  day,  as  if  intending  to  force  the 
narrow  passes  openly  and  in  daytime.  Then,  the  day  having 
been  employed  in  pretending  a  plan  different  from  the  one  in 
preparation,  after  they  had  fortified  their  camp  in  that  position 
where  they  had  halted,  as  soon  as  Hannibal  perceived  that  the 
mountaineers  had  gone  down  from  the  heights,  and  that  the 
keeping  guard  was  relaxed, — having,  for  the  sake  of  appear- 
ance, lighted  more  fires  than  the  number  who  were  staying 
behind  would  require,  and  leaving  the  baggage  and  cavalry, 
and  the  larger  part  of  the  infantry, — he  himself,  with  some 
light-armed,  every  man  being  of  the  most  valorous,  dashed 
through  the  narrow  pass,  and  took  post  on  the  very  same 
heights  which  the  enemy  had  occupied. 

He  defeats  the  Natives  ;  takes  their  Fort  and  Villages  ; 
proceeds  for  three  days. 

33.  And  now,  when  day  dawned,  the  camp  was  broken 
up,  and  the  rest  of  the  army  began  to  move  forward.  The 
mountaineers  were  now  coming  together,  on  a  given  signal 
from  their  fortresses,  to  their  accustomed  posts ;  when  all  at 
once  they  descry  the  enemies,  some  threatening  from  above, 
having  got  possession  of  their  citadel,  others  coming  through 
by  the  road.     And  these  things,  being  offered  at  once  to  their 


Narrative  of  Livy  translated.  291 

eyes  and  their  minds,  kept  them  for  some  time  motionless. 
Presently,  when  they  saw  the  wavering  in  the  narrow  passes, 
and  the  army  itself  confused  by  its  own  disorder,  the  horses" 
being  exceedingly  terrified, — then,  thinking  that  any  addi- 
tional alarm  which  they  could  themselves  inflict  would  com- 
plete the  destruction,  they  ran  on,  dispersing  themselves 
round  the  rocks,  by  places  untracked  and  devious,  which 
they  were  familiar  with.  The  Carthaginians  then  were  thus 
opposed  both  by  the  enemy  and  by  the  hostile  nature  of  the 
ground ;  and  the  struggle  was  greater  among  themselves  than 
with  the  enemy,  each  man  striving  for  himself  first  to  get 
clear  of  the  danger.  But  the  horses  caused  the  greatest  dis- 
order in  the  march,  who,  in  fright  at  the  discordant  cries, 
which  were  multiplied  by  the  forests  and  echoing  valleys, 
and  struck,  perhaps,  or  wounded,  became  terrified  to  such  a 
degree,  that  they  caused  a  vast  destruction  both  of  men  and 
baggage  of  all  kinds ;  and,  the  narrow  passages  being  abrupt 
and  precipitous  on  either  side,  the  throng  forced  many  down 
to  a  prodigious  depth ;  some,  too,  being  the  armed  soldiers, 
but  the  great  crash  was  in  the  rolling  over  of  beasts  with 
their  burdens. 

Though  these  things  were  frightful  to  see,  yet  Hannibal 
paused  awhile,  and  restrained  the  force  that  was  with  him, 
that  he  might  not  aggravate  the  confusion  and  unsteadiness. 
Afterwards,  when  he  saw  the  line  of  march  to  be  broken,  and 
that  there  was  a  chance  that  he  should  have  brought  the 
army  through  to  no  purpose,  if  deprived  of  its  baggage,  he 
rushes  down  from  the  higher  ground ;  and  when  he  had 
overthrown  the  enemy  by  the  very  force  of  the  assault,  he 
also  increased  the  confusion  to  his  own  troops.  That  con- 
fusion, however,  is  quieted  in  a  moment,  on  the  passage 
becoming  clear  by  the  flight  of  the  mountaineers ;  and  soon 
all  were  brought  through,  not  only  without  molestation,  but 
in  silence.     Hannibal  then  took  possession  of  the  fort,  which 

u2 


292  Appendix. 

was  the  chief  place  of  that  district,  and  the  circumjacent 
villages ;  and  he  fed  the  army  for  three  days  with  the  flocks 
of  his  captives :  and  as  no  obstruction  was  offered  by  the 
mountaineers,  who  had  thus  in  the  beginning  received  an 
overthrow,  nor  much  by  the  nature  of  the  country,  he  made 
good  progress  in  his  march  for  those  three  days. 

Conference  with  Natives.    Assault  in  a  narrow  Pa^s. 

34.  He  then  arrived  into  another  nation,  abounding  in  cul- 
tivators of  the  soil,  considering  it  was  a  mountain  country. 
There  he  was  nearly  defeated,  not  by  open  war,  but  by 
his  own  arts,  deceit,  and  then  ambuscades.  The  chiefs  of 
their  fortresses,  men  advanced  in  years,  come  as  spokesmen 
to  the  Carthaginian  leader,  expressing  to  him  that,  taught  by 
the  calamities  of  others  a  useful  lesson,  they  would  rather 
experience  the  friendship  than  the  strength  of  the  Car- 
thaginians ;  they  would,  therefore,  be  obedient  to  his  orders, 
and  furnish  supplies  and  guides  for  the  expedition,  and 
hostages  for  the  good  faith  of  their  promises.  Hannibal, 
when — by  neither  rashly  trusting  in  them,  nor  disdaining 
them,  lest,  being  rejected,  they  should  become  openly  hostile 
— he  had  answered  graciously,  and  received  their  hostages, 
and  possessed  himself  of  the  supplies,  which  they  had  them- 
selves brought  down  into  the  road,  follows  the  leaders  of 
them  in  compact  marching  order,  not  as  among  a  people 
brought  into  peaceful  subjection.  The  first  body  consisted  of 
the  elephants  and  the  cavalry  :  he  himself  followed  with  the 
strength  of  the  infantry,  anxiously  watching  all  things  around. 
When  they  came  to  a  narrower  road,  subject  on  one  side  to 
overhanging  heights,  the  barbarians  from  their  ambush  attack 
them  at  once  on  all  sides,  from  the  front,  from  the  rear,  in 
close  combat,  and  from  afar.  They  roll  down  enormous  rocks 
upon  the  marching  column  :  the  greatest  force  of  men  pressed 
them  from  behind.     When  the  front  of  infantry  was  turned 


Narrative  of  Livy  translated,  293 

against  these,  it  was  apparent  that,  if  the  rear  of  the  march 
had  not  been  made  strong,  a  vast  slaughter  would  have  been 
met  with  in  this  pass.  Even  then,  they  came  into  extreme 
peril,  and  almost  destruction ;  for  while  Hannibal  hesitates 
to  push  forward  the  march  through  the  narrow  pass,  having 
no  support  to  his  infantry  from  behind,  like  that  which  he 
afforded  to  his  cavalry,  the  mountaineers  attacking  them 
laterally,  broke  through  the  middle  of  the  column,  and  beset 
the  way;  and  one  night  was  passed  by  him  without  his 
cavalry  and  baggage. 

The  next  day  order  of  March  restored.     Summit  reached 

on  ninth  day. 

35.  The  following  day,  the  barbarians  becoming  less  active 
in  their  incursions,  the  forces  were  reunited,  and  the  pass 
was  overcome,  not  without  loss,  but  with  more  destruc- 
tion of  cattle  than  of  men.  After  that,  the  mountaineers 
engaged  them  in  smaller  numbers,  and  rather  in  the  way  of 
plunder  than  of  warfare — now  against  the  head  of  the  column, 
now  against  the  tail  of  it,  according  as  either  the  ground 
might  be  favourable,  or  as  opportunity  was  given  by  those 
who  got  too  forward  or  who  lagged  behind.  The  elephants, 
while  they  were  urged  headlong  through  the  confined  tracks 
with  slow  progress,  still,  wherever  they  went,  they  rendered 
the  march  safe  from  the  enemy,  who  feared  to  come  near  to 
those  strange  creatures.  On  the  ninth  day,  they  reached  the 
summit  of  the  Alps,  through  parts  without  a  track,  and  errors 
that  were  caused  either  by  the  deceit  of  guides,  or,  if  these 
were  distrusted,  by  guessing  at  the  route,  and  striking  at 
random  into  valleys. 

Two  days  on  Summit.     Snow,     March  renewed  at  dayhreak. 
Hannibal  addresses  the  Army  on  the  march.     View. 
The  encampment  was  stationary  on  the  summit  for  two 
days :  rest  was  given  to  the  soldiers,  wearied  with  toil  and 


294  Appendix. 

fighting;  and  in  this  time  some  of  the  cattle  which  had 
fallen  down  among  the  rocks  reached  the  camp,  by  following 
the  track  of  the  march.  And  now  a  fall  of  snow,  for  the  con- 
stellation of  the  Pleiades  was  setting,  added  a  great  terror  to 
men  worn  with  the  pressure  of  so  many  disasters.  When,  on 
the  standards  being  raised  at  daybreak,  the  march  was  pro- 
ceeding very  slowly,  through  snow  that  covered  everything, 
and  languor  and  despair  was  marked  in  every  countenance, 
Hannibal,  going  forward  in  front  of  the  standards  on  a  certain 
promontory,  whence  the  view  was  far  and  wide,  and  having 
ordered  a  halt,  displays  to  the  soldiers  Italy,  and  the.  plains 
around  the  Po,  lying  under  the  Alps,  impressing  upon  them, 
"  that  they  are  now  scaling  the  walls,  not  of  Italy  only,  but 
"  of  the  Eoman  city ;  that  all  to  come  will  be  smooth  and 
"  straightforward ;  that  by  one,  or  at  the  most  a  second,  en- 
"  gagement  they  will  have  the  citadel  and  capital  of  Italy  in 
"  their  possession  and  control."  After  this,  the  column  began 
to  get  forward ;  the  enemy  now  not  even  attempting  more 
than  occasional  petty  thefts.  The  way,  however,  was  far 
more  difficult  than  it  had  been  in  the  ascent  (as,  indeed,  most 
of  the  Alps  are  on  the  Italian  side  steeper  as  well  as  shorter) ; 
for  nearly  the  whole  track  was  precipitous,  narrow,  and  slip- 
pery ;  so  that  they  could  neither  keep  themselves  from  falling, 
nor  could  those  who  had  once  tottered  a  little,  and  become 
distressed,  keep  their  footing,  but  were  falling,  men  and  beasts, 
one  over  another. 

Broken  Path.     Fall  of  1,000  feet     Attempt  to  go  round. 

Old  Snow. 

36.  They  now  came  to  a  much  narrower  course  of  rock, 

and  masses  of  it  so  upright,  that  an  unencumbered  soldier, 

feeling  his  way,    and    grasping  with  his  hands  twigs  and 

stumps   which  stood  out  about  him,  could  hardly  let  him- 

down.     This  place,  naturally  very  steep  before,  had  by 


Narrative  of  Livy  translated.  295 

a  fresh  fall  of  the  ground  been  broken  away  to  a  depth  of 
about  a  thousand  feet.  When  the  cavalry  had  come  to  a 
stand  here,  as  at  the  termination  of  all  track,  it  was  re- 
ported to  Hannibal,  who  wondered  what  could  be  stopping 
the  march,  that  the  rock  was  impassable :  he  then  went  off 
himself  to  inspect  the  spot.  There  seemed  to  be  no  doubt, 
but  that  he  must  carry  the  march  round,  though  by  a  long 
circuit,  through  pathless  places  as  yet  untrodden.  But  that 
way  was  not  practicable  :  for,  as  there  was  a  shallow  surface 
of  new  snow  lying  upon  the  old  snow  that  was  undamaged, 
the  feet  of  those  who  first  stepped  upon  it  easily  rested  on 
the  soft  snow  of  little  depth.  But  when  this  had  fallen  to 
pieces  by  the  treading  of  so  many  men  and  cattle,  they  had 
then  to  step  on  bare  ice  beneath  in  the  fluid  mess  of  melted 
snow.  Then  was  a  frightful  struggling ;  when,  from  the 
slippery  ice  which  would  not  hold  their  steps,  and  the  foot 
tripping  up  more  readily  in  the  declivity,  whether  in  the 
attempt  to  rise  they  had  sought  help  in  their  hands  or  knees, 
they  again  fell  forward,  these  very  supports  sliding  away  from 
them,  there  were  neither  twigs  nor  roots  about,  which  any 
one  could  strain  at  with  the  hand  or  foot:  so  they  only 
tumbled  about  on  the  smooth  ice  and  melted  snow.  The 
cattle  both  cut  into  the  under  snow  walking  upon  it,  and 
sometimes  plunging  about  with  their  hoofs  more  heavily  in 
the  effort  to  keep  themselves  up,  quite  broke  through  it :  so 
that  many,  as  if  snared,  became  fixed  in  hardened  and  deeply 
compacted  ice. 

Repairs.     Trees  cut.     Fire,     Vinegar.     Four  days  so  spent. 
Three  days'  rest.     Descent  to  the  Plain. 

37.  At  length  cattle  and  men  being  wearied  to  no  pur- 
pose, the  camp  was  formed  near  the  ridge  of  the  mountain, 
and  a  space  cleared  for  that  very  purpose  with  very  great  dif- 
ficulty :  so  large  a  quantity  of  snow  had  to  be  dug  up  and 


296  Appendix. 

removed.  Then  the  soldiers  selected  for  repairing  the  rock, 
by  which  alone  a  passage  could  be  obtained,  for  stone  required 
to  be  broken,  having  levelled  huge  trees  which  were  near  and 
lopped  them,  made  a  vast  pile  of  timber;  and,  as  a  strong 
wind  had  arisen  calculated  to  encourage  the  burning,  they  set 
it  on  fire,  and  pouring  vinegar  on  to  the  stone  in  a  glowing 
state,  loosen  its  substance :  thus  they  lay  open  with  iron  the 
rock  hot  with,  the  conflagration,  and  lessen  the  declivities  by 
gentle  turnings,  so  that  not  cattle  only,  but  the  elephants  also 
could  be  brought  down.  Four  days  were  spent  at  the  rock, 
the  cattle  being  almost  worn  out  with  hunger :  for  the  tops 
of  the  mountains  are  mostly  bare,  and,  if  there  is  any  feed, 
the  snows  cover  it.  The  lower  parts  have  valleys  and  some 
sunny  hills,  and  streams  near  the  woods,  and  at  last  places 
worthier  of  human  occupation.  There  the  cattle  were  turned 
to  pasture,  and  a  rest  of  three  days  was  given  to  the  men 
wearied  with  the  repairs.  Thence  they  came  down  to  the 
plain,  where  the  climate  was  milder  as  well  as  the  disposition 
of  the  inhabitants. 

On  the  Force  which  Hannibal  "brought  into  Italy,    Livjfs 
Argument  on  the  Fass. 

38.  In  this  manner  for  the  most  part  they  arrived  in  Italy, 
in  the  fifth  month  from  New  Carthage  (according  to  some 
writers),  the  Alps  being  overcome  on  the  fifteenth  day. 
Authors  are  by  no  means  agreed  on  the  amount  of  the  force 
which  Hannibal  had  when  he  had  crossed  into  Italy.  Those 
who  state  the  most,  say  that  there  were  100,000  infantry  and 
20,000  cavalry:  those  who  say  the  least,  state  20,000  infantry 
and  6,000  cavalry.  L.  Cincius  Alimentus,  who  writes  that 
he  was  taken  prisoner  by  Hannibal,  is  an  author  who  would 
most  influence  me,  if  he  did  not  make  a  confusion  of  the 
numbers,  by  reckoning  Gauls  and  Ligurians.  With  these,  he 
makes  out  that  80,000  foot  and  10,000  horse  were  brought  into 


Narrative  of  Idvy  translated,  297 

Italy — (probably  still  more  joined  him,  and  so  some  writers 
say.)  And  be  states  that  he  heard  from  Hannibal  himself, 
that  from  the  time  he  crossed  the  Ehone,  he  had  lost  36,000 
men,  and  an  enormous  number  of  horses  and  other  cattle, 
when  he  was  in  the  Taurini,  a  people  which  to  him,  after  his 
descent  into  Italy,  was  contiguous  to  the  Gauls.  As  that  is 
a  matter  on  which  all  are  agreed,  I  am  the  more  surprised 
that  it  should  be  doubted,  by  what  route  he  came  over  the 
Alps ;  and  that  it  should  commonly  be  believed,  that  he 
crossed  the  Penine  (also  that  the  col  got  its  name  from  this 
circumstance) :  Caelius  states  that  he  came  over  by  the  col  of 
Cremo :  both  which  passes  would  have  brought  him  down 
not  into  the  Taurini,  but  through  the  Salassi,  who  are 
mountaineers,  to  the  Libuan  Gauls.  Neither  is  it  probable, 
that  those  passages  into  Gaul  were  then  open :  indeed  the 
parts  which  lead  to  the  Penine,  were  beset  with  nations  half 
German  ;  and  by  Hercules,  if  any  are  led  by  the  name,  the 
Veragri,  who  dwell  on  that  col,  know  nothing  of  its  being 
named  from  the  passage  of  the  Poeni ;  but  from  him,  whom 
the  mountaineers  call  Peninus,  consecrated  on  their  highest 
summit. 

Insubres  at  war  with  Taurini.  Hannibal's  Army  unfit  for 
service.  He  destroys  the  Taurine  town;  then  'proceeds 
against  Scipio. 

39.  Most  opportunely  for  the  commencement  of  opera- 
tions, a  war  had  been  raised  against  the  Insubres,  by 
the  Taurini,  a  neighbouring  people.  But  Hannibal  was 
unable,  for  the  assistance  of  either  party,  to  put  his  men 
under  arms,  who  were  now  most  conscious  of  the  wretched 
state  they  had  been  brought  to,  in  the  effort  to  repair  it.  For 
repose  after  toil,  abundance  after  want,  personal  comfort  after 
disease  and  filth,  were  in  various  ways  taking  effect  on  their 
squalid  and  almost  savage-looking  bodies.    This  was  a  reason 


298  Appendix. 

with  the  Consul  P.  Cornelius,  when  he  got  to  Pisae  with  his 
ships,  for  hastening  to  the  Po,  with  the  army  which  he  re- 
ceived from  Manlius  and  Atilius,  being  raw  soldiers  and 
dismayed  with  the  recent  disgraces  of  their  arms,  in  order 
that  he  might  bring  the  enemy  to  action  before  he  should 
recover  his  efficiency. 

But  when  the  Consul  reached  Placentia,  Hannibal  had 
already  moved  from  his  encamped  position :  and  had  taken 
by  storm  one  town  of  the  Taurini,  the  chief  place  of  that 
people,  because  they  would  not  come  readily  into  his  alliance ; 
and  he  would  have  associated  with  himself  the  Gauls  of  the 
Po,  not  by  fear  only  but  by  inclination,  had  not  the  arrival 
of  the  Consul  suddenly  overpowered  them,  when  looking  out 
for  the  opportunity  of  deserting  his  cause.  Hannibal  too  now 
moved  from  the  Taurini,  thinking  that  the  Gauls,  hesitating 
which  party  to  follow,  would  follow  him,  being  on  the  spot. 
And  now  the  armies  were  almost  in  sight,  and  the  commanders 
brought  together;  not  yet  sufficiently  known  to,  but  impressed 
each  with  some  admiration  of  the  other.  For  the  name  of 
Hannibal  had  become  very  famous  among  the  Eomans  even 
before  the  destruction  of  Saguntum:  and  Hannibal  looked 
upon  Scipio  as  a  superior  man  from  the  fact  that  he  had  been 
chosen  to  take  command  against  him.  Moreover  each  had 
increased  such  opinion  in  the  other ;  Scipio,  that  having  been 
left  behind  in  Gaul,  he  was  ready  to  meet  Hannibal  when  he 
had  come  over  into  Italy :  Hannibal,  by  his  daring  enterprise 
to  cross  the  Alps,  and  the  fulfilment  of  it. 


APPENDIX  0. 


Encounter  with  Scijpio  on  the  Po, 

The  error  which  I  have  combated  as  affecting  the  line  of 
march  to  the  Alps,  is  not  the  only  instance  in  which  learned 
men  have  caused  confusion  by  misinterpreting  the  words 
irapa  tov  irora/Mov.  As  some  have  converted  the  Rhone  into 
the  Isere,  so  others  have  converted  the  Po  into  the  T^sin. 
Polybius,  telling  of  events  in  the  valley  of  the  Ehone,  speaks 
of  the  Ehone  as  "  the  river."  When  the  valley  of  the  Po 
becomes  the  scene  of  operations,  he  speaks  of  the  Po  as  "  the 
river."  A  contrary  opinion  has  been  expressed  by  those  who 
in  other  matters  are  my  allies,  De  Luc  and  Cramer.  Both 
have  pronounced  it  to  be  the  Tesin :  De  Luc  favouring  the 
left  bank,  Cramer  the  right  bank. 

De  Luc  writes  (2d  edit.)  : — "On  voit  clairement  que  Tarmee 
"  Romaine  etoit  encore  sur  la  rive  gauche  du  Tesin  lorsqu'elle 
"  eut  avis  de  I'approche  de  I'arm^e  d'Annibal ;  celle-ci  avoit 
"  done  d^ja  traverse  cette  riviere  entre  Novare  et  Milan  pour 
"  se  reunir  aux  Insiibres  qui  ^toient  alors  en  guerre  avec  les 
"  Eomains,  et  qui  devoient  6tre  les  plus  puissans  allies  des 
"  Carthaginois.  Au  moment  de  la  bataille,  les  Eomains 
"  avoient  n^cessairement,  comme  le  dit  Polybe,  le  T^sin  a  leur 
"  gauche,  et  les  Carthaginois  I'avoient  a  leur  droite ;  ce  qui 
"  fixe  I'emplacement  de  la  bataille  un  peu  au-dessus  de  Pavie, 
''  sur  la  route  de  Milan."     P.  233. 

This  notion  of  the  engagement  being  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Ticinus  is  contradicted  by  the  context  of  the  history,  which 
shows  that  Hannibal  never  crossed  that  river,  but  was  pre- 


300  Ajopendix. 

vented  from  doing  so,  and  had  to  give  up  Ms  pursuit  of  the 
enemy,  and  to  retreat  up  the  Po,  in  order  to  find  a  fit  place 
for  transporting  his  army. 

Cramer,  in  his  Ancient  Italy,  i.  55,  says  : — "  Poly  bins  in- 
"  forms  us,  that  Scipio  had  crossed  the  Po,  and  was  employed 
"in  throwing  a  bridge  over  the  Ticinus,  for  the  purpose  of 
"passing  that  river  also.  Having  exhorted  his  troops,  he 
"  marched  along  the  Ticinus :  while  the  Carthaginian  army, 
"  which  had  now  come  up,  was  advancing  to  meet  him  on  the 
"  same  bank  of  that  river."  •  Cramer  explains,  that  Hannibal 
was  marching  up  the  right  bank  of  the  Ticinus :  and  (p.  56) 
"that  Scipio,  having  crossed  that  river  at  a  considerable 
"  distance  above  its  junction  with  the  Po,  was  moving  parallel 
<'  with  the  current ; "  so  that,  after  his  defeat,  he  had  to  retreat 
up  the  river  and  regain  his  bridge;  over  which  Hannibal 
could  not  follow  him.  His  opinion  is,  that  "  these  operations 
"  of  Hannibal,  as  they  are  reported  by  Polybius  (iii.  66),  are 
"perfectly  natural  and  intelligible,  if  we  understand  the 
"action  to  have  taken  place  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
"Ticinus."     P.  58. 

As  I  consider  all  these  marches  to  be  told  as  along  the  Po, 
I  will  quote  the  narrative.  We  read  in  the  64th  chapter  : — 
"  Scipio  about  this  time,  having  already  crossed  the  river  Po, 
"  and  being  further  resolved  to  cross  the  Ticinus,  gave  orders 
"for  a  bridge  to  be  made  by  those  to  whom  this  service 
"  belonged  ;  and,  assembling  the  rest  of  his  forces,  addressed 
"them."  After  the  address,  the  history,  c.  65,  proceeds  thus  : 
— "  On  the  following  day,  both  put  forward  along  the  river, 
"  TrpoTJyov  dfjLiftorepot  irapa  tov  irora/jLov,  on  that  side  of  it 
"  which  is  towards  the  Alps,  the  Eomans  having  the  stream  on 
"  their  left  hand,  the  Carthaginians  having  it  on  their  right." 
This  river  is  the  Po.     Cramer  construed  it  the  Ticinus. 

The  plain  of  the  Po  has  become  the  scene  of  operations. 
Hannibal  reached  the  plain  of  the  Po  before  he  turned  his 


Encounter  with  Scipio  on  the  Po.  301 

arms  against  the  Taurini.  When  Scipio  landed  in  Italy,  the 
plain  of  the  Po  was  named  as  the  object  of  his  march.  He 
has  now  crossed  the  river,  and  crossed  the  Ticinus  also.  The 
side  of  the  river  on  which  the  armies  are  seeking  each  other, 
TO  7rpo9  Ta9  '^\7r6fc9  fi6po<;,  shows  where  they  were :  though 
Cramer  considered  this  circumstance  to  indicate  the  right  bank 
of  the  Ticinus,  it  seems  to  me  to  suit  the  left  bank  of  the  Po  : 
and  is  in  accordance  with  the  author's  descriptions  where  the 
Alps  are  spoken  of  as  the  northern  side  of  the  great  plain,  and 
the  Po  is  said  to  bisect  it,  running  from  west  to  east. 

The  narrative  proceeds  thus  : — "  On  the  next  day,  finding 
"  that  they  were  coming  near  to  one  another,  each  encamped 
"  and  waited  :  and  on  the  day  after  that,  the  two  commanders 
"  taking  with  them  all  their  cavalry,  and  Scipio  his  javelin 
"  men  also,  pushed  forward  over  the  plain,  each  hastening  to 
"survey  the  force  of  his  adversary."     The  conflict  is  then 
described :  and  in  c.  66,  Scipio's  retreat  "  in  haste  to  regain 
"  the  bridge  by  which  he  had  crossed  the  Po."     Hannibal 
pursued  "  as  far  as  the  first  river  and  the  bridge  over  it."   He 
found  that  the  bridge  had  been  rendered  unserviceable,  and 
made  prisoners  six  hundred  Eomans  who  had  not  got  back 
over  it.    Then,  "  hearing  that  the  rest  of  the  Eoman  force  had 
"  already  made  a  great  start  forward,  he  turned  round  again, 
"and  marched   along    the  river   in  the   contrary  direction, 
"hastening  to  find  a  place  on  the  Po  where  he  might  make 
"  a  bridge.     In  the  second  day  he  halted,  and  having  bridged 
"  a  crossing  with  vessels  belonging  to  the  river,  he  committed 
"the  transport  of  the  army  to  Asdrubal,  and  immediately 
"  passing  over  himself  transacted  business  with  emissaries  from 
"  the  neighbouring  districts,  who  were  ready  for  him.   Having 
"  given  to  all  a  hearty  reception,  when  he  had  got  his  forces 
"  over  from  the  other  side,  he  led  them  forward  along  the  river 
"  in  a  direction  contrary  to  the  prior  one :  for  now  he  marched 
"  down  the  stream,  hastening  to  come  up  with  the  enemy." 


302  Appendix. 

This  narrative  tells  three  movements  of  Hannibal,  all  irapa 
Tov  TTora/jLov:  1.  his  first  advance,  which,  after  the  conflict, 
was  continued  in  pursuit  to  Scipio's  bridge  on  the  Ticinus  : 

2.  his  march  back  in  search  of  a  place  for  crossing  the  Po : 

3.  his  onward  march  after  crossing.  To  know  one  is  to  know 
all :  for  the  second  was  retrograde  to  the  first :  and  the  third 
was  retrograde  to  the  second.  The  contrast  between  the 
second  movement  and  the  first  is  in  these  words : — /Ltera- 
^aWofievof;  av6i,<i  eh  Tavavila  irapa  tov  irorafiov  iTrocelro 
TTju  TTOpeiav,  (nrevBojv  iirl  tottov  evyecpvpcorov  d^iKeadai  tov 
UdBov.  The  contrast  between  his  third  movement  and  the 
second  appears  by  these  words : — Trapd  tov  TroTa/xov  Trjv 
ivavTLav  7roiov/jL€vo<i  Ty  Trpoadev  TrapoSat '  KUTa  povv  yap 
iTTOcelTO  TTjv  TTopeiav,  (nrevBcov  cvvd'y^ai,  toI^  virevavTioi^. 
No  one  doubts  that  the  river  now  crossed  was  the  Po,  or  that 
the  march  after  crossing  it  was  down  the  Po  :  this  was  con- 
trary to  the  prior  march,  which  therefore  was  up  the  Po  :  and 
that  was  contrary  to  the  first  march,  which  therefore  was 
down  the  Po. 

It  is  said  that  this  battle  was  always  called  the  "  pugna  ad 
Ticinum ";  but  Polybius  himself,  as  remarked  by  Schweig- 
hseuser,  refers  to  it  in  the  tenth  book  as  linrop.a')(^La  irepl  tov 
liahov.  When  Cramer  wrote  about  the  Ticinus,  he  was  arbi- 
trating on  the  disputes  of  Italian  antiquaries,  whose  contest 
was,  whether  the  armies  met  on  the  right  bank  or  the  left 
bank  of  the  Ticinus,. and  for  determining  this  question  they 
were  searching  for  vestiges  of  Scipio's  camp  and  bridge  up 
that  river  as  far  as  Sesto  Calende.  These  ingenious  persons 
could  not  have  desired  a  better  arbitrator :  but,  as  in  this 
matter  they  happened  all  to  be  wrong,  my  friend  need  not 
have  decided  in  favour  of  any  of  them.  His  error  resembles 
that  of  Gibbon,  who,  in  treating  the  main  question,  only  per- 
forms an  arbitration  between  the  Penine  and  Cottian  passes, 
blind  to  the  possibility  of  a  third  candidate. 


APPENDIX  D. 


On  the  Battle  of  the  Trebia. 

It  is  curious  that  Niebuhr  should  have  forgotten  or  dis- 
regarded the  narrative  of  Polybius  which  we  have  just  been 
construing  ;  and  should  ever  have  conceived,  as  he  must  have 
done,  that  Hannibal  crossed  the  Ticinus  instead  of  turning 
back  from  it.  This  casualty  in  the  memory  of  such  a  man  is 
so  much  connected  with  the  incidents  which  we  have  just 
been  dwelling  upon,  that  I  hope  to  be  excused  for  alluding  to 
it.  It  appears,  though  not  from  anything  which  he  himself 
published,  that  Niebuhr  conceived  Hannibal  to  have  crossed 
the  Po  below  Placentia  ;  and  to  have  been  encamped  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Trebia  when  the  battle  was  fought  on  that 
river.  He  was  in  error  on  both  points.  Dr.  Arnold  has  fol- 
lowed him  on  one,  and  Dr.  Liddell  on  both. 

There  is  in  the  Life  of  Niehuhr,  both  that  by  Madame 
Hensler,  and  the  later  one  by  the  Chevalier  Bunsen,  a  letter 
written  by  him  to  the  Count  de  Serre,  of  22nd  May,  1823, 
containing  this  passage: — "  Vaudoncourt's  work,  though 
"  printed  at  Milan,  was  not  to  be  got  at  Eome !  I  expect 
"  that  one  of  Buonaparte's  generals  will  have  perceived,  what 
"  the  scholars  have  not  dreamt  of,  that  Hannibal's  course 
"  before  the  battle  of  Trevia,  was  exactly  that  of  Buonaparte 
"  before  Marengo ;  namely,  that  he  crossed  the  Po  below 
"  Piacenza,  and  cut  the  Eoman  army  off  from  the  road  to 
"  Rome  :  the  Po  and  the  fortresses  were  behind  him  ;  there- 


304  Appendix. 

"  fore  utter  destruction  was  Ms  doom  if  he  were  beaten  ;  but 
**  he  knew  that  he  should  be  victorious."  * 

Niebuhr  may  never  afterwards  have  refreshed  his  concep- 
tions of  the  text  of  Poly  bins,  while  his  imagination  continued 
to  be  impressed  with  the  illustration  from  Napoleon.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  he  announced  the  same  notions  in  1829, 
within  two  years  of  his  death.  In  the  10th  Lecture  (i.  176), 
published  by  Dr.  Schmitz  in  1844,  there  are  the  following 
words : — "  We  find  Hannibal  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
"  Trebia  :  the  Eomans  cross  the  river  to  offer  battle :  con- 
"  sequently  Hannibal,  who  was  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
"  river,  must  have  crossed  the  Po  somewhere  below  Placentia. 
"  We  must  suppose  that  the  Eomans  had  crossed  the  Po  in 
"  the  neighbourhood  of  Pavia ;  and  Hannibal,  as  all  circum- 
"  stances  show,  and  as  I  have  already  observed,  some  distance 
"  below  Piacenza.  It  is  said,  for  instance,  that  the  Eomans 
"  transferred  their  camp  from  the  left  bank  of  the  Trebia  to- 
"  wards  the  foot  of  the  Apennines,  where  they  were  better 
"  protected  against  the  cavalry  of  the  Carthaginians,  by 
"  several  low  hills  rising  out  of  the  plain.  This  and  several 
"  other  things  are  intelligible  only  if  we  suppose  that  Han- 
"  nibal  crossed  the  Po  somewhere  between  Piacenza  and 
"  Parma.  Hannibal  was  encamped  south  of  Piacenza,  on  the 
"  right  bank  of  the  Trebia,  and  the  Eomans  opposite  to  him 
"  on  the  left  bank." 

It  is  almost  incredible  that  Niebuhr  can  have  so  forgotten 
or  set  aside  Polybius,  as  he  did  when  he  made  this  statement. 
That  he  did  make  it  we  cannot  doubt,  seeing  how  circum- 
stantial it  is,  and  knowing  by  whom  it  is  reported.  Polybius 
in  no  way  countenances  the  idea  that  Hannibal  was  encamped 
on  the  right  or  eastern  bank  of  the  Trebia.     And  yet  it  is  in 

*  Niebuhr's  expectations  were  not  fulfilled.  General  Vaudoncourt 
had  not  made  Hannibal  to  cross  the  Po  below  Placentia,  nor  to 
encamp  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Trebia. 


Battle  of  the  Trehia.  305 

accounting  for  that  position,  that  Niebuhr  imagines  him  to. 
have  crossed  the  Po  below  Piacenza ;  a  notion  which  is  in 
plain  contradiction  of  Polybius,  who  states  him  to  have 
crossed  the  Po  much  above  the  influx  of  the  Ticinus,  de- 
scribing it  circumstantially.  If  there  were  any  ground  for 
supposing  the  two  armies  to  have  changed  places  before  the 
battle  of  the  Trebia,  it  still  was  not  necessary  to  invent  a  new 
place  for  Hannibal's  crossing  of  the  Po. 

Dr.  Arnold  misplaces  the  combatants  at  the  Trebia,  as 
Niebuhr  does  :  but  he  accepts  Hannibal's  crossing  of  the  Po 
as  Polybius  relates  it :  he  was  aware  of  Niebuhr's  idea  on  the 
subsequent  position  of  the  armies ;  for  in  Note  N".  to  p.  99, 
he  quotes  with  approbation  that  letter,  in  which  Hannibal  is 
said  to  have  acted  like  ISTapoleon  at  Marengo,  throwing  himself 
between  the  Eomans  and  the  line  of  their  retreat :  but  on 
the  passage  of  the  Po  he  has  followed  Polybius  without  com- 
ment. I  will  give  the  reasons  for  believing  that  the  two 
armies  kept  their  relative  places  as  natural  to  retreat  and 
pursuit ;  and  that  the  Eomans  crossed  the  Trebia  from  the 
right  bank  to  attack  the  Carthaginians  on  the  left  bank. 

Polybius,  in  telling  Scipio's  retreat  after  the  first  engage- 
ment, says  that  he  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  his  bridge  on 
the  Po,  first  crossing  the  Ticinus ;  and  that,  after  crossing  the 
Po,  he  encamped  irepl  ttoXlv  YlXaKevriav,  towards  or  near 
Placentia;  or,  as  one  might  say  in  sea  phrase,  off  Placentia. 
Ylepl  is  a  word  used  with  much  latitude.  Strabo  says  of  Ver- 
cellse  and  Ictumuli,  v.  218,  elcn  irepl  YlXaKevrlav*  This  retreat 
was  effected  by  Scipio  with  the  utmost  speed ;  as  well  as  the 
push  made  after  him  by  Hannibal,  who  had  first  had  to  retreat 
from  the  Ticinus  up  the  Po.  As  soon  as  he  came  within  fifty 
stadia,  he  offered  battle.  Then  came  the  revolt  of  the  Gauls 
in  the  Eoman  camp,  on  which  Scipio  retreated  across  the 
Trebia  :  and  if  the  Carthaginian  soldiers  had  not  wasted  time 
in  the  pursuit  by  stopping  to  plunder  and  burn  his  camp,  the 

VOL.  II.  X 


306  Appendix. 

success  would  have  been  more  complete.  A  few  Eomans  were 
slain,  and  a  few  made  prisoners  :  but  nearly  all  had  crossed 
the  Trebia  before  the  Carthaginians  came  up  with  them. 
Surely  this  flight  over  the  Trebia  by  Scipio  was  from  west  to 
east.  No  crossing  of  that  river  by  Hannibal  is  ever  mentioned 
at  all.  The  Trebia  has  not  been  mentioned  before  :  and  neither 
here  nor  elsewhere  is  there  a  word  which  imports  that  the 
retreating  and  the  pursuing  army  had  changed  places.  It  is 
the  tale  of  a  continuous  retreat ;  consistent  with  what  follows, 
as  with  what  has  gone  before.  Sempronius  joins  Scipio  with- 
out interruption.  Hannibal  communicates  with  the  traitor  of 
Clastidium  without  interruption.  He  continues  to  be  on  the 
left  bank,  till  Sempronius  crosses  the  river  to  attack  him. 

Both  Niebuhr  and  Arnold,  in  pronouncing  that  the  battle 
was  fought  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Trebia,  speak  positively 
of  the  previous  junction  of  the  two  consular  armies  on  the 
left  bank.  Niebuhr's  comment  is  this  : — "  We  must  suppose 
"  that  the  Eomans  had  crossed  the  Po  in  the  neighbourhood 
"  of  Pavia :  it  is  said  that  they  transferred  their  camp  from 
"  the  left  bank  of  the  Trebia  towards  the  foot  of  the  Apen- 
"  nines."  He  should  have  said,  "  from  the  left  bank  to  the 
right  hanh^  By  omitting  the  latter  idea,  he  represents  them 
as  being  still  on  the  left  bank  when  Sempronius  arrived,  and 
still  there  when  the  battle  took  place.  Under  this  impres- 
sion as  to  the  army  of  Scipio,  he  provides  for  Hannibal  being 
on  the  other  side,  by  imagining,  in  opposition  to  the  history, 
that  he  had  crossed  the  Po  below  Piacenza. 

Arnold  writes  differently :  he  says  that  Scipio  had,  in  his 
Original  advance  to  meet  Hannibal,  crossed  the  Po  at  Piacenza : 
and,  speaking  of  the  subsequent  retreat,  says  that  "the  Eomans 
"  recrossed  the  Ticinus,  and  then,  crossing  the  Po  also,  estab- 
"  lished  themselves  under  the  walls  of  Placentia."  Eelating 
Hannibal's  passage  of  the  Po  according  to  Polybius,  he  says 
this  : — "  Again  descending  the  river,  he  arrived,  on  the  second 


Battle  of  the  TreUa.  307 

"  day  after  his  passage,  in  sight  of  the  Eoman  army,  and  on 
"  the  following  day  offered  them  battle.  He  posted  his  army 
"  five  or  six  miles  from  the  enemy,"  and  he  adds  (not  from 
Polybins),  "  and  apparently  on  the  east  of  Placentia,  cutting 
'•  off  their  direct  communication  with  Ariminum  and  Kome." 
The  reference  here  is  by  some  mistake  given  to  Polybius. 
But  Polybius  gives  no  hint  of  "  communication  cut  off,"  as 
s^iggested :  and  he  relates  what  Dr.  Arnold  omits  ;  viz.  the 
revolt  of  the  Gauls,  and  the  consequent  retreat  of  Scipio, 
when  he  was  driven  across  the  Trebia,  and  not  followed  by 
his  pursuer.  This  is  not  alluded  to  :  but  it  is  conceived  and 
insinuated,  that  that  retreat  was  from  east  to  west. 

Dr.  Arnold  fully  sympathises  with  Niebuhr  on  the  difficulty 
which  their  notion  of  the  position  involves.  He  says — "  It  is 
"  not  explained  by  any  existing  writer  how  Sempronius  was 
"  able  to  effect  his  junction  with  his  colleague,  without  any 
"  opposition  from  Hannibal.  The  regular  road  from  Ariminum 
*'  to  Placentia  passes  through  a  country  unvaried  by  a  single 
"  hill :  and  the  approach  of  a  large  army  should  have  been 
"  announced  to  Hannibal  by  his  Numidian  cavalry  soon 
"  enough  to  have  allowed  him  to  intercept  it.  We  only  know 
"  that  the  two  consular  armies  were  united  in  Scipio's  position 
**  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Trebia."  The  cause  of  Dr.  Arnold's 
perplexity  was  the  gratuitous  assumption  of  that  fact,  which 
had  been  carelessly  assumed  by  Niebuhr.  Cramer  had  worked 
the  battle  rightly  in  his  map. 

I  believe  that  Niebuhr's  illusion  was  in  the  fancy  about 
Napoleon,  and  that  Arnold  just  followed  that  fancy :  but  it  is 
possible  that  the  error  might  be  encouraged  by  what  is  related 
of  the  retreat  to  Placentia  after  the  battle  :  though  not  by  a 
right  construction  of  it.  The  battle  was  fought  some  way  up 
the  river :  ten  thousand  Eoman  infantry  fought  their  way 
through  the  Carthaginian  centre,  and  effected  their  retreat  to 
Placentia :  and  some  may  think  this  to  indicate  that  the  battle 


308  Appendix. 

was  fouglit  oil  that  side  of  the  river  to  which  Placentia 
belongs.     Such  an  inference  would  not  be  just.  Wherever  the 
battle  was,  they  would  take  refuge  in  that  place :   if  it  had 
been  fought  on  the  right  bank,  the  ten  thousand  would  have 
reached  Placentia  without  crossing  the  river :  as  it  was  fought 
on  the  left  bank,  they  retreated  down  the  river  till  they  came 
to  the  usual  crossing  which  led  to  their  fortified  city.    Polybius 
would  have  introduced  a  superfluous  fact,  if  he  had  alleged  that 
the  survivors  of  the  battle  had  to  cross  the  river  before  they 
got  to  the  town :    he  never  deals  in  unprovoked  minuteness. 
If  conflict  had  attended  this  retreat  of  the  ten  thousand,  the 
Trebia  might  again  have  been  a  feature  in  the  tale  :  but  there 
was  none  :  they  left  the  field  compact  and  unmolested,  dOpooi 
fier   d(T(j)akela^'    and,  as  the  town  was  held  by  a  Eoman 
garrison  (they  held  it  till  jiear  the  end  of  the  war),  that 
retreating  force  had  no  occasion  to  cross  the  Trebia,  till  they 
came  to  the  usual  passage  of  it  leading  to  that  place  in  the 
line  of  travelling  down  the  Po. 

The  story  told  by  Livy  seems  to  me  to  correspond  in  its 
tenor  with  that  of  Polybius  :  it  is  damaged  only  by  an 
incredible  anecdote  introduced  after  the  battle.  On  the 
retreat  of  the  Eomans  from  the  Ticinus,  Livy  says, — "  Prius 
"  Placentiam  pervenere  quam  satis  sciret  Hannibal  ab  Ticino 
"  profectos."  This  rapidity  of  Scipio  strengthens  the  argument 
made  from  the  speed  of  Hannibal.  These  words  import  that 
Scipio  with  great  speed  made  good  his  retreat  to  Placentia ; 
they  do  not  show  where  he  first  placed  his  camp — this  I 
apprehend  must  have  been  west  of  the  Trebia,  which  was 
only  two  miles  distant  from  Placentia.  Livy  adopts  the 
details  of  his  predecessor,  saying  that  Hannibal  found  a  place 
for  crossing  the  Po  in  two  days  after  he  turned  back  from  the 
Ticinus ;  that,  when  he  marched  down,  he  made  his  camp  six 
miles  from  Placentia ;  that  he  offered  battle  which  Scipio 
declined;    that   on  the   following   night   a  body  of  Gauls 


Battle  of  the  TreUa.  309 

deserted  to  him  from  the  Koman  camp ;  and  that  the  night 
after  that,  Scipio  marched  to  the  Trebia,  pursued  by  the 
Carthaginians,  and  effected  his  passage  of  that  river.  There 
is  no  hint  that  Hannibal  ever  crossed  it,  or  that  the  retreater 
and  the  pursuer  ever  changed  places. 

Niebuhr  is  at  variance  with  Livy  as  well  as  with  Polybius  : 
he  differs  from  both,  in  asserting  that  the  Carthaginians 
crossed  the  Po  at  a  lower  point  than  the  Eomans  :  he  differs 
from  both  in  not  mentioning  the  revolt  of  the  Gauls  in  the 
Eoman  camp,  which  caused  Scipio's  retreat  across  the  Trebia ; 
nor  the  incident  which  prevented  Hannibal  from  continuing 
his  pursuit  beyond  the  river.  Neither  history  imports  that 
Hannibal  ever  got  to  the  right  bank  before  the  battle  was 
fought,  nor  gives  any  hint  that  Scipio's  communications  were 
interrupted.  Livy  says,  "  Sempronius  Ariminum  pervenit : 
"  inde  cum  exercitu  suo  profectus  ad  Trebiam  flumen  coUegpe 
"  conjungitur."  He  represents  Hannibal  the  pursuer,  as  keep- 
ing his  place  in  rear  of  the  retreater.  "  Traditur  Hannibali 
Clastidium :  id  horreum  fuit  Poenis  sedentibus  ad  Trebiam." 

Mr.  Bunbury,  a  very  able  contributor  to  Dr.  Smith's 
Dictionary  of  Geography  1856,  gives  from  Polybius,  under 
"  Trebia,"  an  accurate  analysis  of  the  successive  positions  of 
the  armies,  describing  rightly  the  field  of  battle,  with  the 
retreat  of  the  ten  thousand :  and  his  interpretation  of  the 
scene  is  the  more  valuable,  from  his  having  previously  given 
undue  weight  to  the  doubts  on  the  Ticinus,  and  in  the 
Dictionary  of  Biography  1852,  under  the  word  "  Hannibal " 
placed  the  Eoman  camp  on  the  left  bank.  I  would  say, 
however,  that  Mr.  Bunbury  does  not  speak  from  Polybius  in 
what  he  says  of  other  fugitives  driven  across  the  river  and 
joining  the  ten  thousand,  and  of  Scipio  repairing  to  Placentia 
the  following  day  with  the  force  that  had  not  been  engaged. 

Livy  alone  speaks  of  Scipio's  movement :  and  he  attributes 
it  to  the  night  after  the  battle.  The  incredible  anecdote  which 


810  Appendix. 

lie  then  introduces  is  not  worthy  to  cause  a  doubt  on  the 
clear  narrative  of  Polybius,  or  on  that  which  he  has  already 
given  himself.  He  agrees  with  Polybius  from  the  iTriro/jLaxla 
on  the  Po  to  the  battle  of  the  Trebia,  including  the  retreat  of 
the  ten  thousand  from  the  field ;  and  says  that  they  reached 
Placentia.  This  fact  does  not  show  the  side  of  the  river  on 
which  the  action  took  place  :  if  it  was  on  the  right  bank,  they 
would  not  have  to  cross  the  Trebia  at  all :  if  on  the  left,  there 
was  equal  facility  of  reaching  the  place,  without  the  folly  of 
crossing  the  stream  near  the  hostile  camp,  and  venturing  into 
so  dangerous  a  neighbourhood. 

The  Eomans  left  their  own  camp  and  crossed  the  river  to 
fight.  After  the  battle,  the  ten  thousand  "  flumine  interclusi," 
could  not  have  regained  their  own  camp  ;  and  they  went  off 
straight  to  Placentia,  which  was  quite  practicable  from  the  field 
of  battle,  on  whichever  side  it  was.  It  is  not  of  them,  but  of 
the  camp  garrison  and  -the  few  who  had  regained  the  camp, 
that  Livy  tells  the  following  story.  "  !N'octe  insequenti,  quum 
"  proesidium  castrorum,  et  quod  reliquum  ex  magna  parte 
"  militum  erat,  ratibus  Trebiam  trajiceret,  aut  nihil  sensere 
"  Pceni,  obstrepente  fluvia,  aut,  quia  jam  moveri  prse  lassi- 
*'  tudine  nequibunt  ac  vulneribus,  sentire  sese  dissimularunt: 
"  quietisque  Poenis,  tacito  agmine  ab  Scipione  consule  exer- 
"  citus  Placentiam  est  perductus." 

Dr.  Arnold  has  related  this  most  improbable  incident,  for 
which  the  editor  in  mistake  refers  to  Polybius  as  the  authority. 
After  saying  that  "  the  legions  forced  their  way  through  the 
enemy's  line  and  marched  off  the  field  straight  to  Placentia," 
he  writes  thus — "  But  those  who  fled  towards  the  river,  were 
"  slaughtered  unceasingly  till  they  reached  it.  The  Cartha- 
"  ginians,  however,  stopped  their  pursuit  on  the  bank  of  the 
"  Trebia :  the  cold  was  piercing,  and  to  the  elephants  so 
"  intolerable,  that  they  almost  ail  perished :  even  of  the  men 
"  and  horses  many  were  lost ;  so  that  the  wreck  of  the  Eoman 


Battle  of  the  Trebia.  311 

"  army  reached  their  camp  in  safety :  and,  when  night  came 
"  on,  Scipio  again  led  them  across  the  river,  and,  passing 
"  unnoticed  by  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  took  refuge  with  his 
*'  colleague  within  the  walls  of  Placentia." 

What  can  be  more  incredible  than  this  story  of  Scipio 
electing  to  pass  the  river  in  the  vicinity  of  the  hostile  camp  ? 
The  enterprise,  as  related,  would  involve  enormous  danger 
without  any  adequate  motive  to  incur  it.  The  torrent,  in  the 
morning,  had  been  only  just  fordable :  "pectoribus  tenus — 
erat  brumae  tempus  et  nivalis  dies."  After  such  a  day,  the 
stream  would  be  more  swollen :  in  the  attempt  to  recross 
after  the  battle  many  had  been  "gurgitibus  absumpti;"  and 
one  cannot  conceive  that  Scipio  would  voluntarily  encounter 
so  fearful  an  obstacle  in  the  darkness  of  night,  and  near  the 
quarters  of  the  more  vigorous  enemy.  The  absurdity  of  such 
a  thing  is  more  striking  if  we  imagine  the  Roman  camp  on 
the  left  bank.  Scipio,  in  that  case,  would  have  been  well 
satisfied  that  the  enemy  did  not  cross  to  him :  he  would  have 
moved  down  on  his  own  side  of  the  Trebia,  till  the  usual 
crossing  of  it  near  the  mouth  should  carry  him  unmolested  to 
the  Eoman  fortifications. 

If  we  except  this  topic  of  embellishment,  the  whole  tenor 
of  Livj^'s  narrative  is  consistent,  and  the  same  with  that  of 
Polybius;  and  the  addition  of  such  an  anecdote  does  not 
prove  that  his  opinion  on  the  field  of  battle  was  different 
from  that  of  his  predecessor.  The  story  may,  perhaps,  justify 
a  remark  of  Dr.  Ukert,  which  I  find  in  Dr.  Thirlwall's  review 
of  his  work :  "  Livy,  in  drawing  his  accounts  from  various 
"  sources,  failed  to  perceive  that  he  was  framing  his  narrative 
"  out  of  statements  that  were  irreconcilably  discordant." 
(Phil.  Museum,  iii.  p.  677.)  Dr.  Arnold  has  shown,  in  a  severe 
comment,  how  Livy  is  contradicted  by  his  own  anecdotes. 
(Life  of  Arnold,  Letter  cclxxxiv.) 

Here,  as  elsewhere  in  this  controversy,  we  see  how  error  is 


312  Appendix. 

perpetuated  by  one  commentator  copying  another,  without 
exercising  his  own  judgment.  Dr.  Liddell  (1855),  after  telling 
of  Scipio's  retreat  from  the  Ticinus,  says  this :  "  Hannibal, 
"  after  spending  two  or  three  days  on  the  north  side  of  the 
"  Po,  crossed  somewhere  below  Placentia ;  and  Scipio,  not 
"  finding  his  position  near  that  town  secure,  fell  back,  so  as 
"  to  place  the  Trebia  between  himself  and  Hannibal.  On  the 
"  left  bank  of  this  river  he  fortified  a  strong  camp,  with  the 
"  purpose  of  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Sempronius.  Hannibal 
"  followed  the  Eomans,  and  encamped  in  view  of  them  on 
"  the  right  bank  of  the  Trebia."  No  part  of  this  statement 
has  the  authority  of  Polybius  or  Livy ;  while  the  author 
omits  that  which  they  do  relate,  namely,  the  revolt  of  the 
Gauls  in  the  Eoman  camp,  which  led  to  the  flight  of  Scipio 
across  the  Trebia.  He  follows  Mebuhr,  not  the  ancient 
historians.  If  Niebuhr  had  lived  to  write  the  history  of 
those  times,  he  would  perhaps  have  examined  the  authorities 
again. 

The  author  of  a  recent  work  on  the  campaigns  of  Hannibal, 
Colonel  Macdougall,  being  satisfied  on  Hannibal's  position  as 
certified  by  Mebuhr  and  Arnold,  says  :  "  It  was  a  masterly 
"  manoeuvre ;  for  Hannibal  placed  himself  between  Scipio 
*'  and  the  advancing  army  of  Sempronius  :  he  doubtless  did 
*'  so  with  the  intention  of  interrupting  the  latter.  Why  he 
"  did  not  execute  that  intention,  it  is  impossible  to  explain." 
As  such  manoeuvre  never  took  place,  the  failure  of  its  object 
need  not  be  accounted  for. 


THE  END. 


R.    CLAV,    SOK,    AKD  TAYLOR,    PRIKTKRS.    UREAD  STRKKT  HILL. 


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