# Livy 21.21-39 in B. O. Foster's Loeb translation (vol. V, 1929), uncorrected OCR of archive.org item # livy-in-fourteen-volumes.-vol.-5-loeb-233 (leaves 46-77). English pages marked [EN]; the facing Latin pages [LA] are kept because # Foster's short critical notes (e.g. on 21.31.4 ibi Isara) stand at their foot. Section numbers appear as marginal digits in the OCR. === leaf 46 [EN] === A.U.C. 535-536 to e P an LIVY occupatos iam ante ab Hannibale Gallorum animos esse; sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore—adeo ferocia atque indomita ingenia esse—ni subinde auro, cuius avidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur, Ita peragratis Hispaniae Galliae- que populis! legati Romam redeunt haud ita multo post quam consules in provincias profecti erant. Civitatem omnem exspectatione? belli erectam 3 invenerunt satis constante fama iam Hiberum Poenos tramisisse. XXI. Hannibal Sagunto capto Carthaginem novam in hiberna concesserat, ibique auditis quae Romae quaeque Carthagine acta decretaque forent seque non ducem solum sed etiam causam esse belli, partitis divenditisque * reliquiis 5 praedae nihil ultra differendum ratus Hispani generis milites convocat. * Credo ego vos," inquit * socii, et ipsos cernere? pacatis omnibus Hispaniae populis aut finiendam nobis militiam exercitusque dimittendos esse aut in alias terras transferendum bellum; ita enim hae gentes non pacis solum sed etiam victoriae bonis florebunt, si ex aliis gentibus praedam et gloriam quaeremus. ltaque cum longinqua a domo instet 1 Hispaniae Galliaeque populis Luchs: hispania galliaque populisque P* : hispaniae et galliae populis Pt, * exspectatione Heerwagen : in expectatione P. * erectam P* : ereptam P!, * divenditisque ¢: diuidentitisque (from diuidenditis) P! : diuidendisque 7? 5 reliquiis edd. : reliquis P. * cernere P* ; gernere ( from genere) P!, ! Livy makes Hannibal speak with rhetorical exaggera- tion. The Spanish troops whom he is addressing have not conquered ‘every tribe in Spain,’ for they came themselves 58 BOOK XXI. xx. 8-xxi. 5 in gaining the good-will of the Gauls, but that even he would find them hardly tractable— so fierce and untamed was their nature—unless from time to time he should make use of gold, of which the race is very covetous, to secure the favour of their principal men. So the envoys, having travelled through the nations of Spain and Gaul, returned to Rome, not long after the consuls had set out for their respective commands. They found the citizens all on tip-toe with expectation of the war, for the rumour persisted that the Phoenicians had already erossed the Ebro. XXI. Hannibal, after the capture of Saguntum, had withdrawn his army into winter quarters at New Carthage. There he learned what had been done in. Rome and Carthage and what had been decreed, and that he was not only commander in the war, but the cause of it as well. So, having divided or sold off what was left of the plunder, he thought best to defer his plans no longer, and, calling together the soldiers of Spanish blood, thus addressed them: “ My allies, I doubt not that you yourselves perceive how, having conquered every tribe in Spain, we must either bring our campaign- ing to a close and disband our armies, or shift the seat of war to other countries.! For these nations here will enjoy the blessings not merely of peace, but also of victory, only if we look to other nations for spoils and glory. Since, therefore, you are on the eve of an expedition that will carry from tribes which had been for some years friendly and subject, to the Carthaginians. He had not indeed conquered all the hostile tribes, but only those lying south of the Ebro. 59 B.C. 219-218 === leaf 47 [EN] === LIVY BOOK XXI. xxi. 5-12 auc, — militia incertumque sit quando domos vestras et quae 585-636 cuique ibi cara sunt visuri sitis, si quis vestrum suos 6 invisere volt, commeatum do. Primo vere! edico adsitis, ut dis bene iuvantibus bellum ingentis gloriae 7 praedaeque futurum incipiamus," Omnibus fere you far afield, and it is uncertain when you will no. see again your homes and what there is dear to ?!97?19 each of you, if any of you desires to visit his friends, I grant him furlough. Be at hand, I -— visendi domos oblata ultro potestas grata erat et iam desiderantibus suos et longius in futurum providen- 8 tibus desiderium. Per totum tempus hiemis quies inter labores aut iam? exhaustos aut mox exhauri- endos renovavit corpora animosque ad omnia de integro patienda. Vere primo ad edictum con- venere. Hannibal, cum recensuisset omnium gentium auxilia, Gades profectus Herculi vota exsolvit novisque se obligat votis, si cetera prospera evenis- sent. Inde partiens curas simul in inferendum? atque arcendum bellum, ne, dum ipse terrestri per Hispaniam Galliasque itinere ltaliam peteret, nuda apertaque Romanis Africa ab Sicilia esset, valido praesidio firmare eam statuit. Pro eo supplementum ipse ex Africa maxime iaculatorum, levium armis, petit, ut Afri in Hispania Hispani in Africa,* melior procul ab domo futurus uterque miles, velut mutuis pigneribus obligati stipendia facerent. Tredecim milia octingentos quinquaginta pedites caetratos ! primo vere P*. promoueri P!, * jam c: etiam P. * in inferendum Gronovius : inferendum P. * Hispani in Africa ¢: in africa P!: in africa hispani P*. 1 Gades (Cadiz) was a Tyrian colony and possessed a famous temple of Melkarth (whom the Romans identified with Hercules), the tutelary god of the mother city. ! Like the Greek weAracral, these were light infantry 60 charge you, with the first signs of spring, that with Heaven's good help we may begin a war that shall bring us vast renown and booty." There were very few who did not welcome the opportunity thus freely proffered of visiting their homes, for they were already homesick and looked forward to an even longer separation from their friends. The full winter's rest between the labours already undergone and those that were presently to come gave them new strength and courage for a fresh encounter with every hardship. Early in the spring they assembled in obedience to their orders. sent in by all the nations, he went to Gades! and discharged his vows to Hercules, binding himself with fresh ones, in case he should be successful in the remainder of his undertaking. Then, with equal concern for attack and defence, lest while he should be himself advancing upon Italy by an over- land march through Spain and Gaul, Africa might lie exposed and open to a Roman invasion on the side of Sicily, he resolved to garrison that country with a powerful force. To supply its place he requisitioned troops for himself from Africa—light- armed slingers chiefly —so that Africans might serve in Spain and Spaniards in Africa, and both be the better soldiers for being far from home, as though mutually pledged to loyalty. Thirteen thousand eight hundred and fifty targeteers* and eight whose defensive armour consisted of a small round shield covered with oxhide, 61 === leaf 48 [EN] === 4.0.0, 636 LIVY misit in. Africam et funditores Baliares octingentos septuaginta, equites mixtos ex multis gentibus mille e ~ esse, partim distribui per Africam iubet. Simul conquisitoribus in civitates missis quattuor milia conscripta delectae iuventutis, praesidium eosdem et obsides, duci Carthaginem iubet. XXII. Neque Hispaniam neglegendam ratus, atque id eo minus quod haud ignarus erat circumi- tam ab Romanis eam legatis ad sollicitandos prin- cipum animos, Hasdrubali fratri, viro impigro, eam provinciam destinat firmatque! Africis maxime praesidiis, peditum Afrorum undecim milibus octin- gentis quinquaginta, Liguribus trecentis, Baliaribus quingentis? Ad haec peditum auxilia additi equites Libyphoenices, mixtum Punicum Afris genus, quadringenti quinquaginta et? Numidae Maurique, accolae Oceani, ad mille octingenti et parva Ilerge- tum manus ex Hispania, trecenti * equites, et ne quod5 terrestris deesset auxilii genus, elephanti viginti unus.6 Classis praeterea data tuendae maritimae orae,? quia qua parte belli vicerant ea tum ! firmatque Woelflin: firmatque eum CM?: firmatque cum M': firmatque eam Linsmayer. ? quingentis added by Glareanus (from Polyb. 111. xxxiii. 16). * quinquaginta et added by Alschefski (from Polyb. mm. xxxiii. 15). * trecenti Ruperti (Polyb. 111. xxxiii. 16): co CM. 5 quod ¢: quid CM. * viginti unus Sigonius (Polyb. ibid.) : xiiii milia (and other corruptions) CM. 7 tuendae maritimae orae c : ad tuende maritume ore C! : ad tuendae maritumae orae M (changed by original hand to ad tuenda maritumae ora). skilful slingers in the world. Livy says (XXVIII. xxxvii, 6) 62 BOOK XXI. xxi. 12-xxii. 4 hundred horsemen drawn from many nations, he sent to Africa. A part of these troops were to be a garrison for Carthage, a part to be distributed through the country. At the same time he directed that recruiting officers be sent out into the states? and that four thousand picked men be brought to Carthage, to serve at once as defenders and as hostages. XXII. And considering that neither must Spain be neglected, and so much the less since he was not unaware that Roman ambassadors had journeyed through it to seek the support of its leading men, he appointed it to be the charge of his brother Hasdrubal—an active, energetic man—and secured it with troops, for the most part African. Of infantry there were eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty Africans, three hundred Ligurians, and five hundred Baliares. To these infantry forces he added the following units of cavalry: four hundred and fifty Libyphoenicians—a race of mixed Punic and African blood—and some eight hundred Numidians and Moors, who dwell near the ocean,? and a little company of three hundred Spanish Ilergetes. Finally, that no sort of land force might be lacking, there were twenty-one elephants. He also assigned a fleet to Spain, for the protection of its seaboard, since it might be expected that the Romans would that, no single individual of any other people was so superior in this art to his fellows as were all the Baliares to the reat of mankind. The ancients derived Baliares from BáAAeir, ** throw." 3. sc. of Africa. * Mauretania corresponded to the present Fez and Morocco. 63 === leaf 49 [EN] === A.U.C. 5: LIVY quoque rem gesturos Romanos credi poterat, quin- quaginta quinqueremes, quadriremes duae, triremes quinque ; sed aptae instructaeque remigio triginta et duae quinqueremes erant et triremes quinque. 5 Ab Gadibus Carthaginem ad hiberna exercitus redit; atque inde profectus praeter Onusam ! urbem 6 ad Hiberum per maritimam oram? ducit. Ibi fama est in quiete visum ab eo iuvenem divina specie, qui se ab Iove diceret ducem in Italiam Hannibali mis- sum : proinde sequeretur neque usquam a se deflec- 7 teret oculos, Pavidum primo nusquam circum- spicientem aut respicientem secutum ; deinde cura ingenii humani, cum quidnam id esset quod respicere ? vetitus esset agitaret animo, temperare oculis nequi- 8 visse; tum * vidisse post sese serpentem mira magni- tudine cum ingenti arborum ac virgultorum strage ferri ac post insequi cum fragore caeli nimbum. 9 Tum quae moles ea quidve prodigii esset quaerentem audisse vastitatem Italiae esse: pergeret porro ire nec ultra inquireret sineretque fata in occulto esse. XXIII. Hoc visu laetus tripertito Hiberum copias traiecit praemissis qui Gallorum animos, qua tradu- cendus exercitus erat, donis conciliarent Alpiumque transitus specularentur. Nonaginta milia peditum, 1 Onusam M. Mueller: omissam CM. 5 per maritimam oram /etssenburn: mariti(-tu- C)mam oram CM. * respicere c: respiceret CM. * tum ¢: eum CM. ! In this enumeration of forces Livy follows Polybius (111. xxxiii, 9), who says that he found the numbers recorded 64 BOOK XXI. xxi. 4-xxut. 1 in which they had been victorious. There were fifty quinqueremes, two quadriremes, and five tri- remes. But only thirty-two quinqueremes and the five triremes were equipped and manned with rowers.! From Gades Hannibal returned to New Carthage, to the winter quarters of his army. Setting out from thence, he marched along the coast, past the city of Onusa, to the Ebro. It was there, as they tell, that he saw in his sleep a youth of godlike aspect, who declared that he was sent by Jupiter to lead him into ltaly: let him follow, therefore, nor anywhere turn his eyes away from his guide. At first he was afraid and followed, neither looking to the right nor to the left, nor yet behind him; but presently wondering, with that curiosity to which all of us are prone, what it could be that he had been forbidden to look back upon, he was unable to command his eyes; then he saw behind him a serpent of monstrous size, that moved along with vast destruction of trees and underbrush, and a storm-cloud coming after, with loud claps of thunder; and, on his asking what this prodigious portent was, he was told that it was the devastation of Italy: he was therefore to go on, nor enquire further, but suffer destiny to be wrapped in darkness. XXIII. Rejoicing at this vision, he led his troops across the Ebro in three columns, after sending agents ahead, to win over with presents the Gauls who dwelt in the region which the army had to cross, and to explore the passes of the Alps. He had ninety thousand foot and twelve thousand horse by Hannibal himself on a bronze tablet which was set up on the Lacinian Promontory (near Crotona). 65 === leaf 50 [EN] === auc. 2 536 3 4 LIVY duodecim milia equitum Hiberum traduxit. llergetes inde Bargusiosque! et Ausetanos et Lacetaniam,? quae subiecta Pyrenaeis montibus est, subegit, oraeque huic omni praefecit Hannonem, ut fauces quae Hispanias Galliis iungunt in potestate essent. Decem milia peditum Hannoni ad praesidium obti- nendae regionis data et mille equites. Postquam per Pyrenaeum saltum traduci exercitus est coeptus rumorque per barbaros manavit certior de bello Romano, tria milia inde Carpetanorum pedi- tum iteraverterunt. Constabat non tam bello motos quam longinquitate viae insuperabilique Alpium tran- ao to erat, ne ceterorum etiam feroces animi inritarentur, supra septem milia hominum domos remisit, quos et ipsos? gravari militia senserat, Carpetanos quoque ab se dimissos simulans. XXIV. Inde, ne mora atque otium animos sollici- taret, cum reliquis copiis Pyrenaeum transgreditur et ad oppidum Iliberri castra locat. Galli, quamquam Italiae bellum inferri audiebant, tamen, quia vi subactos trans Pyrenaeum Hispanos fama erat prae- sidiaque valida imposita, metu servitutis ad arma consternati Ruscinonem aliquot * populi conveniunt, Quod ubi Hannibali nuntiatum est, moram magis 1 Bargusiosque ¢: bargutosque C?M : barguntosque C?. * Lacetaniam Sigonius : aquitanià C341 ; aquitanos C7. * ipsos Muretus: ipse CM: ipsa Unger. * aliquot C* : aliquod C! M. 1 Polybius (111. xxxv. 7) says that Hannibal now had fifty thousand foot and about nine thousand horse. 2 The modern Elne is near the site. 66 BOOK XXI. xxi. 1-xxiv. 3 Ilergetes, and the Bargusii and Ausetani, and also Lacetania, which lies at the foot of the Pyrenees. All this coast he put in charge of Hanno, that the passes connecting Spain and Gaul might be under his control. To garrison this district, he gave Hanno ten thousand foot and a thousand horse. When the army had entered the defiles which lead over the Pyrenees, and more definite rumours had spread amongst the barbarians that the war was to be with Rome, three thousand of the Carpe- tanian foot turned back. It was understood that they were influenced not so much by the war as by the long march and the impossibility of crossing the Alps. To recall them or to detain them forcibly would have been hazardous, for it might have roused resentment in the savage bosoms of the others, And so Hannibal sent back to their homes above seven thousand more, whom he had perceived to be chafing at the service, pretending that he had also dismissed the Carpetani. XXIV. Then, in order that his troops might not become demoralized by delay and inaction, he crossed the Pyrenees with the remainder of his forces! and pitched his camp by the town of lliberri? The Gauls, though they heard that the war was aimed at Italy, nevertheless, because it was said that the Spaniards beyond the Pyrenees had been forcibly subjugated and strong garrisons imposed upon them, were driven by the fear of servitude to arm them- selves, and several tribes assembled at Ruscino.® When Hannibal was apprised of this, he was more 3 The name is reflected in the French Tour de Roussillon, near Perpignan, 67 === leaf 51 [EN] === 4.3.0. LIVY quam bellum metuens oratores ad regulos eorum misit : conloqui semet ipsum cum iis velle; et vel illi propius Iliberrim ! accederent, vel se Ruscinonem processurum, ut ex propinquo congressus facilior 4 esset; nam et accepturum eos in castra sua se laetum nec cunctanter se ipsum ad eos venturum. Hospitem enim se Galliac non hostem advenisse, nec stricturum ante gladium, si per Gallos liceat, 6 quam in Italiam venisset. Et per nuntios quidem haec; ut vero reguli Gallorum castris ad lliberrim extemplo motis haud gravate ? ad Poenum venerunt, capti donis cum bona pace exercitum per fines suos praeter Ruscinonem oppidum transmiserunt. XXV. In Italiam interim nihil ultra quam Hiberum transisse Hannibalem a Massiliensium legatis Romam 2 perlatum erat, cum perinde ac si Alpes iam transisset, Boi sollicitatis Insubribus defecerunt nec tam ob veteres in populum Romanum iras quam quod nuper circa Padum Placentiam Cremonamque colonias in 3 agrum? Gallicum deductas aegre patiebantur. Ita- que armis repente arreptis in eum ipsum agrum impetu facto tantum terroris ac tumultus fecerunt ut non agrestis modo multitudo sed ipsi triumviri Romani, qui ad agrum venerant adsignandum, diffisi 3 lliberrim edd.: inliberrim C: inliberarim M! ; illiberri 3 2 gravate c: grauanter CM. * agrum C* M? ; agrorum C! ?M}. ! Livy has said nothing of any negotiations between Hannibal and the Boi, preferring, in his love of dramatic effect, to let us see this Gallic outbreak as it appeared to the Romans—like a bolt from the blue. See chap. xxix. $ 6. 68 BOOK XXIl. xxiv. 3-xxv. 3 bassadors to their chieftains to inform them that he wished to confer with them in person, and suggested that either they come nearer to Iliberri or that he would go forward to Ruscino, so that being close to one another they might meet more easily. He would be glad, he said, to receive them in his camp, nor would he hesitate to go to them. He had come into Gaul as a friend, not as an enemy, and would keep his sword sheathed, if the Gauls would let him, till he had entered Italy. Thus far his emissaries. But when the Gallic chieftains, moving up their camp at once near lliberri, came, nothing loath, to the Phoenician, they were captivated by his gifts, and permitted the army to march unmolested through their borders and past the town of Ruscino. XXV. In Italy meanwhile nothing more was known than that Hannibal had crossed the Ebro— which was the news that Massiliot envoys brought to Rome—when, as though he had already crossed the Alps, the Boi, after rousing up the Insubres, revolted.! To this they were incited not so much by their old animosity against the Roman People as by vexation at the recent establishment of colonies in Gallic territory, near the Po, at Placentia and Cremona. Flying to arms they made an incursion into that very district, and spread such terror and confusion that not only the rural population, but the Roman commissioners themselves, who had come for the purpose of assigning lands, not trusting to the 3 These were of the type called Latin colonies. To each of them six thousand colonists had been assigned. They had ee got settled when the Gauls broke out (Polybius, 11. x], 3-6). 69 === leaf 52 [EN] === 4.0.0. 536 4 5 6 eo] 10 LIVY Placentiae moenibus Mutinam confugerint, C. Lutatius C. Servilius! M. Annius. Lutati nomen haud dubium est; pro Annio Servilioque M'. Acilium? et C. Herennium habent quidam annales, alii P. Cornelium Asinam et C. Papirium Masonem.* Id quoque dubium est, legati ad expostulandum missi ad Boios violati sint,5 an in triumviros agrum metantes impetus sit factus. Mutinae cum obside- rentur et gens ad oppugnandarum urbium artes rudis, pigerrima eadem ad militaria opera, segnis intactis adsideret muris, simulari coeptum de pace agi, evocatique ab Gallorum principibus legati ad conloquium, non contra ius modo gentium sed violata etiam quae data in id tempus erat fide, comprehenduntur, negantibus Gallis nisi obsides sibi redderentur eos dimissuros. Cum haec de legatis nuntiata essent et Mutina praesidiumque in periculo esset, L. Manlius praetor ira accensus effusum agmen ad Mutinam ducit. Silvae tunc circa viam erant plerisque incultis. Ibi inexplorato profectus in insidias praecipitatur * multaque cum caede suorum aegre in apertos campos emersit. Ibi castra com- 1 C. Servilius Sigonius: à seruilius CM. 2 Annius ¢: annilius CM. 3 Annio Servilioque M’. Acilium Weissenborn: aulo seruilio quem acilium C!: aulo seruilio ii acilium C*: aulo seruilio quein acilio (acilid M?)M., * Masonem ¢: nasonem C: nassonem M. 5 gint ¢: sint incertum CM. * praecipitatur Gronovius: praecipitatus CM. 1 Apparently the Gauls left hostages with the Romans when they arranged for the Romans to send representatives to talk things over with them in the Gallic camp. * Neither Polybius nor Livy tells us where Manlius was when the news reached him. Weissenborn-Mieller think he 79 BOOK XXI. xxv. 3-10 were Gaius Lutatius, Gaius Servilius, and Marcus Annius. There is no question about Lutatius: for Annius and Servilius, some annals have Manius Acilius and Gaius Herennius, others Publius Cor- nelius Asina and Gaius Papirius Maso. This, too, is uncertain, whether envoys sent to expostulate with the Boi were maltreated, or an attack was made upon the three commissioners as they were measur- ing off the land.) Whilst they lay shut up in Mutina, the Gauls—who know nothing of the art of assaulting cities, and, besides, are very indolent in regard to siege-works, and were now sitting idly down before the walls without attempting them— feigned a readiness to treat for peace; and their leaders having invited the Romans to send out spokesmen to confer with them, they seized these envoys, in violation not only of the law of nations, but also of a pledge which they had given for this time, and declared that they would not let them go unless their own hostages were restored to them.! When word arrived of this affair of the envoys, and Mutina and its garrison were in danger, Lucius Manlius, the praetor, blazing with resentment, set out for Mutina with his army in loose marching order.? In those days the road led through a forest, as the country was not, for the most part, under cultivation, and Manlius, advancing without recon- naissance, plunged into an ambush, and after sus- taining heavy losses, managed with difficulty to get through into the open fields. There he entrenched was at Placentia, engaged in strengthening the new fortifica- tions. 7t === leaf 53 [EN] === 11 12 13 14 LIVY munita, et quia Gallis ad temptanda ea defuit spes, refecti sunt militum animi, quamquam ad quin- gentos! cecidisse satis constabat. Iter deinde de integro coeptum nec, dum per patentia? loca ducebatur agmen, apparuit? hostis; ubi rursus silvae intratae, tum postremos adorti cum magna trepida- tione ac pavore omnium septingentos milites occide- et pavendi fuit Romanis ut e saltu * invio atque impedito evasere. Inde apertis locis facile tutantes agmen Romani Tannetum, vicum propinquum Pado, contendere. lbi se munimento ad tempus com- meatibusque fluminis et Brixianorum etiam Gallorum auxilio adversus crescentem in dies multitudinem hostium tutabantur. XXVI. Qui tumultus repens postquam est Romam perlatus et Punicum insuper Gallico bellum auctum legione Romana et quinque milibus sociorum dilectu novo a consule conscriptis auxilium ferre Manlio 5 iubent, qui sine ullo certamine—abscesserant enim metu hostes—Tannetum pervenit. 1 quingentos (D) added by Gronovius. * patentia M?: inpacientia C: inpactentia M!. 3 apparuit Glareauus: cum apparuit CM. * esaltu M?: esaltus M!: exaltu C!: ex saltu C?. 5 Manlio edd. : manilio CM. 1 This second attack— Polybius records but the one—is suspiciously like the first. Livy, or Livy'simmediate source, may unconsciously have made two episodes out of slightly different accounts of the same affair. * Tannetum (now Tanneto) was really about ten miles south of the Po, on the Via Aeniilia Lepida. If commeatibus Jiuminis is correctly translated, we may suppose (1) that Livy thought Tannetum was much nearer the Po, or (2) that 7a BOOK XXI. xxv. 10-xxvi. 2 the soldiers recovered their spirits, though it was no secret that as many as five hundred men had fallen. Then they began their march again, nor, so long as the column advanced through open country, was the enemy to be seen; but when they had once more got into the woods, the Gauls attacked their rear, and throwing the whole column into terror and con- fusion, slew seven hundred soldiers and carried off six ensigns.! The alarming onsets of the Gauls and the panic of the Romans ended when they got clear of the trackless woods and thickets. Thereafter, marching across open ground, the Romans had no difficulty in protecting their column, and hastened to Tannetum, a village lying near the Po, where by means of temporary fortifications and supplies got in by the river, and with the help also of the Brixian Gauls, they defended themselves against the enemy, whose numbers were increasing daily.? XXVI. When the news of this sudden insurrection was brought to Rome, and the Fathers learnt that the Punic War was augmented by a war with the Gauls, they commanded Gaius Atilius, the praetor, to take one Roman Jegion and five thousand of the allies—a force which the consul® had just levied— and proceed to the relief of Manlius. Atilius reached Tannetum without any fighting, for the enemy had retired in alarm. he has confused Brixia (Brescia) with Brixellum (Bresciello), which is nearly north of Tanneto and close to the Po, and might have served as an entre) .6¢ for supplies sent down from Placentia. The statement in chap. lv. $4 that the Cenomani (whose capital was Brixia) were the only Gallic tribe that was loyal to Rome favours (1). 2 P. Cornelius Scipio. 73 === leaf 54 [EN] === LIVY 8 Et P. Cornelius in locum eius quae missa cum praetore erat scripta! legione nova profectus ab urbe sexaginta longis navibus praeter oram Etruriae Ligurumque et inde Saluum? montes pervenit Mas- 4 siliam et ad proximum ostium Rhodani— pluribus enim divisus amnis in mare decurrit— castra locat vixdum satis credens Hannibalem superasse Pyre- 6 naeos montes. Quem ut de Rhodani quoque transitu agitare animadvertit, incertus quonam ei loco occur- reret, necdum satis refectis ab iactatione maritima militibus, trecentos interim delectos equites ducibus Massiliensibus et auxiliaribus Gallis ad exploranda omnia visendosque ex tuto hostes praemittit. 6 Hannibal] ceteris metu aut pretio pacatis iam in Volcarum? pervenerat agrum, gentis validae. Colunt autem circa utramque ripam Rhodani; sed diffisi citeriore agro arceri Poenum posse, ut flumen pro munimento haberent omnibus ferme suis trans Rho- danum traiectis ulteriorem ripam armis * obtinebant. 7 Ceteros accolas fluminis Hannibal et eorum ipsorum quos sedes suae tenuerant simul perlicit donis ad naves undique contrahendas fabricandasque, simul 1 erat scripta Weissenborn: trascripta C: transcripta Af. * Saluum Af? (cf. V. xxxiv. 7): saluium C (before erasure) AD: saluii C (after erasure). * Volcarum edd. : uolgarum C: uulgarum Jf. * armis Hearne: amnis C: amnis arinis M. 1 Polybius (xxxiv. x. 5) says two, Pliny (N.H. 111. iv 33) three, and Strabo (1v. i. 8) cites Timaeus as authority for the uumber five. * Polybius says that Scipio ''sent out three hundred of his bravest cavalry, giving them as guides and supports certain Celts who were in the service of the Massiliots as mercen- aries” (Paton's translation). * It is usually held—with Napoleon—that Hannibal 74 BOOK XXI. xxvi. 3-7 in place of that which had been sent with the praetor, set out from the City with sixty ships of war, and coasting Etruria and the mountainous country of Liguria and the Salui, arrived at Massilia, and went into camp at the nearest mouth of the Rhone—for the river discharges itself into the sea by several!i—hardly believing, even then, that Hannibal could have crossed the Pyrenees. But when he found that Hannibal was actually planning how to cross the Rhone, being uncertain where he should encounter him, and his soldiers not having as yet fully recovered from the tossing of the sea, he sent out a chosen band of three hundred cavalry, with Massiliot guides and Gallic auxiliaries,? to make, while he was waiting, a thorough reconnais- sance, and have a look at the enemy from a safe distance. Hannibal, having pacified the others through fear or bribery, had now reached the territory of a powerful nation called the Volcae. They inhabit both banks of the Rhone, but doubting their ability to keep the Phoenician from the western bank, they had brought nearly all their people over the Rhone, so as to have the river for a bulwark, and were holding the eastern bank with arms. The rest of the dwellers by the river, and such of the Volcae themselves as had clung to their homes, were enticed by Hannibal's gifts to assemble large boats from every quarter and to fashion new ones; and indeed crossed the Rhone above the confluence with the Durance. The arguments of those who think that the crossing was just above the Delta have been recently restated by Spencer ilkinson, Hannibal's March Through the Alps, pp. 14-17. 75 === leaf 55 [EN] === A.U.C. 636 LIVY et ipsi traici exercitum levarique quam primum regionem suam tanta! hominum? urgente turba 8 cupiebant. Itaque ingens coacta vis navium est lintriumque temere ad vicinalem usum paratarum ; novasque alias primum Galli inchoantes cavabant 9 ex singulis arboribus, deinde et ipsi milites simul copia materiae simul facilitate operis inducti alveos informes, nihil, dummodo innare aquae et capere onera possent, curantes, raptim quibus se suaque transveherent, faciebant. XXVII. lamque omnibus satis comparatis ad . traiciendum terrebant? ex adverso. hostes omnem 2 ripam equites virique obtinentes. Quos ut averteret, Hannonem,* Bomilcaris 5 filium, vigilia prima noctis cum parte copiarum, maxime Hispanis, adverso 3 flumine ire iter unius diei iubet, et ubi primum possit, quam occultissime traiecto amni cireumducere agmen, ut, cum opus facto sit, adoriatur ab tergo 4 hostes. Ad id dati duces Galli edocent inde milia quinque et viginti ferme supra parvae insulae cir- cumfusum amnem latiore," ubi dividebatur, eoque 5 minus alto alveo transitum ostendere. Ibi raptim caesa materia ratesque fabricatae in quibus equi virique et alia onera traicerentur. ispani sine } tanta C*3/ (by erasure from tanta): tantam Ct. * hominum C?: omnium CM. 3 terrebant C?: terrebat C1M. * Hannonem M?: annonem C? M! : amonem C', 5 Bomilcaris M*: miuomilcaris CM!. * Galli edocent M?: galliae docent CM'. * latiore Bauer: latiorem C M. 1 The Spaniards were preferred for this duty because of their skill in swimming rivers, as we see at $5 (cf. chap. 76 BOOK XXI. xxvi. 7-xxvit. 5 across as soon as possible and to relieve their district of the burden of so huge a horde of men. So they brought together a vast number of boats, and of canoes roughly fashioned for local traffic, and made new ones by hollowing out single trees. The Gauls took the lead in this, but the soldiers presently fell to work themselves, when they found the timber plentiful and the labour light. They were unshapely troughs, but the men could make them quickly, and their one concern was to get something that would float and hold a cargo, in which they might ferry themselves and their belongings over. XXVII. Everything was now in readiness for the crossing, which, however, was menaced by the enemy on the other side, who covered the whole bank with their horse and foot. In order to draw them off, Hannibal ordered Hanno, the son of Bomilcar, to set out in the first watch of the night with a part of the troops, chiefly Spaniards,! and, making a march of one day up the stream, to take the first oppor- tunity of crossing it, with the greatest secrecy, and fetch a compass with his column, so that, when the time came, he might assail the enemy in the rear. The Gauls who had been appointed to be his guides informed him that some five-and-twenty miles up- stream the river flowed round a little island, and being wider where it divided, and therefore shallower, afforded a passage. There they quickly felled some trees and constructed rafts to transport the men and horses and other burdens. The Spaniards without xlvii. § 5). The method here employed was still in vogue amongst them in Caesar's time (Bell. Civ. 1. xlviii. 7). 77 === leaf 56 [EN] === 4.U.O, 536 LIVY .ulla mole in utres vestimentis coniectis ipsi caetris 6 superpositis incubantes flumen tranavere. Et alius exercitus ratibus iunctis traiectus, castris prope flumen positis, nocturno itinere atque operis labore fessus quiete unius diei reficitur intento duce ad 7 consilium opportune exsequendum. Postero die pro- fecti ex loco edito! fumo significant transisse et haud procul abesse. Quod ubi accepit Hannibal, ne tempori deesset, dat signum ad traiciendum. 8 Iam paratas aptatasque habebat pedes lintres, eques fere propter equos naves. Navium agmen ad ex- cipiendum adversi impetum fluminis parte superiore transmittens tranquillitatem infra traicientibus lin- 9 tribus praebebat. Equorum pars magna nantes loris a puppibus trahebantur, praeter eos quos instratos frenatosque, ut extemplo egresso in ripam equiti usui essent, imposuerant in naves. XXVIII. Galli occursant in ripa? cum variis ulu- latibus cantuque moris sui quatientes scuta super 2 capita vibrantesque dextris tela, quamquam ex ad- verso * terrebat tanta vis navium cum ingenti sono fluminis et clamore vario nautarum, militum, et qui 5 nitebantur perrumpere impetum fluminis, et qui ex ! edito Clericus: prodito CM: praedicto Walch: ex praedicto (omitting loco) Weissenborn. - 3 naves Heerwagen: nantes CM. ? ripa Gronovius : ripam CM. * ex adverso Crévier: et ex aduerso CM. * et qui M*: equi CM. 1 The skins of sheep and goats, such as are still used to hold wine. They could either be inflated and used merely as & kind of life-belt, or could be made to serve at the same time as kit bags. 78 BOOK XXI. xxvir, 5-xxviu. 2 their bucklers on top of these and supporting them- selves by means of them, swam across. The rest of the force, too, got over, by means of the rafts which they had made, and went into camp near the river. They were tired by the night march and their strenuous exertions, but their commander allowed them but one day to rest, being intent on carrying out the stratagem at the proper time. Resuming their march on the following day they sent up a smoke-signal from an elevated place, to show that they had got over the river and were not far off. When Hannibal saw this, he gave the order to cross, so as not to miss the favourable moment. The infantry had their skiffs all ready and equipped, while the cavalry had large boats, for the most part, on account of their horses. The large boats were sent across higher up the stream, to take the force of the current, and provided smooth water for the skiffs that crossed below them. A good part of the horses swam and were towed by their halters from the sterns of the boats, except those which they had saddled and bridled and put on board, that their riders might have them ready for instant use on landing. XXVIII. The Gauls rushed to meet them on the bank, with all sorts of yells and their customary songs, clashing their shields together above their heads and brandishing darts in their right hands, despite the menace of so great a multitude of vessels coming against them and the loud roaring of the river and the confused hallooing of the boatmen and the sailors, as they strove to force their way athwart the current or shouted encouragement to their fellows 79 === leaf 57 [EN] === LIVY paventes adverso tumultu terribilior ab tergo adortus clamor castris ab Hannone captis. Mox et ipse aderat, ancepsque terror circumstabat et e navibus! tanta vi armatorum in terram ? evadente? et ab tergo 4 improvisa premente acie. Galli postquam utroque * vim facere conati pellebantur, qua. patere 5 visum maxime iter perrumpunt trepidique in vicos passim suos diffugiunt. Hannibal ceteris copiis per otium traiectis spernens iam Gallicos tumultus castra locat. Elephantorum traiciendorum varia consilia fuisse credo, certe variat$ memoria actae rei. Quidam congregatis ad ripam elephantis tradunt ferocissimum ex iis inritatum ab rectore suo, cum refugientem in impetu ipso fluminis in alteram ripam rapiente. 6 Ceterum magis constat ratibus traiectos; id ut tutius consilium ante rem foret, ita acta re ad fidem 7 pronius est. Ratem unam ducentos longam pedes, quinquaginta latam a terra in amnem porrexerunt, quam, ne secunda aqua deferretur, pluribus validis retinaculis parte superiore ripae religatam pontis in ! e navibus M?: nauibus CM!. 3 terram edd.: terra CM. 3 evadente M*: eundentem CM}. ‘ de ¢: ultroque C (before erasure) M! ; ultro C (after erasure) M3. 5 patere c: parte (from parte re) C: pate (from parte) M. * variat Mehler: uariata CM. * inde nantem JVeissesborn: nantem CM. * vadum edd.: uado CM. 8o BOOK XXI. xxvii 2-7 somewhat daunted by the tumult which confronted them, when a still more appalling clamour arose in the rear, where Hanno had captured their camp. He was soon on the scene himself, and a twofold terror hemmed them in, as that mighty force of armed men came out upon the shore and the un- looked-for line of battle closed in from behind. When the Gauls had attempted charges in both directions and found themselves repulsed, they broke through where the way seemed least beset, and fled in confusion to their several villages. Hannibal brought over at leisure the rest of his forces, and giving himself no more concern over Gallic outbreaks, pitched his camp. I believe that there were various plans for trans- porting the elephants; at all events the tradition varies as to how it was accomplished. Some say that the elephants were first assembled on the bank, and then the keeper of the fiercest of them provoked the beast and fled into the water; as he swam off, the elephant pursued him and drew the herd in his train; and though they were afraid of the deep water, yet as soon as each of them got out of his depth, the current itself swept him over to the other bank. It is, however, more generally believed that they were carried across on rafts; this method, as it would be the safer, if the thing were to be done, so, in view of its accomplishment, is more probably the one employed. A raft, two hundred feet long and fifty feet wide, was thrust out from the shore into the stream, and, after being moored to the bank above by a number of stout hawsers, so as not to be carried down the current, was covered with earth, 81 === leaf 58 [EN] === 4.0.0. LIVY modum humo iniecta constraverunt, ut beluae au- 10 11 12 aeque lata, longa pedes centum, ad traiciendum =e vinculis, ab actuariis aliquot navibus ad alteram ripam pertrahitur. Ita primis expositis alii deinde repetiti ac traiecti sunt. Nihil sane trepidabant, donec. continenti velut ponte agerentur; primus erat pavor cum soluta ab ceteris rate in altum raperentur. lbi urgentes inter se cedentibus ex- tremis ab aqua trepidationis? aliquantum edebant, donec quietem ipse timor circumspectantibus aquam fecisset. Excidere® etiam saevientes quidam in flumen ; sed pondere ipso stabiles deiectis rectoribus quaerendis pedetemptim vadis in terram evasere. XXIX. Dum elephanti traiciuntur, interim Han- nibal Numidas equites quingentos ad castra Romana miserat speculatum ubi et quantae copiae essent et quid pararent. Huic alae equitum missi, ut ante dictum est, ab ostio Rhodani trecenti Romanorum equites occurrunt. Proelium atrocius quam pro numero pugnantium editur; nam praeter multa 1 tum Madvig: vi tum Harant : ut cum CM. * trepidationis edd.: trepidationi CM. ? excidere M?: excindere C! ; extendere C5: exindere M!. 1 Polybius, who perhaps believed, as did Pliny (N. H. vin. 28) that eleghaiite could not swim, says that those that went overboard were saved by the length of their trunks, which they kept above the surface, and, breathing so, passed through the water, for the most part on their feet (111. xlvii. 12), Livy seems to have thought of them as swimming. 82 BOOK XXI. xxvii. 7-xxix. 3 venture upon it, as on solid ground. A second raft, of equal width and a hundred feet long, and fit for erossing the river, was coupled to the first. Then the elephants, with the females leading, were driven out over the stationary raft, as over a road; and after they had passed on to the smaller raft adjoining it, the ropes by which this had been loosely attached were cast off and it was towed across by some row- boats to the eastern bank. After landing the first contingent in this fashion, they returned and fetched the others over. The elephants exhibited no signs of fear so long as they were being driven along as though on a connected bridge; they first became frightened when the raft was cast loose from the other and was carried out into mid-channel, The crowding together which resulted, as those on the outside shrank back from the water, gave rise to a slight panic, till terror itself, as they looked at the water all about them, made them quiet. Some, in their frenzy, even fell overboard ; but, steadied by their very weight, threw off their riders, and feeling their way to the shallow places, got out upon the land.! XXIX. Whilst the elephants were being got across, Hannibal had dispatched five hundred Nu- midian horsemen in the direction of the Roman camp, to find out where the enemy were and in what force, and what they meant to do. This body fell in with the three hundred Roman horsemen, sent out, as was mentioned before, from the mouth of the Rhone. The battle that followed was more hotly fought than the size of the contending forces would suggest, for besides the many who were 83 === leaf 59 [EN] === LIVY volnera caedes etiam prope par utrimque fuit, fugaque et pavor Numidarum Romanis iam admodum fessis victoriam dedit. Victores ad centum quadraginta : nec omnes Romani sed pars Gallorum, victi amplius 4 ducenti ceciderunt. Hoc principium simul omenque? belli ut summae rerum prosperum eventum ita haud sane incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam Romanis portendit. 6 Utre ita gesta ad utrumque ducem sui redierunt, nec Scipioni stare sententia poterat, nisi ut ex con- 6 siliis coeptisque hostis? et ipse conatus caperet, et Hannibalem incertum utrum coeptum in ltaliam intenderet iter an cum eo qui primus se optulisset Romanus exercitus manus consereret, avertit a prae- senti certamine Boiorum legatorum regulique Magali adventus, qui se duces itinerum socios periculi fore adfirmantes íntegro bello nusquam ante Tibatis viri- 7 bus Italiam adgrediendam censent. Multitudo time- bat quidem hostem nondum oblitterata memoria superioris belli, sed magis iter immensum Alpesque, rem fama utique inexpertis horrendam, metuebat. “XXX. Ttaque Hannibal, postquam ipsi sententia stetit pergere ire atque * Italiam petere, advocata ® contioné Varie militum versat animos castigando 2 adhortandoque : mirari se quinam pectora semper 2 centum quadraginta Gronovius (Polyb. III. xlv. 2): elx M 2 omenque C? M? : omnemque C! M!, * hostis ¢: hospiciis C! : auspiciis C?: hospitis M. * atque edd.: adque P. 5 advocata edd.: aduocatum P. 84 BOOK XXL. xxix. 3-xxx. 2 on both sides, and only the dismay and panic of the Numidians gave the victory to the Romans, who were by that time fairly exhausted. The victors lost about a hundred and forty, not all Romans but some of them Gauls; the vanquished about two hundred. This was at once the beginning of the war and an omen that promised the ltomans success in the final outcome, though their victory would be by no means without bloodshed and would only come after a doubtful struggle. When the participants in this affair had returned to their respective generals, it was impossible for Scipio to adopt any settled plan, except to frame his own measures to meet the strategy and move- ments of the enemy; while Hannibal, uncertain whether to march on, as he had begun, to Italy, or give battle to the first Roman army that had come in his way, was diverted from an immediate trial of strength by the arrival of Boian envoys, with their chief Magalus. These assured him that they would guide his march and share its perils, and urged him to avoid a battle and to keep his forces whole and unimpaired for the invasion of ltaly. The rank and file were fearful of the enemy—tor their memory of the former war was not yet erased —but more fearful of the interminable march over the Alps, an uudertaking which rumour made appalling, at any rate to the inexperienced. XXX. Accordingly Hannibal, having settled in his own mind to go forward and advance on Italy, called the soldiers together and worked on their feelings with alternate chiding and encouragement. He marvelled, he said, what sudden terror had in- 85 === leaf 60 [EN] === A.U.G, LIVY impavida repens terror invaserit. Per tot annos vincentes eos stipendia facere neque ante Hispania excessisse quam omnes gentesque et terrae! quas duo diversa maria amplectantur Carthaginiensium 3 essent. Indignatos deinde quod quicumque Sag- untum obsedissent velut ob noxam sibi dedi postu- laret populus Romanus, Hiberum traiecisse? ad delendum nomen Romanorum liberandumque orbem 4 terrarum. Tum nemini visum id longum, cum ab 5 occasu solis ad exortus intenderent iter; nunc, post- quam multo maiorem partem itineris? emensam cernant, Pyrenaeum saltum inter ferocissimas gentes 'superatum, Rhodanum, tantum amnem, tot milibus Gallorum prohibentibus, domita etiam ipsius fluminis vi traiectum, in conspectu Alpes habeant, quarum 6 alterum latus Italiae sit, in ipsis portis hostium fatigatos subsistere—quid Alpes aliud esse credentes 7 quam montium altitudines? Fingerent altiores Pyre- ^maei iugis: nullas profecto terras caelum contingere nec inexsuperabilés * humano generi esse. Alpes quidem habitari coli gignere atque alere animantes ; 8 pervias fauces® esse exercitibus. Eos ipsos quos cernant legatos non pinnis sublime elatos Alpes transgressos, Ne maiores quidem eorum indigenas sed advenas Italiae cultores has ipsas Alpes in- 1 terrae ¢: terrase P: terras eas P*, * traiecisse edd. : traiecisset P. 3 partem itineris edd. : partem in itineris P. * inexsuperabiles edd. : exuperabilis P. 5 fauces (faucis) Heerwagen : paucis P. 1 Polybius (111. xxxix) estimates the distance covered by Hannibal as follows: New Carthage to the Ebro 2600 stades (the stade is roughly a furlong): the Ebro to Emporium 1600; Emporium to Narbo 600; Narbo to the passage of the Rhone 1600; the passage of the Rhone to the foot of the 86 BOOK XXI. xxx. 2-8 these many years they had been victorious in war, nor had they quitted Spain until all the tribes and territories which lay between two distant seas were in the power of the Carthaginians. Then, indignant that the Roman People should demand that whoever had laid siege to Saguntum be surrendered up to them, as though to expiate a felony, they had crossed the Ebro, in order to wipe out the Roman name and liberate the world. The march had not then seemed long to any of them, though they meant to advance from the setting to the rising sun; but now, when they could see that they had measured off the greater part of it;! when they had made their way, through the fiercest tribes, over the Pyrenees; when they had crossed the Rhone—that mighty river—in the teeth of so many thousand Gauls, overcoming, too, the violence of the stream itself; when the Alps, the other side of which was in Italy, were in full sight;—were they halting now, as though exhausted, at the very gates of their enemies? What else did they think that the Alps were but high mountains? They might fancy them higher than the ranges of the Pyrenees; but surely no lands touched the skies or were impassable to man. The Alps indeed were inhabited, were tilled, pro- duced and supported living beings; their defiles were practicable for armies. Those very ambassadors whom they beheld had not crossed the Alps in the air on wings. Even the ancestors of these men had not been natives of Italy, but had lived there as foreign settlers, and had often crossed these very Alps in pass over the Alps 1400; the foot of the to the valley of the Po 1200. as : 87 === leaf 61 [EN] === LIVY gentibus saepe agminibus cum liberis ac coniugibus 9 migrantium modo tuto transmisisse. Militi quidem armato nihil secum praeter instrumenta belli por- tanti quid invium aut inexsuperabile esse? Sagun- tum ut caperetur, quid per octo menses periculi, 10 quid laboris exhaustum esse? Romam, caput orbis terrarum, petentibus quicquam adeo asperum atque 11 arduum videri, quod inceptum moretur? Cepisse uondam Gallos ea quae adiri posse Poenus desperet ? Proinde aut cederent auimo atque viftute genti per , | eos dies totiens ab se victae, aut itineris finem sperent |! campum interiacentem Tiberi ac moenibus Romanis. XXXI. Hisadhortationibus incitatos corpora curare 2 atque ad iter se parare iubet. Postero die profectus adversa ripa Rhodani mediterranea Galliae petit, non quia rectior ad Alpes via esset, sed quantum a mari recessisset minus obvium fore Romanum credens, 3 cum quo, priusquam in Italiam ventum! foret, non diversis ex Alpibus decurrentes agri aliquantum amplexi confluunt in unum ; mediis * campis Insulae 5 nomen inditum. Incolunt prope Allobroges, gens 1 italiam ventum C?: italia euentum C?: italiae uentum M; italia uentum M*. 2 ibi Isara Cluverivs: ihi arar CM (corrected from ibisarar). 3 amnes edd.: amnis CM. * mediis c: in mediis CM. !See v. xxxiv-xxxv. Livy places the earliest Gallic immigration in the reign of Tarquinius Priscus. 3 This expression is a strange anachronism in the mouth of Hannibal; but Livy thinks of Hannibal as realizing—and so perhaps he may have done—that the struggle now be- 88 BOOK XXI. xxx. 8-xxxi. 5 in the manner of emigrants! For armed soldiers, taking nothing with them but the instruments of war, what could be impassable or insurmountable? To capture Saguntum, what dangers or what hard- ships had they not endured for eight long months? Now that Rome, the capital of the world,? was their objective, could anything seem so painful or so difficult as to delay their enterprise? Had Gauls once captured that which the Phoenician despaired of approaching? Then let them yield in spirit and manhood to a race which they had so often vanquished in the course of the last few days, or look to end their march in the field? that lay between the Tiber and the walls of Rome. XXXI. After encouraging them with this ex- hortation, he bade them refresh themselves and make ready for the march. Setting out the following day he advanced up the Rhone towards the interior of Gaul, not that it was the more direct way to the Alps, but believing that the farther he retired from the sea, the less likely he was to fall in with the Romans, with whom he had no mind to fight a battle until he should arrive in Italy, The fourth day's march brought him to the Island. There the rivers Isara and Rhone, rushing down from different Alps, unite their waters, after enclosing a consider- able territory, and the Island is the name which has been given to the plains lying between them. Near by is the country of the Allobroges, a tribe, even at ginning would determine whether Rome or Carthage should rule the world. 3 The Campus Martius lay outside the Servian wall, between the Capitoline, Quirinal, and Pincian Hills and the Tiber. 89 === leaf 62 [EN] === 4.0.0, 636 LIVY iam inde nulla Gallica gente opibus aut fama inferior. fratres. Maior et qui prius imperitarat, Braneus nomine, a minore fratre! et coetu iuniorum, qui iure peropportuna disceptatio cum ad Hannibalem reiecta esset? arbiter regni factus, quod ea senatus princi- pumque sententia fuerat, imperium maiori restituit, maxime vestis, est adiutus, quam infames frigoribus aper praeparari cogebant. ^ 10 iam Alpes peteret, non recta regione iter instituit sed ad laevam in Tricastinos fl exit: inde per extre- mam oram Vocontiorum agri tendit in Tricorios,? haud usquam impedita via priusquam ad Druentiam 8 flumen pervenit. Is et ipse Alpinus amnis longe omnium Galliae fluminum difficillimus transitu est ; * a minore fratre ¢: minor erat fratre CM. * vi c: qui CM. * reiecta esset c: delecta esset C!M?: delectasset M!: delata esset C? M*. * fuerat M?: futurum CM}. 5 id meritum M?: id emeritum M!: ide meritum C! ; id& meritum C%, :* adiutus M*: aditus CM}. ? Tricorios ed?. : trigorios CM. . * ad Druentiam M*: adruentiam CM}. to Polybius, rrt. xlix., but afforded the Carthaginians pro- tection against the Allobroges. 2 A turn to the left is unintelligible at this point in the march, and must be explained as due to a duplication of the march up the Rhone mentioned in $ 2. * Neither the Durance nor any of these tribes is mentioned by Polybius. But Polybius disliked to encumber his narra- go BOOK XXI. xxxi. 5-10 or reputation. Just then it was a prey to discord.! Two brothers were disputing the sovereignty. The elder, Braneus by name, who bad held sway before, was being driven out by a faction of juniors headed by the younger brother, whose right was less but his might greater. This quarrel having very oppor- tunely been referred to Hannibal for settlement, who thus became arbiter of the kingdom, he es- poused the sentiments of the senate and the leading men and restored the sovereign power to the elder. In requital of this service he was assisted with pro- visions and supplies of every sort, particularly clothing, which the notorious cold of the Alps made it necessary to provide. Having settled the contentions of the Allobroges, Hannibal was now ready for the Alps; but instead of marching directly towards them, he turned to the left? to the country of the Tricastini, and thence proceeded through the outer borders of the territory of the Vocontii to the Tricorii, by a road which nowhere presented any difficulties, until he came to the Druentia? This, too, is an Alpine river and by far the most difficult of all the rivers of Gaul to tive with outlandisb geographical names that would mean nothing to his readers, and they are less likely to be arbi- trary embellishments—on the part either of Livy or his source—than authentic details drawn from a source or sources common to Livy and Polybius and omitted by Polybius for the reason given. (The same may be said of the name of the Gallic prince in $ 6.) If we assume that Hannibal ascended the Isére- Drac to the Druentia and thence crossed the Genévre, he would have touched the territories of these tribes, and there would be no great difficulty in reconciling the account in Livy with that in Polybius (see De Sanctis, p. 69). 91 === leaf 63 [EN] === 4.0.0, LIVY nam cum aquae vim vehat ingentem, non tamen ——— bus simul neque iisdem alveis fluens, nova semper vada novosque gurgites gignit I—et ob eadem pediti quoque incerta via est—ad hoc saxa glareosa * volvens tum forte imbribus auctus ingentem transgredientibus tumultum fecit, cum super cetera trepidatione ipsi sua atque incertis clamoribus turbarentur. XXXII. P. Cornelius consul triduo fere post quam Hannibal a ripa Rhodani movit, quadrato agmine ad castra hostium venerat, nullam dimicandi 2 moram facturus. Ceterum ubi deserta munimenta nec facile se tantum praegressos? adsecüturum videt, ad mare ac naves rediit, tutius faciliusque ita 8 descendenti ab Alpibus Hannibali occursurus. Ne tamen nuda auxiliis Romanis Hispania esset, quam provinciam sortitus erat, Cn. Scipionem fratrem cum maxima parte copiarum adversus Hasdrubalem misit, 4non ad tuendos tantummodo veteres socios con- ciliandosque novos, sed etiam ad pellendum Hispania 5 Hasdrubalem. Ipse cum admodum exiguis copiis Genuam repetit, eo qui * circa Padum" erat exercitus Italiam defensurus. 6 Hannibal ab Druentia 5 campestri maxime itinere 1 gurgites gignit Kiderlin: gurgites CM. 3 Mársogk pos Dace CM S, glabess €: glareasve (or glareasque) Gronovins. * praegressos c: progressos CÀf*: progressus HM}. * eoqui M*: eo CJ, 5 ab Druentia edd. : ab ruentia (by erasure from adruentia) C: abadruentia Af. ! At chap. xxxix. $ 3 Livy agrees with Polybius in naming Pisa as Scipio's port of debarkation, forgetting that he has here named Genoa. 93 BOOK XXI. xxxi. 10-xxrzr. 6 water, it does not admit of navigation, since, not being confined within any banks, but flowing at once in several channels, not always the same, it is ever forming new shallows and new pools—a fact which makes it dangerous for foot-passengers as well— besides which it rolls down jagged stones and affords no sure or stable footing to one who enters it. And at that time, as it happened, it was swollen with rains, and the crossing took place amidst the wildest tumult, for the men—besides their other difficulties —were confused by their own excitement and be- wildered outcries. XXXII. Publius Cornelius the consul, some three days after Hannibal had left the bank of the Rhone, marched in fighting order to the enemy's camp, intending to offer battle without delay. But finding the works deserted, and perceiving that he could not readily overtake the enemy, who had got so long a start of him, he returned to the sea, where he had left his ships, thinking that he would thus be more safely and easily enabled to confront Hannibal as he descended from the Alps. Still, that he might not leave Spain stripped of Roman defenders—for the lot had assigned it to him as his province—he sent Gnaeus Scipio, his brother, with the chief part of his troops, to deal with Hasdrubal, with the object not merely of protecting the allies and of winning over new ones, but also of driving Hasdrubal out of Spain. He himself, with extremely scanty forces, sailed back to Genoa,' proposing to safeguard Italy with the army which lay in the valley of the Po. Hannibal, leaving the Druentia, and advancing for the most part through a champaign country, 93 === leaf 64 [EN] === LIVY 40.0. ad Alpes cum bona pace incolentium ea loca 7 Gallorum pervenit. Tum, quamquam fama prius, qua? incerta in maius vero ferri solent, praecepta res erat, tamen ex propinquo visa montium altitudo nivesque caelo prope immixtae, tecta informia imposita rupibus, pecora iumentaque torrida frigore, homines intonsi et inculti, animalia inanimaque ? omnia rigentia gelu, cetera visu quam dictu foediora, 8 terrorem renovarunt. Erigentibus in primos agmen clivos apparuerunt imminentes tumulos insidentes montani, qui si valles occultiores insedissent, coorti ad pugnam repente ingentem fugam stragemque 9 dedissent. Hannibal consistere signa iussit; Gallis- que ad visenda loca praemissis postquam comperit transitum ea non esse, castra inter confragosa omnia praeruptaque quam extentissima potest valle locat. 10 Tum per eosdem Gallos haud sane multum lingua moribusque abhorrentes, cum se iminiscuissent con- loquiis montanorum, edoctus interdiu tahthm ob- sideri saltum, nocte in sua quemque dilabi tecta, luce prima subiit tumulos, ut ex aperto atque interdiu 11 vim per angustias facturus. Die deinde simulando aliud quam quod parabatur consumpto cum eodem 12 quo constiterant loco castra communissent, ubi primum digressos? tumulis montanos laxatasque sensit custodias, pluribus ignibus quam pro numero 1 qua s: quam CM}, 3 jnanimaque Falla: inanimaliaque CM. * digressos CM : degressos Gruter. 94 BOOK XXI. xxxi. 6-12 reached the Alps without being molested by the mo 218 Gauls who inhabited those regions. Then, though report, which is wont to exaggerate uncertain dangers, had already taught them what to expect, still, the near view of the lofty mountains, with their snows almost merging in the sky ; the shape- less hovels perched on crags; the frost-bitten flocks and beasts of burden; the shaggy, unkempt men; animals and inanimate objects alike stiff with cold, and all more dreadful to look upon than words can tell, renewed their consternation. As their column began to mount the first slopes, mountaineers were discovered posted on the heights above, who, had they lain concealed in hidden valleys, might have sprung out suddenly and attacked them with great rout and slaughter. Hannibal gave the command to halt, and sent forward some Gauls to reconnoitre. When informed by them that there was no getting by that way, he encamped in the most extensive valley to be found in a wilderness of rocks and precipices. He then employed these same Gauls, whose speech and customs did not differ greatly from those of the mountaineers, to mingle in their councils, and in this way learned that his enemies guarded the pass only by day, and at night dis- persed, every man to his own home. As soon as it was light, he advanced up the hills, as though he hoped to rush the defile by an open attack in the daytime. Then having spent the day in feigning a purpose other than his real one, he entrenched a camp on the spot where he had halted. But no sooner did he perceive that the mountaineers had dispersed from the heights and relaxed their vigilance, than, leaving for show more fires than the 95 === leaf 65 [EN] === LIVY Ey . manentium in speciem f factis ; impedimentisque cum 13 equite relictis et maxima parte irte. peditum, if ipse cum expeditis, acerrimo quoque viro, raptim angustias evadit iisque ipsis tumulis quos hostes tenuerant consedit. XXXIII. Prima deinde luce castra mota et agmen 2 reliquum incedere coepit. lam montani signo dato ex castellis ad stationem solitam conveniebant, cum repente conspiciunt alios arce occupata sua super que simul obiecta res oculis animisque immobiles parumper eos defixit; deinde, ut trepidationem in angustiis suoque ipsum tumultu misceri agmen 4 videre, equis maxime consternatis, quidquid adiecis- sent ipsi ! terroris satis ad perniciem fore rati, diversis 5 Tum vero sro simul ab hostibus simul ab iniquitate locorum Poeni oppugnabantur, plusque inter ipsos, sibi quoque tendente? ut periculo prius evaderet, 6 quam cum hostibus certaminis erat. Equi maxime infestum agmen faciebant, qui et clamoribus dissonis, quos nemora etiam repercussaeque valles augebant, ! per vias Widmann: inuia CM. * sibi quoque tendente Freinsheim: sibi cuique tendenti CM. 96 BOOK XXI. xxxn, 12-xxxur. 6 numbers of those who remained in camp demanded ; 1.0. 218 leaving, too, the baggage and the cavalry and a great part of the infantry, he put himself at the head of some light-armed soldiers—all his bravest men— and, marching swiftly to the head of the defile, occupied those very heights which the enemy h held. XXXIII. With the ensuing dawn the Carthagin- ians broke camp and the remainder of their army began to move. The natives, on a signal being given, were already coming in from their fastnesses to occupy their customary post, when they suddenly perceived that some of their enemies were in possession of the heights and threatened them from above, and that others were marching through the pass. Both facts presenting themselves at the same time to their eyes and minds kept them for a moment rooted to the spot. Then, when they saw the helter-skelter in the pass and the column becoming embarrassed by its own confusion, the horses especially being frightened and unmanageable, they thought that whatever they could add themselves to the consternation of the troops would be sufficient to destroy them, and rushed down from the cliffs on either side, over trails and trackless ground alike, with all the ease of habit. Then indeed the Phoenicians had to contend at one and the same time against their foes and the difficulties of the ground, and the struggle amongst themselves, as each endeavoured to outstrip the rest in escaping from the danger, was greater than the struggle with the enemy. The horses occasioned the greatest peril to the column. Terrified by the discordant yells, which the woods and ravines redoubled with their echoes, they quaked 97 === leaf 66 [EN] === : at LI VY Axe. territi trepidabant. et icti forte aut volnerati adeo consternabantur ut stragem ingentem simul ho- minum ac sarcinarum omnis generis facerent; 7 multosque turba, cum praecipites deruptaeque utrimque angustiae essent, in immensuni! altitudinis deiecit, quosdam et armatos; sed ruinae maxime 8 modo iumenta cum oneribus devolvebantur. Quae "quamquam foeda visu erant, stetit parumper tamen Hannibal ac suos continuit, ne tumultum ac trepida- 9 tionem augeret. Deinde, postquam interrumpi agmen vidit periculumque esse ne exutum impedi- mentis exercitum nequiquam incolumem traduxisset, decurrit ex superiore loco et cum impetu ipso 10 fudisset hostem, suis quoque tumultum auxit. Sed is tumultus momento temporis, postquam liberata itinera fuga montanorum erant, sedatur; nec per otium modo, sed prope silentio mox omnes traducti. 11 Castellum inde quod caput eius regionis erat viculos- que circumiectos capit et captivo cibo? ac pecoribus per triduum exercitum aluit ; et quia nec a montanis? primo perculsis nec loco magno opere impediebantur aliquantum eo triduo viaé confecit. XXXIV. Perventum inde ad frequentem cultoribus alium ut inter montanos populum. Ibi non bello aperto sed suis artibus, fraude et insidiis, est prope ! in immensum ¢: immensum CM. ! captivo cibo Heusinger: captiuo CM. ? a montanis C. LZ. Bauer: montanis CM. .98 BOOK XXI. xxxur, 6-xxxiv. 1 with fear; and if they happened to be hit oro wounded, were so maddened that they made enormous havoc not only of men but of every sort of baggage. Indeed the crowding in the pass, which was steep and precipitous on both sides, caused many—some of them armed men—to be flung down to a great depth; but when beasts of burden with their packs went hurtling down, it was just like the crash of falling walls. Dreadful as these sights were, still Hannibal halted for a little while and held back his men, so as not to augment the terror and confusion. Then, when he saw that the column was being broken in two, and there was danger lest he might have got his army over to no avail, if it _ were stripped of its baggage, he charged down from the higher ground and routed the enemy b the very impetus of the attack, though he added to the disorder amongst his own troops. But the flurry thus occasioned quickly subsided, as soon as the roads were cleared by the flight of the moun- taineers ; and the whole army was presently brought over the pass, not only without molestation but almost in silence. Hannibal then seized a strong- hold which was the chief place in that region, together with the outlying hamlets, and with the captured food and flocks supported his troops for three days. And in those three days, being hindered neither by the natives, who had been utterly cowed at the outset, nor very greatly by the nature of the country, he covered a good deal of ground. XXXIV. They came next to another canton, thickly settled for a mountain district. There, not by open fighting, but by his own devices, trickery and deception, Hannibal was all but circumvented. 99 === leaf 67 [EN] === A.T.C, LIVY 2 circumventus. Magno natu principes castellorum oratores ad Poenum veniunt, alienis malis, utili exemplo, doctos memorantes amicitiam malle quam 3 vim experiri Poenorum; itaque oboedienter im- perata facturos; commeatum itinerisque duces et 4 ad fidem promissorum obsides acciperet. Hannibal nec temere credendo nec aspernando,! ne repudiati aperte hostes fierent, benigne cum respondisset, obsidibus quos dabant acceptis et commeatu] quem in viam ipsi detulerant| usus; nequaquam ut inter pacatos composito agmine duces eorum sequitur. 5 Primum agmen elephanti et equites erant; ipse post cum robore peditum circumspectans sollicitus- 6 que ad omnia? incedebat. Ubi in angustiorem viam et parte altera subiectam iugo insuper immi- nenti ventum est, undique ex insidiis barbari a fronte ab tergo coorti comminus eminus petunt, 7saxa ingentia in agmen devolvunt. Maxima ab tergo vis hominum urgebat. In eos versa peditum acies haud dubium fecit quin, nisi firmata extrema agminis fuissent, ingens in eo saltu accipienda clades 8 fuerit. Tunc quoque ad extremum periculi ac prope perniciem ventum est. Nam dum cunctatur Han- nibal demittere agmen in angustias, quia non, ut ipse equitibus praesidio erat, ita peditibus quicquam ! credendo nec aspernando Valla: credendum nec asper- nandos (asperandos M!) M?: credendum nec aspernandum C : credendum nec aspernandum ratus ¢ Rossbach. ? sollicitusque ad omnia Luchs: sollicitusque omnia CM. IOoO BOOK XXI. xxxiv. 1-8 The elder headmen of the strongholds waited on s.o.s18 him, as a deputation, and said that, taught by other men's misfortunes—a useful warning—they preferred to experience the friendship of the Phoe- nicians rather than their might; they were ready, therefore, to carry out his orders, and they requested him to accept provisions and guides and also hostages as a guarantee of good faith. Hannibal, neither blindly trusting nor yet repulsing them, lest, being spurned, they might become openly hostile, returned a friendly answer, accepted the proffered hostages, and used the supplies, which they had brought down, themselves, to the road. But he drew up his column, before following their guides, by no means as though for a march through a friendly country. The van was made up of elephants and cavalry; he himself, with the main strength of the infantry, came next, looking warily about him and watching everything. When they had got to a narrow place, which was overhung on one side by a ridge, the tribesmen rose up on every quarter from their ambush and assailed them, front and rear, fighting hand to hand and at long range, and rolling down huge boulders on the marching troops. The rear-guard bore the brunt of the attack, and as the infantry faced about to meet it, it was very evident that if the column had not been strengthened at that point, it must have suffered a great disaster in this pass. Even so, they were in the utmost peril and came near destruction, For while Hannibal was hesitating to send his division ! down into the defile, since he had no troops left to secure the rear of the infantry, as he himself 3 By agmen Livy here means the second (and larger) part of the column, under Hannibal’s immediate command. IOT === leaf 68 [EN] === LIVY a.v.c, 9 abtergo auxilii reliqui erat,! occursantes per obliqua e" montani interrupto? medio agmine viam insedere ; noxque una Hannibali sine equitibus atque impedi- mentis acta est. XXXV. Postero die iam segnius intercursantibus barbaris iunctae copiae, saltusque haud sine clade, —miaiore tamen iumentorum quam hominum pernicie 2 superatus. Inde montani pauciores iam et latrocinii magis quam belli more concursabant modo in primum ub, Libby 3 occasionem fecissent. Elephanti sicut per artas praecipitesque* vias magna mora agebantur, ita tutum ab hostibus, quacumque incederent, quia insuetis adeundi propius metus erat, agmen praebebantt ~~ ~~ 4 Nono die in iugum Alpium perventum est per invia pleraque et errores, quos aut ducentium fraus aut, ubi fides iis non esset, temere initae valles a 5 coniectantibus iter faciebant. Biduum in iugo stativa habita, fessisque labore ac pugnando quies data militibus; iumentaque aliquot, quae prolapsa in rupibus erant, sequendo vestigia agminis in castra 6 pervenere. Fessis taedio tot malorum nivis etiam casus occidente iam sidere Vergiliarum ingentem OCEIMERESE, BIN SHOES. Se a ee um erat Luchs: reliquum erat Lipsius: reliquerat ! montani interrupto Glareanus: montani erupto CM; montanise rapto M!. * praecipitesque C?: praecipites C!M. ‘ Brevevant ed. Moguntina, 1518: praecedebant (— bat 09 C M. 1 The morning setting of the Pleiades occurred on October 102 BOOK XXI. xxxiv. 8-xxxv. 6 in on his flank, and breaking through the column, established themselves in the road, so that Hannibal spent one night without cavalry or baggage. XXXV. On the following day, since by now the barbarians were attacking with less vigour, his forces were re-united and surmounted the pass; and though they suffered some casualties, still they lost more baggage animals than men. From this point on the mountaineers appeared in smaller numbers, and, more in the manner of brigandage than warfare, attacked sometimes the van, sometimes the rear, whenever the ground afforded an advantage, or the invaders, pushing on too far ahead or lagging behind, gave opportunity. The elephants could be induced to move but very slowly along the steep and narrow trails; but wherever they went they made the column safe from its enemies, who were un- accustomed to the beasts and afraid of venturing too near them. On the ninth day they arrived at the summit of the Alps, having come for the most part over track- less wastes and by roundabout routes, owing either to the dishonesty of their guides, or—when they would not trust the guides—to their blindly entering some valley, guessing at the way. For two days they lay encamped on the summit. The soldiers, worn with toil and fighting, were permitted to rest; and a number of baggage animals which had fallen among the rocks made their way to the camp by following the tracks of the army. Exhausted and discouraged as the soldiers were by many hardships, a snow-storm—for the constellation of the Pleiades was now settingl—threw them into a great fear. 103 === leaf 69 [EN] === LIVY prima luce motis segniter agmen incederet pigritia- gressus signa Hannibal in promunturio quodam, unde longe ac late prospectus erat, consistere iussis militibus Italiam ostentat subiectosque — Alpinis 10 tum transcendere non Italiae modo sed etiam urbis Romanae; cetera plana, proclivia fore; uno aut summum ! altero proelio arcem et caput [taliae in manu ac potestate habituros. Procedere inde agmen coepit iam nihil ne hostibus quidem praeter parva furta per occasionem temptan- 12 ut pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut breviora ita arrectiora sunt, difficilius fuit. Omnis enim ferme via praeceps angusta lubrica erat, ut neque sustinere se ab lapsu possent nec qui paulum titubassent haerere adfixi vestigio suo, aliique super alios et iumenta in homines occiderent. XXXVI. Ventum deinde ad multo angustiorem rupem atque ita rectis saxis ut aegre expeditus miles temptabundus manibusque retinens virgulta ac stirpes circa eminentes demittere sese posset. in pedum mille? admodum altitudinem abruptus erat. Sapiens Mita ape ec * in pedum mille Palla : impeditus dum ille C!? Af! : im- peditus in mirandam ille J*. !In Polybius (111. liv. 7) the landslip carries away a stretch of road more than a stade and a half (about a thousand feet) long. Livy got the idea that the thousand feet represented the distance from the top to the bottom of the slip. 104 BOOK XXI. xxxv. 6-xxxvi. 2 when at dawn they began to march, and as the column moved slowly on, dejection and despair were to be read in every countenance. Then Hannibal, who had gone on before the standards, made the army halt on a certain promontory which commanded an extensive prospect, and pointing out Italy to them, and just under the Alps the plains about the Po, he told them that they were now scaling the ramparts not only of Italy, but of Rome itself; the rest of the way would be level or downhill; and after one, or, at the most, two battles, they would have in their hands and in their power the citadel and capital of Italy. The column now began to make some progress, and even the enemy had ceased: to annoy them, except to make a stealthy raid, as occasion offered. But the way was much more difficult than the ascent had been, as indeed the slope of the Alps on the Italian side is in general more precipitous in proportion as it is shorter. For practically every road was steep, narrow, and treacherous, so that neither could they keep from slipping, nor could those who had been thrown a little off their balance retain their footing, but came down, one on top of the other, and the beasts on top of the men. XXXVI. They then came to a much narrower clif, and with rocks so perpendicular tbat it was difficult for an unencumbered soldier to manage the descent, though he felt his way and clung with his hands to the bushes and roots that projected here and there. The place had been precipitous before, and a recent landslip had carried it away to the depth of a good thousand feet.! There the cavalry 105 === leaf 70 [EN] === LIVY miranti Hannibali quae res moraretur agmen nun- 4 tiatur rupem inviam esse. Digressus deinde ipse ad locum visendum. Haud dubia res visa 2m per 5 circumduceret _ agmen. Ea vero via | insu perabifls “fait; nam « | cum super veterem nivem intactam nova modicae altitudinis esset, molli nec praealtae facile 6 pe num iumentorumque incessu dilapsa est, per nudam infra glaciem fluentemque tabem liquescentis nivis 7 ingrediebantur. Taetra ibi luctatio erat via ! Iubrica non recipiente? vestigium. et in prono citius pedes fallente, ut seu manibus in adsurgendo seu genu se adiuvissent, ipsis 2 adminiculis prolapsis iterum cor- ruerent ; nec stirpes circa radicesve, ad quas pede aut ,manu quisquam eniti posset, erant; ita in levi 8 fatitinm glacie tabidaque nive volutabantur. Iu- menta tamen etiam? secabant interdum infimam ingredientia nivem, et prolapsa iactandis gravius jn conitendo * ungulis nitas perfringcbant ut pla que velut pedica capta haererent in dura et alte concreta glacie. XXXVII. Tandem nequiquam iumentis atque hominibus fatigatis castra in iugo posita, aegerrime ! via H. Sauppe: ut à CM : ita Heerwagen: illa Harant: del. Madvig. * non recipiente H. J. Mueller : glacie non recipiente CM. * tamen etiam Aossbach : eciam tamen C : etiam tam (by erasure from etiam tamen) M. * conitendo Lipsius: continendo CM. 106 BOOK XXI. xxxvi. 3-xxxvir. 1 of the road, and as Hannibal was wondering what it could be that held the column back, word was brought to him that the cliff was impassable. Going then to inspect the place himself, he thought that there was nothing for it but to lead the army round, over trackless and untrodden steeps, however circu- itous the detour might be. But that way proved to be insuperable ; for above the old, untouched snow lay a fresh deposit of moderate depth, through which, as it was soft and not very deep, the men in front found it easy to advance; but when it had been trampled down by the feet of so many men and beasts, the rest had to make their way over the bare ice beneath and the slush of the melting snow. Then came a terrible struggle on the slippery surface, for it afforded them no foothold, while the downward slope made their feet the more quickly slide from under them; so that whether they tried to pull themselves up with their hands, or used their knees, these supports themselves would slip, and down they would come again! Neither were there any stems or roots about, by which a man could pull himself up with foot or hand —only smooth ice and thawing snow, on which they were continually rolling. But the baggage animals, as they went over the snow, would sometimes even cut into the lowest crust, and pitching forward and striking out with their hoofs, as they struggled to rise, would break clean through it, so that numbers of them were caught fast, as if entrapped, in the hard, deep-frozen snow. XXXVII. At last, when men and beasts had been worn out to no avail, they encamped upon the ridge, 107 === leaf 71 [EN] === A. U.Q, 536 LIVY ad id ipsum loco purgato—tantum nivis fodiendum 2 atque egerendum fuit. Inde ad rupem muniendam, per quam unam via esse poterat, milites ducti, cum caedendum esset saxum, arboribus circa immanibus deiectis detruncatisque struem ingentem lignorum faciunt eamque, cum et vis venti apta! faciendo igni coorta esset, succendunt ardentiaque saxa infuso 3aceto putrefaciunt. Ita torridam incendio rupem ferro pandunt molliuntque anfractibus modicis clivos ut non iumenta solum, sed elephanti etiam deduci 4 possent. Quadriduum circa rupem consumptum iumentis prope fame absumptis; nuda enim fere .cacumina sunt, et si quid est pabuli obruunt nives. 6 Inferiora valles et apricos quosdam * colles habent rivosque et? prope silvas et iam humano cultu 6 digniora loca, Ibi iumenta in pabulum missa, et quies muniendo fessis hominibus data. Triduo inde 1 apta edd, : saepe (by erasure from saepte) C: saepta M!: se apta M?. 3 et apricos quosdam ¢: apricos quosdam M: apricos quosqam C! ; apricosque etiam Madvig. 3 rivosque et Madvig : riuosque CAM. 1 This famous story has provoked much ridicule, but in Livy's defence may be noted, (1) the well-known disin- tegrating effect on certain kinds of stone of heat followed by a douche of cold water ; (2) the belief entertained in ancient times, and as late as the sixteenth century, that vinegar helped to make stones friable; (3) the likelihood that Hannibal had at least a few skins of sour wine in his baggage-train (some have held that a vast quantity would have been required, but it must be remembered that Livy may have conceived of the width of the landslip as only a few rods ; see last note). In any case those who regard the vinegar story as fiction must not fasten the fiction on Livy, if, as I think, we may discern an allusion to it in Varro's Menippean Batires (Sesculizes, frag. 25, p. 237, of the 108 BOOK XXI. xxxvi. 1-6 enough ground even for this purpose, so much snow were they obliged to dig out and remove. The soldiers were then set to work to construct a road across the cliff—their only possible way, Since they had to cut through the rock, they felled some huge trees that grew near at hand, and lopping off their branches, made an enormous pile of logs. This they set on fire, as soon as the wind blew fresh enough to make it burn, and pouring vinegar over the glowing rocks, caused them to crumble. After thus heating the crag with fire, they opened a way in it with iron tools, and relieved the steepness of the slope with zigzags of an easy gradient, so that not only the baggage animals but even the elephants could be led down.! Four days were consumed at the cliff, and the animals nearly perished of starvation; for the mountain tops are all practically bare, and such grass as does grow is buried under snow.? Lower down one comes to valleys and sunny slopes and rivulets, and near them woods, and places that begin to be fitter for man's habitation. There the beasts were turned out to graze, and the men, exhausted with toiling at the road, were allowed to rest. Thence they descended in three days' time Buecheler-Heraeus edition: alteram viam deformasse Car- neaden virtutis e cupia acris aceti), and it was probably an old and popular tradition long before the time of Varro, who died in 27 8.0. For recent discussion of the story see the article by Evan T. Sage in C. IW. 16 (1992-1923) 73—76, and notes of modern instances by other contributors to the same volume. * Polybius (111. lv. 7) says that the pack-animals and horses were sent over the road after one day's work had been done, and turned out to pasture, but that three days were employed in making it sufficiently wide for the elephanta. 109 === leaf 72 [EN] === 0.0 536 t2 e an 6 7 LIVY ad planum descensum iam et! locis mollioribus et accolarum ingeniis. XXXVIII. Hoc maxime modo in Italiam perven- tum est, quinto mense a Carthagine nova, ut quidam auctores sunt, quinto decimo die Alpibus superatis. Quantae copiae transgresso in Italiam Hannibali fuerint nequaquam inter auctores constat. Qui plurimum, centum milia peditum viginti equitum fuisse scribunt; qui minimum, viginti milia peditum sex equitum. L. Cincius Alimentus, qui captum se ab Hannibale scribit, maxime auctor moveret, nisi confunderet numerum Gallis Liguribusque additis : cum his octoginta milia peditum, decem equitum adducta—in Italia magis adfluxisse veri simile est, et ita quidam auctores sunt;—ex ipso autem audisse Hannibale, postquam Rhodanum transierit, triginta sex milia horninum ingentemque numerum equorum et aliorum iumentorum amisisse. Taurini Galli? proxima gens erat in Italiam degresso. ld cum inter omnes constet, eo magis miror ambigi, quanam Alpes transierit, et volgo credere Poenino—atque inde nomen ei iugo Alpium inditum—transgressum, Coelium per Cremonis iugum dicere transisse ; qui 1 iam et Crévier: eciam C : et iam M. 3 Taurini Galli ¢: taurinis ne galli C1 M!: taurinis gallie C*: taurinis quae gallis M, 1 So Polybius (111. lvi. 4), who says that these numbers were given by Hannibal himself in an inscription at Lacinium. * Praetor in Sicily, 2)0 5.0. He and Fabius Pictor were contemporaries and were Livy's oldest sources. 3 Polybius (111. lv. 5) says that Hannibal left the Rhone with thirty-eight thousand infantry and eight thousand cavalry, and lost more than half his troops crossing the passes. 110 BOOK XXI. xxxvu. 6-xxxvni. 7 forbidding, as was the character of its inhabitants. XXXVIII. Such were the chief features of the march to Italy, which they accomplished five months after leaving New Carthage—as certain authorities state— having crosscd the Alps in fifteen days. The strength of Hannibal's forces on his entering Italy is a point on which historians are by no means agreed. Those who put the figures highest give him a hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse; the lowest estimate is twenty thousand foot and six thousand horse.! Lucius Cincius Alimentus,* who says that he was taken prisoner by Hannibal, would be our weightiest authority, did he not con- fuse the reckoning by adding in Gauls and Ligurians : including these, he says that Hannibal brought eighty thousand foot and ten thousand horse—but it is more probable, and certain historians so hold, that these people joined his standard in Italy; he says, moreover, that he had learned from Hannibal's own lips that after crossing the Rhone he lost thirty- six thousand men and a vast number of horses and other animals? The Taurine Gauls were the first people he encountered on descending into Italy. Since all are agreed on this point,* I am the more astonished at the difference of opinion in regard to his route over the Alps, and that it should be commonly held that he crossed by the Poenine Pass 5 and that from this circumstance that ridge of the Alps derived its name—and that Coelius should state that he crossed by the ridge of Cremo;® for * It is a moot question whether Polybius shared this view. 5 The Great St. Bernard. * Perhaps the Little St. Bernard, III === leaf 73 [EN] === LIVY BOOK XXI. xxxvin. 7-xxxix. 4 avc. — ambo saltus eum non in Taurinos sed per Salassos ! 8 Montanos ad Libuos Gallos deduxissent Nec veri both these passes would have brought him down, s. 218 not amongst the Taurini but through the Salassi simile est ea tum ad Galliam patuisse itinera ; utique quae ad Poeninum ferunt obsaepta gentibus Semi- 9 germanis fuissent. Neque hercule montibus his, si quem forte id movet, ab transitu Poenorum ullo Seduni Veragri? incolae iugi eius, nomen norint * inditum, sed ab eo quem in summo sacratum vertice Poeninum montani appellant. XXXIX. Peropportune ad principia rerum Tauri- nis, proximae genti, adversus Insubres motum bellum erat. Sed armare exercitum Hannibal, ut parti alteri auxilio esset, in reficiendo maxime sentientem 2 contracta ante mala, non poterat; otium enim 5 ex labore, copia ex inopia, cultus ex inluvie tabeque squalida et prope efferata corpora varie movebat. 3 Ea P. Cornelio consuli causa fuit, cum Pisas navibus venisset, exercitu a Manlio Atilioque accepto tirone et in novis ignominiis trepido ad Padum festinandi, ut cum hoste nondum refecto manus consereret. Sed cum Placentiam consul venit, iam ex stativis 1 Salassos (or Salyas) Lipsius: saltus C!M*: saltus alios (but alios is erased) C* : saltos M?. : 3 deduxissent ¢: si duxerit (before erasure) C!: duxerit (after erasure) C*? : deduxerint M. ? Seduni Veragri (or Sedunoveragri) Gronovius: seduno uelacri CM: Seduni vel Veragri Lipswis * nomen norint Frigell: norint. nomen ¢: norint. CM: nomen ferunt, Madvig. 5 enim ¢: erat enim CM. 1 Livy means Cisalpine Gaul; he is writing from Hannibal's standpoint. II2 Montani to the Libuan Gauls. Neither is it probable that these routes to Gaul! were open at that time ; those leading to the Poenine Pass, at any rate, would have been blocked by tribes of half-German stock. Nor for that matter—if anyone happens to consider this point of consequence—do the Seduni Veragri, who inhabit those mountains, know of their having been named from any passage of the Phoenicians (or Poeni) but from that deity whose sanctuary is estab- lished on their very summit and whom the moun taineers call Poeninus.? XXXIX. Quite opportunely for the opening of the campaign, the Taurini, the nearest tribe, had begun a war against the Insubres. But Hannibal was unable to put an army in the field to aid the Insubres, as the soldiers while convalescing felt more keenly than ever the distress arising from the hardships they had undergone ; for rest coming after toil, plenty after want, comfort atter filth and wet, produced all manner of disorders in their squalid and well-nigh brutalized bodies. This was the reason why the consul Publius Cornelius, who had come by sea to Pisa, though the army which he received from Manlius and Atilius was made up of raw recruits, still quaking from their recent defeats, yet marched in all haste towards the Po, that he might join battle with an enemy not yet restored to vigour. But when the consul reached Placentia, Hannibal 3 Coins and votive offerings have been discovered there, and the remains of the little temple of the god, who was apparently the Juppiter Poeninus of certain extant in- scriptions, 113 === leaf 74 [EN] === LIVY moverat Hannibal Taurinorumque unam urbem, caput gentis eius, quia volentes in amicitiam non 5 veniebant, vi expugnarat ; at iunxisset? sibi non metu solum, sed etiam voluntate Gallos accolas Padi, ni eos cireumspectantes defectionis tempus subito adventu 6 consul oppressisset. Et Hannibal movit ex Taurinis, incertos quae pars sequenda esset Gallos praesentem secuturos esse ratus. 7 lam prope in conspectu erant exercitus, convene- rantque duces, sicuti inter se nondum satis noti ita iam imbutus uterque quadam admiratione alterius. 8 Nam et Hannibalis? apud Romanos iam ante Sangunti excidium celeberrimum nomen erat, et Scipionem Hannibal eo ipso quod adversus se dux potissimum 9 lectus esset praestantem virum credebat ; et auxerant inter se opinionem, Scipio, quod relictus in Gallia obvius fuerat in Italiam transgresso Hannibali, Hannibal* et conatu tam audaci traiciendarum Alpium et effectu. 10 — Occupavit tamen Scipio Padum traicere, et ad Ticinum amnem motis castris, priusquam educeret in aciem, adhortandorum militum causa talem orationem est exorsus : XL. *Si eum exercitum, milites, educerem in aciem quem in Gallia mecum habui, supersedissem 1 volentes . . . veniebant ¢: uolentis ueniebat CM 3 at iunxisset Foster: ac iunxisset Weissenborn : et iunxis- set Alschefski: iunxisset CM. 3 et Hannibalis Madvig : Hannibalis et CM. * Hannibali, Hannibal Gronovius: Hannibali (-i erased in O)CM. 114 BOOK XXI. xxxix. 4-xL. 1 of the Taurini by assault, because they would not freely come into his friendship. On the other hand, he would have brought the Gauls who dwell along the Po to join him, not alone from fear but even of their own free choice, had not the consul taken them by surprise, appearing unexpectedly whilst they were looking about them for a pretext to revolt. Hannibal, too, moved forward from the Taurini, being persuaded that the Gauls, uncertain which side they had best adhere to, would attach themselves to those who were on the spot. The armies were now almost within sight of each other, and the opposing generals, though as yet they did not know one another well, had yet each been imbued with a kind of admiration for his antagonist. For Hannibals name had been very renowned amongst the Romans, even before the destruction of Saguntum, and Scipio was a man of mark in the eyes of Hannibal, from the mere fact of his having been selected, in preference to any other, to command against himself. Each had increased the other's good opinion— Scipio, because, though left behind in Gaul, he had confronted Hannibal at his crossing over into Italy; Hannibal by the audacity with which he had conceived and executed his passage of the Alps. Scipio, however, was the first to cross the Po. He brought his army up to the river Ticinus, and in order to put heart into the men before leading them out to fight, harangued them after the following fashion : XL. “Soldiers, if I were leading into battle the army that I had under me in Gaul, I should have 115 === leaf 75 [EN] === LIVY Avo 2 loqui apud vos; quid enim adhortari referret aut eos equites, qui equitatum hostium ad Rhodanum flumen egregie vicissent, aut eas legiones cum quibus fugientem hunc ipsum hostem secutus confessionem cedentis cedentis ac_detractantis certamen pro 3 victoria habui? Nunc, quia ille exercitus, Hispaniae provinciae scriptus, ibi cum fratre Cn. Scipione meis auspiciis rem gerit, ubi eum gerere senatus populus- 4 que Romanus voluit. ego, ut consulem ducem adver- sus Hannibalem ac Poenos haberetis, ipse me huic voluntario certamini obtuli, novo imperatori apud novos milites pauca verba facienda sunt. 5 “Ne genus belli neve hostem ignoretis, cum iis est vobis, milites, pugnandum quos terra marique priore bello vicistis, a quibus stipendium per viginti annos exegistis, a quibus capta? belli praemia Siciliam ac 6 Sardiniam habetis, Erit igitur in hoc certamine is vobis illisque animus qui victoribus et victis esse solet. Nec nunc illi quia audent sed quia necesse 7 est pugnaturi sunt; nisi creditis qui exercitu incolumi pugnam detractavere, eos duabus partibus peditum equitumque i in transitu Alpium amissis? 8 plus spei nactos esse. At enim pauci quidem sunt, sed vigentes animis corporibusque, quorum robora 9 ac vires vix sustinere vis ulla possit. Effigies immo, —— 1 egregie vicissent edd. : aegre evicissent C M. * a quibus capta edd. : quibus capta CM ? amissis Grucer: amissis qui plures paene perierint quam supersunt C M. 116 BOOK XXI. xz. 1-9 point would there have been in exhorting either those horsemen who at the river Rhone had signally defeated the horsemen of the enemy, or those legions with which I pursued this very enemy in his flight, and by the confession implied in his with- drawal and avoidance of a battle, gained a virtual victory? As it is, since that army, enrolled for service in Spain, is campaigning there under my auspices with my brother Gnaeus Scipio, where the senate and the Roman People desired that it should serve, and I myself, that you might have a consul for your leader against Hannibal] and the Phoenicians, have of my own choice undertaken the present conflict, it is right that your new commander should say a word or two to his new soldiers. “That you may not be ignorant what manner of war it is, or what your enemies are, you are to fight, my men, with those whom you defeated in the former war, on land and sea; with those from whom you exacted tribute for twenty years; with those from whom you wrested Sicily and Sardinia, which you now hold as the spoils of war. You and they will therefore enter the present struggle with such spirits as usually attend the victors and the vanquished. Nor are they now going to fight because they dare, but because they must ; unless you think that those who avoided battle when their strength was unimpaired would, now that they have lost two-thirds of their infantry aud cavalry in the passage of the Alps, have become more hopeful! But, you will say, their numbers indeed are small, but their courage and vigour are so great that scarce any force could withstand their might and power. Nay, notso! They 117 === leaf 76 [EN] === LIVY umbrae hominum, fame frigore, inluvie squalore enecti, contusi ac debilitati inter saxa xa rupesque ; ad bali artus, nive rigentes nervi, membra torpidal gelu, quassata fractaque arma, , claudi ac 10 debiles equi. Cum hoc equite, cum hoc pedite pugnaturi estis; reliquias extremas hostis non hostem habetis. Ac nihil magis vereor quam ne, cum vos? pugnaveritis, Alpes vicisse Hannibalem 11 videantur. Sed ita forsitan decuit, cum foederum ruptore duce ac populo deos ipsos sine ulla humana ope committere ac profligare bellum, nos, qui secun- dum deos violati sumus, commissum ac profligatum conficere. XLI. * Non vereor ne quis me haec vestri adhor- tandi causa magnifice loqui existimet, ipsum aliter 2 animo adfectum esse. Licuit in Hispaniam, pro- vinciam meam, quo iam profectus eram, cum exercitu ire meo, ubi et fratrem consilii participem ac periculi socium haberem et Hasdrubsfem ^ potius quam Hannibalem hostem et minorem haud dubie molem 3 belli; tamen, cum praeterveherer navibus Galltáe oram, ad famam huius hostis in terram egressus praemisso equitatu ad Rhodanum movi castra. 4 Equestri proelio, qua parte copiarum conserendi manum fortuna data est, hostem fudi: peditum agmen, quod in modum fugientium raptim agebatur, quia adsequi terra non poteram, regressus ad naves,® quanta maxime potui celeritate tanto maris terra- ! torpida Lipsius: torrida CM. cuit ne, cum vos Madvig: nec umquam uos cum * regressus ad naves (navis) Luchs (=): neque regressus ad navis erat C M. 118 BOOK XXI. x1. g-xui. 4 away with hunger and cold, with filth and squalor; bruised and crippled amongst the rocks and cliffs; moreover, their limbs are frost-bitten, their muscles stiffened by the snow, their bodies numb with cold, their arms shattered and broken, their horses lame and feeble. That is the cavalry, that the infantry with which you are to fight; you have no enemy— only the last relics of an enemy! And I fear nothing more than this, that when you have fought, it may seem to have been the Alps that conquered Hannibal. But perhaps it was right that the gods themselves, without any human aid, should begin and decide a war with a general and a people who break their treaties; and that we, whose injury was second to that of the gods, should add the finishing stroke to a war already so begun and so decided. XLI. *I am not afraid that anyone may suppose that I am using these brave words to encourage you, but that in my heart I think otherwise. It was open to me to proceed with my army to my own province, Spain, for which I had already started ; I might there have had a brother to share my counsels and my dangers, and Hasdrubal instead of Hannibal for my enemy, and a war undoubtedly less difficult to conduct; nevertheless, when rumours of this enemy reached me, as I sailed along by the coast of Gaul, I landed, and sending my cavalry ahead, moved my camp up to the Rhone. In a cavalry engagement—for this was the arm with which I was given the opportunity of fighting—I put the enemy to rout: his infantry column, marching hastily off as if in flight, I could not overtake by land; return- ing therefore to my ships I accomplished with all 119 === leaf 77 [EN] === LIVY rumque circuitu, in radicibus prope Alpium huic 6 timendo hosti obvius fui. Utrum, cum declinarem certamen, improvidus ! incidisse videor an occurrere in vestigiis eius, lacessere ac trahere ad decernen- 6 dum? Experiri iuvat utrum alios repente Carthagi- nienses per viginti annos terra ediderit, an idem sint qui ad Aegates pugnaverunt insulas et quos ab 7 Eryce duodevicenis denariis aestimatos emisistis, et utrum Hannibal hic sit aemulus itinerum Herculis, ut ipse fert, an vectigalis stipendiariusque et servus 8 populi Romani a patre relictus. Quem nisi Sagun- tinum scelus agitaret, respiceret profecto si non patriam victam domum certe patremque et 9 foedera Hamilcaris scripta manu, qui iussus ab consule nostro praesidium deduxit ab Eryce, qui graves impositas victis Carthaginiensibus leges fremens maerensque accepit, qui decedens Sicilia 1 vos ego, milites, non eo solum animo quo adversus alios hostes soletis pugnare velim, sed cum indigna- tione quadam atque ira, velut si servos videatis vestros arma repente contra vos ferentes. Licuit ad Erycem clausos ultimo supplicio humanorum,? fame interficere ; licuit victricem classem in Africam traicere —_ 1 improvidus Thomann: inprouisus CM. * humanorum CM : humano (or suppliciorum humanorum) Gustafsson. 1 The First Punic War had ended in 241 s.c. * Hercules was fabled to have crossed the Alps on his return from the island Erythea with the cattle of Geryon. Livy has alluded to this story before (1. vii. 3 and v, xxxiv. 6). 120 BOOK XXI. xu. 4-11 and am come to confront this redoubtable enemy almost at the very foot of the Alps. Does it look as though I were avoiding battle and had blundered upon him unawares? or, rather, as though I were in hot haste to encounter him and to provoke and bait him into fighting? I would willingly make trial whether the earth has suddenly produced in the last twenty years! another breed of Carthaginians, or whether they are the same who fought at the Aegatian islands and whom you suffered to depart from Eryx at a rating of eighteen denarii a head; and whether our friend Hannibal is a rival, as he himself would have it, of the wandering Hercules,? or has been left to the Roman People by his father to be their tributary, tax-payer, and slave. Were he not maddened by the crime he committed at Sagun- tum, he would surely have regard, if not for his conquered country, yet at least for his house and his father and the treaties written by the hand of Hamilcar, who, under the orders of our consul, withdrew his garrison from Eryx; who submitted with rage and anguish to the heavy terms imposed upon the beaten Carthaginians; who agreed, on withdrawing from Sicily, to pay tribute to the Roman People. And so I could wish you, soldiers, to fight not only with that courage with which you are wont to fight against other enemies, but with a kind of resentful rage, as if you saw your slaves all at once take up arms against you. When we had shut them up at Eryx, we might have killed them by starvation, the worst torment that man can know; we might have dispatched our victorious fleet to Africa, and in a few days’ time, without 12!