w 

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%-U^.  Ccr^  Q^/JU^ . 


THE 


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EPIDEMICS 


THE     MIDDLE     AGES. 


FROM    THE    GERMAN    OF 

J.  F.  C.  HEOKEH,   M.D. 

PROFESSOR    AT    THE    FKEDEKICK    AVILLIAM'S    UNIVERSITY    AT    BERLIN, 

AND   MEMBER   OF   VAHIOUS   LEARNED   SOCIETIES   IN 

ALBANY,    BERLIN,    BONN,    COPENHAGEN,    DIJON,    DRESDEN,    ERLANGEN,    HANAT7, 

HEIDELBERG,    LEIPZIG,    LONDON,    LYONS,    MARSEILLES,    METZ,    NAPLES, 

NEW    YORK,    OFFENBURG,    PHILADELPHIA,    STOCKHOLM, 

TOULOUSE,    WARSAW,    AND   ZURICH. 


TRANSLATED    BY 

B.  G.  BABINaTON,  M.D.,  F.R.S., 


%Ux^  (35Mtion, 


COMPLETED  BY  IHE  ArinOE  S  TREATISE 


CHILD-PILGRIMAGES. 


LONDON: 
TRUBNER   &    CO.,    60,    PATERNOSTER    ROW. 

1859. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2008  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/epidemicsofmiddlOOheck 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  READER. 


This  Volume  is  one  of  the  Series  published  by  the  vSydenham 
Society,  and,  as  such,  originally  issued  to  its  members  only.  The 
work  having  gone  out  of  print,  this  new  edition — the  third — has 
been  undertaken  by  the  present  proprietors  of  the  Copyright, 
with  the  view  not  only  of  meeting  the  numerous  demands  from 
the  class  to  which  it  was  primarily  addressed  by  its  learned  author, 
but  also  for  extending  its  circulation  to  the  general  reader,  to 
whom  it  had,  heretofore,  been  all  but  inaccessible,  owing  to  the, 
peculiar  mode  of  its  publication,  and  to  whom,  it  is  believed,  it 
will  be  very  acceptable  on  account  of  the  great  and  growing 
interest  of  its  subject  matter,  and  the  elegant  and  successful  treat- 
ment thereof.  The  volume  is  a  verbatim  reprint  from  the  second 
edition ;  but  its  value  has  been  enhanced  by  the  addition  of  a 
paper  on  " Child-Pilgrimages, "-^never  before  translated, — and  the 
present  edition  is  therefore  the  first  and  only  one  in  the  English 
language,  which  contains  all  the  contributions  of  Dr.  Hecker  to 
the  History  of  Medicine.  • 


TEUBXEE  AND   CO. 


60,  Paternoster  Roto,  London, 
October  1,  1859. 


2056291 


CiENEEAL  PEEFACE. 


The  Council  of  the  Sydenham  Society  having  deemed  Hecker's 
three  treatises  on  different  Epidemics  occurring  in  the  Middle 
Ages  worthy  of  being  collected  into  a  volume,  and  laid  before  its 
members  in  an  English  dress,  I  have  felt  much  pleasure  in  pre- 
senting them  with  the  copyright  of  the  Black  Death  ;  in  negociat- 
ing  for  them  the  purchase  of  that  of  the  Dancing  INIania, 
whereof  I  could  resign  only  my  share  of  a  joint  interest ;  and,  in 
preparing  for  the  press  these  productions,  together  with  a  trans- 
lation, now  for  the  first  time  made  public,  of  the  Sweating 
Sickness.  This  last  work,  from  its  greater  length,  and  from  the 
immediate  relation  of  its  chief  subject  to  our  own  country,  may  be 
considered  the  most  interesting  and  important  of  the  series. 

Professor  Hecker  is  generally  acknowledged  to  be  the  most 
learned  medical  historian,  and  one  of  the  most  able  medical 
writers  in  Germany.  His  numerous  works  suffice  to  show  not 
only  with  what  zeal  he  has  laboured,  but  also  how  higbly  his 
labours  have  been  appreciated  by  his  countrymen ;  and  when  I 
state  that,  with  one  trifling  exception,  they  have  all  been  trans- 
lated into  other  languages,  I  furnish  a  fair  proof  of  the  estima- 
tion in  which  they  are  held  in  foreign  countries ;  and,  so  far  at 
least  as  regards  the  originals,  a  full  justification  of  the  Council 
of  the  Sydenham  Society  in  their  choice  on  the  present  occasion. 

The  "  Schwarze  Tod,"  or  "  Black  Death,"  was  published  in 
1832 ;  and  I  was  prompted  to  undertake  its  translation,  from  a 
belief  that  it  would  prove  interesting  at  a  moment  when  another 
fearful  epidemic,  the  Cholera,  with  which  it  admitted  of  com- 
parison in  several  particulars,  was  fresh  in  the  memory  of  men. 
The  "  Tanzwuth,"  or  "  Dancing  Mania,"  came  out  shortly  after- 
wards ;  and,  as  it  appeared  to  me  that,  though  relating  to  a  less 
terrific  visitation,  it  possessed  an  equal  share  of  interest,  and, 
holding  a  kind  of  middle  place  between  a  physical  and  a  moral 


VI  GENEKAL    PREFACE. 

pestilence,  furnished  subject  of  contemplation  for  the  general  as 
well  as  the  professional  reader,  I  determined  on  adding  it  also  to 
our  common  stock  of  medical  literature.  When  the  "  Englische 
Schweiss,"  or  "  Sweating  Sickness,"  which  contained  much  col- 
lateral matter  little  known  in  England,  and  which  completed  the 
history  of  the  principal  epidemics  of  the  middle  ages,  appeared 
in  1834,  I  proceeded  to  finish  my  task  ;  but  failing  in  the  accom- 
plishment of  certain  arrangements  connected  with  its  publication, 
I  laid  aside  my  translation  for  the  time,  under  a  hope,  which  has 
at  length  been  fulfilled,  that  at  some  future  more  auspicious 
moment,  it  might  yet  see  the  light. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  author,  in  thus  taking  up 
the  history  of  three  of  the  most  important  epidemics  of  the 
middle  ages,  although  he  has  illustrated  them  by  less  detailed 
notices  of  several  others,  considers  that  he  has  exhausted  his  sub- 
ject ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  his  belief,  that,  in  order  to  come  at 
the  secret  springs  of  these  general  morbific  influences,  a  most 
minute  as  well  as  a  most  extended  survey  of  them,  such  as  can 
be  made  only  by  the  united  efforts  of  many,  is  required.  He 
would  seem  to  aim  at  collecting  together  such  a  number  of  facts, 
from  the  medical  history  of  all  countries  and  of  all  ages,  as  may 
at  length  enable  us  to  deal  with  epidemics  in  the  same  way  as 
Louis  has  dealt  with  individual  diseases  ;  and  thus  by  a  numerical 
arrangement  of  data,  together  with  a  just  consideration  of  their 
relative  value,  to  arrive  at  the  discovery  of  general  laws.  The 
present  work,  therefore,  is  but  one  stone  of  an  edifice,  for  the 
construction  of  which  he  invites  medical  men  in  all  parts  of  the 
world  to  furnish  materials.^ 

Whether  the  information  which  could  be  collected  even  by  the 
most  diligent  and  extensive  research  would  prove  sufficiently  co- 
pious and  accurate  to  enable  us  to  pursue  this  method  with  com- 
plete success,  may  be  a  matter  of  doubt ;  but  it  is  at  least 
j)robable,  that  many  valuable  facts,  now  buried  in  oblivion,  would 
thus  be  brought  to  light ;  and  the  incidental  results,  as  often 
occurs  in  the  pursuit  of  science,  might  prove  as  serviceable  as 
those  which  were  the  direct  object  of  discovery.  Of  what  im- 
mense importance,  for  instance,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  would 
a  general  knowledge  have  been  of  the  simple  but  universal  cir- 

1  I  might  here  enlarge  on  the  general  importance  of  the  study  of  epidemics ;  but 
this  has  been  so  fully  set  forth  in  the  author's  Address  to  the  Physicians  of  Germany, 
which  immediately  follows,  as  well  as  in  the  Preface  to  the  Sweating  Sickness,  at  p.  164, 
that  any  further  observations  on  this  subject  would  be  superfluous  on  my  part. 


GENERAL    PREFACE.  yil 

curastance,  that  in  all  severe  epidemics,  from  the  time  of  Thucy- 
dides  1  to  the  present  day,  a  false  suspicion  has  been  entertained 
by  the  vulgar,  that  the  springs  or  provisions  have  been  poisoned, 
or  the  air  infected,  by  some  supposed  enemies  to  the  common  weal. 
How  many  thousands  of  innocent  lives  would  thus  have  been 
spared,  which  were  barbarously  sacrificed  under  this  absurd  notion ! 

AYhether  Hecker's  call  for  aid  in  his  undertaking  has,  in  any 
instance,  been  answered  by  the  physicians  of  Germany,  I  know 
not ;  but  he  will  be  as  much  pleased  to  learn,  as  I  am  to  inform 
him,  that  it  was  the  perusal  of  the  "  Black  Death  "  which  sug- 
gested to  Dr.  Simpson  of  Edinburgh  the  idea  of  collecting  ma- 
terials for  a  history  of  the  Leprosy,  as  it  existed  in  Great  Britain 
during  the  middle  ages  ;  and  that  this  author's  very  learned  and 
interesting  antiquarian  researches  on  that  subject,  as  published 
in  the  Edinburgh  Medical  and  Surgical  Journal,  have  been  the 
valuable,  and,  I  trust,  will  not  prove  the  solitary  result. 

As  the  three  treatises,  now  comprised  for  the  first  time  under 
the  title  of  "  The  Epidemics  of  the  Middle  Ages,"  came  out  at 
different  periods,  I  have  thought  it  best  to  prefix  to  each  the 
original  preface  of  the  author  ;  and  to  the  two  which  have  already 
been  published  in  English,  that  of  the  translator  also ;  while 
Hecker's  Address  to  the  Phj'sicians  of  Germany,  although  written 
before  the  publication  of  the  "Englische  Schweiss,"  forms  an  ap- 
propriate substitute  for  an  author's  general  preface  to  the  whole 
volume. 

At  the  end  of  the  "Black  Death,"  I  had  originally  given,  as 
No.  III.  of  the  Appendix,  some  copious  extracts  from  Caius' 
"  Boke  or  Counseill  against  the  Disease  commonly  called  the 
Sweate  or  Sweatyng  Sicknesse ; "  but  this  little  treatise  is  so 
characteristic  of  the  times  in  which  it  is  written,  so  curious,  so 
short,  and  so  very  scarce,^  that  I  have  thought  it  worth  while, 
with  the  permission  of  the  council  of  our  Society,  to  reprint  it 
entire,  and  to  add  it  in  its  more  appropriate  place,  as  an  Appendix 
to  the  Sweating  Sickness. 

'  ioffrt  Kai  iXexGrj  vn  avriLv  wr  o'l  TliXoTTOVvfiffioi  0ap/xaiea  s(r(3f(!i\r}K0ttv  fQ  ru 
0p£ara.  Thucyd.  Hist.  B.  ii.  49.  "  The  disease  was  attributed  by  the  people  to  poi- 
son, and  nothing  apparently  could  be  more  authentic  than  the  reports  that  were  spread 
of  miscreants  taken  in  the  act  of  putting  poisonous  drugs  into  the  food  and  drink  of  the 
common  people."  Observations  on  the  Cholera  in  St.  Petersburg,  p.  9,  by  G.  W. 
Lefevre,  M.D.  8vo.  1831. 

-  Only  two  copies  are  known  to  exist,  one  in  the  British  Museum,  and  one  in  the 
library  of  the  College  of  Physicians. 


ADDRESS 


TO   THE 


PHYSICIANS   OF   GERMANY. 

By  J.  F.  C.  HECKER. 


It  has  long  been  my  earnest  desire  to  address  my  honoured  col- 
leagues, especially  those  with  whom  I  feel  myself  connected  by 
congeniality  of  sentiment,  in  order  to  impress  on  them  a  subject 
in  which  science  is  deeply  interested,  and  which,  according  to  the 
direct  evidence  of  Nature  herself,  is  one  of  the  most  exalted  and 
important  that  can  be  submitted  to  the  researches  of  the  learned. 
I  allude  to  the  investigation  of  Epidemic  Diseases,  on  a  scale  com- 
mensurate with  the  extent  of  our  exertions  in  other  departments, 
and  worthy  of  the  age  in  which  we  live.  It  is,  with  justice,  re- 
quired of  medical  men,  since  their  sole  business  is  with  life,  that 
they  should  regard  it  in  a  right  point  of  view.  They  are  expect- 
ed to  have  a  perception  of  life,  as  it  exists  individually  and  collect- 
ively: in  the  former,  to  bear  in  mind  the  general  system  of  crea- 
tion ;  in  the  latter,  to  demonstrate  the  connexion  and  signification 
of  the  individual  phenomena, — to  discern  the  one  by  the  aid  of 
the  other,  and  thus  to  penetrate,  with  becoming  reverence,  into 
the  sanctuary  of  cosmical  and  microcosmical  science.  This  ex- 
pectation is  not  extravagant,  and  the  truth  of  the  principles 
which  the  medical  explorer  of  nature  deduces  from  it,  is  so  ob- 
vious, that  it  seems  scarcely  possible  that  any  doubts  should  be 
entertained  on  the  subject. 

Yet  we  may  ask.  Has  medical  science  as  it  exists  in  our  days, 
with  all  the  splendour  which  surrounds  it,  with  all  the  perfection 
of  which  it  boasts,  satisfied  this  demand  ?  This  question  we  are 
obliged  to  answer  in  the  negative. 

Let  us  consider  only  the  doctrine  of  diseases,  which  has  been 
cultivated  since  the  commencement  of  scientific  study.      It  has 


ADDRESS   TO   THE    PHYSICIANS    OF   GERMANY.  IX 

grown  up  amid  the  illumination  of  knowledge  and  the  gloom  of 
ignorance ;  it  has  been  nurtui*ed  by  the  storms  of  centuries  ;  its 
monuments  of  ancient  and  modern  times  cannot  be  numbered, 
and  it  speaks  clearly  to  the  initiated,  in  the  languages  of  all  (jivil- 
ized  nations.  Yet,  hitherto,  it  has  given  an  account  only  of  in- 
dividual diseases,  so  far  as  the  human  mind  can  discern  their 
nature.  In  this  it  has  succeeded  admirably,  and  its  success  be- 
comes every  year  greater  and  more  extensive. 

But  if  we  extend  our  inquiries  to  the  diseases  of  nations,  and 
of  the  whole  human  race,  science  is  mute,  as  if  it  were  not  her 
province  to  take  cognizance  of  them  ;  and  shows  us  only  an  im- 
measurable and  unexplored  country,  which  many  suppose  to  be 
merely  a  barren  desert,  because  no  one  to  whose  voice  they  are 
wont  to  listen,  gives  any  information  respecting  it.  Small  is  the 
number  of  those  who  have  traversed  it;  often  have  they  arrested 
their  steps,  filled  with  admiration  at  striking  phenomena ;  have 
beheld  inexhaustible  mines  waiting  only  for  the  hand  of  the  la- 
bourer, and,  from  contemplating  the  development  of  collective 
organic  life,  which  science  nowhere  else  displays  to  them  on  so 
magnificent  a  scale,  have  experienced  all  the  sacred  joy  of  the 
naturalist  to  whom  a  higher  source  of  knowledge  has  been  open- 
ed. Yet  could  they  not  make  themselves  heard  in  the  noisy  tu- 
mult of  the  markets,  and  still  less  answer  the  innumerable  ques- 
tions directed  to  them  by  many,  as  from  one  mouth,  not  indeed  to 
inquire  after  the  truth,  but  to  obtain  a  confirmation  of  an  ancient- 
ly received  opinion,  which  originated  in  the  fifth  century  before 
our  era. 

Hence  it  is,  that  the  doctrine  of  epidemics,  surrounded  by  the 
other  flourishing  branches  of  medicine,  remains  alone  unfruitful — 
we  might  almost  say  stunted  in  its  growth.  For,  to  the  weighty 
opinions  of  Hippocrates,  to  the  doctrines  of  Fracastoro  which  con- 
tain the  experience  of  the  much-tried  Middle  Ages,  and  lastly  to 
the  observations  of  Sydenham,  only  trifling  and  isolated  facts 
have  been  added.  Beyond  these  facts  there  exist,  even  up  to  the 
present  times,  only  assumptions,  which  might,  long  since,  have 
been  reduced  to  their  original  nothingness,  had  that  serious  spirit 
of  inquiry  prevailed  which  comprehends  space  and  penetrates  ages. 

No  epidemic  ever  prevailed  during  which  the  need  of  more  ac- 
curate information  was  not  felt,  and  during  which  the  wish  of  the 
learned  was  not  loudly  expressed,  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
secret  springs  of  such  stupendous  engines  of  destruction.  Was 
the  disease  of  a  new  character  ? — the  spirit  of  inquiry  was  roused 

b 


X  ,  ADDRESS   TO    THE 

among  physicians ;  nor  were  the  most  eminent  of  them  over  de- 
ficient either  in  courage  or  in  zeal  for  investigation.  "When  the 
glandular  plague  first  made  its  appearance  as  an  universal  epi- 
demic, whilst  the  more  pusillanimous,  haunted  by  visionary  fears, 
shut  themselves  up  in  their  closets,  some  physicians  at  Constanti- 
nople, astonished  at  the  phenomenon,  opened  the  boils  of  the 
deceased.  The  like  has  occurred  both  in  ancient  and  modern 
times,  not  without  favourable  results  for  science ;  nay,  more  ma- 
tui-ed  views  excited  an  eager  desire  to  become  acquainted  with 
similar  or  still  greater  visitations  among  the  ancients ;  but  as 
later  ages  have  always  been  fond  of  referring  to  Grecian  antiquity, 
the  learned  of  those  times,  from  a  partial  and  meagre  predilection, 
were  contented  Avith  the  descriptions  of  Thucydides,  even  where 
nature  had  revealed,  in  infinite  diversity,  the  workings  of  her 
powers. 

These  researches,  if  indeed  they  deserved  that  name,  were  never 
scientific  or  comprehensive.  They  never  seized  but  upon  a  part, 
and  no  sooner  had'  the  mortality  ceased,  than  the  scarcely  awaken- 
ed zeal  relapsed  into  its  former  indifference  to  the  interesting  phe- 
nomena of  nature,  in  the  same  way  as  abstemiousness,  which  had 
ever  been  practised  during  epidemics,  only  as  a  constrained  virtue, 
gave  place,  as  soon  as  the  danger  was  over,  to  unbridled  indul- 
gence. This  inconstancy  might  almost  bring  to  our  mind  the 
pious  Byzantines  who,  on  the  shock  of  an  earthquake,  in  529, 
which  appeared  as  the  prognostic  of  the  great  epidemic,  prostrated 
themselves  before  their  altars  by  thousands,  and  sought  to  excel 
each  other  in  Christian  self-denial  and  benevolence  ;  but  no  sooner 
did  they  feel  the  ground  firm  beneath  their  feet,  than  they  again 
abandoned  themselves,  without  remorse,  to  all  the  vices  of  the 
metropolis.  May  I  be  pardoned  for  this  comparison  of  scientific 
zeal  with  other  human  excitements  ?  Alas  !  even  this  is  a  virtue 
which  few  practise  for  its  own  sake,  and  which,  with  the  multi- 
tude, stands  quite  as  much  in  need  as  any  other,  of  the  incentives 
of  fear  and  reward. 

But  we  are  constrained  to  acknowledge  that  among  our  medical 
predecessors,  these  incentives  were  scarcely  ever  sufficiently 
powerful  to  induce  them  to  leave  us  circumstantial  and  scientific 
accounts  of  contemporary  epidemics,  which,  nevertheless,  have, 
even  in  historical  times,  afflicted,  in  almost  numberless  visitations, 
the  whole  human  race.  Still  less  did  it  occur  to  them  to  take  a 
more  exalted  stand,  whence  they  could  comprehend  at  one  view 
these  stupendous  phenomena  of  organic  collective  life,  wherein 


PHYSICIANS    OF    GERMANY.  XI 

the  whole  spirit  of  humanity  powerfully  and  wonderfully  moves, 
and  thus  regai'd  them  as  one  whole,  in  which  higher  laws  of  na- 
ture, uniting  together  the  utmost  diversity  of  individual  parts, 
might  be  anticipated  or  perceived. 

Here  a  wide,  and  almost  unfathomable,  chasm  occurs  in  the 
science  of  medicine,  which,  in  this  age  of  mature  judgment  and 
multifarious  learning,  cannot,  as  formerly,  be  overlooked.  His- 
tory alone  can  fill  it  up ;  she  alone  can  give  to  the  doctrine  of 
diseases  that  importance  without  which  its  application  is  limited 
to  occurrences  of  the  moment ;  whereas  the  development  of  the 
phenomena  of  life,  during  extensive  periods,  is  no  less  a  problem 
of  research  for  the  philosopher,  who  makes  the  boundless  science 
of  nature  his  study,  than  the  revolutions  of  the  planet  on  which 
we  move.  In  this  region  of  inquiry  the  very  stones  have  a  lan- 
guage, and  the  inscriptions  are  yet  legible  which,  before  the  crea- 
tion of  man,  were  engraved  by  organic  life  in  wondrous  forms 
on  eternal  tablets.  Exalted  ideas  of  the  monuments  of  prima)val 
antiquity  are  here  excited,  and  the  forms  of  the  antemundane 
ways  and  creations  of  nature  are  conjured  up  from  the  iamost 
bosom  of  the  earth,  in  order  to  throw  their  bri^^ht  beaniinf]^  lio^ht 
upon  the  surface  of  the  present. 

Medicine  extends  not  so  far.  The  remains  of  animals  make  us 
indeed  acquainted,  even  now,  with  diseases  to  which  the  brute  crea- 
tion was  subject  long  ere  the  waters  overflowed,  and  the  moun- 
tains sunk  ;  but  the  investigation  which  is  our  more  immediate  ob- 
ject, scarcely  reaches  to  the  beginning  of  human  culture.  Records 
of  remote  and  of  proximate  eras  lie  before  us  in  rich  abundance. 
They  speak  of  the  deviations  and  destructions  of  human  life,  of 
exterminated  and  newly-formed  nations ;  thc}^  lay  before  us  stu- 
pendous facts,  which  we  are  called  upon  to  recognise  and  expound 
in  order  to  solve  this  exalted  problem.  If  physicians  cannot  boast 
of  having  unrolled  these  records  with  the  avidity  of  true  explorers 
of  Nature,  they  may  find  some  excuse  in  the  nature  of  the  inquiry 
— for  the  characters  are  dead,  and  the  si)irits  of  which  the}^  are 
the  magic  symbols,  manifest  themselves  only  to  him  who  knows 
how  to  adjure  them.  Epidemics  leave  no  corporeal  traces;  wlience 
their  history  is  perhaps  more  intellectual  than  the  science  of  the 
Geologist,  who,  on  his  side,  possesses  the  advantage  of  treating  ou 
subjects  which  strike  the  senses,  and  are  therefore  more  attract- 
ive,— such  as  the  impressions  of  plants  no  longer  extant,  and  the 
skeletons  of  lost  races  of  animals.  This,  however,  does  not  en- 
tirely exculpate  us  from  the  charge  of  neglecting  our  science,  in  a 

b2 


Xll  ADDRESS   TO    THE 

quarter  where  the  most  important  facts  are  to  be  unveiled.  It  is 
high  time  to  make  up  for  what  has  been  left  unaccomplished,  if 
we  would  not  remain  idle  and  mean-spirited  in  the  rear  of  other 
naturalists. 

I  was  animated  by  these  and  similar  reflections,  and  excited  too 
by  passing  events,  when  I  undertook  to  write  the  history  of  the 
"  Black  Death,"  With  some  anxiety,  I  sent  this  book  into  the 
world,  for  it  was  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  it  would  be  every- 
where received  with  indulgence,  since  it  belonged  to  a  hitherto 
unknown  department  of  historical  research,  the  utility  of  which 
might  not  be  obvious  in  our  practical  times.  Yet  I  soon  received 
encouragement,  not  only  from  learned  friends,  but  also  from  other 
men  of  distinguished  merit,  on  whose  judgment  I  placed  great  re- 
liance ;  and  thus  I  was  led  to  hope  that  it  was  not  in  vain,  and 
without  some  advantage  to  science,  that  I  had  unveiled  the  dismal 
picture  of  a  long-departed  age. 

This  work  I  have  followed  up  by  a  treatise  on  a  nervous  dis- 
order, which,  for  the  first  time,  appeared  in  the  same  century,  as 
an  epidemic,  with  symptoms  that  can  be  accounted  for  only  by  the 
spirit  of  the  Middle  Ages — symptoms  which,  in  the  manner  of 
the  diffusion  of  the  disease  among  thousands  of  people,  and  of  its 
propagation  for  more  than  two  centuries,  exercised  a  demoniacal 
influence  over  the  human  race,  yet  in  close,  though  uncongenial, 
alliance  with  kindlier  feelings.  I  have  prepared  materials  for 
various  other  subjects,  so  far  as  the  resources  at  my  disposal  ex- 
tend, and  I  may  hope,  if  circumstances  prove  favourable,  to 
complete,  by  degrees,  the  history  of  a  more  extensive  series  of 
Epidemics  on  the  same  plan  as  the  "  Black  Death,"  and  the 
"Dancing  Mania." 

Amid  the  accumulated  materials  which  past  ages  afibrd,  the 
powers  and  the  life  of  one  individual,  even  with  the  aid  of  pre- 
vious study,  are  insufiicient  to  complete  a  comprehensive  history 
of  Epidemics.  The  zealous  activity  of  many  must  be  exerted  if 
we  would  speedily  possess  a  work  which  is  so  much  wanted  in 
order  that  we  may  not  encounter  new  epidemics  with  culpable 
ignorance  of  analogous  phenomena.  How  often  has  it  appeared 
on  the  breaking  out  of  epidemics,  as  if  the  experience  of  so  many 
centuries  had  been  accumulated  in  vain.  Men  gazed  at  the  phe- 
nomena with  astonishment,  and  even  before  they  had  a  just  per- 
ception of  their  nature,  pronounced  their  opinions,  which,  as  they 
were  divided  into  strongly  opposed  parties,  they  defended  with  all 
tlie  ardour  of  zealots,  wholly  unconscious  of  the  majesty  of  all- 


PHYSICIANS    OF    GERMANY.  Xlll 

governing  nature.  In  the  descriptive  branches  of  natui'al  history, 
a  person  would  infallibly  expose  himself  to  the  severest  censure, 
who  should  attempt  to  describe  some  hitherto  unknown  natural 
production,  whether  animal  or  vegetable,  if  he  were  ignorant  of 
the  allied  genera  and  species,  and  perhaps  neither  a  botanist  nor 
zoologist ;  yet  an  analogous  ignorance  of  epidemics,  in  those  who 
nevertheless  discussed  their  nature,  but  too  frequently  occurred, 
and  men  were  insensible  to  the  justest  reproof.  Thus  it  has  ever 
been,  and  for  this  reason  we  cannot  apply  to  ourselves  in  this  de- 
partment the  significant  words  of  Bacon,  that  we  are  the  ancients, 
and  our  forefathers  the  moderns,  for  we  are  equally  remote  with 
them  from  a  scientific  and  comprehensive  knowledge  of  epidemics. 
This  might  and  ought  to  be  otherwise,  in  an  age  which,  in  other 
respects,  may,  with  justice,  boast  of  a  rich  diversity  of  knowledge, 
and  of  a  rapid  progress  in  the  natural  sciences. 

If  in  the  form  of  an  address  to  the  physicians  of  Germany,  I 
express  the  wish  to  see  such  a  melancholy  state  of  things  remedied, 
the  nature  of  the  subject  requires  that,  with  the  exception  of  the 
still  prevailing  Cholera,  remarkable  universal  epidemics  should  be 
selected  for  investigation.  They  form  the  grand  epochs,  accord- 
ing to  which  those  epidemics  which  are  less  extensive,  but  not,  on 
that  account,  less  worthy  of  observation,  naturally  range  them- 
selves. Far  be  it  from  me  to  recommend  any  fixed  series,  or  even 
the  plan  and  method  to  be  pursued  in  treating  the  subject.  It 
would,  perhaps,  be,  on  the  whole,  most  advantageous,  if  my  hon- 
oured Colleagues,  who  attend  to  this  request,  were  to  commence 
with  those  epidemics  for  which  they  possess  complete  materials, 
and  that  entirely  according  to  their  own  plan,  without  adopting 
any  model  for  imitation,  for  in  this  manner  simple  historical  truth 
will  be  best  elicited.  Should  it,  however,  be  found  impracticable 
to  furnish  historical  descriptions  of  entire  epidemics,  a  task  often  at- 
tended with  difiiculties,  interesting  fragments  of  all  kinds,  for 
which  there  are  rich  treasures  in  MSS.  and  scarce  works  in  vari- 
ous places,  would  be  no  less  welcome  and  useful  towards  the  great 
object  of  preparing  a  collective  history  of  epidemics. 

Up  to  the  present  moment,  it  might  almost  seem  that  the  most 
essential  preliminaries  are  wanting  for  the  accomplishment  of  such 
an  undertaking.  The  study  of  medical  history  is  everywhere  at 
a  low  ebb ; — in  France  and  England  scarcely  a  trace  remains,  to 
the  most  serious  detriment  of  the  whole  domain  of  medicine  ;  in 
Germany  too,  there  are  but  few  who  suspect  that  inexhaustible  stores 
of  instructive  truth  are  lying  dormant  within  their  power;  they 


XIV  ADDllESS    TO    THE    PHYSICIANS    OF    GERMANY. 

may,  pcrluips,  class  thom  among  theoretical  doctrines,  and  com- 
mend the  laborious  investigation  of  them  without  being  willing 
to  recognise  their  spirit.  None  of  the  Universities  of  Germany, 
whose  business  it  ought  to  be  to  provide,  in  this  respect,  for  the 
prosperity  of  the  inheritance  committed  to  their  charge,  can  boast 
a  Professor's  chair  for  the  History  of  Medicine;  nay,  in  many, 
it  is  so  entirely  unknown,  that  it  is  not  even  regarded  as  an  ob- 
ject of  secondary  importance,  so  that  it  is  to  be  apprehended  that 
the  fame  of  German  erudition  may,  at  least  in  medicine,  gradu- 
ally vanish,  and  our  medical  knowledge  become,  as  practical  in- 
deed, but  at  the  same  time  as  assuming,  as  mechanical,  and  as 
defective,  as  that  of  France  and  England,  Even  those  noble  in- 
stitutions, the  Academies,  in  which  the  spirit  of  the  eighteenth 
century  still  lingers,  and  wTiose  more  peculiar  province  it  is  to  ex- 
plore the  rich  pages  of  science,  have  not  entered  upon  the  history 
of  Epidemics,  and  by  their  silence  have  encouraged  the  unfound- 
ed and  injurious  supposition,  that  this  field  is  desolate  and  un- 
fruitful. 

All  these  obstacles  are  indeed  great,  but  to  determined  and 
persevering  exertion  they  are  not  insuperable ;  and,  though  we 
cannot  conceal  them  from  ourselves,  we  should  not  allow  them  to 
daunt  our  spirit.  There  is,  in  Germany,  a  sufficiency  of  intellect- 
ual power  to  overcome  them;  let  this  power  be  combined,  and 
exert  itself  in  active  co-operation.  Sooner  or  later  a  new  road 
must  be  opened  for  Medical  Science.  Should  the  time  not  yet 
liave  arrived,  I  have  at  least  endeavoured  to  discharge  my  duty, 
by  attempting  to  point  out  its  future  direction. 


CONTEiNTS. 


Ge>'eral  Preface 
Hecker's  Address 


THE  BLACK  DEATH. 


Translator's  Preface 
Preface 


General  Observations 
The  Disease 

Causes. — Spread 
Mortality 
Moral  Effects 
Physicians 


CHAPTER  I. 


CHAPTER  II. 


CHAPTER  III. 


CHAPTER  lA^ 


CHAPTER  V 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Appendix  : — 

I.  The  Ancient  Sona  of  tlie  Flacellants 


PAGE 
V 

.    viii 


XX 

xxiii 


11 


£0 


30 


47 


G4 


II.  Examination  of  the  Jews  accused  of  poisouiug  the  "Wells     70 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


THE  DANCING  MANIA. 


Preface 
Tbanslator's  Preface 


PAGE 

75 

76 


CHAPTER  I. 

DAKCIN&    MANIA    TN    GERMANY    AND    THE    NETHERLANDS. 

Sect.  1. — St.  John's  Dance 
2.— St.  Vitus's  Dance 
3. — Causes  .... 

4. — More  ancient  Dancing  Plagues 
5. — Physicians 
G. — Decline  and  Termination  of  the  Dancing  Plague 


80 
84 
87 
90 
92 
95 


CHAPTER  II. 

DANCING    MANIA    IN    ITALY. 

Sect.  1. — Tarautism     .... 
2. — Most  ancient  Traces. — Causes 
3. — Increase        .... 
4. — Idiosyncracies. — Music 
5. — Hysteria       .... 
6. — Decrease       .... 


99 
102 
107 
110 
117 
120 


CHAPTER  III. 

DANCING    MANIA    IN   ABYSSINIA. 


Sect.  1.— Tigretier 123 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Sympathy 


Appendix  : — 

I.  Extract  from  "  Vita  Gregorii  XI.,"  &c 

II.  Prom  "  Chronicon  Magnum,"  &c 

III.  Erom  "  die  Limburger  Chronik,"  &c.         .         .         .         . 

IV.  Erom  "die  Chronica  van  Coellen,"  &c.       .         .         .         . 
V.  Erom  "an  Account  of  Convulsive  Diseases  in  Scotland,"  &c. 

VI.  Music  for  the  Dance  of  the  Tarantati,  &c 


129 

143 
144 
145 
146 
147 
157 


CONTENTS. 


XVll 


THE  SWEATING  SICKNESS. 


Preface 


PAGE 

164 


CHAPTER  I. 

FIEST    VISITATION.    1485. 

Sect.' 1.— Eruption 167 

2.— The  Physicians 171 

3.— Causes 172 

4. — Other  Epidemics  .......  174 

5. — Richmond's  Army         .......  175 

6. — Nature  of  the  S^veating  Sickness. — Preliminary  Investi- 
gation ........  170 


CHAPTER  II. 

SECOND   VISITATION.    1506. 


Sect. 


1. — Mercenary  Troops 

.  179 

2. — New  Circumstances 

.  181 

3. — Sweating  Sickness         ..... 

.  182 

4. — Accompanying  Phenomena   .... 

.  183 

5. — Petechial  Eever  in  Italy,  1505 

.  184 

6. — Other  Diseases 

.  188 

7.— Blood  Spots 

.  190 

CHAPTER  III. 

TUIRD    VISITATION.    1517. 


Sect.  1. — Poverty 

2. — Sweating  Sickness 

3. — Causes 

4. — Habits  of  the  English 

5. — Contagion     . 

6. — Influenzas 

7.— Epidemics  of  1517 


.  193 
.  194 
.  196 
.  197 
.  199 
.  202 
.  207 


xvni 


CONTENTS. 


Sect.  1. 
o 

3. 

4.- 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

10. 

-  11. 

12. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

FOURTH    VISITATION.    1528,  1529. 

-Destructiou  of  the  Freuch  Army  before  Naples,  1528 
-Trousse-Galaut  in  France,  1528,  and  the  following  years 
-Sweating  Sickness  in  England,  1528 
-Natural  Occurrences. — Prognostics 
-Sweating  Sickness  in  Germany,  1529     . 

the  Netherlands 

Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway 


-Terror 

-Moral  Consequences 

-The  Physicians 

-Pamphlets 

-Porm  of  the  Disease 


PAGE 

212 
218 
221 
223 
228 
23G 
237 
239 
242 
245 
251 
258 


CHAPTER  y. 

riFTH    VISITATION.    1551. 


Sect.  1. — Irruption       ..... 
2. — Extension  and  Duration 
3. — Causes. — Natural  Phenomena 
4. — Diseases        .... 
5. — John  Kaye    .... 


209 
270 
273 
276 
279 


CHAPTER  VI. 


SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 

Sect.  1. — The  Cardiac  Disease  of  the  Ancients.  (Morbus  Cardiacus.)  284 
2. — The  Picardy  Sweat.     (Suette  des  Picards — Suette  Mi- 

liare.) 292 

3. — The  Roettingen  Sweating  Sickness         ....  301 

Chronological  Survey  ........  306 

Catalogue  of  "Works  referred  to  ......  313 

Appendix. — A  Boke,  or  Counseill  against  the  Disease  commouly 
called  the  Sweate,  or  Sweatyng  Sicknesse.  By 
Jhou  Caius .323 

Child-Pilgrimao'es 345 


THE  BLACK  DEATH. 


TRANSLATOR'S  PREFACE. 


In  reading  Dr.  Hecker's  account  of  the  Black  Death,  whicli  de- 
stroyed so  large  a  portion  of  the  human  race  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  I  was  struck,  not  only  with  the  peculiarity  of  the 
author's  views,  but  also  with  the  interesting  nature  of  the  facts 
which  he  has  collected.  Some  of  these  have  never  before  been 
made  generally  known,  while  others  have  passed  out  of  mind, 
being  effaced  from  our  memories  by  subsequent  events  of  a 
similar  kind,  which,  though  really  of  less  magnitude  and  import- 
ance, have,  in  the  perspective  of  time,  appeared  greater,  because 
they  have  occurred  nearer  to  our  own  days. 

Dreadful  as  was  the  pestilence  here  described,  and  in  few 
countries  more  so  than  in  England,  our  modern  historians  only 
slightly  allude  to  its  visitation  : — Hume  deems  a  single  paragraph 
sufficient  to  devote  to  its  notice,  and  Henry  and  Rapin  are  equally 
brief. 

It  may  not  then  be  unacceptable  to  the  medical,  or  even  to  the 
general  reader,  to  receive  an  authentic  and  somewhat  detailed 
account  of  one  of  the  greatest  natural  calamities  that  ever  afflict- 
ed the  human  race. 

My  chief  motive,  however,  for  translating  this  small  work,  and 
at  this  particular  period,  has  been  a  desire  that,  in  the  study  of 
the  causes  which  have  produced  and  propagated  general  pesti- 
lences, and  of  the  moral  effects  by  which  they  have  been  follow- 
ed, the  most  enlarged  views  should  be  taken.  The  contagionist 
and  the  anti-contagionist  may  each  find  ample  support  for  his 
belief  in  particular  cases  ;  but  in  the  construction  of  a  theory 
sufficiently  comprehensive  to  explain  throughout  the  origin  and 
dissemination  of  universal  disease,  we  shall  not  only  perceive  the 
insufficiency  of  either  doctrine,  taken  singly,  but  after  admit- 
ting the  combined  influence  of  both,  shall  even  then  find  our  views 
too  narrow,  and  be  compelled,  in  our  endeavours  to  explain  the 
facts,  to   acknowledge  the  existence  of  unknown  powers,  wholly 


translator's  preface.  xxi 

unconnected  either  with  communication  by  contact  or  atmospheric 
contamination. 

I  by  no  means  wish  it  to  be  understood,  that  I  have  adopted 
the  author's  views  respecting  astral  and  telluric  influences,  tlie 
former  of  which,  at  least,  I  had  supposed  to  have  been,  with 
alchemy  and  magic,  long  since  consigned  to  oblivion ;  much  less 
am  I  prepared  to  accede  to  his  notion,  or  rather  an  ancient 
notion  derived  from  the  East  and  revived  by  him,  of  an  organic 
life  in  the  system  of  the  universe.  We  are  constantly  furnished 
with  proofs,  that  that  which  affects  life  is  not  itself  alive ;  and 
whether  we  look  to  the  earth  for  exhalations,  to  the  air  for  elec- 
trical phenomena,  to  the  heavenly  bodies  for  an  influence  over 
our  planet,  or  to  all  these  causes  combined,  for  the  formation  of 
some  unknown  principle  noxious  to  animal  existence,  still,  if  we 
found  our  reasoning  on  ascertained  facts,  we  can  perceive  nothing 
throughout  this  vast  field  for  physical  research  which  is  not  evident- 
1}^  governed  by  the  laws  of  inert  matter — nothing  which  resembles 
the  regular  succession  of  birth,  growth,  decay,  death,  and  regen- 
eration, observable  in  organized  beings.  To  assume,  therefore, 
causes  of  whose  existence  we  have  no  proof,  in  order  to  account 
for  effects  which,  after  all,  they  do  not  explain,  is  making  no  real 
advance  in  knowledge,  and  can  scarcely  be  considered  otherwise 
than  an  indirect  method  of  confessing  our  ignorance. 

Still,  however,  I  regard  the  author's  opinions,  illustrated  as 
they  are  by  a  series  of  interesting  facts  diligently  collected  from 
authentic  sources,  as,  at  least,  worthy  of  examination  before  we 
reject  them,  and  valuable,  as  furnishing  extensive  data  on  which 
to  build  new  theories. 

I  have  another,  perhaps  I  may  be  allowed  to  say  a  better, 
motive  for  laying  before  my  countrymen  this  narrative  of  the 
sufferings  of  past  ages, — that  by  comparing  them  with  those  of 
our  own  time,  we  may  be  made  the  more  sensible  how  lightly  the 
chastening  hand  of  Providence  has  fallen  on  the  present  genera- 
tion, and  how  much  reason,  therefore,  we  have  to  feel  grateful  for 
the  mercy  shown  us. 

The  publication  has,  with  this  view,  been  purposely  somewhat 
delayed,  in  order  that  it  miglit  appear  at  a  moment  when  it  is  to 
be  presumed  that  men's  thoughts  will  be  especially  directed  to 
the  approaching  hour  of  public  thanksgiving,  and  when  a  know- 
ledge of  that  which  they  have  escaped,  as  well  as  of  that  which 
they  have  suffered,  may  tend  to  heighten  their  devotional  feel- 
ings on  that  solemn  occasion. 


xxii         translator's  preface. 

When  we  learn  that,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  one  quarter,  at 
least,  of  the  population  of  the  old  world  was  swept  away  in  the 
short  space  of  four  years,  and  that  some  countries,  England  among 
the  rest,  lost  more  than  double  that  proportion  of  their  inhabitants 
in  the  course  of  a  few  months,  we  may  well  congratulate  our- 
selves that  our  visitation  has  not  been  like  theirs,  and  shall  not 
justly  merit  ridicule,  if  we  offer  our  humble  thanks  to  the  "  Crea- 
tor and  Preserver  of  all  mankind  "  for  our  deliverance. 

Nor  would  it  disgrace  our  feelings  if,  in  expiation  of  the  abuse 
and  obloquy  not  long  since  so  lavishly  bestowed  by  the  public  on 
the  medical  profession,  we  should  entertain  some  slight  sense  of 
gratitude  towards  those  members  of  the  community,  who  were  en- 
gaged, at  the  risk  of  their  lives  and  the  sacrifice  of  their  personal 
interests,  in  endeavouring  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  evil,  and 
to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  their  fellow  men. 

I  have  added,  at  the  close  of  the  Appendix,  some  extracts  from 
a  scarce  little  work  in  black  letter,  called  "  A  Boke  or  Counseill 
against  the  Disease  commonly  called  the  Sweate  or  Sweatyng 
Sicknesse,"  published  by  Caius  in  1552.  This  was  written  three 
years  before  his  Latin  treatise  on  the  same  subject,  and  is  so 
quaint,  and,  at  the  same  time,  so  illustrative  of  the  opinions  of 
his  day,  and  even  of  those  of  the  fourteenth  century,  on  the  causes 
of  universal  diseases,  that  the  passages  which  I  have  quoted  will 
not  fail  to  afford  some  amusement  as  well  as  instruction.  If  I 
have  been  tempted  to  reprint  more  of  this  curious  production  than 
was  necessary  to  my  primary  object,  it  has  been  from  a  belief 
that  it  would  be  generally  acceptable  to  the  reader  to  gather  some 
particulars  regarding  the  mode  of  living  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
and  to  observe  the  author's  animadversions  on  the  degeneracy  and 
credulity  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  His  advice  on  the  clioiee 
of  a  medical  attendant  cannot  be  too  strongly  recommended,  at  least 
hy  a  physician  ;  and  his  warning  against  quackery,  particularly  the 
quackery  of  painters,  who  "  scorne  {qitare  score  ?)  you  behind 
your  backs  with  their  medicines,  so  filthy  that  I  am  ashamed  to 
name  them,"  seems  quite  prophetic. 

In  conclusion,  I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  obligation  vihich  I 
owe  to  my  friend  Mr.  H.  E.  Lloyd,  who^c  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  German  language  and  literature  will,  I  hope,  be  re- 
ceived as  a  sufficient  pledge  that  no  very  important  errors  remain 
in  a  translation  which  lie  has  kindly  revised. 

London,  1833. 


PEEFACE, 


We  here  find  an  important  page  of  the  historj"  of  the  world  had 
open  to  our  view.  It  treats  of  a  convulsion  of  the  human  race, 
unequalled  in  violence  and  extent.  It  speaks  of  incredible  disas- 
ters, of  despair  and  unbridled  demoniacal  passions.  It  shows  us 
the  abyss  of  general  licentiousness,  in  consequence  of  an  univer- 
sal pestilence,  which  extended  from  China  to  Iceland  and  Green- 
land. 

The  inducement  to  unveil  this  image  of  an  age,  long  since  gone 
by,  is  evident.  A  new  pestilence  has  attained  almost  an  equal 
extent,  and  though  less  formidable,  has  partly  produced,  partly 
indicated,  similar  phenomena.  Its  causes,  and  its  diffusion  over 
Asia  and  Europe,  call  on  us  to  take  a  comprehensive  view  of  it, 
because  it  leads  to  an  insight  into  the  organism  of  the  world,  in 
which  the  sum  of  organic  life  is  subject  to  the  great  powers  of 
Nature.  Now,  human  knowledge  is  not  yet  sufficiently  advanced, 
to  discover  the  connexion  between  the  processes  which  occur  above, 
and  those  which  occur  below,  the  surface  of  the  earth,  or  even 
fully  to  explore  those  laws  of  nature,  an  acquaintance  with  which 
would  be  required  ;  far  less  to  apply  them  to  great  phenomena, 
in  which  one  spring  sets  a  thousand  others  in  motion. 

On  this  side,  therefore,  such  a  point  of  view  is  not  to  be  found, 
if  we  would  not  lose  ourselves  in  the  wilderness  of  conjectures,  of 
which  the  world  is  already  too  full :  but  it  may  be  found  in  the 
ample  and  productive  field  of  historical  research. 

History — that  mirror  of  human  life  in  all  its  bearings,  offers, 
even  for  general  pestilences,  an  inexhaustible,  though  scarcely 
explored,  mine  of  facts ;  here  too  it  asserts  its  dignity,  as  the 
philosophy  of  reality  delighting  in  truth. 

It  is  conformable  to  its  spirit  to  conceive  general  pestilences  as 
events  affecting  the  whole  world — to  explain  their  phenomena  by 
the  comparison  of  what  is  similar.  Thus  the  facts  speak  for  them- 
selves, because  they  appear  to  have  proceeded  from  those  higher 
laws  which  govern  the  progression  of  the  existence  of  mankind. 
A  cosmical   origin  and  convulsive  excitement,  productive  of  the 


XXIV  PREFACE. 

most  important  consequences  among  the  nations  subject  to  them, 
are  the  most  striking  features  to  which  history  points  in  all  gen- 
eral pestilences.  These,  however,  assume  very  different  forms,  as 
well  in  their  attacks  on  the  general  organism,  as  in  their  diffusion ; 
and  in  this  respect  a  development  from  form  to  form,  in  the  course 
of  centuries,  is  manifest,  so  that  the  history  of  the  world  is  divid- 
ed into  grand  periods  in  which  positively  defined  pestilences  pre- 
vailed. As  far  as  our  chronicles  extend,  more  or  less  certain 
information  can  be  obtained  respecting  them. 

But  this  part  of  medical  history,  which  has  such  a  manifold  and 
powerful  influence  over  the  history  of  the  world,  is  yet  in  its  in- 
fancy. For  the  honour  of  that  science  which  should  everywhere 
guide  the  actions  of  mankind,  we  are  induced  to  express  a  wish, 
that  it  may  find  room  to  flourish  amidst  the  rank  vegetation  with 
which  the  field  of  German  medical  science  is  unhappily  encum- 
bered. 


ERRATA.-CHILD-PILGRIMAGES. 

Page  348,  line  5  from  foot,  for  part  read  past 

—  350,  line  4i,for  regarding  read  regarded 

—  353,  line  14!,  for  Armstadt  read  Arnstadt 

—  357,  line  10,  for  Christian-  ?'ead  Christian. 

—  —    line  28,  for  coveteousneas  read  covetousness 

—  —    line  5  from  foot,  dele  'usa  ' 

—  359,  line  11,  for  Tebb  read  Jebb 

—  360,  line  17,  for  perprajdictum  read  per  praedictum 


THE  BLACK  DEATH. 


CHAPTER  I. 

GENERAL    OBSERVATIONS. 

That  Omnipotence  which  has  called  the  world  with  all  its  living 
creatures  into  one  animated  being,  especially  reveals  himself  in 
.the  desolation  of  great  pestilences.  The  powers  of  creation  come 
into  violent  collision  ;  the  sultry  dryness  of  the  atmosphere  ;  the 
subterraneous  thunders ;  the  mist  of  overflowing  waters,  are  the 
harbingers  of  destruction.  Nature  is  not  satisfied  with  the  ordin- 
ary alternations  of  life  and  death,  and  the  destroying  angel  waves 
over  man  and  beast  his  flaming  sword. 

These  revolutions  are  performed  in  vast  cycles,  which  the  spirit 
of  man,  limited,  as  it  is,  to  a  narrow  circle  of  perception,  is  unable 
to  explore.  They  are,  however,  greater  terrestrial  events  than 
any  of  those  which  proceed  from  the  discord,  the  distress,  or  the 
passions  of  nations.  By  annihilations  they  awaken  new  life  ;  and 
when  the  tumult  above  and  below  the  earth  is  past,  nature  is  re- 
novated, and  the  mind  awakens  from  torpor  and  depression  to  the 
consciousness  of  an  intellectual  existence. 

Were  it  in  any  degree  within  the  power  of  human  research  to 
draw  up,  in  a  vivid  and  connected  form,  an  historical  sketch  of 
such  mighty  events,  after  the  manner  of  the  historians  of  wars 
and  battles,  and  the  migrations  of  nations,  we  might  then  arrive 
at  clear  views  with  respect  to  the  mental  development  of  the  hu- 
man race,  and  the  ways  of  Pi-ovidence  would  be  more  plainly  dis- 
cernible. It  would  then  be  demonstrable,  that  the  mind  of  nations 
is  deeply  affected  by  the  destructive  conflict  of  the  powers  of  na- 
ture, and  that  great  disasters  lead  to  striking  changes  in  general 
civilization.     For  all  that  exists  in  man,  whether  good  or  evil,  is 

rendered  conspicuous  by  the  presence  of  great  danger.     His  in- 

1 

i 


2  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

most  feelings  are  roused — the  thought  of  self-preservation  masters 
his  spirit — self-denial  is  put  to  severe  proof,  and  wherever  dark- 
ness and  barbarism  prevail,  there  the  affrighted  mortal  flies  to  the 
idols  of  his  superstition,  and  all  laws,  human  and  divine,  are 
criminally  violated. 

In  conformity  with  a  general  law  of  nature,  such  a  state  of  ex- 
citement brings  about  a  change,  beneficial  or  detrimental,  accord- 
ing to  circumstances,  so  that  nations  either  attain  a  higher  degree 
of  moral  worth,  or  sink  deeper  in  ignorance  and  vice.  All  this, 
however,  takes  place  upon  a  much  grander  scale  than  through  the 
ordinary  vicissitudes  of  war  and  peace,  or  the  rise  and  fall  of  em- 
pires, because  the  powers  of  nature  themselves  produce  plagues, 
and  subjugate  the  human  will,  which,  in  the  contentions  of  nations, 
alone  predominates. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE    DISEASE. 


The  most  memorable  example  of  what  has  been  advanced,  is 
afforded  by  a  great  pestilence  of  the  fourteenth  century,  which 
desolated  Asia,  Europe,  and  Africa,  and  of  which  the  people  yet 
preserve  the  remembrance  in  gloomy  traditions.  It  was  an  ori- 
ental plague,  marked  by  inflammatory  boils  and  tumours  of  the 
glands,  such  as  break  out  in  no  other  febrile  disease.  On  account 
of  these  inflammatory  boils,  and  from  the  black  spots,  indicatory 
of  a  putrid  decomposition,  which  appeared  upon  the  skin,  it  was 
called  in  Germany  and  in  the  northern  kingdoms  of  Europe,  the 
Black  Death,  and  in  Ital}',  la  Mortalega  Grande,  tJie  Great 
Mortality} 

Few  testimonies  are  presented  to  us  respecting  its  symptoms 
and  its  course,  yet  these  are  sufficient  to  throw  light  upon  the  form 
of  the  malady,  and  they  are  worthy  of  credence,  from  their  co- 
incidence with  the  signs  of  the  same  disease  in  modern  times. 

'  La  Mortalega  Grande.  Matlh.  de  Griffonihus.  Muratori.  Script,  rcr.  Italicar 
T.  XVIIL  p.  167.  D.  They  were  called  by  others  y4«y7(«««/f7(rt.  Andr.  Gratiol.  Dis 
corso  di  Peste.  Veuet.  1576.  4to.  Swedish  :  Diger-d'uden.  Loccenii  Ilistor.  Siiecan 
L.  Ill,  p.  104.— Danish  :  den  sorte  Dod.  Fontan.  Eer.  Dauicar.  Histor.  L.  YIIT.  p 
476. — Amstelod.  1631,  fol.  Icelandic  :  Sratur  Daudi.  Saabye,  Tagcbuch  in  Gronland 
Introduction  XYIII.  Mansa,  dc  Epidemiis  maxinie  mcmorabilihus,  qunc  in  Dania  gra? 
satfp  sunt,  &c.  Part  I.  p.  12.  Havni;^,  1831,  S.— In  "Westphalia  the  name  of  dc  groete 
Doet  was  prevalent.     Mcibonu 


THE    DISEASE.  3 

The  imperial  writer,  Kantakusenos/  whose  own  son,  Androni- 
kus,  died  of  this  plague  in  Constantinople,  notices  great  impos- 
thumes  ^  of  the  thighs  and  arms  of  those  affected,  which,  when 
opened,  afforded  relief  by  the  discharge  of  an  offensive  matter. 
Buboes,  which  are  the  infallible  signs  of  the  oriental  plague,  are 
thus  plainly  indicated,  for  he  makes  separate  mention  of  smaller 
boils  on  the  arms  and  in  the  face,  as  also  in  other  parts  of  the 
body,  and  clearly  distinguishes  these  from  the  blisters,-^  which  are 
no  less  produced  by  plague  in  all  its  forms.  In  many  cases,  black 
spots*  broke  out  all  over  the  body,  either  single,  or  united  and 
confluent. 

These  symptoms  were  not  all  found  in  every  case.  In  many 
one  alone  was  sufficient  to  cause  death,  while  some  patients  re- 
covered, contrary  to  expectation,  though  afflicted  with  all.  Symp- 
toms of  cephalic  affection  were  frequent ;  many  patients  became 
stupified  and  fell  into  a  deep  sleep,  losing  also  their  speech  from 
palsy  of  the  tongue ;  others  remained  sleepless  and  without  rest. 
The  fauces  and  tongue  were  black,  and  as  if  suffused  with  blood  ; 
no  beverage  would  assuage  their  burning  thirst,  so  that  their 
sufferings  continued  without  alleviation  until  terminated  by  death, 
which  many  in  their  despair  accelerated  with  their  own  hands. 
Contagion  was  evident,  for  attendants  caught  the  disease  of  their 
relations  and  friends,  and  many  houses  in  the  capital  were  bereft 
even  of  their  last  inhabitant.  Thus  far  the  ordinary  circumstances 
only  of  the  oriental  plague  occurred.  Still  deeper  sufferings,  how- 
ever, were  connected  with  this  pestilence,  such  as  have  not  been 
felt  at  other  times  ;  the  organs  of  respiration  were  seized  with  a 
putrid  inflammation ;  a  violent  pain  in  the  chest  attacked  the 
patient ;  blood  was  expectorated,  and  the  breath  diffused  a  pesti- 
ferous odour. 

In  the  West,  the  following  were  the  prodominating  symptoms 
on  the  eruption  of  this  disease.'  An  ardent  fever,  accompanied  by 
an  evacuation  of  blood,  proved  fatal  in  the  first  three  days.  It 
appears  that  buboes  and  inflammatory  boils  did  not  at  first  come 
out  at  all,  but  that  the  disease,  in  the  form  of  carbuncular  {anthrax- 

1  Joann.  Cantac-uzen.  Ilistoriar.  L.  IV.  c.  8.  Ed.  Paris,  p.  730.  5.  The  ex -em- 
peror has  indeed  copied  some  passag^es  from  Thucydide.s,  as  Sprengel  justly  observes 
(Appendix  to  the  Geschichte  der  Medicin.  Vol.  I.  II.  I.  S.  73),  though  this  was  most 
probably  only  for  the  sake  of  rounding  a  period.  This  is  no  detriment  to  his  credibility, 
because  his  statements  accord  with  tlie  other  accounts. 

2  ' A-KOdTciaiiQ  niyaXai.         ^  MtXaivai  ^XvKTiScg.  *  <o(nnp  aTtyftara  fttXava. 
'  Guidon,  de  Caidiaco  Chirurgia.     Tract  11.  c.  o.  p.  11.3.  Ed.  Lugdun.  1572. 

1  * 


4  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

arttgen)  afFection  of  the  lungs,  cfTecteil  tlic  destruction  of  life  be- 
fore the  other  symptoms  were  developed. 

Thus  did  the  plague  rage  in  Avignon  for  six  or  eight  weeks, 
and  the  pestilential  breath  of  the  sick,  who  expectorated  blood, 
caused  a  terrible  contagion  far  and  near  ;  for  even  the  vicinity  of 
those  who  had  fallen  ill  of  plague  was  certain  death; '  so  that  pa- 
rents abandoned  their  infected  children,  and  all  the  ties  of  kindred 
were  dissolved.  After  this  period,  buboes  in  the  axilla  and  in  the 
groin,  and  inflammatory  boils  all  over  the  body,  made  their  ap- 
pearance ;  but  it  was  not  until  seven  months  afterwards  that  some 
patients  recovered  with  matured  buboes,  as  in  the  ordinary  milder 
form  of  plague. 

Such  is  the  report  of  the  courageous  Guy  de  Chauliac,  who 
vindicated  the  honour  of  medicine,  by  bidding  defiance  to  danger  ; 
boldly  and  constantly  assisting  the  affected,  and  disdaining  the 
excuse  of  his  colleagues,  who  held  the  Arabian  notion,  that  medi- 
cal aid  was  unavailing,  and  that  the  contagion  justified  flight.  He 
saw  the  plague  twice  in  Avignon,  first  in  the  year  1348,  from  Janu- 
ary to  August,  and  then  twelve  years  later,  in  the  autumn,  when  it 
returned  from  Germany,  and  for  nine  months  spread  general  dis- 
tress and  terror.  The  first  time  it  raged  chiefly  among  the  poor, 
but  in  the  year  1360,  more  among  the  higher  classes.  It  now  also 
destroyed  a  great  many  children,  whom  it  had  formerly  spared, 
and  but  few  women. 

The  like  was  seen  in  Egypt.-  Here  also  inflammation  of  the 
lungs  was  predominant,  and  destroyed  quickly  and  infallibly,  with 
burning  heat  and  expectoration  of  blood.  Here  too  the  breath  of 
the  sick  spread  a  deadly  contagion,  and  human  aid  was  as  vain  as 
it  was  destructive  to  those  who  approached  the  infected. 

Boccacio,  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  its  incredible  fatality  in 
Florence,  the  seat  of  the  revival  of  science,  gives  a  more  lively 
description  of  the  attack  of  the  disease  than  his  non-medical  con- 
temporaries.^ 

It  commenced  here,  not,  as  in  the  East,  with  bleeding  at  the 
nose,  a  sure  sign  of  inevitable  death  ;  but  there  took  place  at  the 
beginning,  both  in  men  and  women,  tumours  in  the  groin  and  in 

'  Et  fuit  tant;e  contagiositatis  spccialitcr  qii.B  fiiit  cum  sputo  sanguinis,  quod  non 
solum  morando,  scd  etiam  inspiciendo  unus  rccipiebat  ab  alio  :  intantum  quod  gcntes 
nioriebantur  sine  scrvitoribus,  et  sepeliebautur  sine  saccrdotibus,  pater  non  visitabat 
filium,  nee  filius  patrem  :  cbaritas  erat  mortua,  spes  prostrata. 

-  Dcffuir/nes,  nistoire  generalc  des  Iluns,  des  Turcs,  des  Mogols,  &c.  Tom.  IV. 
Paris,  1758.  4to.  p.  226. 

^  Decameron.  Giorn.  I,   Introd. 


THE   DISEASE.  O 

the  axilla,  varying  in  circumference  up  to  the  size  of  an  apple  or 
an  egg,  and  called  by  the  people  pest-boils  (gavoccioli).  Then 
there  appeared  similar  tumours  indiscriminately  over  all  parts  of 
the  body,  and  black  or  blue  spots  came  out  on  the  arms  or  thighs, 
or  on  other  parts,  either  single  and  large,  or  small  and  thickly 
studded.  These  spots  proved  equally  fatal  with  the  pest-boils, 
which  had  been  from  the  first  regarded  as  a  sure  sign  of  death. ^ 
No  power  of  medicine  brought  relief — almost  all  died  within  the 
first  three  days,  some  sooner,  some  later,  after  the  appearance  of 
these  signs,  and  for  the  most  part  entirely  without  fever '^  or  other 
symptoms.  The  plague  spread  itself  with  the  greater  fury,  as  it 
communicated  from  the  sick  to  the  healthy,  like  fire  among  dry 
and  oil)'  fuel,  and  even  contact  with  the  clothes  and  other  articles 
which  had  been  used  by  the  infected  seemed  to  induce  the  disease. 
As  it  advanced,  not  only  men,  but  animals,  fell  sick  and  shortly 
expired,  if  they  had  touched  things  belonging  to  the  diseased  or 
dead.  Thus  Boccacio  himself  saw  two  hogs  on  the  rags  of  a  per- 
son Avho  had  died  of  plague,  after  staggering  about  for  a  short 
time,  fall  down  dead,  as  if  they  had  taken  poison.  In  other  places 
multitudes  of  dogs,  cats,  fowls,  and  other  animals,  fell  victims  to 
the  contagion ;  ^  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  other  epizootes 
among  animals  likewise  took  place,  although  the  ignorant  writers 
of  the  fourteenth  century  are  silent  on  this  point. 

In  Germany  there  was  a  repetition  in  every  respect  of  the  same 
phenomena.  The  infallible  signs  of  the  oriental  bubo-plague  with 
its  inevitable  contagion  were  found  there  as  everywhere  else  ;  but 
the  mortality  was  not  nearly  so  great  as  in  the  other  parts  of  Eu- 
rope.* The  accounts  do  not  all  make  mention  of  the  spitting  of 
blood,  the  diagnostic  symptom  of  this  fatal  pestilence  ;  we  are  not, 
however,  thence  to  conclude  that  there  was  any  considerable  miti- 
gation or  modification  of  the  disease,  for  we  must  not  only  take  in- 
to account  the  defectiveness  of  the  chronicles,  but  that  isolated 
testimonies  are  often  contradicted  by  many  others.  Thus,  the 
chronicles  of  Strasburg,  which  only  take  notice  of  boils  and  glan- 
dular swellings  in  the  axillse  and  groins,'  are  opposed  by  another 

'  From  this  period  hlack  petechia  have  always  been  considered  as  fatal  in  the  plague. 

-  A  very  usual  circumstance  in  plague  epidemics. 

'  Auf/er.  de  Biterris,  Vita;  Eoraanor.  pontificum,  Muratori  Scriptor.  rcr.  Italic. 
Vol.  III.  rt.  II.  p.  556. 

■*  Coutin.  altera  Chronici  Guillelmi  dc  Nangis  in  d' Acker,  Spicilegium  sive  CoUectio 
Yeterum  Scriptorum,  «S:c.     Ed.  dela  Barre,  Tom.  III.  p.  110. 

5  "  The  people  all  died  of  boils  and  inflamed  glands  which  appeared  under  the  arms 


6  THE    r.LACK    DEATH. 

account,  according  to  which  the  mortal  spitting  of  blood  was  met 
with  in  Germany ;'  but  this  again  is  rendered  suspicious,  as  the 
narrator  postpones  the  deatli  of  those  who  were  thus  affected,  to 
the  sixth,  and  (even  the)  eighth  day,  whereas  no  other  author 
sanctions  so  long  a  course  of  the  disease  ;  and  even  in  Strasburg, 
wliere  a  mitigation  of  the  plague  may,  with  most  probability,  be 
assumed,  since  in  the  year  1349  only  16,000  people  were  carried 
off,  the  generality  expired  by  the  third  or  fourth  day.^  In  Austria, 
and  especially  in  Vienna,  the  plague  was  fully  as  malignant  as  any- 
wliere,  so  that  the  patients  who  had  red  spots  and  black  boils,  as 
well  as  those  afflicted  with  tumid  glands,  died  about  the  third 
day  ;^  and  lastly,  very  frequent  sudden  deaths  occurred  on  the 
coasts  of  the  North  Sea  and  in  "West^jhalia,  without  any  further 
development  of  the  malady.* 

To  France,  this  plague  came  in  a  northern  direction  from  Avig- 
non, and  was  there  more  destructive  than  in  Germany,  so  that  in 
many  places  not  more  than  two  in  twenty  of  the  inhabitants  sur- 
vived. Many  were  struck,  as  if  by  lightning,  and  died  on  the 
spot,  and  this  more  frequently  among  the  young  and  strong  than 
tlie  old  ;  patients  with  enlarged  glands  in  the  axilla)  and  groins 
scared}^  survived  two  or  three  days  ;  and  no  sooner  did  these  fatal 
signs  appear,  than  they  bid  adieu  to  the  world,  and  sought  conso- 
lation onl}'  in  the  absolution  which  Pope  Clement  VI.  promised 
them  in  the  hour  of  death.' 

In  England  the  malady  appeared,  as  at  Avignon,  with  spitting 
of  blood,  and  with  the  same  fatality,  so  that  the  sick  who  were 
afflicted  either  with  this  symptom  or  with  vomiting  of  blood, 
died  in  some  cases  immediatel}',  in  others  within  twelve  hours,  or 
at  the  latest,  in  two  days."  The  inflammatory  boils  and  buboes  in 
the  groins  and  axillos  were  recognised  at  once  as  prognosticating 
a  fatal  issue,  and  those  were  past  all  hope  of  recovery  in  whom 
they  arose  in  numbers  all  over  the  body.     It  was  not  till  towards 

and  in  tlie  groins."  Jac.  v.  K'nnigshoven,  the  oldest  Chronicle  of  Alsace  and  Strashurg, 
and  indeed  of  all  Germany.     Strasburg,  1698.  4.  cap.  5,  ^  86.  p.  301. 

'  Ilainr.  Rebdorff,  Annales,  Marq.  Freher.  Germanicaruni  rcrum  Scriptorcs. 
Francof.  1624.  fol.  p.  439. 

-  Konif/shoven,  in  loc.  cit. 

^  Anonym.  Leohicns.  Chron.  L.  VI.  in  ITier.  Fez,  Scriptor.  rcr.  Austriac.  Lips. 
1721.  fol.  Tom.  I.  p.  970.  The  ahovc-namcd  appearances  are  here  called,  rote  sprinkel, 
sirarcze  er/iuhenn  und  driiesz  binder  den  iichsen  und  ze  den  gemachlen. 

*  Vhh.  Enimiie  rer.  Frisiacar.  histor.  L.  XIV.  p.  203.    Lugd.  Bat.  1G16.  fol. 

*  Guillebnus  de  Xangis,  loc.  cit. 

*  Ant.  Wood,  Ilistm-ia  ct  Antiquitates  Univcrsit.  Oxonions.  Oxon.  1764.  fol.  L. 
1.  p.  172. 


THE    DISEASE.  7 

tlie  close  of  the  plague  that  they  A^entured  to  open,  by  incision, 
these  hard  and  dry  boils,  when  matter  flowed  from  them  in  small 
quantity,  and  thus  by  compelling  nature  to  a  critical  suppuration, 
many  patients  were  saved.  Every  spot  which  the  sick  had 
touched,  their  breath,  their  clothes,  spread  the  contagion ;  and, 
as  in  all  other  places,  the  attendants  and  friends  who  were  either 
blind  to  their  danger  or  heroically'-  despised  it,  fell  a  sacrifice  to 
their  sympathy.  Even  the  eyes  of  the  patient  were  considered 
as  sources  of  contagion,^  which  had  the  power  of  acting  at  a 
distance,  whether  on  account  of  their  unwonted  lustre  or  the 
distortion  which  they  always  suffer  in  plague,  or  whether 
in  conformity  with  an  ancient  notion,  according  to  which  the 
sight  was  considered  as  the  bearer  of  a  demoniacal  enchantment. 
Flight  from  infected  cities  seldom  availed  the  fearful,  for  the  germ 
of  the  disease  adhered  to  them,  and  they  fell  sick,  remote  from 
assistance,  in  the  solitude  of  their  country  houses. 

Thus  did  the  plague  spread  over  England  with  unexampled 
rapidity,  after  it  had  first  broken  out  in  the  county  of  Dorset, 
whence  it  advanced  through  the  counties  of  Devon,  and  Somer- 
set, to  Bristol,  and  thence  reached  Gloucester,  Oxford,  and  London. 
Probably  few  places  escaped,  perhaps  not  any  ;  for  the  annals  of 
contemporaries  report  that  throughout  the  land  only  a  tenth  part 
of  the  inhabitants  remained  alive." 

From  England  the  contagion  was  carried  by  a  ship  to  Bergen, 
the  capital  of  Norway,  where  the  plague  then  broke  out  in  its 
most  frightful  form,  with  vomiting  of  blood  ;  and  throughout  the 
whole  country,  spared  not  more  than  a  third  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  sailors  found  no  refuge  in  their  ships ;  and  vessels  were 
often  seen  driving  about  on  the  ocean  and  drifting  on  shore,  whose 
crews  had  perished  to  the  last  man.' 

In  Poland  the  infected  were  attacked  with  spitting  of  blood, 
and  died  in  a  few  days  in  such  vast  numbers,  that,  as  it  has  been 
affirmed,  scarcely  a  fourth  of  the  inhabitants  were  left.'* 

'  Mezeray,  Histoire  de  France.  Paris,  1685.  fol.  T.  II.  p.  418. 

-  Barnes,  who  has  given  a  lively  picture  of  the  black  plague,  in  England,  taken  from 
the  Registers  of  the  14th  ccntuiy,  describes  the  external  sj-mptoms  in  the  following 
terms  :  knobs  or  swellings  in  the  groin  or  under  the  armpits,  called  kernels,  biles,  blains, 
blisters,  pimples,  wheals,  or  plague-sores.  The  Ilist.  of  Edw.  III.  Cambridge,  1688. 
fol.  p.  432. 

^  Torfcpus,  Historia  rerum  Norvegicarum.  Ilafn.  1711.  fol.  L.  ix.  c.  8.  p.  478. 
This  author  has  followed  Po?ite?i?«  (Rerum  Danicar.  Historia.  Amstelod.  1G31.  fol.), 
who  has  given  only  a  general  account  of  the  plague  in  Denmark,  and  nothing  respecting 
its  sjTiiptoms. 

*  Dhtgoss,  vide  Longini  Ilistor.  polonic.  L.  xii.  Lips.  1711.  fol.  T.  I.  p.  1086. 


8  THE    15 LACK    DEATH. 

Finally,  In  Russia  the  plague  appeared  two  years  later  than  in 
Southern  Europe ;  yet  here,  again,  with  the  same  symptoms  as 
elsewhere.  Russian  contemporaries  have  recorded  that  it  began 
with-  rigor,  heat,  and  darting  pain  in  the  shoulders  and  back  ;  that 
it  was  accompanied  by  spitting  of  blood,  and  terminated  fatally 
in  two,  or  at  most  three,  days.  It  is  not  till  the  year  13G0,  that 
we  find  buboes  mentioned  as  occurring  in  the  neck,  in  the  axillae, 
and  in  the  groins,  which  are  stated  to  have  broken  out  when  the 
spitting  of  blood  had  continued  some  time.  According  to  the 
experience  of  AVcstern  Europe,  however,  it  cannot  be  assumed 
that  these  symptoms  did  not  appear  at  an  earlier  period.^ 

Thus  much,  from  authentic  sources,  on  the  nature  of  the  Black 
Death.  The  descriptions  which  have  been  communicated  contain, 
with  a  few  unimportant  exceptions,  all  the  symptoms  of  the 
oriental  plague  which  have  been  observed  in  more  modern  times. 
No  doubt  can  obtain  on  this  point.  The  facts  are  placed  clearly 
before  our  eyes.  We  must,  however,  bear  in  mind  that  this 
violent  disease  does  not  always  appear  in  the  same  form,  and  that 
while  the  essence  of  the  poison  which  it  produces,  and  which  is 
separated  so  abundantly  from  the  body  of  the  patient,  remains 
unchanged,  it  is  proteiform  in  its  varieties,  from  the  almost  im- 
perceptible vesicle,  unaccompanied  by  fever,  which  exists  for  some 
time  before  it  extends  its  poison  inwardly,  and  then  excites  fever 
and  buboes,  to  the  fatal  form  in  which  carbuncular  inflammations 
fall  upon  the  most  important  viscera. 

Such  was  the  form  which  the  plague  assumed  In  the  14th 
century,  for  the  accompanj'ing  chest  affection  which  appeared  in 
all  the  countries  whereof  we  have  received  any  account,  cannot, 
on  a  comparison  with  similar  and  familiar  symptoms,  be  con- 
sidered as  any  other  than  the  inflammation  of  the  lungs  of  modern 
medicine,^  a  disease  which  at  present  only  appears  sporadically, 
and,  owing  to  a  putrid  decomposition  of  the  fluids.  Is  probably 
combined  with  hemorrhages  from  the  vessels  of  the  lungs.  Now, 
as  every  carbuncle,  whether  it  be  cutaneous  or  internal,  generates 
in  abundance  the  matter  of  contagion  which  has  given  rise  to  it, 
so,  therefore,  must  the  breath  of  the  afiected  have  been  poisonous 
in  this  plague,  and  on  this  account  its  power  of  contagion  wonder- 

'  W.  M.  Richter,  Gescliichte  dcr  Mcdiuiii  in  Russland.  Moskwa,  1813,  8.  p.  21.'!. 
Richter  has  taken  his  information  on  the  black  plague  in  Russia,  from  authentic 
Russian  JISS. 

2  Compare  on  this  point,  Balling's  treatise  "Zur  Diagnostik  der  Lungcnerweichung." 
Vol.  XVI.  ii.  3.  p.  2o7  of  litt.  Annnlcn  dcr  gcs.  Heilkuudc. 


THE    DISEASE.  9 

fully  increased ;  wherefore  the  opinion  appears  incontrovertible, 
that  owing  to  the  accumulated  numbers  of  the  diseased,  not  only 
individual  chambers  and  houses,  but  whole  cities  were  infected, 
which,  moreover,  in  the  middle  ages,  were,  with  few  exception^, 
narrowly  built,  kept  in  a  filthy  state,  and  surrounded  with 
stagnant  ditches.^  Flight  was,  in  consequence,  of  no  avail  to  the 
timid  ;  for  even  though  they  had  sedulously  avoided  all  communi- 
cation with  the  diseased  and  the  suspected,  yet  their  clothes  were 
saturated  with  the  pestiferous  atmosphere,  and  every  inspiration 
imparted  to  them  the  seeds  of  the  destructive  malady,  which,  in 
the  greater  number  of  cases,  germinated  with  but  too  much 
fertility.  Add  to  which,  the  usual  propagation  of  the  plague 
through  clothes,  beds,  and  a  thousand  other  things  to  which  the 
pestilential  poison  adheres, — a  propagation,  which,  from  want  of 
caution,  must  have  been  infinitely  multiplied ;  and  since  articles 
of  this  kind,  removed  from  the  access  of  air,  not  only  retain  the 
matter  of  contagion  for  an  indefinite  period,  but  also  increases  its 
activity  and  engender  it  like  a  living  being,  frightful  ill-con- 
sequences followed  for  many  years  after  the  first  fury  of  the 
pestilence  was  past. 

The  affection  of  the  stomach,  often  mentioned  in  vague  terms, 
and  occasionally  as  a  vomiting  of  blood,  was  doubtless  only  a 
subordinate  symptom,  even  if  it  be  admitted  that  actual  hemate- 
mesis  did  occur.  For  the  difficulty  of  distinguishing  a  flow  of 
blood  from  the  stomach,  from  a  pulmonic  expectoration  of  that 
fluid,  is,  to  non-medical  men,  even  in  common  cases,  not  in- 
considerable. How  much  greater  then  must  it  have  been  in  so 
terrible  a  disease,  where  assistants  could  not  venture  to  approach 
the  sick  without  exposing  themselves  to  certain  death  ?  Only  two 
medical  descriptions  of  the  malady  have  reached  us,  the  one  by 
the  brave  Guy  de  Chauliac,  the  other  by  Raymond  Chalin  de 
Vinario,  a  very  experienced  scholar,  who  was  well  versed  in  the 
learning  of  his  time.  The  former  takes  notice  only  of  fatal 
coughing  of  blood  ;  the  latter,  besides  this,  notices  epistaxis, 
hematuria  and  fluxes  of  blood  from  the  bowels,  as  symptoms  of 
such  decided  and  speedy  mortality,  that  those  patients  in  whom 
they  were  observed,  usually  died  on  the  same  or  the  following  day.^ 

1  It  is  expressly  ascertiiincd  with  respect  to  Avignon  and  Paris,  that  uncleanliness  of 
the  streets  increased  the  plague  considerably.     Raim.  Chalin  de  Vinario. 

2  De  Pesie  Libri  tres,  opera  Jacobi  Dalechampii  in  lucem  editi.  Lugduni,  1552.  IG. 
p.  35.  Dalechamp  has  only  improved  the  language  of  this  work,  adding  nothing  to  it 
but  a  preface  in  the  form  of  two  letters.    Baymo7id  Chalin  de  Vinario  was  contemporary 


10  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

That  a  vomiting  of  blood  may  not,  here  and  there,  have  taken 
place,  perhaps  have  been  even  prevalent  in  many  places,  is,  from  a 
consideration  of  the  nature  of  the  disease,  by  no  means  to  be 
denied  ;  for  every  putrid  decomposition  of  the  fluids  begets  a 
tendency  to  hemorrhages  of  all  kinds.  Here,  however,  it  is  a 
question  of  historical  certainty,  which,  after  these  doubts,  is  by 
no  means  established.  Had  not  so  speedy  a  death  followed  the 
expectoration  of  blood,  we  should  certainly  have  received  more 
detailed  intelligence  respecting  other  hemorrhages ;  but  the 
malady  had  no  time  to  extend  its  effects  further  over  the  extremi- 
ties of  the  vessels.  After  its  first  fury,  however,  was  spent,  the 
pestilence  passed  into  the  usual  febrile  form  of  the  oriental  plague. 
Internal  carbuncular  inflammations  no  longer  took  place,  and 
hemorrhages  became  phenomena,  no  more  essential  in  this  than 
they  are  in  any  other  febrile  disorders.  Chalin,  who  observed  not 
only  the  great  mortality  of  1348,  and  the  plague  of  1360,  but 
also  that  of  1373  and  1382,  speaks  moreover  of  affections  of  the 
throat,  and  describes  the  black  spots  of  plague  patients  more 
satisfactorily  than  any  of  his  contemporaries.  The  former  appeared 
but  in  few  cases,  and  consisted  in  carbuncular  inflammation  of  the 
gullet,  with  a  difliculty  of  swallowing,  even  to  suffocation,  to  which, 
in  some  instances,  was  added  inflammation  of  the  ceruminous  glands 
of  the  ears,  with  tumours,  producing  great  deformity.  Such 
patients,  as  well  as  others,  were  affected  with  expectoration  of 
blood ;  but  they  did  not  usually  die  before  the  sixth,  and  some- 
times even  so  late  as  the  fourteenth,  day.^  The  same  occurrence, 
it  is  well  known,  is  not  uncommon  in  other  pestilences ;  as  also 
blisters  on  the  surface  of  the  body,  in  different  places,  in  the 
vicinity  of  which,  tumid  glands  and  inflammatory  boils,  sur- 
rounded by  discoloured  and  black  streaks,  arose,  and  thus  indicated 
the  reception  of  the  poison.  These  sti'eaked  spots  were  called,  by 
an  apt  comparison,  the  girdle,  and  this  appearance  was  justly  con- 
sidered extremely  dangerous.'^ 

■with  Guy  de  Chaidiae  at  Avignon.  lie  enjoyed  a  high  reputation,  and  was  in  very 
affluent  circumstances.  lie  often  makes  mention  of  cardinals  and  high  officers  of  the 
papal  court,  whom  he  had  treated ;  and  it  is  even  prohable,  though  not  certain,  that  he 
was  pliysician  to  Clement  VI.  (1342—1352),  Innocent  VI.  (1352—1362),  and  Urban 
V.  1362 — 1370).     He  and  Guy  de  Chaidiae  never  mention  each  otlier. 

1  Dalcchamp,  p.  203 — where,  and  at  pp.  32 — 36,  the  plague-eruptions  are  mentioned 
in  the  usual  indefinite  terms :  Exanthemata  viridia,  cxTulea,  nigra,  rubra,  lata,  diffusa, 
velut  signata  punctis,  &c. 

-  "  Pestilentis  morbi  gravissimum  symptoma  est,  quod  zonam  vulgo  nuncupant.  Ea 
sic  fit :  PustuliB  nonnunquam  per  febres  pestilentes  fusc:e,  nigr;T>,  lividx'  existunt,  in 


CAUSES. — SPREAD.  11 

CHAPTER  III. 

CAUSES. SPREAD. 

An  inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  Black  Death  will  not  be 
without  important  results  in  the  study  of  the  plagues  which  have 
visited  the  world,  although  it  cannot  advance  beyond  general- 
ization without  entering  upon  a  field  hitherto  uncultivated,  and, 
to  this  hour,  entirely  unknown.  Mighty  revolutions  in  the  or- 
ganism of  the  earth,  of  which  we  have  credible  information,  had 
preceded  it.  From  China  to  the  Atlantic,  the  foundations  of  the 
earth  were  shaken, — throughout  Asia  and  Europe  the  atmosphere 
was  in  commotion,  and  endangered,  by  its  baneful  influence,  both 
vegetable  and  animal  life. 

The  series  of  these  great  events  began  in  the  year  1333,  fifteen 
years  before  the  plague  broke  out  in  Europe  :  they  first  appeared 
in  China.  Here  a  parching  drought,  accompanied  by  famine, 
commenced  in  the  tract  of  country  watered  by  the  rivers  Kiang 
and  Hoai.  This  was  followed  by  such  violent  torrents  of  rain,  in 
and  about  Kingsai,  at  that  time  the  capital  of  the  empire,  that, 
according  to  tradition,  more  than  400,000  people  perished  in  the 
floods.  Finally  the  mountain  Tsincheou  fell  in,  and  vast  clefts 
were  formed  in  the  earth.  In  the  succeeding  year  (1334),  pass- 
ing over  fabulous  traditions,  the  neighbourhood  of  Canton  was 
visited  by  inundations  ;  whilst  in  Tche,  after  an  unexampled 
drought,  a  plague  arose,  Avhich  is  said  to  have  carried  off  about 
5,000,000  of  people.  A  few  months  afterwards  an  earthquake 
followed,  at  and  near  Kingsai ;  and  subsequent  to  the  falling  in 
of  the  mountains  of  Ki-ming-chan,  a  lake  was  formed  of  more 
than  a  hundred  leagues  in  circumference,  where,  again,  thousands 
found  their  grave.  In  Houkouang  and  Ho-nan  a  drought  pre- 
vailed for  five  months ;  and  innumerable  swarms  of   locusts  de- 

partibus  corporis  a  glandularum  emissariis  scjunctis,  ut  in  femoro,  tibia,  capite,  brachio, 
humeris,  quarum  fervore  et  caliditate  succi  corporis  attract!,  glandulas  in  trajectioue 
replent,  et  attollunt,  unde  bubones  fiunt  atque  carbunculi.  Ab  lis  tanquam  solidii 
quidam  nervits  in  partem  vicinam  distentam  ac  veluti  convidsione  rigentem  producitttr, 
puta  hrachium  vel  iibiam,  mine  ruhens,  mine  fuscus,  nunc  obsciirior,  nunc  virens,  nunc 
iridis  colore,  duos  vel  quatuor  dic/itos  latus.  IIujus  summo,  qua  dcsinit  in  emissarium, 
plerumque  tubcrculum  pestilens  visitur,  altcro  vcro  cxtremo,  qua  in  propinquum  niem- 
brum  porrigitur,  carbuncnlus.  Hoc  scilicet  malum  vulgus  zonam  cinctumve  nominat, 
periculosum  minus,  cum  hie  tuberculo,  illic  carbTmculo  tcrminatur,  quam  si  tubcrculum 
in  capite  solum  cmineat."  p.  198. 


12  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

stroj-ed  the  vegetation  ;  while  famine  and  pestilence,  as  usual, 
followed  in  their  train.  Connected  accounts  of  the  condition  of 
Europe  before  this  great  catastrophe,  are  not  to  be  expected  from 
the  writers  of  the  fourteenth  century.  It  is  remarkable,  however, 
that  simultaneously  with  a  drought  and  renewed  floods  in  China, 
in  1336,  many  uncommon  atmospheric  phenomena,  and  in  the 
M'inter  frequent  thunder  storms,  were  observed  in  the  north  of 
France ;  and  so  early  as  the  eventful  year  of  1333,  an  eruption 
of  Etna  took  place.'  According  to  the  Chinese  annals,  about 
4,000,000  of  people  perished  by  famine  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Kiang  in  1337  :  and  deluges,  swarms  of  locusts,  and  an  earth- 
quake which  lasted  six  days,  caused  incredible  devastation.  In 
the  same  year,  the  first  swarms  of  locusts  appeared  in  Fran- 
conia,  which  were  succeeded  in  the  following  year  by  myriads  of 
these  insects.  In  1338,  Kingsai  was  visited  by  an  earthquake 
of  ten  da3^s'  duration ;  at  the  same  time  France  suffered  from  a 
failure  in  the  harvest ;  and  thenceforth,  till  the  year  1342,  there 
was  in  China  a  constant  succession  of  inundations,  earthquakes, 
and  famines.  In  the  same  year  great  floods  occurred  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Rhine  and  in  France,  which  could  not  be  attributed 
to  rain  alone ;  for  everywhere,  even  on  the  tops  of  mountains, 
springs  were  seen  to  burst  forth,  and  dry  tracts  were  laid  under 
water  in  an  inexplicable  manner.  In  the  following  year,  the 
mountain  Hong-tchang,  in  China,  fell  in,  and  caused  a  destruct- 
ive deluge ;  and  in  Pien-tcheou  and  Leang-tcheou,  after  three 
months'  rain,  there  followed  unheard-of  inundations,  which  de- 
stroyed seven  cities.  In  Egypt  and  Syria,  violent  earthquakes 
took  place ;  and  in  China  they  became,  from  this  time,  more 
and  more  frequent ;  for  they  recurred,  in  1344,  in  Ven-tcheou, 
where  the  sea  overflowed  in  consequence  ;  in  1345,  in  Ki-tcheou, 
and  in  both  the  following  years  in  Canton,  with  subterraneous 
thunder.  Meanwhile,  floods  and  famine  devastated  various  dis- 
tricts, until  1347,  when  the  fury  of  the  elements  subsided  in 
China.2 

The  signs  of  terrestrial  commotions  commenced  in  Europe  in 
the  year  1348,  after  the  intervening  districts  of  country  in  Asia 
had  probably  been  visited  in  the  same  manner. 

On  the  island  of  Cyprus,  the  plague  from  the  East  had  already 

^  V.  Hqff".  Geschichte  der  naturlichcn  Veranderungen  der  Erdubcrflache,  T.  II.  p. 
264.  Gotha,  1824.  This  eruption  was  not  succeeded  by  any  other  in  the  same  century, 
either  of  Etna  or  of  Vesuvius. 

-  Deguignes,  loc.  cit.  p.  22G,   from  Chinese  sources. 


CAUSES. — SPKEAD.  13 

broken  out ;  when  an  earthquake  shook  the  foundations  of  the 
island,  and  was  accompanied  by  so  frightful  a  hurricane,  that  the 
inhabitants,  who  had  slain  their  Mahometan  slaves  in  order  that 
they  might  not  themselves  be  subjugated  by  them,  fled  in  dismaj^, 
in  all  directions.  The  sea  overflowed — the  ships  were  dashed  to 
pieces  on  the  rocks,  and  few  outlived  the  terrific  event,  whereby 
this  fertile  and  blooming  island  was  converted  into  a  desert. 
Before  the  earthquake,  a  pestiferous  wind  spread  so  poisonous 
an  odour,  that  many,  being  overpowered  by  it,  fell  down  suddenly 
and  expired  in  dreadful  agonies.' 

This  phenomenon  is  one  of  the  rarest  that  has  ever  been  ob- 
served, for  nothing  is  more  constant  than  the  composition  of  the 
air ;  and  in  no  respect  has  nature  been  more  careful  in  the  pre- 
servation of  organic  life.  Never  have  naturalists  discovered  in 
the  atmosphere  foreign  elements,  which,  evident  to  the  senses, 
and  borne  by  the  winds,  spread  from  land  to  land,  carrying  dis- 
ease over  whole  portions  of  the  earth,  as  is  recounted  to  have 
taken  place  in  the  year  1348.  It  is,  therefore,  the  more  to  be 
regretted,  that  in  this  extraordinary  period,  which,  owing  to  the 
low  condition  of  science,  was  very  deficient  in  accurate  observers, 
so  little  that  can  be  depended  on  respecting  those  uncommon 
occurrences  in  the  air,  should  have  been  recorded.  Yet,  German 
accounts  say  expressly,  that  a  thick,  stinking  mist  advanced  from 
the  East,  and  spread  itself  over  Italy  ;^  and  there  could  be  no 
deception  in  so  palpable  a  phenomenon.^  The  credibility  of  un- 
adorned traditions,  however  little  they  may  satisfy  physical  re- 
search, can  scarcely  be  called  in  question  when  we  consider  the 
connexion  of  events  ;  for  just  at  this  time  earthquakes  were  more 
general  than  they  had  been  within  the  range  of  history.  In 
thousands   of   places   chasms  were  formed,    from   whence   arose 

1  Deguignes,  loc.  cit.  p.  225,  from  Chinese  sources. 

2  There  were  also  many  locusts  which  had  been  blown  into  the  sea  by  a  hurricane, 
and  afterwards  cast  dead  upon  the  shore,  and  produced  a  noxious  exhalation ;  and  a 
dense  and  airful  fog  teas  seen  in  the  heavens,  rising  in  the  East,  and  descending  upon 
Italy.  Mansfeld  Chronicle,  in  M.  Cyriac  Spangenberg,  chap.  287,  fol.  336.  b.  Eislebcn, 
1572.  Compare  Staind.  Chxon.  (?)  m  Schnurrer  ("  Ingens  vapor  magnitudine  horri- 
bili  boreali  movens,  rcgionem,  raagno  adspicicntium  terrorc  dilabitur "),  and  Ad.  vmi 
Lehenwaldt,  Land-Stadt-und  Hausarzney-Buch.  fol.  p.  15.  Nuremberg,  1695,  who 
mentions  a  dark,  thick  mist  which  covered  the  earth.  Chalin  expresses  himself  on  this 
subject  in  the  following  terms : — "  Co-lum  ingravescit,  aer  impurus  sentitur  :  nubes 
crassa;  ac  rrndtce  luminibus  caili  obstruunt,  imnmndus  ac  ignaviis  tepor  kominum  etnollit 
corpora,  exoriens  sol  pallescit.''  p.  50. 

3  Sec  Caius'  account  of  the  causes  of  the  sweating  sickness,  in  the  Appendix. — 
Trattslator. 


14  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

noxious  vapours  ;  and  as  at  tliat  time  natural  occurrences  were 
transformed  into  miracles,  it  was  reported,  that  a  fiery  meteor, 
which  descended  on  the  earth  far  in  the  East,  had  destroyed  every- 
thing within  a  circumference  of  more  than  a  himdred  leagues, 
infecting  the  air  far  and  wide.^  The  consequences  of  innumerable 
floods  contributed  to  the  same  effect ;  vast  river  districts  had  been 
converted  into  swamps  ;  foul  vapours  arose  everywhere,  increased 
by  the  odour  of  putrified  locusts,  which  had  never  perhaps  darkened 
the  sun  in  thicker  swarms,'^  and  of  countless  corpses,  which,  even 
in  the  well-regulated  countries  of  Europe,  they  knew  not  how  to 
remove  quickly  enough  out  of  the  sight  of  the  living.  It  is 
probable,  therefore,  that  the  atmosphere  contained  foreign,  and 
sensibly  perceptible,  admixtures  to  a  great  extent,  which,  at  least 
in  the  lower  regions,  could  not  be  decomposed,  or  rendered  ineffect- 
ive by  separation. 

Now,  if  we  go  back  to  the  symptoms  of  the  disease,  the  ardent 
inflammation  of  the  lungs  points  out  that  the  organs  of  respiration 
yielded  to  the  attack  of  an  atmospheric  poison — a  poison,  which, 
if  we  admit  the  independent  origin  of  the  Black  Plague  at  any 
one  place  on  the  globe,  which,  under  such  extraordinary  circum- 
stances, it  would  be  difficult  to  doubt,  attacked  the  course  of  the 
circulation  in  as  hostile  a  manner  as  that  which  produces  inflam- 
mation of  the  spleen,  and  other  animal  contagions  that  cause 
swelling  and  inflammation  of  the  lymphatic  glands. 

Pursuing  the  course  of  these  grand  revolutions  further,  we  find 
notice  of  an  unexampled  earthquake,  which,  on  the  25th  of 
January,  1348,  shook  Greece,  Italy,  and  the  neighbouring  coun- 
tries. Naples,  Rome,  Pisa,  Bologna,  Padua,  Venice,  and  many 
other  cities  suffered  considerably  :  whole  villages  were  swallowed 
up.  Castles,  houses,  and  churches  were  overthrown,  and  hundreds 
of  people  were  buried  beneath  their  ruins.^  In  Carinthia,  thirty 
villages,  together  with  all  the  churches,  were  demolished  ;  more 
than  a  thousand  corpses  were  drawn  out  of  the  rubbish  ;  the  city 
of  Yillach  was  so  completely  destroyed,  that  very  few  of  its  in- 
habitants were  saved  ;  and  when  the  earth  ceased  to  tremble,  it 
was  found  that  mountains  had  been  moved  from  their  positions, 

'  Mezeray,  Ilistoire  de  France,  Tom.  II.  418.  Paris,  1685.  Compare  Oudegheerst" s 
Chroniques  de  Flandres.     Antwerp,  1571,  4to.  Chap.  175,  f.  297. 

^  They  spread  in  a  direction  from  East  to  West,  over  most  of  tlic  countries  from 
which  we  hare  received  intelligence.     Anonym.     Leobiens,  Chron.  loc.  cit. 

'  Giov.  Villani  Istorie  Florentine,  L.  XII.  chap.  121,  122.  in  Muratori,  T.  XIII.  pp. 
1001,  1002.     Compare  Barnes,  loc.  cit.  p.  430. 


CAUSES . — SPKEAD .  1 5 

and  that  many  hamlets  were  left  in  ruins. ^  It  is  recorded  that, 
during  this  earthquake,  the  wine  in  the  casks  became  turbid,  a 
statement  which  may  be  considered  as  furnishing  a  proof,  that 
changes  causing  a  decoinposition  of  the  atmosphere  had  taken 
place  ;  but  if  we  had  no  other  information  from  which  the  excite- 
ment of  conflicting  powers  of  nature  during  these  commotions 
might  be  inferred,  yet  scientific  observations  in  modern  times 
have  shown,  that  the  relation  of  the  atmosphere  to  the  earth  is 
changed  by  volcanic  influences.  Why,  then,  may  we  not,  from 
this  fact,  draw  retrospective  inferences  respecting  those  extra- 
ordinary phenomena  ? 

Independently  of  this,  however,  we  know  that  during  this  earth- 
quake, the  duration  of  which  is  stated  by  some  to  have  been  a 
week,  and  by  others  a  fortnight,  people  experienced  an  unusual 
stupor  and  head-ache,  and  that  many  fainted  away." 

These  destructive  earthquakes  extended  as  far  as  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Basle,^  and  recurred  until  the  year  1360,  throughout 
Germany,  France,  Silesia,  Poland,  England,  and  Denmark,  and 
much  further  north. ^ 

Great  and  extraordinary  meteors  appeared  in  many  places,  and 
were  regarded  with  superstitious  horror.  A  pillar  of  fire,  M'hich 
on  the  20th  of  December,  1348,  remained  for  an  hour  at  sunrise 
over  the  pope's  palace  in  Avignon  ;'^  a  fireball,  which  in  August  of 
the  same  year  was  seen  at  sunset  over  Paris,  and  was  distinguished 
from  similar  phenomena  by  its  longer  duration,*'  not  to  mention 
other  instances  mixed  up  with  wonderful  prophecies  and  omens, 
are  recorded  in  the  chronicles  of  that  age. 

The  order  of  the  seasons  seemed  to  be  inverted, — rains,  floods, 
and  failures  in  crops  were  so  general,  that  few  places  were  exempt 
from  them  ;  and  though  an  historian  of  this  centurj^  assures  us 
that  there  was  an  abundance  in  the  granaries  and  storehouses,^  all 
his  contemporaries,  with  one  voice,  contradict  him.  The  conse- 
quences of  failure  in  the  crops  were  soon  felt,  especially  in  Italy 

'  /.  Vitoduran.  Chronicon,  hiFiissU.  T/tcsanrus  Jlistor.  Helvet.  Tigur.  1735.  fol.  p.  84. 

*  Albert.  Argentiniens.  Chronic,  in  Urstis.  Scriptor.  rei-.  Germanic.  Francof.  1585. 
fol.  r.  II.  p.  147.     Compare  Chalin,  loc.  cit. 

3  Petrarch.  Opera.  Basil.  1554.  fol.  p.  210.     Barnes,\oQ.  cit.  p.  431. 

*  "  TJn  trcmbleraent  de  terra  universcl,  mesmc  en  France  et  aux  pays  septentrionaux, 
rcnversoit  les  villes  toutes  entibrcs,  deracinoit  les  arbrcs  et  Ics  montagnes,  ct  remplissoit 
les  campagncs  d'abysmcs  si  profondes,  qu'il  scmblait  que  Tcnfer  cut  voulu  engloutir  le 
genre  humain."     Mczeray,  loc.  cit.  p.  418.     Barnes.,  p.  431. 

*  Villani,  loc.  cit.  c.  119.  p.  1000. 

*  Guillelm.  de  Xaiiffi.s,  Cent.  alt.  Chron.  loc.  cit.  p.  100. 
^  Ibid.  p.  110. 


10  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

and  the  surrounding  countries,  where,  in  this  year,  a  rain  which 
continued  for  four  months  had  destroyed  the  seed.  In  the  larger 
cities,  they  were  compelled,  in  the  spring  of  1347,  to  have  re- 
course to  a  distribution  of  bread  among  the  poor,  particularly  at 
Florence,  where  they  erected  large  bake-houses,  from  which,  in 
April,  ninety-four  thousand  loaves  of  bread,  each  of  twelve  ounces 
in  weight,  were  daily  dispensed.'  It  is  plain,  however,  that  hu- 
manity could  only  partially  mitigate  the  general  distress,  not 
altogether  obviate  it. 

Diseases,  the  invariable  consequence  of  famine,  broke  out  in 
the  country,  as  well  as  in  cities  ;  children  died  of  hunger  in  their 
mothers'  arms, — want,  misery,  and  despair,  were  general  through- 
out Christendom.^ 

Such  are  the  events  which  took  place  before  the  eruption  of  the 
Black  Plague  in  Europe.  Contemporaries  have  explained  them 
after  their  own  manner,  and  have  thus,  like  their  posterity,  under 
similar  circumstances,  given  a  proof,  that  mortals  possess  neither 
senses  nor  intellectual  powers  sufficiently  acute  to  comprehend  the 
phenomena  produced  by  the  earth's  organism,  much  less  scien- 
tifically to  understand  their  effects.  Superstition,  selfishness  in 
a  thousand  forms,  the  presumption  of  the  schools,  laid  hold  of  un- 
connected facts.  They  vainly  thought  to  comprehend  the  whole 
in  the  individual,  and  perceived  not  the  universal  spirit  which,  in 
intimate  union  with  the  mighty  powers  of  nature,  animates  the 
movements  of  all  existence,  and  permits  not  any  phenomenon  to 
originate  from  isolated  causes.  To  attempt,  five  centuries  after 
that  age  of  desolation,  to  point  out  the  causes  of  a  cosmical  com- 
motion, which  has  never  recurred  to  an  equal  extent, — to  indicate 
scientifically  the  influences  which  called  forth  so  terrific  a  poison 
in  the  bodies  of  men  and  animals,  exceeds  the  limits  of  human 
imderstanding.  If  we  are  even  now  unable,  with  all  the  varied 
resources  of  an  extended  knowledge  of  nature,  to  define  that 
condition  of  the  atmosphere  by  which  pestilences  are  gener- 
ated, still  less  can  we  pretend  to  reason  retrospectively  from  the 
nineteenth  to  the  fourteenth  century;  but  if  we  take  a  general 
view  of  the  occurrences,  that  century  will  give  us  copious  inform- 
ation, and,  as  applicable  to  all  succeeding  times,  of  high  im- 
portance. 

'    Vlllani,  loc.  cit.  c.  72.  p.  9.54. 

-  Anonym.  Istorie  Pistolcsi,  in  Muratori,  T.  XI.  p.  524.  "  Xe  gli  anni  di  Chr.  1346 
et  13  i7,  fu  gvandiisima  carcstia  in  tuttala  Chvistianita,  in  tanto,  chu  raolta  gcnte  moria 
di  fume,  c  fu  grandc  mortalita  in  ogni  paesc  del  mondo." 


CAUSES. — SPREAD.  17 

In  the  progress  of  connected  natural  phenomena,  from  East  to 
West,  that  great  law  of  nature  is  phiinly  revealed  which  has  so 
often  and  evidently  manifested  itself  in  the  earth's  organism,  as 
well  as  in  the  state  of  nations  dependent  upon  it.  In  the  inmost 
depths  of  the  globe,  that  impulse  was  given  in  the  year  1333, 
which  in  uninterrupted  succession  for  six-and-twenty  years  shook 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  even  to  the  western  shores  of  Europe. 
From  the  very  beginning  the  air  partook  of  the  terrestrial  con- 
cussion, atmospherical  waters  overflowed  the  land,  or  its  plants 
and  animals  perished  under  the  scorching  heat.  The  insect  tribe 
was  wonderfully  called  into  life,  as  if  animated  beings  were  des- 
tined to  complete  the  destruction  which  astral  and  telluric  powers 
had  begun.  Thus  did  this  dreadful  work  of  nature  advance  from 
year  to  year ;  it  was  a  progressive  infection  of  the  Zones,  which 
exerted  a  powerful  influence  both  above  and  beneath  the  surface 
of  the  earth ;  and  after  having  been  perceptible  in  slighter  indi- 
cations, at  the  commencement  of  the  terrestrial  commotions  in 
China,  convulsed  the  whole  earth. 

The  nature  of  the  first  plague  in  China  is  unknown.  We  have 
no  certain  intelligence  of  the  disease,  until  it  entered  the  western 
countries  of  Asia.  Here  it  showed  itself  as  the  oriental  plague 
with  inflammation  of  the  lungs ;  in  which  form  it  jDrobably  also 
may  have  begun  in  China,  that  is  to  say,  as  a  malady  which 
spreads,  more  than  any  other,  by  contagion — a  contagion,  that,  in 
ordinary  pestilences,  requires  immediate  contact,  and  only  under 
unfavourable  circumstances  of  rare  occurrence  is  communicated 
by  the  mere  approach  to  the  sick.  The  share  which  this  cause 
had  in  the  spreading  of  the  plague  over  the  whole  earth,  was 
certainly  very  great :  and  the  opinion  that  the  Black  Death 
might  have  been  excluded  from  Western  Europe,  by  good  regula- 
tions, similar  to  those  which  are  now  in  use,  would  have  all  the 
support  of  modern  experience,  provided  it  could  be  proved  that 
this  plague  had  been  actually  imported  from  the  East ;  or  that 
the  oriental  plague  in  general,  whenever  it  appears  in  Europe, 
has  its  origin  in  Asia  or  Egypt.  Such  a  proof,  however,  can  by 
no  means  be  produced  so  as  to  enforce  conviction  ;  for  it  would 
involve  the  impossible  assumption,  either  that  there  is  no  essential 
difference  between  the  degree  of  civilization  of  the  European 
nations,  in  the  most  ancient  and  in  modern  times,  or  that  detri- 
mental circumstances,  which  have  yielded  only  to  the  civilization 
of  human  society  and  the  regular  cultivation  of  countries,  could 
not  formerly  keep  up  the  glandular  plague. 

2 


18  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

The  plague  was,  however,  known  in  Europe  before  nations  were 
united  by  the  bonds  of  commerce  and  social  intercourse  ;*  hence 
there  is  ground  for  supposing  that  it  sprung  up  spontaneously,  in 
consequence  of  the  rude  manner  of  living  and  the  uncultivated 
state  of  the  earth  ;  influences  which  peculiarly  favour  the  origin 
of  severe  diseases.  Now  we  need  not  go  back  to  the  earlier  cen- 
turies, for  the  14th  itself,  before  it  had  half  expired,  was  visited 
by  five  or  six  pestilences.^ 

If,  therefore,  we  consider  the  peculiar  property  of  the  plague, 
that,  in  countries  which  it  has  once  visited,  it  remains  for  a  long 
time  in  a  milder  form,  and  that  the  epidemic  influences  of  1342, 
when  it  had  appeared  for  the  last  time,  were  particularly  favour- 
able to  its  unperceived  continuance,  till  1348,  we  come  to  the 
notion,  that  in  this  eventful  year  also,  the  germs  of  plague  ex- 
isted in  Southern  Europe,  which  might  be  vivified  by  atmospheri- 
cal deteriorations ;  and  that  thus,  at  least  in  part,  the  Black 
Plague  may  have  originated  in  Europe  itself.  The  corruption  of 
the  atmosphere  came  from  the  East ;  but  the  disease  itself  came 
not  upon  the  wings  of  the  wind,  but  was  only  excited  and  in- 
creased by  the  atmosphere  where  it  had  previously  existed. 

This  source  of  the  Black  Plague  was  not,  however,  the  only 
one  ;  for,  far  more  powerful  than  the  excitement  of  the  latent 
elements  of  the  plague  by  atmospheric  influences,  was  the  effect  of 
the  contagion  communicated  from  one  people  to  another,  on  the 
great  roads,  and  in  the  harbours  of  the  Mediterranean.  From 
China,  the  route  of  the  caravans  lay  to  the  north  of  the  Caspian 
Sea,  through  Central  Asia,  to  Tauris.  Here  ships  were  ready  to 
take  the  produce  of  the  East  to  Constantinople,  the  capital  of 
commerce,  and  the  medium  of  connexion  between  Asia,  Europe, 
and  Africa.^  Other  caravans  went  from  India  to  Asia  Minor, 
and  touched  at  the  cities  south  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  lastly 
from  Bagdad,  through  Arabia  to  Egypt ;  also  the  maritime  com- 
munication on  the  Red  Sea,  from  India  to  Arabia  and  Egypt,  was 
not  inconsiderable.      In  all  these  directions  contagion  made  its 

'  According  to  Papon,  its  origin  is  quite  lost  in  the  obscurity  of  remote  ages ;  and 
oven  before  the  Christian  Era,  we  are  able  to  trace  many  references  to  former  pesti- 
lences. De  la  pcstc,  ou  epoqucs  memorables  de  ce  fleau,  et  Ics  moyens  de  s'en  preserver. 
T.  II.  Paris,  An  VIII.  dc  la  rep.  8. 

2  1301,  in  the  South  of  France;  1311,  in  Italy;  1316,  in  Italy,  Burgundy,  and 
Northern  Europe;  1335,  the  locust  year,  in  the  middle  of  Europe;  1340,  in  Upper 
Italy  ;  1342,  in  France;  and  1347,  iu  Marseilles  and  most  of  the  larger  islands  of  the 
Mediterranean.     Ibid.  T,  II.  p.  273. 

3  Compare  Dcguiffnes,  loc.  cit.  p.  288. 


CAUSES. — SPKEAD.  19 

wa}- ;  and  doubtless,  Constantinople  and  the  harbours  of  Asia 
Minor,  are  to  be  regarded  as  the  foci  of  infection  ;  whence  it  radi- 
ated to  the  most  distant  seaports  and  islands. 

To  Constantinople,  the  plague  had  been  brought  from  the  north- 
ern coast  of  the  Black  Sea,^  after  it  had  depopulated  the  coun- 
tries between  those  routes  of  commerce  ;  and  appeared  as  early  as 
1347,  in  Cyprus,  Sicily,  Marseilles,  and  some  of  the  seaports  of 
Italy.  The  remaining  islands  of  the  Mediterranean,  particularly 
Sardinia,  Corsica,  and  Majorca,  were  visited  in  succession.  Foci 
of  contagion  existed  also  in  full  activity  along  the  whole  southern 
coast  of  Europe  ;  when,  in  January  1348,  the  plague  appeared  in 
Avignon,^  and  in  other  cities  in  the  south  of  France  and  north  of 
Italy,  as  well  as  in  Spain. 

The  precise  days  of  its  eruption  in  the  individual  towns,  are  no 
longer  to  be  ascertained ;  but  it  was  not  simultaneous  ;  for  in 
Florence,  the  disease  appeared  in  the  beginning  of  April  f  in 
Cesena,  the  1st  of  June  •,'^  and  place  after  place  was  attacked 
throughout  the  whole  year  ;  so  that  the  plague,  after  it  had  pass- 
ed through  the  whole  of  France  and  Germany,  where,  however, 
it  did  not  make  its  ravages  until  the  following  year,  did  not  break 
out  till  August,  in  England  ;  where  it  advanced  so  gradually,  that 
a  period  of  three  months  elapsed  before  it  reached  London,'^  The 
northern  kingdoms  were  attacked  by  it  in  1349.  Sweden,  indeed, 
not  until  November  of  that  year :  almost  two  years  after  its  erup- 
tion in  Avignon.*'  Poland  received  the  plague  in  1349,  probably 
from  Germany,^  if  not  from  the  northern  countries  ;  but  in  Russia, 
it  did  not  make  its  appearance  until  1351,  more  than  three  years 
after  it  had  broken  out  in  Constantinople.  Instead  of  advancing 
in  a  north-westerly  direction  from  Tauris  and  from  the  Caspian 
Sea,  it  had  thus  made  the  great  circuit  of  the  Black  Sea,  by  way 
of  Constantinople,  Southern  and  Central  Europe,  England,  the 
northern  kingdoms  and  Poland,  before  it  reached  the  Russian 
territories  ;  a  phenomenon  which  has  not  again  occurred  with 
respect  to  more  recent  pestilences  originating  in  Asia. 

1  According  to  the  general  Byzantine  designation,  "  from  the  country  of  the  liypcr- 
borcan  Scythians."     Kantakuzen,  loc.  cit. 

2  Guid.  Gatdiac,  loc.  cit. 

3  Matt.    Villani,  Istorie,  in  Muratori,  T.  XIV.  p.  14. 

<  Anna].  C;csenat,  Ibid.  p.  1179.  ^  Barnes,  loc.  cit. 

c   Olof  Dalhi's  Svca-Eikes   Historic,  III.  vol.   StotTcholm,  1747—61,  4.  Vol.  II.  C. 
12,  p.  496. 

7  Dlugoss,  Ilistor.  Tolon.  L.  IX.  p.  1086,  T.  I.  Lips.  1711,  fol. 

2  * 


20  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

Whether  any  difference  existed  between  the  indigenous  plague, 
excited  by  the  influence  of  the  atmosphere,  and  that  which  was 
imported  by  contagion,  can  no  longer  be  ascertained  from  facts  ; 
for  the  contemporaries,  who  in  general  were  not  competent  to 
make  accurate  researches  of  this  kind,  have  left  no  data  on  the 
subject.  A  milder  and  a  more  malignant  form  certainly  existed, 
and  the  former  was  not  always  derived  from  the  latter,  as  is  to  be 
supposed  from  this  circumstance — that  the  spitting  of  blood,  the 
infallible  diagnostic  of  the  latter,  on  the  first  breaking  out  of  the 
plague,  is  not  similarly  mentioned  in  all  the  reports  ;  and  it  is 
therefore  probable,  that  the  milder  form  belonged  to  the  native 
plague, — the  more  malignant,  to  that  introduced  by  contagion. 
Contagion  was,  however,  in  itself,  only  one  of  many  causes  which 
gave  rise  to  the  Black  Plague. 

This  disease  was  a  consequence  of  violent  commotions  in  the 
earth's  organism — if  any  disease  of  cosmical  origin  can  be  so  con- 
sidered. One  spring  set  a  thousand  others  in  motion  for  the  an- 
nihilation of  living  beings,  transient  or  permanent,  of  mediate  or 
immediate  effect.  The  most  powerful  of  all  was  contagion ;  for 
in  the  most  distant  countries,  which  had  scarcely  yet  heard  the 
echo  of  the  first  concussion,  the  people  fell  a  sacrifice  to  organic 
poison, — the  untimely  offspring  of  vital  energies  thrown  into 
violent  commotion. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

MORTALITY. 


We  have  no  certain  measure  by  which  to  estimate  the  ravages  of 
the  Black  Plague,  if  numerical  statements  were  wanted,  as  in 
modern  times.  Let  us  go  back  for  a  moment  to  the  14th  century. 
The  people  were  yet  but  little  civilized.  The  church  had  indeed  sub- 
dued them  ;  but  they  all  suffered  from  the  ill  consequences  of  their 
original  rudeness.  The  dominion  of  the  law  was  not  yet  confirm- 
ed. Sovereigns  had  everywhere  to  combat  powerful  enemies  to 
internal  tranquillity  and  security.  The  cities  were  fortresses  for 
their  own  defence.  Marauders  encamped  on  the  roads. — The  hus- 
bandman was  a  feodal  slave,  without  possessions  of  his  own. — 
Rudeness  was  general. — Humanity,  as  yet  unknown  to  the  people, 
— Witches  and  heretics  were  burned  alive.  — Gentle  rulers  were 


MORTALITY.  21 

contemned  as  weak  ; — ^yild  passions,  severity,  and  cruelty,  every- 
where predominated. — Human  life  was  little  regarded. — Govern- 
ments concerned  not  themselves  about  the  numbers  of  their  sub- 
jects, for  whose  welfare  it  was  incumbent  on  them  to  provide. 
Thus,  the  first  requisite  for  estimating  the  loss  of  human  life, 
namely,  a  knowledge  of  the  amount  of  the  population,  is  altogether 
Avanting  ;  and,  moreover,  the  traditional  statements  of  the  amount 
of  this  loss  are  so  vague,  that  from  this  source  likewise  there  is 
only  room  for  probable  conjecture. 

Kairo  lost  daily,  when  the  plague  was  raging  with  its  greatest 
violence,  from  10  to  15,000 ;  being  as  many  as,  in  modern  times, 
great  plagues  have  carried  off  during  their  whole  course.  In 
China,  more  than  thirteen  millions  are  said  to  have  died  ;  and 
this  is  in  correspondence  with  the  certainly  exaggerated  accounts 
from  the  rest  of  Asia.  India  was  depopulated.  Tartarj^,  the  Tar- 
tar kingdom  of  Kaptschak,  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  Armenia,  were 
covered  with  dead  bodies — the  Kurds  fled  in  vain  to  the  moun- 
tains. In  Caramania  and  Cajsarea,  none  were  left  alive.  On  the 
roads, — in  the  camps, — in  the  caravansaries, — unburied  bodies 
alone  were  seen  ;  and  a  few  cities  only  (Arabian  historians  name 
Maara  el  nooman,  Schisur,  and  Harem)  remained,  in  an  unaccount- 
able manner,  free.  In  Aleppo,  500  died  daily ;  22,000  people, 
and  most  of  the  animals,  were  carried  ofi"  in  Gaza  within  six 
weeks.  Cyprus  lost  almost  all  its  inhabitants  ;^  and  ships  with- 
out crews  were  often  seen  in  the  Mediterranean,  as  afterwards  in 
the  North  Sea,  driving  about,  and  spreading  the  plague  wherever 
they  went  on  shore.^  It  was  reported  to  Pope  Clement,  at  Avig- 
non, that  throughout  the  East,  probably  with  the  exception  of 
China,  23,840,000  people  had  fallen  victims  to  the  plague.^  Con- 
sidering the  occurrences  of  the  14th  and  15th  centuries,  we  might, 
on  first  view,  suspect  the  accuracy  of  this  statement.  How  (it 
might  be  asked)  could  such  great  wars  have  been  carried  on — such 
powerful  efforts  have  been  made  ;  how  could  the  Greek  empire, 
only  a  hundred  years  later,  have  been  overthrown,  if  the  people 
really  had  been  so  utterly  destroyed? 

This  account  is  nevertheless  rendered  credible  by  the  ascertain- 
ed fact,  that  the  palaces  of  princes  are  less  accessible  to  contagious 
diseases  than  the  dwellings  of  the  multitude ;  and  that  in  places 
of  importance,  the  influx  from  those  districts  which  have  suffered 
least  soon  repairs  even  the  heaviest  losses.     AVe  must  remember, 

'  Deguignes,  loo.  cit.  p.  223,  f.  -  Matt.  Villani,  Istoria,  loc.  cit.  p.  13. 

'  Knighton,  in  Barnes,  loo.  cit.  p.  434. 


23  THE   BLACK    DEATH. 

also,  that  we  do  not  gather  much  from  mere  numbers  without  an 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  state  of  society.  We  will,  therefore, 
confine  ourselves  to  exhibiting  some  of  the  more  credible  accounts 
relative  to  European  cities. 

In  Florence  there  died  of  the  Black 

Plague 60,000 » 

In  Venice 100,000' 

In  Marseilles,  in  one  month     .     .  16,000  ^ 

In  Siena 70,000  ^ 

In  Paris 50,000' 

In  St.  Denys 14,000  « 

In  Avignon 60,000' 

In  Strasburg 16,000  « 

In  Liibeck 9,000  ' 

In  Basle 14,000 

In  Erfurt,  at  least 16,000 

In  Weimar 5,000  '" 

InLimburg 2,500" 

>  Jno.  Trithem,  Annd.  Hirsaugicns.  (Monast.  St.  Gall.  Hirsaug.  1690.;fol.)  T.  II. 
p.  296.  According  to  Boccacio,  loc.  cit.  100,000  ;  according  to  Matt.  Villani,  loe.  cit. 
p.  14,  three  out  of  five. 

^  Odoric.  Raynald.  A.nnvi\.   ecclesiastic.  Colon.  Agripp.  1691.  fol.  Yol.  XYI.  p.  280. 

'   Vitoduran.  Cbi'onic.  in  FiissU,  loc.  cit. 

*  Tromby,  Storia  de  S.  Brunone  e  dell'  ordine  Cartusiano.  Yol.  YI.  L.  YIII.  p. 
235.  Napol.  1777.  fol, 

^  Barnes,  p.  435.  ^  Ibid. 

'  Baluz.  Yitie  Papar.  Avenionens.  Paris,  1693 — 4.  Yol.  I.  p.  316.  According  to 
Rebdorfin  Freher.  loc.  cit.  at  the  worst  period,  500  daily. 

**  Konigshoven,  loc.  cit. 

^  According  to  Reiinar  Kork,  from  Easter  to  Michaelmas  1350,  80  to  90,000  ;  among 
whom  were  eleven  members  of  the  senate,  and  Bishop  John  IV.  Yid.  John  Rud.  Becker, 
Circumstantial  History  of  the  Imper.  and  free  city  of  Liibeck.  Liibeck,  1782,  84, 
1805.  3  Yols.  4.  Yol.  I.  p.  269.  71.  Although  Liibeck  was  then  in  its  most  flourishing 
state,  yet  this  account,  which  agrees  M'ith  that  of  Paid  Lange,  is  certainly  exaggerated. 
(Chronic.  Citizense,  in  /.  Pistorhis,  Rerum  Germanic.  Scriptorcs  aliquot  insignes,  cur. 
Struve.  Ratisb.  1626.  fol.  p.  1214.)  We  have,  therefore,  chosen  the  lower  estimate  of 
an  anonym,  writer.  Chronic.  Sclavic.  by  Erpold  Lmdenbrog.  Scriptores  rerum  Ger- 
manic. Septentrional,  vicinorumque  populor.  diversi,  Francof.  1630.  fol.  p.  225,  and 
Spangenberg.  loc.  cit.,  with  whom  again  the  assurance  of  the  two  authors,  that  on  the 
10th  August,  1350,  15  or  1700  (according  to  Becker  2500)  persons  had  died,  does  not 
coincide.  Compare  Chronik  dcs  Franciskaner  Lesemeisters  Detmar,  nach  der  Urschrift 
und  mit  Erganzungen  aus  anderen  Chroniken  herausgeg.  published  by  F.  II.  Grautoff. 
Hamburg,  1829,  30.  8.  P.  I.  p.  269.  App.  471. 

'"  Forstemann,  Yersuch  einer  Geschichte  der  christlichen  Geisslergesellschaften,  in 
Stiiudlin's  und  Tzschirner's,  Archiv  fiir  alte  und  ncue  Kirchengeschichte,  Yol.  Ill 
1817. 

"  Limburg  Chronicle,  pub.  by  C.  D.  Vogel.  Marburg,  1828.  8vo.  p.  14. 


MORTALITY.  23 

In  London,  at  least 100,000  ' 

In  Norwich 51,100^ 

To  which  may  be  added — 

Franciscan  Friars  in  Germany     .  124,434  ^ 

Minorites  in  Italy 30,000* 

This  short  catalogue  might,  by  a  laborious  and  uncertain  cal- 
culation, deduced  from  other  sources,  be  easily  further  multiplied, 
but  would  still  fail  to  give  a  true  picture  of  the  depopulation  which 
took  place.  Liibeck,  at  that  time  the  Venice  of  the  North,  which 
could  no  longer  contain  the  multitudes  that  flocked  to  it,  was 
thrown  into  such  consternation  on  the  eruption  of  the  plague,  that 
the  citizens  destroyed  themselves  as  if  in  frenzy. 

Merchants  whose  earnings  and  possessions  were  unbounded, 
coldly  and  willingly  renounced  their  earthly  goods.  They  carried 
their  treasures  to  monasteries  and  churches,  and  laid  them  at  the 
foot  of  the  altar ;  but  gold  had  no  charms  for  the  monks,  for  it 
brought  them  death.  They  shut  their  gates  ;  yet,  still  it  was  cast 
to  them  over  the  convent  walls.  People  would  brook  no  impedi- 
ment to  the  last  pious  work  to  which  they  were  driven  by  despair. 
When  the  plague  ceased,  men  thought  they  were  still  wandering 
among  the  dead,  so  appalling  was  the  livid  aspect  of  the  survivors, 
in  consequence  of  the  anxiety  they  had  undergone,  and  the  un- 
avoidable infection  of  the  air.'^  Many  other  cities  probably  pre- 
sented a  similar  appearance ;  and  it  is  ascertained  that  a  great 
number  of  small  country  towns  and  villages,  which  have  been  es- 
timated, and  not  too  highly,  at  200,000,''  were  bereft  of  all  their 
inhabitants. 

In  many  places  in  France  not  more  than  two  out  of  twenty  of 
the  inhabitants  were  left  alive,^  and  the  capital  felt  the  fury  of 
the  plague,  alike  in  the  palace  and  the  cot. 

Two  queens,*  one  bishop,^and  great  numbers  of  other  distinguish- 
ed persons,  fell  a  sacrifice  to  it,  and  more  than  500  a  day  died  in 
the  Hotel-Dieu,  under  the  faithful  care  of  the  sisters  of  charity, 
whose  disinterested  courage,  in  this  age  of  horror,  displayed  the 

1  Barnes,  loc.  cit.  ^  Ibid. 

3  Spangenberg .  fol.  339.  a.  Grawsani  Sterbcn  vieler  faulen  Troppfen.  Many  lazy 
monks  died  a  cruel  death. 

*    Vitoduran,  loc.  cit.  ^   Becker,  loc.  cit. 

"  Hainr.  Rebdorf.  p.  630.  ?   Guilldm.  de  Nang.  loc.  cit. 

8  Johanna,  queen  of  Navarre,  daughter  of  Louis  X.,  and  Johanna  of  Burgundy,  wife 
of  King  Philij)  de  Valois. 

^   Fulco  de  Channc.  t 


24  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

most  beautiful  traits  of  human  virtue.  For  altliougli  tliey  lost 
their  lives,  evidently  from  contagion,  and  their  numbers  were 
several  times  renewed,  there  was  still  no  want  of  fresh  candidates, 
who,  strangers  to  the  unchristian  fear  of  death,  piously  devoted 
themselves  to  their  holy  calling. 

The  church-yards  were  soon  unable  to  contain  the  dead,'  and 
many  houses,  left  without  inhabitants,  fell  to  ruins. 

In  Avignon,  the  jwpe  found  it  necessary  to  consecrate  the  Rhone, 
that  bodies  might  be  thrown  into  the  river  without  delay,  as  the 
church-yards  would  no  longer  hold  them  ;  \  so  likewise,  in  all 
populous  cities,  extraordinary  measures  were  adopted,  in  order 
speedily  to  dispose  of  the  dead.  In  Yienna,  where  for  some  time 
1200  inhabitants  died  daily,^  the  interment  of  corpses  in  the 
church-yards  and  within  the  churches  was  forthwith  prohibited  ; 
and  the  dead  Avere  then  arranged  in  layers,  by  thousands,  in  six 
large  pits  outside  the  city,'*  as  had  already  been  done  in  Cairo  and 
Paris.  Yet,  still  many  were  secretly  buried  ;  for  at  all  times  the 
people  are  attached  to  the  consecrated  cemeteries  of  their  dead, 
and  will  not  renounce  the  customary  mode  of  interment. 

In  many  places,  it  was  rumoured  that  plague  patients  were 
buried  alive,^  as  may  sometimes  happen  tlirough  senseless  alarm 
and  indecent  haste  ;  and  thus  the  horror  of  the  distressed  people 
was  everywhere  increased.  In  Erfurt,  after  the  church-yards  were 
filled,  12,000  corpses  were  thrown  into  eleven  great  pits ;  and  the 
like  might,  more  or  less  exactly,  be  stated  with  respect  to  all  the 
larger  cities.*"  Funeral  ceremonies,  the  last  consolation  of  the 
survivors,  were  everywhere  impracticable. 

In  all  German}',  according  to  a  probable  calculation,  there 
seem  to  have  died  only   1,244,434^  inhabitants;    this   country, 

>  Mich.  Felibien,  Ilistoire  de  la  ville  de  Paris,  Liv.  XII.  Vol.  II.  p.  601,  Paris,  1725. 
fol.  Comp.  Guillelm.  de  Nangis.  loc.  cit.  and  Daniel  Ilistoire  de  France,  Tom.  II.  p. 
484.  Amsterd.   1720,  4to. 

2   Torfmus,  loc.  cit. 

'  According  to  another  account,  9G0.  Chronic.  Salisburg,  in  Ptz.  loc.  cit.  T.  I.  p.  412. 

*  According  to  an  anonymous  Chronicler,  each  of  these  pits  is  said  to  have  contained 
40,000 ;  this,  however,  we  are  to  understand  as  only  in  round  numbers.  Anonym. 
Leobiens,  in  Fez.  p.  970.  According  to  this  writer,  above  seventy  persons  died  in 
Bome  houses,  and  many  were  entirely  deserted,  and  at  St.  Stephen's  alone,  fifty-four 
ecclesiastics  were  cut  oft'. 

«  A\tger.  de  Biterris  in  Mitratori.  Vol.  III.  P.  II.  p.  556.  The  same  is  said  of  Pa- 
derborn,  by  Gobelin  Person,  in  Ilenr.  Meibom.  Rcr.  Germanic.  Script.  T.  I.  p.  286. 
Hclmstadt,  1688.  fol. 

6  Spangenberg.  loc.  cit.  chap.  287.  fol.  337.  b. 

'   Barnes,  435. 


MORTALITY.  25 

however,  was  more  spared  than  others  ;  Italy,  on  the  contrary, 
was  most  severely  visited.  It  is  said  to  have  lost  half  its  inhabit- 
ants ; '  and  this  account  is  rendered  credible  from  the  immense 
losses  of  individual  cities  and  provinces  :  for  in  Sardinia  and  Cor- 
sica, according  to  the  account  of  the  distinguished  Florentine, 
John  Yillani,  who  was  himself  carried  off  by  the  Black  Plague,^ 
scarcely  a  third  part  of  the  population  remained  alive ;  and  it  is 
related  of  the  Venetians,  that  they  engaged  ships  at  a  high  rate  to 
retreat  to  the  islands ;  so  that  after  the  plague  had  carried  off 
three  fourths  of  her  inhabitants,  that  proud  city  was  left  forlorn 
and  desolate.^  In  Padua,  after  the  cessation  of  the  plague,  two 
thirds  of  the  inhabitants  were  wanting  ;  and  in  Florence  it  was 
prohibited  to  pviblish  the  numbers  of  the  dead,  and  to  toll  the  bells 
at  their  funerals,  in  order  that  the  living  might  not  abandon  them- 
selves to  despair/ 

We  have  more  exact  accounts  of  England ;  most  of  the  great 
cities  suffered  incredible  losses ;  above  all,  Yarmouth,  in  which, 
7052  died  :  Bristol,  Oxford,  Norwich,  Leicester,  York,  and  Lon- 
don, where,  in  one  burial-ground  alone,  there  were  interred  up- 
wards of  50,000  corpses,  arranged  in  layers,  in  large  pits.'^  It  is 
said,  that  in  the  whole  countr}^,  scarcely  a  tenth  part  remained 
alive ;  ®  but  this  estimate  is  evidently  too  high.  Smaller  losses 
were  sufficient  to  cause  those  convulsions,  whose  consequences  were 
felt  for  some  centuries,  in  a  false  impulse  given  to  civil  life,  and 
whose  indirect  influence,  unknown  to  the  English,  has,  perhaps, 
extended  even  to  modern  times. 

Morals  were  deteriorated  everywhere,  and  the  service  of  God 
was,  in  a  great  measure,  laid  aside ;  for,  in  many  places,  the 
churches  were  deserted,  being  bereft  of  their  priests.  The  instruc- 
tion of  the  people  was  impeded  ; "  covetousness  became  general ; 
and  when  tranquillity  was  restored,  the  great  increase  of  lawyers 
was  astonishing,  to  whom  the  endless  disputes  regarding  inherit- 
ances offered  a  rich   harvest.     The  w^ant  of  priests  too,  through- 

1   Trithem.  Aniial.  Ilirsaiig.  loc.  cit.  2  Loc.  cit.  L.  XII.  c.  99.  p.  977. 

'  Chronic.  Claustro-Xeoburg.  in  Fez.  Vol.  I.  p.  490.  Comp.  Barnes,  p.  435.  Bay- 
nald  Histor.  ecclesiastic,  loc.  cit.  According  to  this  account,  a  runaway  Venetian  is 
said  to  have  brought  the  plague  to  Padua. 

*   Giov.  Villani,  L.  XII.  c.  83.  p.  9G4. 

5  Bnrfies,  p.  436.  6    Wood,  loc.  cit. 

"<  Wood  .says,  that  before  the  plague,  there  were  13,000  students  at  0.\ford  ;  a  num- 
ber which  may,  in  some  degree,  enable  us  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  state  of  education 
in  England  at  that  time,  if  we  consider  that  the  universities  were,  in  the  middle  ages, 
frequented  by  younger  students,  who  in  modern  times  do  not  quit  school  till  their  18th 
year. 


26  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

out  the  country,  operated  very  detrimentally  upon  the  people, 
(the  lower  classes  being  most  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  the  plague, 
whilst  the  houses  of  the  nobility  were,  in  proportion,  much  more 
spared,)  and  it  was  no  compensation  that  whole  bands  of  ignorant 
laymen,  who  had  lost  their  wives  during  the  pestilence,  crowded 
into  the  monastic  orders,  that  they  might  participate  in  the  re- 
spectability of  the  priesthood,  and  in  the  rich  heritages  which  fell 
into  the  church  from  all  quarters.  The  sittings  of  Parliament, 
of  the  King's  Bench,  and  of  most  of  the  other  courts,  were  sus- 
pended as  long  as  the  malady  raged.  The  laws  of  peace  availed 
not  during  the  dominion  of  death.  Pope  Clement  took  advantage 
of  this  state  of  disorder  to  adjust  the  bloody  quarrel  between  Ed- 
ward III.  and  Philip  VI. ;  yet  he  only  succeeded  during  the  period 
that  the  plague  commanded  peace.  Philip's  death  (1350)  annul- 
led all  treaties ;  and  It  is  related,  that  Edward,  with  other  troops 
indeed,  but  with  the  same  leaders  and  knights,  again  took  the  field. 
Ireland  was  much  less  heavily  visited  than  England.  The  disease 
seems  to  have  scarcely  reached  the  mountainous  districts  of  that 
kingdom ;  and  Scotland  too  would,  perhaps,  have  remained  free, 
had  not  the  Scots  availed  themselves  of  the  discomfiture  of  the 
English,  to  make  an  irruption  into  their  territory,  which  terminat- 
ed in  the  destruction  of  their  army,  by  the  plague  and  by  the  sword, 
and  the  extension  of  the  pestilence,  through  those  who  escaped, 
over  the  whole  country. 

At  the  commencement,  there  was  in  England  a  super-abundance 
of  all  the  necessaries  of  life ;  but  the  plague,  which  seemed  then 
to  be  the  sole  disease,  was  soon  accompanied  by  a  fatal  murrain 
among  the  cattle.  "Wandering  about  without  herdsmen,  they  fell 
by  thousands ;  and,  as  has  likewise  been  observed  in  Africa,  the 
birds  and  beasts  of  prey  are  said  not  to  have  touched  them.  Of 
what  nature  this  murrain  may  have  been,  can  no  more  be  determin- 
ed, than  whether  It  originated  from  communication  with  the  plague 
patients,  or  from  other  causes ;  but  thus  much  is  certain,  that  it 
did  not  break  out  until  after  the  commencement  of  the  Black 
Death.  In  consequence  of  this  murrain,  and  the  impossibility  of 
removing  the  corn  from  the  fields,  there  was  everywhere  a  'great 
rise  in  the  price  of  food,  which  to  many  was  inexplicable,  because 
the  harvest  had  been  plentiful ;  by  others  it  was  attributed  to  the 
.wicked  designs  of  the  labourers  and  dealers ;  but  it  really  had  its 
foundation  in  the  actual  deficiency  arising  from  circumstances  by 
which  individual  classes  at  all  times  endeavour  to  profit.  For  a 
whole  year,  until  it  terminated  in  August,  1349,  the  Black  Plague 


MORTALITY.  27 

prevailed  in  this  beautiful  island,  and  everywhere  poisoned  the 
springs  of  comfort  and  prosperity.^ 

In  other  countries,  it  generally  lasted  only  half  a  year,  but  re- 
turned frequently  in  individual  places;  on  which  account,  some, 
without  sufficient  proof,  assigned  to  it  a  period  of  seven  years. - 

Spain  was  uninterruptedly  ravaged  by  the  Black  Plague  till 
after  the  year  1350,  to  which  the  frequent  internal  feuds  and  the 
wars  with  the  Moors  not  a  little  contributed.  Alphonso  XL, 
whose  passion  for  war  carried  him  too  far,  died  of  it  at  the  siege 
of  Gibraltar,  on  the  26th  of  March,  1350.  He  was  the  only  king 
in  Europe  who  fell  a  sacrifice  to  it ;  but  even  before  this  period, 
innumerable  families  had  been  thrown  into  affliction.^  The  mor- 
tality seems  otherwise  to  have  been  smaller  in  Spain  than  in  Italy, 
and  about  as  considerable  as  in  France. 

The  whole  period  during  which  the  Black  Plague  raged  with 
destructive  violence  in  Europe,  was,  with  the  exception  of  Kussia, 
from  the  year  1347  to  1350.  The  plagues,  which  in  the  sequel 
often  returned  until  the  year  1383,"*  we  do  not  consider  as  belong- 
ing to  "  the  Great  Mortality."  They  were  rather  common  pes- 
tilences, without  inflammation  of  the  lungs,  such  as  in  former  times, 
and  in  the  following  centuries,  were  excited  by  the  matter  of  con- 
tagion everywhere  existing,  and  which,  on  every  favourable  oc- 
casion, gained  ground  anew,  as  is  usually  the  case  with  this 
frightful  disease. 

The  concourse  of  large  bodies  of  people  was  especially  danger- 
ous ;  and  thus,  the  premature  celebration  of  the  Jubilee,  to  which 
Clement  VI.  cited  the  faithful  to  Pome,  (1350,)  during  the  great 
epidemic,  caused  a  new  eruption  of  the  plague,  from  which  it  is 
said  that  scarcely  one  in  a  hundred  of  the  pilgrims  escajDed.'^ 

Italy  was,  in  consequence,  depopulated  anew ;  and  those  who 
returned  spread  poison  and  corruption  of  morals  in  all  direc- 
tions.'' It  is,  therefore,  the  less  apparent,  how  that  pope,  who 
was  in  general  so  wise  and  considerate,  and  who  knew  how  to 
pursue  the  path  of  reason  and  humanity,  under  the  most  difficult 

^  Barnes  and  Wood,  loc.  cit.  '■'  Gobdm.  Person,  in  Meibom.  loc.  cit. 

'  Jua7t  de  Mariana.  Historia  General  de  Espana,  illustrated  by  Don  Josi:  Sabau  y 
Blatico.  Tom.  IX.  Madrid,  1819.  8vo.  Libro  XVI.  p.  225.  Don  Dierfo  Ortiz  de 
Ziihiga,  Annales  ecclesiasticos  y  seculares  de  Sevilla.  Madrid,  179-5.  4to.  T.  II.  p.  121. 
Don  Juan  de  Ferreras,  Historia  de  Espana.     Madrid,  1721.    T.  YII.  p.  3.53. 

•*   Gobelin.  Person,  loc.  cit.     Comp.  Chalin,  p.  53. 

*  Guillehn.  de  Nangis,  loc.  cit. 

*  Spangenberg.  fol.  337.  b.  Limburj^.  Chronic,  p.  20.  "  Und  die  audi  von  Rom 
kamen,  wurden  eines  Tlicils  boser  als  sic  vor  gewesen  wai-en." 


28  THE   BLACK    DEATH. 

circumstances,  sliould  have  been  led  to  adopt  a  measure  so  inju- 
rious ;  since  he  himself  was  so  convinced  of  the  salutary  effect  of 
seclusion,  that  during  the  plague  in  Avignon  he  kept  up  constant 
fires,  and  suffered  no  one  to  approach  him  ; '  and,  in  other  respects, 
gave  such  orders  as  averted,  or  alleviated,  much  misery. 

The  changes  which  occurred  about  this  period  in  the  north  of 
Europe  are  sufficiently  memorable  to  claim  a  few  moments'  atten- 
tion. In  Sweden  two  princes  died — Haken  and  Knut,  half- 
brothers  of  King  Magnus ;  and  in  Westgothland  alone,  466 
priests.-  The  inhabitants  of  Iceland  and  Greenland  found  in  the 
coldness  of  their  inhospitable  climate  no  protection  against  the 
southern  enemy  whohad  penetrated  to  them  from  happiercountries. 
The  plague  caused  great  havoc  among  them.  Nature  made  no 
allowance  for  their  constant  warfare  with  the  elements,  and  the 
parsimony  with  which  she  had  meted  out  to  them  the  enjoyments 
of  life.^  In  Denmark  and  Norway,  however,  people  were  so  oc- 
cupied with  their  own  misery,  that  the  accustomed  voyages  to 
Greenland  ceased.  Towerinor  iceberofs  formed  at  the  same  time 
on  the  coast  of  East  Greenland,  in  consequence  of  the  general 
concussion  of  the  earth's  organism  ;  and  no  mortal,  from  that  time 
forward,  has  ever  seen  that  shore  or  its  inhabitants.'* 

It  has  been  observed  above,  that  in  Russia  the  Black  Plague 
did  not  break  out  until  1351,  after  it  had  already  passed  through 
the  south  and  north  of  Europe.  In  this  country  also,  the  mor- 
tality was  extraordinarily  great ;  and  the  same  scenes  of  affliction 
and  despair  were  exhibited,  as  had  occurred  in  those  nations 
which  had  already  passed  the  ordeal.  The  same  mode  of  burial — 
the  same  horrible  certainty  of  death — the  same  torpor  and  de- 
pression of  spirits.  The  wealthy  abandoned  their  treasures,  and 
gave  their  villages  and  estates  to  the  churches  and  monasteries ; 
this  being,  according  to  the  notions  of  the  age,  the  surest  Avay  of 
securing  the  favour  of  Heaven  and  the  forgiveness  of  past  sins. 
In  Russia,  too,  the  voice  of  nature  was  silenced  by  fear  and  horror. 
In  the  hour  of  danger,  fathers  and  mothers  deserted  their  children, 
and  children  their  parents.^ 

*  GuiUelm.  de  Nangis^  loc.  fit.  and  many  others. 

'  Dalin's  Svea  Rikes  Historie,  Vol.  II.  c.  12.  p.  490. 

'  Saa6ye.  Tagebuch  in  Groulaud.  Einleit.  XYIII. —  Torfcei  Histor.  Norveg.  Tom. 
IV.  L.  IX.  c.  viii.  p.  478-79.  F.  G.  Mansa,  De  epidemiis  maxime  raemorabilibus  quas 
ill  Dania  Grassatoe  sunt,  et  de  MedicincTe  statu.  Partic.  I.  Ilavn.  1831.  8vo.  p.  12. 

*  Torfcei  Groenlandia  antiqua,  s.  veteris  Groenlandi:edescriptio.  IlavnitB,  1715.  8vo. 
p.  2Z.—Pontan.  Ker.  danicar.  Histor.     Amstelod.  1631.  fol.  L.  VII.  p.  476. 

*  liichter,  loc.  cit. 


MORTALITY.  29 

Of  all  the  estimates  of  the  number  of  lives  lost  in  Europe,  the 
most  probable  is,  that  altof^ether  a  fourth  part  of  the  inhabitants 
were  carried  off.  Now,  if  Europe  at  present  contain  210,000,000 
inhabitants,  the  population,  not  to  take  a  higher  estimate,  which 
might  easily  be  justified,  amounted  to  at  least  105,000,000  in  the 
16th  century. 

It  may,  therefore,  be  assumed,  without  exaggeration,  that  Eu- 
rope lost  during  the  Black  Death  25,000,000  of  inhabitants. 

That  her  nations  could  so  quickly  overcome  such  a  fearful  con- 
cussion in  their  external  circumstances,  and,  in  general,  without 
retrograding  more  than  they  actually  did,  could  so  develop  their 
energies  in  the  following  century,  is  a  most  convincing  proof  of 
the  indestructibility  of  human  society  as  a  whole.  To  assume, 
however,  that  it  did  not  suffer  any  essential  change  internally,  be- 
cause in  appearance  everything  remained  as  before,  is  inconsistent 
with  a  just  view  of  cause  and  efiect.  Many  historians  seem  to 
have  adopted  such  an  opinion ;  accustomed,  as  usual,  to  judge  of 
the  moral  condition  of  the  people  solely  according  to  the  vicissi- 
tudes of  earthly  power,  the  events  of  battles,  and  the  influence  of 
religion,  but  to  pass  over  with  indiSerence  the  great  phenomena 
of  nature,  which  modify,  not  only  the  surface  of  the  earth,  but 
also  the  human  mind.  Hence,  most  of  them  have  touched  but 
superficially  on  the  "great  mortality"  of  the  14th  century.  We 
for  our  parts  are  convinced,  that  in  the  history  of  the  world,  the 
Black  Death  is  one  of  the  most  important  events  which  have  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  present  state  of  Europe. 

He  who  studies  the  human  mind  with  attention,  and  forms  a 
deliberate  judgment  on  the  intellectual  powers  which  set  people 
and  states  in  motion,  may,  perhaps,  find  some  proofs  of  this  asser- 
tion in  the  following  observations  : — at  that  time,  the  advance- 
ment of  the  hierarchy  was,  in  most  countries,  extraordinary  ;  for 
the  church  acquired  treasures  and  large  properties  in  land,  even 
to  a  greater  extent  than  after  the  crusades ;  but  experience  has 
demonstrated,  that  such  a  state  of  things  is  ruinous  to  the  people, 
and  causes  them  to  retrograde,  as  was  evinced  on  this  occasion. 

After  the  cessation  of  the  Black  Plague,  a  greater  fecundity  in 
women  was  every  where  remarkable — a  grand  phenomenon,  which, 
from  its  occurrence  after  every  destructive  pestilence,  proves  to 
conviction,  if  any  occurrence  can  do  so,  the  prevalence  of  a  higher 
power  in  the  direction  of  general  organic  life.  Marriages  were, 
almost  without  exception,  prolific ;  and  double  and  treble  births 
wei'e  more  frequent  than  at  other  times  ;  under  which  head,  we 


30  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

should  remember  the  strange  remark,  that  after  the  "  great  mor- 
tality "  the  children  were  said  to  have  got  fewer  teeth  than  be- 
fore ;  at  which  contemporaries  were  mightily  shocked,  and  even 
later  writers  have  felt  surprise. 

If  we  examine  the  grounds  of  this  oft-repeated  assertion,  we 
shall  find  that  they  were  astonished  to  see  children  cut  twentj',  or 
at  most,  twenty-two  teeth,  under  the  supposition  that  a  greater 
number  had  formerly  fallen  to  their  share. ^  Some  writers  of  au- 
thority, as,  for  example,  the  physician  Savonarola,-  at  Ferrara, 
who  probably  looked  for  twenty-eight  teeth  in  children,  published 
their  opinions  on  this  subject.  Others  copied  from  them,  without 
seeing  for  themselves,  as  often  happens  in  other  matters  which 
are  equall}^  evident ;  and  thus  the  world  believed  in  the  miracle  of 
an  imperfection  in  the  human  body  which  had  been  caused  by  the 
Black  Plague. 

The  people  gradually  consoled  themselves  after  the  sufferings 
"which  they  had  undergone  ;  the  dead  were  lamented  and  for- 
gotten ;  and  in  the  stirring  vicissitudes  of  existence,  the  world 
belonged  to  the  living:.^ 


CHAPTER   V. 

MORAL    EFFECTS. 


The  mental  shock  sustained  by  all  nations  during  the  prevalence 
of  the  Black  Plague  is  without  parallel  and  bej'-ond  description. 
In  the  eyes  of  the  timorous,  danger  was  the  certain  harbinger  of 
death  ;  many  fell  victims  to  fear,  on  the  first  appearance  of  the 
distemper,"*  and  the  most  stout-hearted  lost  their  confidence.  Thus, 
after  reliance  on  the  future  had  died  away,  the  spiritual  union 
which  binds  man  to  his  family  and  his  fellow- creatures  was  gradu- 

1  "Wc  shall  take  this  view  of  the  subject  from  Guillelm.  de  Xangis  and  Bar))es,  if  we 
read  them  with  attention.     Compare  Olof  Dalin,  loe.  cit. 

2  Practica  de  scgritudinibus  a  capitc  usque  ad  pedes.  Tapia?,  1486.  fol.  Tract  \I. 
c.  vii. 

'  "Daniach,  da  das  Sterben,  die  Geiselfarth,  Ebmerfartli,  Judciischlacht,  als  vor- 
geschriebcn  stehet,  ein  End  hatte,  da  hub  die  Welt  wicder  an  zu  lebcn  und  frolilich  zu 
6e}-n,  und  machten  die  Manner  neue  Kleidung."  Limburger  Chronik.  p.  26.  After 
this,  when,  as  was  stated  before,  the  Mortality,  the  Processions  of  the  Flagellants,  the 
Expeditions  to  Rome,  and  the  Massacre  of  the  Jews,  were  at  an  end,  the  world  began 
to  revive  and  be  joyful,  and  the  people  put  on  new  clothing. 

*  Chalin,  loe.  cit.  p.  98.     Detmar's  Liibeck  Chronicle,  V.  I.  p.  401. 


MORAL    EFFECTS.  31 

ally  dissolved.  The  pious  closed  their  accounts  with  the  world, — 
eternity  presented  itself  to  their  view, — their  only  remaining  desire 
was  for  a  participation  in  the  consolations  of  religion,  because  to 
them  death  was  disarmed  of  its  sting. 

Repentance  seized  the  transgressor,  admonishing  him  to  conse- 
crate his  remaining  hours  to  the  exercise  of  Christian  virtues.  All 
minds  were  directed  to  the  contemplation  of  futurity ;  and  children, 
who  manifest  the  more  elevated  feelings  of  the  soul  without  alloy, 
were  frequently  seen,  while  labouring  under  the  plague,  breathing 
out  their  spirit  with  prayer  and  songs  of  thanksgiving.' 

An  awful  sense  of  contrition  seized  Christians  of  every  commu- 
nion ;  they  resolved  to  forsake  their  vices,  to  make  restitution  for 
past  offences,  before  they  were  summoned  hence,  to  seek  reconci- 
liation with  their  INIaker,  and  to  avert,  by  self-chastisement,  the 
punishment  due  to  their  former  sins.  Human  nature  would  be  ex- 
alted, could  the  countless  noble  actions,  which,  in  times  of  most  im- 
minent danger,  were  performed  in  secret,  be  recorded  for  the  in- 
struction of  future  generations.  They,  however,  have  no  influence 
on  the  course  of  worldly  events.  They  are  known  only  to  silent 
eye-witnesses,  and  soon  fall  into  oblivion.  But  hypocrisy,  illusion, 
and  bigotry,  stalk  abroad  undaunted  ;  they  desecrate  what  is  no- 
ble, they  pervert  what  is  divine,  to  the  unholy  purposes  of  selfish- 
ness ;  which  hurries  along  every  good  feeling  in  the  false  excite- 
ment of  the  age.  Thus  it  was  in  the  years  of  this  plague.  In  the 
14th  century,  the  monastic  system  was  still  in  its  full  vigour,  the 
power  of  the  ecclesiastical  orders  and  brotherhoods  was  revered  by 
the  people,  and  the  hierarchy  was  still  formidable  to  the  temporal 
power.  It  was,  therefore,  in  the  natural  constitution  of  society 
that  bigoted  zeal,  which  in  such  times  makes  a  show  of  public  acts 
of  penance,  should  avail  itself  of  the  semblance  of  religion.  But  this 
took  place  in  such  a  manner,  that  unbridled,  self-willed  penitence, 
degenerated  into  lukewarmness,  renounced  obedience  to  the  hier- 
archy, and  prepared  a  fearful  opposition  to  the  church,  paralj^sed 
as  it  was  by  antiquated  forms. 

'  Chronic.  Dit»iari,  Episcop.  Merscpurg,  Francof.  1580,  fol.  p.  358. — "Spangenberg, 
p.  338.  The  lamentation  was  piteous  ;  and  the  only  remaining  solace,  was  the  prevalent 
anxiety,  inspired  by  the  danger,  to  prepare  for  a  glorious  departure;  no  other  hope  re- 
mained— death  appeared  inevitable.  Many  were  hence  induced  to  search  into  their  own 
hearts,  to  turn  to  God,  and  to  abandon  their  wicked  courses  :  parents  warned  their  child- 
ren, and  instructed  them  how  to  pray,  and  to  submit  to  the  ways  of  Providence  :  neigh- 
bours mutually  admonished  each  other ;  none  could  reckon  on  a  single  hour's  respite. 
Many  persons,  and  even  young  childi'cn,  were  seen  bidding  farewell  to  the  world  ;  some 
with  prayer,  others  with  praises  on  their  lips." 


32  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

While  all  countries  were  filled  with  lamenttitions  and  woe,  there 
first  arose  in  Hungary/  and  afterwards  in  Germany,  the  Brother- 
hood of  the  Flagellants,  called  also  the  Brethren  of  the  Cross,  or 
Cross-bearers,  who  took  upon  themselves  the  repentance  of  the 
people,  for  the  sins  they  had  committed,  and  offered  prayers  and 
supplications  for  the  averting  of  this  plague.  This  Order  consisted 
chiefly  of  persons  of  the  lower  class,  who  were  either  actuated  by 
sincere  contrition,  or  who  joyfully  availed  themselves  of  this  pretext 
for  idleness,  and  were  hurried  along  with  the  tide  of  distracting 
frenzy.  But  as  these  brotherhoods  gained  in  repute,  and  were  wel- 
comed by  the  people  with  veneration  and  enthusiasm,  many  nobles 
and  ecclesiastics  ranged  themselves  under  their  standard;  and 
their  bands  were  not  unfrequently  augmented  by  children,  honour- 
able women,  and  nuns;  so  powerfully  were  minds  of  the  most  oppo- 
site temperaments  enslaved  by  this  infatuation.^  They  marched 
through  the  cities,  in  well-organized  processions,  with  leaders  and 
singers ;  their  heads  covered  as  far  as  the  eyes ;  their  look  fixed 
on  the  ground,  accompanied  by  every  token  of  the  deepest  contri- 
tion and  mourning.  They  were  robed  in  sombre  garments,  with 
red  crosses  on  the  breast,  back,  and  cap,  and  bore  triple  scourges, 
tied  in  three  or  four  knots,  in  which  points  of  iron  were  fixed.' 
Tapers  and  magnificent  banners  of  velvet  and  cloth  of  gold,  were 
carried  before  them  ;  wherever  they  made  their  appearance,  they 
were  welcomed  by  the  ringing  of  the  bells  ;  and  the  people  flocked 
from  all  quarters,  to  listen  to  their  hymns  and  to  witness  their 
penance,  with  devotion  and  tears. 

In  the  year  1349,  two  hundred  Flagellants  first  entered  Stras- 
burg,  where  they  were  received  with  great  joy,  and  hospitably 
lodged  by  the  citizens.  Above  a  thousand  joined  the  brotherhood, 
which  now  assumed  the  appearance  of  a  wandering  tribe,  and  se- 
parated into  two  bodies,  for  the  purpose  of  journeying  to  the  north 

'  Torfai  Hist.  rer.  Norvegic.  L.  IX.  c.  viii,  p.  478.  (Havn.  1711,  fol.)  Die  Cronica 
van  der  hilliger  Stat  va7i  Coellen,  off  dat  tyztboich,  Coellen,  1499,  fol.  p.  263.  "/re  dem 
vurss  jair  erhoiff  sich  eyn  alzo  wunderlich  nuice  Geselschaft  in  Ungarien,"  &c.  The 
Chronicle  of  the  holy  city  of  Cologne,  1499.  In  this  same  year,  a  very  remarkable  so- 
ciety was  formed  in  Hungary. 

"  Albert.  Argeiitinens.  Chronic,  p.  149,  in  Chr.  Urstisius.  Germanire  historicorum 
illustrium  Tomus  unus.  Francof.  1-58.5,  fol. —  Guillelm.  de  Nang.  loc.  cit. — Comp.  also 
the  Saxon  Chronicle,  by  Muttheus  Dressere?},  Physician  and  Professor  at  Leipsig,  Wit- 
tenberg, 1596,  fol.  p.  340  ;  the  above-named  Limburg  Chronicle,  and  the  Germaniae 
Chronicon,  on  the  origin,  name,  commerce,  &c.,  of  all  the  Teutonic  nations  of  Germany  : 
by  Seb.  Francken,  of  Word.     Tiibingcn,  1534,  fol.  p   '201. 

•^  Ditmar,  loc.  cit. 


MORAL    EFFECTS.  33 

and  to  the  south.  For  more  than  half  a  year,  new  parties  arrived 
weekly;  and,  on  each  arrival,  adults  and  children  left  their  fami- 
lies to  accompany  them  ;  till,  at  length,  their  sanctity  was  ques- 
tioned, and  the  doors  of  houses  and  churches  were  closed  against 
them.'  At  Sj)ires,  two  hundred  boys,  of  twelve  years  of  age  and 
under,  constituted  themselves  into  a  Brotherhood  of  the  Cross,  in 
imitation  of  the  children,  who,  about  a  hundred  years  before,  had 
united,  at  the  instigation  of  some  fanatic  monks,  for  the  purpose 
of  recovering  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  All  the  inhabitants  of  this  town 
were  carried  away  by  the  illusion ;  they  conducted  the  strangers 
to  their  houses  with  songs  of  thanksgiving,  to  regale  them  for  the 
night.  The  women  embroidered  banners  for  them,  and  all  were 
anxious  to  augment  their  pomp:  and  at  every  succeeding  pilgrim- 
age, their  influence  and  reputation  increased. - 

It  was  not  merely  some  individual  parts  of  the  country  that  fos- 
tered them ;  all  Germany,  Hungary,  Poland,  Bohemia,  Silesia, 
and  Flanders,  did  homage  to  the  mania;  and  they  at  length  be- 
came as  formidable  to  the  secular,  as  they  were  to  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal power.  The  influence  of  this  fanaticism  was  great  and  threat- 
ening; resembling  the  excitement  which  called  all  the  inhabitants 
of  Europe  into  the  deserts  of  Syria  and  Palestine,  about  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years  before.  The  appearance,  in  itself,  was  not 
novel.  As  far  back  as  the  lltli  century,  many  believers,  in  Asia 
and  Southern  Europe,  afflicted  themselves  with  the  punishment  of 
flagellation.  Dominicus  Loricatus,  a  monk  of  St.  Croce  d'Avellano, 
is  mentioned  as  the  master  and  model  of  this  species  of  mortifica- 
tion of  the  flesh;  which,  according  to  the  primitive  notions  of  the 
Asiatic  Anchorites,  was  deemed  eminently  Christian.  The  author 
of  the  solemn  processions  of  the  Flagellants,  is  said  to  have  been 
St.  Anthony;  for  even  in  his  time  (1231)  this  kind  of  penance 
was  so  much  in  vogue,  that  it  is  recorded  as  an  eventful  circum- 
stance in  the  history  of  the  world.  In  1260,  the  Flagellants  ap- 
peared in  Italy  as  Devoti.  "  AVhen  the  land  was  polluted  by  vices 
and  crimes,^  an  imexarapled  spirit  of  remorse  suddenly  seized  the 
minds  of  the  Italians.  The  fear  of  Christ  fell  upon  all :  noble  and 
ignoble,  old  and  young,  and  even  children  of  five  years  of  age, 
marched  through  the  streets  with  no  covering  but  a  scarf  round 

I  Kmigshoven,  Elsassische  und  Strassburgische  Chronicke.  loc.  cit.  p.  297-  f. 

"  Albert.  Argeiitin.  loc.   cit.    They  never  remained  longer  than  one  niglit  at  any 
place. 

'  "Words  of  Monachus  Paduaniis,  quoted  in  Furstemann's  Treatise,  which  is  the  best 
upon  this  subject. — See  p.  21. 

3 


34  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

tlie  waist.  They  eacli  carried  a  scourge  of  leathern  thongs,  which 
they  applied  to  their  limbs,  amid  sighs  and  tears,  with  such  vio- 
lence, that  the  blood  flowed  from  the  wounds.  Not  only  during  the 
day,  but  even  by  night,  and  in  the  severest  winter,  they  traversed 
the  cities  with  burning  torches  and  banners,  in  thousands  and  tens 
of  thousands,  headed  by  their  priests,  and  prostrated  themselves  be- 
fore the  altars.  They  proceeded  in  the  same  manner  in  the  villages: 
and  the  woods  and  mountains  resounded  with  the  voices  of  those 
whose  cries  were  raised  to  God.  The  melancholy  chaunt  of  the  pe- 
nitent alone  was  heard.  Enemies  were  reconciled,  men  and  wo- 
men vied  with  each  other  in  splendid  works  of  charity,  as  if  they 
dreaded  that  Divine  Omnipotence  would  pronounce  on  them  the 
doom  of  annihilation." 

The  pilgrimages  of  the  Flagellants  extended  throvTghout  all  the 
provinces  of  Southern  Germany,  as  far  as  Saxony,  Bohemia,  and 
Poland,  and  even  further  ;  but  at  length,  the  priests  resisted  this 
dangerous  fanaticism,  without  being  able  to  extirpate  the  illusion, 
which  was  advantageous  to  the  hierarchy,  as  long  as  it  submitted 
to  its  sway.  Regnier,  a  hermit  of  Perugia,  is  recorded  as  a 
fanatic  preacher  of  penitence,  with  whom  the  extravagance  origin- 
ated.^ In  the  year  129G,  there  was  a  great  procession  of  the 
Flagellants  in  Strasburg  ;^  and  in  1334,  fourteen  years  before  the 
great  mortality,  the  sermon  of  Venturinus,  a  Dominican  friar,  of 
Bergamo,  induced  above  10,000  persons  to  undertake  a  new  pil- 
grimage. They  scourged  themselves  in  the  churches,  and  were 
entertained  in  the  market-places,  at  the  public  expense.  At 
Pome,  Venturinus  was  derided,  and  banished  by  the  Pope  to  the 
mountains  of  Ricondona.  He  patiently  endured  all — went  to  the 
Holy  Land,  and  died  at  Smyrna,  1346."  Hence  we  see  that  this 
fanaticism  was  a  mania  of  the  middle  ages,  which,  in  the  year 
1349,  on  so  fearful  an  occasion,  and  while  still  so  fresh  in  remem- 
brance, needed  no  new  founder  ;  of  whom,  indeed,  all  the  records 
are  silent.     It  probably  arose  in  many  places  at  the  same  time  ; 

'  Schnurrer,  Chronicle  of  the  Plagues,  T.  I.  p.  291. 

*  Konigshoven,  loc.  cit. 

*  Forstemami,  loc.  cit.  The  Pilgrimages  of  the  Flagellants  of  the  year  1349,  were 
not  the  last.  Later  in  the  14th  century  this  fanaticism  still  manifested  itself  several 
times,  though  never  to  so  great  an  extent :  in  the  15th  century,  it  was  deemed  necessary, 
in  several  parts  of  Germany,  to  extirpate  them  by  fire  and  sword ;  and  in  the  year 
1710,  processions  of  the  Cross-bearers  were  still  seen  in  Italy.  How  deeply  this  mania 
had  taken  root,  is  proved  by  the  deposition  of  a  citizen  of  Nordhausen  (1446)  :  that  his 
wife,  in  the  belief  of  performing  a  Christian  act,  wanted  to  scourge  her  children,  as  soon 
as  they  were  baptized. 


MORAL   EFFECTS.  35 

for  the  terror  of  deatli,  which  pervaded  all  nations  and  suddenly- 
set  such  powerful  impulses  in  motion,  might  easily  conjure  up  the 
fanaticism  of  exaggerated  and  overpowering  repentance. 

The  manner  and  proceedings  of  the  Flagellants  of  the  13th  and 
14th  centuries  exactly  resemble  each  other.  But  if,  during  the 
Black  Plague,  simple  credulity  came  to  their  aid,  which  seized,  as 
a  consolation,  the  grossest  delusion  of  religious  enthusiasm,  yet  it 
is  evident  that  the  leaders  must  have  been  intimately  united,  and 
have  exercised  the  power  of  a  secret  association.  Besides,  the  rude 
band  was  generally  under  the  control  of  men  of  learning,  some  of 
whom,  at  least,  certainly  had  other  objects  in  view,  independent 
of  those  which  ostensibly  appeared.  AVhoever  was  desirous  of  join- 
ing the  brotherhood,  was  bound  to  remain  in  it  thirty-four  days, 
and  to  have  four  pence  per  day  at  his  own  disposal,  so  that  he 
might  not  be  burthensome  to  any  one  ;  if  married,  he  was  obliged 
to  have  the  sanction  of  his  wife,  and  give  the  assurance  that  he 
was  reconciled  to  all  men.  The  Brothers  of  the  Cross  were  not 
permitted  to  seek  for  free  quarters,  or  even  to  enter  a  house  with- 
out having  been  invited ;  they  were  forbidden  to  converse  with 
females  ;  and  if  they  transgressed  these  rules,  or  acted  without 
discretion,  they  were  obliged  to  confess  to  the  Superior,  who  sen- 
tenced them  to  several  lashes  of  the  scourge,  by  way  of  penance. 
Ecclesiastics  had  not,  as  such,  any  pre-eminence  among  them  ;  ac- 
cording to  their  original  law,  which,  however,  was  often  trans- 
gressed, they  could  not  become  Masters,  or  take  part  in  the  Secret 
Councils.  Fenance  was  performed  twice  every  day;  in  the  morn- 
ing and  evening  they  went  abroad  in  pairs,  singing  psalms,  amid 
the  ringing  of  the  bells ;  and  when  they  arrived  at  the  place  of 
flagellation,  they  stripped  the  upper  part  of  their  bodies  and  put 
off  their  shoes,  keeping  on  only  a  linen  dress,  reaching  from  the 
waist  to  the  ancles.  They  then  lay  down  in  a  large  circle,  in  dif- 
ferent positions,  according  to  the  nature  of  their  crime :  the  adul- 
terer with  his  face  to  the  ground ;  the  perjurer  on  one  side,  hold- 
ing up  three  of  his  fingers,  &c. ;  and  were  then  castigated,  some 
more  and  some  less,  by  the  Master,  who  ordered  them  to  rise  in 
the  words  of  a  prescribed  form.^  Upon  this,  they  scourged  them- 
selves, amid  the  singing  of  psalms  and  loud  supplications  for  the 
averting  of  the  plague,  with  genuflexions,  and  other  ceremonies, 

^  Kmigshoven,  p.  298  : 

"  Slant  uf  durch  der  reme?i  Martel  ere  ; 
Und  Inite  dich  vor  der  Siinden  tnere." 
3  * 


36  THE   BI^CK  DEATH. 

of  which  contemporary  writers  give  various  accounts ;  and  at  the 
same  time  constantly  boasted  of  their  penance,  that  the  blood  of 
their  wounds  was  mingled  with  that  of  the  Saviour.^  One  of  them, 
in  conclusion,  stood  up  to  read  a  letter,  Avhich  it  was  pretended  an 
angel  had  brought  from  heaven,  to  St.  Peter's  church,  at  Jerusa- 
lem, stating  that  Christ,  who  was  sore  displeased  at  the  sins  of 
man,  had  granted,  at  the  intercession  of  the  Holy  Virgin  and  of 
the  angels,  that  all  who  should  wander  about  for  thirty-four  days 
and  scourge  themselves,  should  be  partakers  of  the  Divine  grace. ^ 
This  scene  caused  as  great  a  commotion  among  the  believers  as  the 
finding  of  the  holy  spear  once  did  at  Antioch;  and  if  any  among 
the  clergy  inquired  who  had  sealed  the  letter?  he  was  boldly 
answered,  the  same  who  had  sealed  the  Gospel ! 

All  this  had  so  powerful  an  effect,  that  the  church  was  in  consi- 
derable danger;  for  the  Flagellants  gained  more  credit  than  the 
priests,  from  whom  they  so  entirely  withdrew  themselves,  that  they 
even  absolved  each  other.  Besides,  they  everywhere  took  posses- 
sion of  the  churches,  and  their  new  songs,  which  went  from  mouth 
to  mouth,  operated  strongly  on  the  minds  of  the  people.  Great  en- 
thusiasm and  originally  pious  feelings,  are  clearly  distinguishable 
in  these  hymns,  and  especially  in  the  chief  psalm  of  the  Cross- 
bearers,  which  is  still  extant,  and  which  was  sung  all  over  Ger- 
many, in  different  dialects,  and  is  probably  of  a  more  ancient  date.^ 
Degeneracy,  however,  soon  crept  in  ;  crimes  were  everywhere  com- 
mitted ;  and  there  was  no  energetic  man  capable  of  directing  the 
individual  excitement  to  purer  objects,  even  had  an  effectual  re- 
sistance to  the  tottering  church  been  at  that  early  period  season- 
able, and  had  it  been  possible  to  restrain  the  fanaticism.  The  Fla- 
gellants sometimes  undertook  to  make  trial  of  their  power  of 
working  miracles  ;  as  in  Strasburg,  where  they  attempted,  in  their 
own  circle,  to  resuscitate  a  dead  child  :    they  however  failed,  and 

'   Giiill.  de  Nang.  loc.  cit.  ^  Albert.  Argentinens.  loc.  cit. 

3  We  meet  with  fragments  of  different  lengths  in  the  Chronicles  of  the  times,  but  the 
only  entire  MS.  which  we  possess,  is  in  the  valuable  Library  of  President  von  Meuse- 
hach.  Massman  has  had  this  printed,  accompanied  by  a  translation,  entitled  Erlauterun- 
gen  zum  Wessobnmner  Gcbet  des  8'«°  Jahrhimderts.  Nebst  Zweien  woc/i  ungedruckten, 
Gedichtex  des  Vierzehnten  Jahuiicndeets,  Berlin,  1824.  "  Elucidations  of  the 
"Wessobrunn  Prayer  of  the  8th  century,  together  with  two  unpublished  Hymns  of  the 
14th  century."  We  shall  subjoin  it  at  the  end  of  this  Treatise,  as  a  striking  document 
of  the  age.  The  Limburg  Chronicle  asserts,  indeed,  that  it  was  not  composed  till  that 
time,  although  a  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  it,  was  sung  in  the  procession  of  the  Flagel- 
lants, in  1260. — See  Inccrti  auctoris  Chronicon  rerum  per  Austrian!  Yicinasque  regiones 
gestarum  inde  ab  anno  1025,  usque  ad  annum  1282.  Munich,  1827-8,  p.  9. 


MORAL   EFFECTS.  37 

their  unskilfuluess  did  them  much  harm,  though  they  succeeded 
here  and  there  in  maintaining  some  confidence  in  their  holy  call- 
ing, by  pretending  to  have  the  power  of  casting  out  evil  spirits.^ 

The  Brotherhood  of  the  Cross  announced  that  the  pilgrimage  of 
the  Flagellants  was  to  continue  for  a  space  of  thirty-four  years  ; 
and  many  of  the  Masters  had,  doubtless,  determined  to  form  a 
lasting  league  against  the  church;  but  they  had  gone  too  far.  So 
early  as  the  first  year  of  their  establishment,  the  general  indigna- 
tion set  bounds  to  their  intrigues ;  so  that  the  strict  measures 
adopted  by  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.,  and  Pope  Clemen t,^  who, 
throughout  the  whole  of  this  fearful  period,  manifested  prudence 
and  noble-mindedness,  and  conducted  himself  in  a  manner  every 
way  worthy  of  his  high  station,  were  easily  put  into  execution. ^ 

The  Sorbonne,  at  Paris,  and  the  Emperor  Charles,  had  already 
applied  to  the  Holy  See,  for  assistance  against  these  formidable 
and  heretical  excesses,  which  had  well  nigh  destroyed  the  influence 
of  the  clergy  in  every  place ;  when  a  hundred  of  the  Brotherhood 
of  the  Cross  arrived  at  Avignon  from  Basle,  and  desired  admis- 
sion. The  Pope,  regardless  of  the  intercession  of  several  cardi- 
nals, interdicted  their  public  penance,  which  he  had  not  author- 
ized ;  and,  on  pain  of  excommunication,  prohibited  throughout 
Christendom  the  continuance  of  these  pilgrimages.*  Philip  VI,, 
supported  by  the  condemnatory  judgment  of  the  Sorbonne,  forbad 
their  reception  in  France.^  Manfred,  King  of  Sicily,  at  the  same 
time  threatened  them  with  punishment  by  death :  and  in  the  East, 
they  were  withstood  by  several  bishops,  among  whom  was  Janus- 
sius,  of  Gnesen,^  and  Preczlaw,  of  Breslaw,  who  condemned  to 
death  one  of  their  INIasters,  formerly  a  deacon  ;  and,  in  conformity 
with  the  barbarity  of  the  times,  had  him  publicly  burnt.^  In 
Westphalia,  where  so  shortly  before  they  had  venerated  the 
Brothers  of  the  Cross,  they  now  persecuted  them  with  relentless 
severity  f  and  in  the  Mark,  as  well  as  in  all  the  other  countries 

'   Trithem.  Annal.  Hirsaugiens,  T.  II. 'p.  206. 

'^  He  issued  a  bull  against  them,  Oct.  20,  1349.     Raynald.  Trithem.  loc.  cit. 

3  But  as  they  at  last  ceased  to  excite  astonishment,  -were  no  longer  welcomed  by  the 
ringing  of  bells,  and  were  not  received  with  veneration,  as  before,  they  vanished  as  hu- 
man imaginations  are  wont  to  do.  Saxon  Chronicle,  by  Matt.  Dresseren.  "Wittenberg, 
1596,  fol.  p.  340,  341. 

*  Albert.  Arc/oituiens.  loc.  cit.  ^   Gidllehn.  de  Nangis. 

6  Ditmar.  loc.  cit. 

'  Klose  of  Breslaw's  Documental  History  and  Description,  8vo.  Vol.  II.  p.  190. 
Breslaw,  1781. 

8  Limburg  Chronicle,  p.  17. 


38  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

of  Germany,  they  pursued  them,  as  if  they  liad  been  the  authors 
of  every  misfortune.  • 

Tlie  processions  of  the  Brotherhood  of  the  Cross  undoubtedly 
promoted  the  spreading  of  the  plague  ;  and  it  is  evident,  that  the 
gloomy  fanaticism  which  gave  rise  to  them  would  infuse  a  new 
poison  into  the  already  desponding  minds  of  the  people. 

Still,  however,  all  this  was  within  the  bounds  of  barbarous  en- 
thusiasm ;  but  horrible  were  the  persecutions  of  the  Jews,  which 
were  committed  in  most  countries,  with  even  greater  exasperation 
than  in  the  12th  century,  during  the  first  Crusades.  In  every  de- 
structive pestilence,  the  common  people  at  first  attribute  the  mor- 
tality to  poison.  No  instruction  avails ;  the  supposed  testimony 
of  their  eyesight  is  to  them  a  proof,  and  they  authoritatively  de- 
mand the  victims  of  their  rage.  On  whom  then  was  it  so  likely  to 
fall,  as  on  the  Jews,  the  usurers  and  the  strangers  who  lived  as 
enmity  with  the  Christians  ?  They  were  everywhere  suspected  of 
having  poisoned  the  wells  or  infected  the  air.^  They  alone  were 
considered  as  having  brought  this  fearful  mortality  upon  the 
Christians.-''  They  were,  in  consequence,  pursued  with  merciless 
cruelty ;  and  either  indiscriminately  given  up  to  the  fury  of  the 
populace,  or  sentenced  by  sanguinary  tribunals,  which,  with  all 
the  forms  of  law,  ordered  them  to  be  burnt  alive.  In  times  like 
these,  much  is  indeed  said  of  guilt  and  innocence  ;  but  hatred  and 
revenge  bear  down  all  discrimination,  and  the  smallest  probability 
magnifies  suspicion  into  certainty.  These  bloody  scenes,  which 
disgraced  Europe  in  the  14th  century,  are  a  counterpart  to  a  si- 
milar mania  of  the  age,  which  was  manifested  in  the  persecutions 
of  witches  and  sorcerers ;  and,  like  these,  they  prove,  that  enthu- 
siasm, associated  with  hatred,  and  leagued  with  the  baser  passions, 
may  work  more  powerfully  upon  whole  nations,  than  religion  and 
legal  order ;  nay,  that  it  even  knows  how  to  profit  by  the  authority 
of  both,  in  order  the  more  surely  to  satiate  with  blood,  the  sword 
of  long-suppressed  revenge. 

The  persecution  of  the  Jews  commenced  in  September  and  Oc- 
tober, 1348,*  at  Chillon,  on  the  Lake  of  Geneva,  where  the  first 

'  Kehrhenfs  Description  of  Koiiigsberj^,  /.  e.  Neumark,  1724,  4to.  p.  240. 

"^  So  says  the  Polish  historian  Dlurjoss,  loc.  cit.,  while  most  of  his  contemporaries 
mention  only  the  poisoning  of  the  vrells.  It  is  evident,  that  in  the  state  of  their  feel- 
ings, it  mattered  little  whether  they  added  another  still  more  formidable  accusation. 

3  In  those  places  where  no  Jews  resided,  as  in  Leipsig,  Magdeburg,  Brieg,  Franken- 
stein, &c.,  the  grave-diggers  were  accused  of  the  crime. — V.  Mbhscns  History  of  the 
Sciences  in  the  March  of  Brandenburg,  T.  II.  p.  2(5-5. 

*  See  the  original  proceedings,  in  the  Appendix. 


MOEAL    EFFECTS.  39 

criminal  proceedings  were  instituted  against  tliera,  after  they  had 
long  before  been  accused  by  the  people  of  poisoning  the  wells ; 
similar  scenes  followed  in  Bern  and  Freyburg,  in  January,  1349. 
Under  the  influence  of  excruciating  suffering,  the  tortured  Jews 
confessed  themselves  guilty  of  the  crime  imputed  to  them  ;  and  it 
being  affirmed  that  poison  had  in  fact  been  found  in  a  well  at 
Zoffingen,  this  was  deemed  a  sufficient  proof  to  convince  the  world ; 
and  the  persecution  of  the  abhorred  culprits  thus  appeared  justi- 
fiable. Now,  though  we  can  take  as  little  exception  at  these  pro- 
ceedings, as  at  the  multifarious  confessions  of  witches,  because  the 
interrogatories  of  the  fanatical  and  sanguinary  tribunals  were  so 
complicated,  that  by  means  of  the  rack,  the  required  answer  must 
inevitably  be  obtained ;  and  it  is  besides  conformable  to  human 
nature,  that  crimes  which  are  in  everj^body's  mouth,  may,  in 
the  end,  be  actually  committed  by  some,  either  from  wantonness, 
revenge,  or  desperate  exasperation  ;  yet  crimes  and  accusations 
are,  under  circumstances  like  these,  merely  the  offspring  of  a  re- 
vengeful, frenzied  spirit  in  the  people;  and  the  accusers,  accord- 
ing to  the  fundamental  principles  of  morality,  which  are  the  same 
in  every  age,  are  the  more  guilty  transgressors. 

Already  in  the  autumn  of  1348,  a  dreadful  panic,  caused  by  this 
supposed  empoisonment,  seized  all  nations  ;  in  Germany  especially, 
the  springs  and  wells  were  built  over,  that  nobody  might  drink 
of  them,  or  employ  their  contents  for  culinary  purposes ;  and  for 
a  long  time,  the  inhabitants  of  numerous  towns  and  villages  used 
only  river  and  rain  water.'  The  city  gates  were  also  guarded  with 
the  greatest  caution  :  only  confidential  persons  were  admitted ;  and 
if  medicine,  or  any  other  article,  which  might  be  supposed  to  be 
poisonous,  was  found  in  the  possession  of  a  stranger, — and  it  was 
natural  that  some  should  have  these  things  by  them  for  their  pri- 
vate use, — they  were  forced  to  swallow  a  portion  of  it.^  By  this 
trying  state  of  privation,  distrust,  and  suspicion,  the  hatred  against 
the  supposed  poisoners  became  greatly  increased,  and  often  broke 
out  in  popular  commotions,  which  only  served  still  further  to  in- 
furiate the  wildest  passions.  The  noble  and  the  mean  fearlessly 
bound  themselves  by  an  oath  to  extirpate  the  Jews  by  fire  and 
sword,  and   to  snatch  them  from  their  protectors,  of  whom  the 

'  TTermanni  Gygantis  Fbres  tcmponim,  sive  Chronicon  rniversale— Et^.  Mcuschen. 
Lugdun.  Bat.  1743.  4to.  p.  139.  Hermann,  a  Franciscan  monk  of  Franconia,  who  wrote 
in  the  year  1349,  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  most  revolting  scenes  of  vengeance,  through- 
out all  Germany. 

'   Quid.  Catdiac,  loc.  cit. 


40  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

number  was  so  small,  that  throughout  all  Germany  but  few 
places  can  be  mentioned  where  these  unfortunate  people  were  not 
regarded  as  outlaws  and  martyred  and  burnt.'  Solemn  summonses 
were  issued  from  Bern  to  the  towns  of  Basle,  Freyburg  in  the  Breis- 
gau,  and  Strasburg,  to  pursue  the  Jews  as  poisoners.  The  Burgo- 
masters and  Senators,  indeed,  opposed  this  requisition ;  but  in 
Basle  the  populace  obliged  them  to  bind  themselves  by  an  oath  to 
burn  the  Jews,  and  to  forbid  persons  of  that  community  from  en- 
tering their  city,  for  the  space  of  two  hundred  years.  Upon  this, 
all  the  Jews  in  Basle,  whose  number  could  not  have  been  inconsi- 
derable, were  inclosed  in  a  wooden  building,  constructed  for  the 
purpose,  and  burnt,  together  with  it,  upon  the  mere  outcry  of  the 
people,  without  sentence  or  trial,  which  indeed  would  have  availed 
them  nothing.  Soon  after,  the  same  thing  took  place  at  Freyburg. 
A  regular  Diet  was  held  at  Bennefeld,  in  Alsace,  where  the  bi- 
shops, lords,  and  barons,  as  also  deputies  of  the  counties  and  towns, 
consulted  how  they  should  proceed  with  regard  to  the  Jews ;  and 
when  the  deputies  of  Strasburg — not  indeed  the  bishop  of  this  town, 
who  proved  himself  a  violent  fanatic — spoke  in  favour  of  the  perse- 
cuted, as  nothing  criminal  was  substantiated  against  them  ;  a  great 
outcry  was  raised,  and  it  was  vehemently  asked,  why,  if  so,  they 
had  covered  their  wells  and  removed  their  buckets  ?  A  sanguinary 
decree  was  resolved  upon,  of  which  the  populace,  who  obeyed  the 
call  of  the  nobles  and  superior  clerg}'-,  became  but  the  too  willing 
executioners.^  Wherever  the  Jews  were  not  burnt,  they  were  at 
least  banished  ;  and  so  being  compelled  to  wander  about,  they  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  country  people,  who  without  humanity,  and 
regardless  of  all  laws,  persecuted  them  with  fire  and  sword.  At 
Spires  the  Jews,  driven  to  despair,  assembled  in  their  own  habita- 
tions, which  they  set  on  fire,  and  thus  consumed  themselves  with 
their  families.  The  few  that  remained  were  forced  to  submit  to 
baptism  ;  while  the  dead  bodies  of  the  murdered,  which  lay  about 
the  streets,  were  put  into  empty  wine  casks,  and  rolled  into  the 
Bhine,  lest  they  should  infect  the  air.  The  mob  was  forbidden  to 
enter  the  ruins  of  the  habitations  that  were  burnt  in  the  Jewish 
quarter ;  for  the  senate  itself  caused  search  to  be  made  for  the 
treasure,  which  is  said  to  have  been  very  considerable.  At  Stras- 
burg, two  thousand  Jews  were  burnt  alive  in  their  own  burial 
ground,  where  a  large"  scaffold  had  been  erected :   a  few  who  pro- 

'   Ilvrmaiin.  loo.  cit. 
^  Albert.  Argcntin. — Kmigshoven,  loc.  cit. 


MORAL    EFFECTS.  41 

mised  to  embrace  Christianity,  were  spared,  and  their  children 
taken  from  the  pile.  The  youth  and  beauty  of  several  females  also 
excited  some  commiseration ;  and  they  were  snatched  from  death 
against  their  will :  many,  however,  who  forcibly  made  their  escape 
from  the  flames,  were  murdered  in  the  streets. 

The  senate  ordered  all  pledges  and  bonds  to  be  returned  to  the 
debtors,  and  divided  the  money  among  the  work-people.'  Man}', 
however,  refused  to  accept  the  base  price  of  blood,  and,  indignant 
at  the  scenes  of  blood-thirsty  avarice,  which  made  the  infuriated 
multitude  forget  ^  that  the  plague  was  raging  around  them,  pre- 
sented it  to  monasteries,  in  conformity  with  the  advice  of  their 
confessors.  In  all  the  countries  on  the  Rhine,  these  cruelties  con- 
tinued to  be  perpetrated  during  the  succeeding  months ;  and  after 
quiet  was  in  some  degree  restored,  the  people  thought  to  render 
an  acceptable  service  to  God,  by  taking  the  bricks  of  the  destroyed 
dwellings,  and  the  tombstones  of  the  Jews,  to  repair  churches  and 
to  erect  belfries.^ 

In  Mayence  alone,  12,000  Jews  are  said  to  have  been  put  to  a 
cruel  death.  The  Flagellants  entered  that  place  in  August ;  the 
Jews,  on  this  occasion,  fell  out  with  the  Christians,  and  killed  se- 
veral ;  but  when  they  saw  their  inability  to  withstand  the  increas- 
ing superiority  of  their  enemies,  and  that  nothing  could  save 
them  from  destruction,  they  consumed  themselves  and  their  fami- 
lies, by  setting  fire  to  their  dwellings.  Thus  also,  in  other  places, 
the  entry  of  the  Flagellants  gave  rise  to  scenes  of  slaughter ;  and  as 
thirst  for  blood  was  everywhere  combined  with  an  unbridled  spirit 
of  proselytism,  a  fanatic  zeal  arose  among  the  Jews  to  perish  as 
martyrs  to  their  ancient  religion.  And  how  :was  it  possible  that 
they  could  from  the  heart  embrace  Christianity,  when  its  precepts 
were  never  more  outrageously  violated  ?  At  Eslingen,  the  whole 
Jewish  community  burned  themselves  in  their  sj^nagogue ;''  and 
mothers  were  often  seen  throwing  their  children  on  the  pile,  to 
prevent  their  being  baptized,  and  then  precipitating  themselves 
into  the  flames.''      In  short,  whatever  deeds  fanaticism,  revenge, 

1  Dies  was  ouch  die  Vergift,  die  die  Juden  dottete.  "  Tliis  was  also  the  poison  that 
killed  the  Jews,"  observes  Konigshoven^  which  he  illustrates  by  saying,  that  their  in- 
crease in  Germany  was  very  great,  and  their  mode  of  gaining  a  livelihood,  which,  how- 
ever, was  the  only  resource  left  them,  had  engendered  ill-will  against  them  in  all 
quarters. 

2  Many  wealthy  Jews,  for  example,  were,  on  their  way  to  the  stake,  stripped  of  their 
garments,  for  the  sake  of  the  gold  coin  that  was  sewed  in  them. — Albert.  Argeiitinens. 

3  Vide  preceding  note.  *  Spajigenbcrg,  loc.  cit. 
*  GuilMm.  de  Nangis. — Dhigoss,  loc.  cit. 


42  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

avarice,  and  desperatiou,  in  fearful  combination,  could  instigate 
mankind  to  perform, — and  where  in  such  a  case  is  the  limit? 
— were  executed  in  the  year  1349,  throughout  Germany,  Italy, 
and  France,  with  impunity,  and  in  the  eyes  of  all  the  world.  It 
seemed  as  if  the  plague  gave  rise  to  scandalous  acts  and  frantic  tu- 
mults, not  to  mourning  and  grief:  and  the  greater  part  of  those  who, 
by  their  education  and  rank,  were  called  upon  to  raise  the  voice  of 
reason,  themselves  led  on  the  savage  mob  to  murder  and  to  plun- 
der. Almost  all  the  Jews  who  saved  their  lives  by  baptism,  were 
afterwards  burnt  at  different  times  ;  for  thej^  continued  to  be  ac- 
cused of  poisoning  the  water  and  the  air.  Christians  also,  whom 
philanthropy  or  gain  had  induced  to  offer  them  protection,  were 
put  on  the  rack  and  executed  with  them.^  Many  Jews  who  had 
embraced  Christianity,  repented  of  their  apostasy, — and,  return- 
ing to  their  former  faith,  sealed  it  with  their  death. ^ 

The  humanity  and  prudence  of  Clement  VI.  must,  on  this 
occasion,  also  be  mentioned  to  his  honour  ;  but  even  the  highest 
ecclesiastical  power  was  insufficient  to  restrain  the  unbridled  fury 
of  the  people.  He  not  only  protected  the  Jews  at  Avignon,  as 
far  as  lay  in  his  power,  but  also  issued  two  bulls,  in  which  he 
declared  them  innocent ;  and  admonished  all  Christians,  though 
without  success,  to  cease  from  such  groundless  persecutions.^  The 
Emperor  Charles  IV.  was  also  favourable  to  them,  and  sought  to 
avert  their  destruction,  wherever  he  could  ;  but  he  dared  not  draw 
the  sword  of  justice,  and  even  found  himself  obliged  to  yield  to 
the  selfishness  of  the  Bohemian  nobles,  who  were  unwilling  to 
forego  so  favourable  an  opportunity  of  releasing  themselves  from 
their  Jewish  creditors,  under  favour  of  an  imperial  mandate.'* 
Duke  Albert  of  Austria  burned  and  pillaged  those  of  his  cities 
which  had  persecuted  the  Jews, — a  vain  and  inhuman  proceeding, 
which,  moreover,  is  not  exempt  from  the  suspicion  of  covetousness  ; 
yet  he  was  unable,  in  his  own  fortress  of  Kyberg,  to  protect  some 
hundreds  of  Jews,  who  had  been  received  there,  from  being  bar- 
barously burnt  by  the  inhabitants.^  Several  other  princes  and 
counts,  among  whom  was  Ruprecht  von  der  Pfalz,  took  the  Jews 
under  their  protection,  on  the  payment  of  large  sums :  in  conse- 
quence of  which  they  were  called  "Jew-masters,"  and  were  in  dan- 

1  Albert.  Arge7itinens. 

2  Spangenberg  describes  a  similar  scene  which  took  place  at  Kostnitz. 

*  Guillelm.  de  Na?ig. — Raynald. 

*  Histor.  Landgrav.      Tlmring.  in  Pistor.  loc.  cit.  Vol.  I.  p.  948. 

*  Anonym.  Leobiens,  in  Fez.  loc.  cit. 


MORAL   EFFECTS.  43' 

ger  of  being  attacked  by  the  populance  and  by  their  powerful 
neighbours.^  These  persecuted  and  ill-used  people,  except  indeed 
where  humane  individuals  took  compassion  on  them  at  their  own 
peril,  or  when  they  could  command  riches  to  purchase  protection,  had 
no  place  of  refuge  left  but  the  distant  country  of  Lithuania,  where 
Boleslav  Y.,  Duke  of  Poland  (1227—1279),  had  before  granted 
them  liberty  of  conscience  ;  and  King  Casimir  the  Great  (1333 — 
1370),  yielding  to  the  entreaties  of  Esther,  a  favourite  Jewess,  re- 
ceived them,  and  granted  them  further  protection :  ^  on  which 
account,  that  country  is  still  inhabited  by  a  great  number  of  Jews, 
who  by  their  secluded  habits  have,  more  than  any  people  in 
Europe,  retained  the  manners  of  the  middle  ages. 

But  to  return  to  the  fearful  accusations  against  the  Jews ;  it 
was  reported  in  all  Euroj)e,  that  they  were  in  connexion  with 
secret  superiors  in  Toledo,  to  whose  decrees  they  were  subject,  and 
from  whom  they  had  received  commands  respecting  the  coining  of 
base  money,  poisoning,  the  murder  of  Christian  children,  &c.  f 
that  they  i-eceived  the  poison  by  sea  from  remote  parts,  and  also 
prepared  it  themselves  from  spiders,  owls,  and  other  venomous 
animals  ;  but,  in  order  that  their  secret  might  not  be  discovered, 
that  it  was  known  only  to  their  Rabbis  and  rich  men.^  Appar- 
ently there  were  but  few  who  did  not  consider  this  extravagant 
accusation  well  founded ;  indeed,  in  many  writings  of  the  14tK 
century,  we  find  great  acrimony  with  regard  to  the  suspected 
poison-mixers,  which  plainly  demonstrates  the  prejudice  exist- 
ing against  them.  Unhappily,  after  the  confessions  of  the  first 
victims  in  Switzerland,  the  rack  extorted  similar  ones  in  various 
places.  Some  even  acknowledged  having  received  poisonous  pow- 
der in  bags,  and  injunctions  from  Toledo,  by  secret  messengers. 

'  Spanfjcnberg.  In  the  county  of  Mark,  the  Jews  were  no  better  off  than  in  the 
rest  of  Germany.  Margrave  Ltidicig,  the  Roman,  even  countenanced  their  persecu- 
tions, of  which  Kehrhcrg,  loc.  cit.  241,  gives  the  following  official  account:  Coram 
cunctis,  Christi  fidelibus  prsesentia  percepturis,  ego  Johannes  dictus  de  Wedel  Advocatus, 
inclyti  Principis  Domini,  Ludovici,  Marchionis,  publico  profiteer  ct  recognosco,  quod 
nomine  Domini  mei  civitatcm  Konigsberg  visitavi  et  intravi,  et  ex  parte  Domini 
Marchionis  Consulibus  ejusdeni  civitatis  in  adjutorium  mihi  assumtis,  Jiidcros  inibi  mo- 
rantes  igne  cremavi,  bonaque  omnia  eorundem  Jud;eorum  ex'parte  Domini  mci  totaliter 
usurpavi  et  assumsi.  In  cujus  testimonium  pra;scutibus  meum  sigillum  appcndi.  Da- 
tum A.D.  1351.  in  Vigilia  S.  Matthan  Apostoli. 

2  Basnage,  Histoire  dcs  Juifs.  A  la  Huye,  1716.  Svo.T.  IX.  Part.  2.  Liv.  IX.  Chap. 
23.  §.  12.  2-1.  pp.  664.  679.  This  valuable  work  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the 
state  of  the  Jews  of  the  middle  ages.  Compare  J.  M.  Jost's  History  of  the  Israelites 
from  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  to  the  present  day.  T.  VII.  Berlin,  1827-  8vo.  pp.  8.  262. 

»  Albert.  Argentinens.  ^  Hermann.     Uygas.  loc.  cit. 


44  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

Bags  of  this  description  were  also  often  found  in  wells,  tliougli  it 
was  not  unfrequently  discovered  that  the  Christians  themselves 
had  thrown  them  in  ;  prohably  to  give  occasion  to  murder  and 
pillage ;  similar  instances  of  which  may  be  found  in  the  persecu- 
tions of  the  witches.' 

This  picture  needs  no  additions.  A  lively  image  of  the  Black 
Plague,  and  of  the  moral  evil  which  followed  in  its  train,  will 
vividly  represent  itself  to  him  who  is  acquainted  with  nature  and 
the  constitution  of  society.  Almost  the  only  credible  accounts  of 
the  manner  of  living,  and  of  the  ruin  which  occurred  in  private 
life,  during  this  pestilence,  are  from  Italy ;  and  these  may  enable 
us  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  the  general  state  of  families  in 
Europe,  taking  into  consideration  what  is  peculiar  in  the  manners 
of  each  country. 

"  When  the  evil  had  become  universal  "  (speaking  of  Florence), 
*'  the  hearts  of  all  the  inhabitants  were  closed  to  feelings  of  hu- 
manity. They  fled  from  the  sick  and  all  that  belonged  to  them, 
hoping  by  these  means  to  save  themselves.  Others  shut  them- 
selves up  in  their  houses,  with  their  wives,  their  children  and 
households,  living  on  the  most  costly  food,  but  carefully  avoiding 
all  excess.  None  were  allowed  access  to  them  ;  no  intelligence  of 
death  or  sickness  was  permitted  to  reach  their  ears ;  and  they 
spent  their  time  in  singing  and  music,  and  other  pastimes.  Others, 
on  the  contrary,  considered  eating  and  drinking  to  excess,  amuse- 
ments of  all  descriptions,  the  indulgence  of  every  gratification, 
and  an  indifference  to  what  was  passing  around  them,  as  the  best 
medicine,  and  acted  accordingly.  They  wandered  day  and  night 
from  one  tavern  to  another,  and  feasted  without  moderation  or 
bounds.  In  this  way  they  endeavoured  to  avoid  all  contact  with 
the  sick,  and  abandoned  their  houses  and  property  to  chance,  like 
men  Avhose  death-knell  had  already  tolled. 

'  Ou  this  subject  see  Konigshoven,  who  has  preserved  some  very  valuable  original 
proceedings.  The  most  important  are,  the  criminal  examinations  of  ten  Jews,  at  Chil- 
lon,  on  the  Lake  of  Geneva,  held  in  September  and  October,  1348. — Y.  Appendix- 
They  produced  the  most  strange  confessions,  and  sanctioned,  by  the  false  name  of  justice,^ 
the  blood-thirsty  fanaticism  which  lighted  the  funeral  piles.  Copies  of  these  proceed- 
ings were  sent  to  Bern  and  Strasburg,  where  they  gave  rise  to  the  first  persecutions 
against  the  Jews. — V.  also  the  original  document  of  the  offensive  and  defensive 
Alliance  between  Berthold  von  G'ntz,  Bishop  of  Strasburg,  and  many  powerful  loi-ds  and 
nobles,  in  favour  of  the  city  of  Strasburg,  against  Charles  IV.  The  latter  saw  himself 
compelled,  in  consequence,  to  grant  to  that  city  an  amnesty  for  the  Jewish  persecutions, 
which  in  our  days  would  be  deemed  disgraceful  to  an  imperial  crown.  Not  to  mention 
many  other  documents,  which  no  less  clearlv  show  the  spirit  of  the  14th  century,  p. 
1021.  f. 


MORAL    EFFECTS.  45 

Amid  this  general  lamentation  and  woe,  the  influence  and  au- 
thority of  every  law,  human  and  divine,  vanished.  INlost  of  those 
who  were  in  ofiice,  had  been  carried  off  by  the  plague,  or  lay 
sick,  or  had  lost  so  many  members  of  their  families,  that  they 
were  unable  to  attend  to  their  duties  ;  so  that  thenceforth  every 
one  acted  as  he  thought  proper.  Others,  in  their  mode  of  living, 
chose  a  middle  course.  They  ate  and  drank  what  they  pleased, 
and  walked  abroad,  carrying  odoriferous  flowers,  herbs  or  spices, 
which  they  smelt  to  from  time  to  time,  in  order  to  invigorate  the 
brain,  and  to  avert  the  baneful  influence  of  the  air,  infected  by  the 
sick,  and  by  the  innumerable  corpses  of  those  who  had  died  of  the 
plague.  Others  carried  their  precaution  still  further,  and  thought 
the  surest  way  to  escape  death  was  by  flight.  They  therefore  left 
the  city ;  women  as  well  as  men  abandoning  their  dwellings,  and 
their  relations,  and  retiring  into  the  country.  But  of  these,  also, 
many  were  carried  off",  most  of  them  alone  and  deserted  by  all  the 
world,  themselves  having  previously  set  the  example.  Thus  it 
was,  that  one  citizen  fled  from  another — a  neighbour  from  his 
neighbours — a  relation  from  his  relations  ;  and  in  the  end,  so 
completely  had  terror  extinguished  every  kindlier  feeling,  that 
the  brother  forsook  the  brother — the  sister  the  sister — the  wife 
her  husband ;  and  at  last,  even  the  parent  his  own  offspring,  and 
abandoned  them,  unvisited  and  unsoothed,  to  their  fate.  Those, 
therefore,  that  stood  in  need  of  assistance  fell  a  prey  to  greedy 
attendants ;  who,  for  an  exorbitant  recompense,  merely  handed 
the  sick  their  food  and  medicine,  remained  with  them  in  their  last 
moments,  and  then  not  unfrequently  became  themselves  victims 
to  their  avarice,  and  lived  not  to  enjoy  their  extorted  gain.  Pro- 
priety and  decorum  were  extinguished  among  the  helpless  sick. 
Females  of  rank  seemed  to  forget  their  natural  bashfulness,  and 
committed  the  care  of  tbeir  persons,  indiscriminately,  to  men  and 
women  of  the  lowest  order.  No  longer  were  women,  relatives  or 
friends,  found  in  the  houses  of  mourning,  to  share  the  grief  of  the 
survivors — no  longer  was  the  corpse  accompanied  to  the  grave  by 
neighbours  and  a  numerous  train  of  priests,  carrying  wax  tapers 
and  singing  psalms,  nor  was  it  borne  along  by  other  citizens  of 
equal  rank.  Many  breathed  their  last  without  a  friend  to  soothe 
their  dying  pillow  ;  and  few  indeed  were  they  who  departed  amid 
the  lamentations  and  tears  of  their  friends  and  kindred.  Instead 
of  sorrow  and  mourning,  appeared  indifference,  frivolity,  and 
mirth ;  this  being  considered,  especially  by  the  females,  as  con- 
ducive to  health.     Seldom  was  the  body  followed  by  even  ten  or 


46  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

twelve  attendants  ;  and  instead  of  the  usual  bearers  and  sextons, 
mercenaries  of  tlie  lowest  of  the  populace   undertook  the   office 
for  the  sake  of  gain  ;  and  accompanied  by  only  a  few  priests,  and 
often  without  a  single  taper,  it  was  borne  to  the  very  nearest 
church,  and  lowered  into  the  first  grave  that  was  not  already  too 
full  to  receive  it.     Among    the  middling  classes,  and  especially 
among  the  poor,  the  misery  was  still  greater.     Poverty  or  negli- 
gence induced  most  of  these  to  remain  in  their  dwellings,  or  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  ;  and  thus  they  fell  by  thousands  ;  and 
many  ended   their  lives   in  the  streets,   by  day  and   by  night. 
The  stench  of  putrefying  corpses  was  often  the  first  indication  to 
their  neighbours  that  more  deaths  had  occurred.     The  survivors 
to  preserve  themselves  from  infection,  generally  had  the  bodies 
taken  out  of  the  houses,  and  laid  before  the  doors  ;  where  the  early 
morn  found  them  in  heaps,  exposed  to  the  affrighted  gaze  of  the 
passing  stranger.     It  was  no  longer  possible  to  have  a  bier  for 
every  corpse, — three  or  four  were  generally  laid  together — hus- 
band and  wife,   father  and  mother,  with  two  or  three  children, 
were  frequently  borne  to  the  grave  on  the  same  bier ;  and  it  often 
happened  that  two  priests  would  accompany  a  coffin,  bearing  the 
cross  before  it,  and  be  joined  on  the  way  by  several  other  funei^als  ; 
so  that  instead  of  one,  there  were  five  or  six  bodies  for  interment." 
Thus  far  Boccacio.      On  the  conduct  of  the  priests,  another 
contemporary  observes :'    "  In  large  and  small  towns,  they  had 
withdrawn  themselves  through  fear,  leaving  the  performance  of 
ecclesiastical  duties  to  the  few  who  were  found  courageous  and 
faithful  enough  to  undertake  them."     But  we  ought  not  on  that 
account  to  throw  more  blame  on  them  than  on  others  ;  for  we  find 
proofs  of  the   same    timidity  and   heartlessness   in  every   class. 
During  the  prevalence  of  the  Black  Plague,  the  charitable  orders 
conducted  themselves  admirably,  and  did  as  much  good  as  can  be 
done  by  individual  bodies,  in  times  of  great  misery  and  destruc- 
tion ;    when  compassion,  courage,  and  nobler  feelings,  are  found 
but  in  the  few,  while  cowardice,  selfishness,  and  ill-will,  with  the 
baser  passions  in  their  train,  assert  the  supremacy.     In  place  of 
virtue  which  had  been  driven  from  the  earth,  wickedness  every- 
where reared  her  rebellious  standard,  and  succeeding  generations 
were  consigned  to  the  dominion  of  her  baleful  tyranny. 

1   Guillelm.  de  Nangis,  p.  110. 


PHYSICIANS.  47 

CHAPTER  yi. 

PHYSICIANS. 

If  we  now  turn  to  the  medical  talent  which  encountered  the 
"  Great  Mortality ^^  the  middle  ages  must  stand  excused,  since 
even  the  moderns  are  of  opinion  that  the  art  of  medicine  is  not 
able  to  cope  with  the  Oriental  plague,  and  can  aflPord  deliverance 
from  it  only  under  particularly  favourable  circumstances.^  We 
must  bear  in  mind  also,  that  human  science  and  art  appear  parti- 
cularly weak  in  great  pestilences,  because  they  have  to  contend  with 
the  powers  of  nature,  of  which  they  have  no  knowledge ;  and  which, 
if  they  had  been,  or  could  be,  comprehended  in  their  collective 
effects,  would  remain  uncontrollable  by  them,  principally  on 
account  of  the  disordered  condition  of  human  society.  Moreover, 
every  new  plague  has  its  peculiarities,  which  are  the  less  easily 
discovered  on  the  first  view,  because,  during  its  ravages,  fear  and 
consternation  humble  the  proud  spirit. 

The  physicians  of  the  14th  century,  during  the  Black  Death, 
did  what  human  intellect  could  do  in  the  actual  condition  of  the 
healing  art ;  and  their  knowledge  of  the  disease  was  by  no  means 
despicable.  They,  like  the  rest  of  mankind,  have  indulged  in 
prejudices,  and  defended  them,  perhajjs,  with  too  much  obstinacy  : 
some  of  these,  however,  were  founded  on  the  mode  of  thinking  of 
the  age,  and  passed  current  in  those  days,  as  established  truths  : 
others  continue  to  exist  to  the  present  hour. 

Their  successors  in  the  19th  century  ought  not  therefore  to 
vaunt  too  highly  the  pre-eminence  of  their  knowledge,  for  they 
too  will  be  subjected  to  the  severe  judgment  of  posterity — they 
too  will,  with  reason,  be  accused  of  human  weakness  and  want 
of  foresight. 

The  medical  faculty  of  Paris,  the  most  celebrated  of  the  14th 
century,  were  commissioned  to  deliver  their  opinion  on  the  causes 
of  the  Black  Plague,  and  to  furnish  some  appropriate  regulations 
with  regard  to  living,  during  its  prevalence.  This  document  is 
sufficiently  remarkable  to  find  a  place  here. 

"  We,  the  Members  of  the  College  of  Physicians,  of  Paris, 
have,  after  mature  consideration  and  consultation  on  the  present 
mortality,  collected  the  advice  of  our  old  masters  in  the  art,  and 

'   "  Curationcm  omncm  rcspuit  pcstis  confirmata." — Chalin,  p.  33. 


48  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

intend  to  make  known  the  causes  of  this  pestilence,  more  clearly 
than  could  be  done  according  to  the  rules  and  principles  of  astro- 
logy and  natural  science  ;  we,  therefore,  declare  as  follows  :  — 

"  It  is  known  that  in  India,  and  the  vicinity  of  the  Great  Sea, 
the  constellations  which  combated  the  rays  of  the  sun,  and  the 
warmth  of  the  heavenly  fire,  exerted  their  power  especially  against 
that  sea,  and  struggled  violently  with  its  waters.  (Hence,  vapours 
often  originate  which  envelope  the  sun,  and  convert  his  light  into 
darkness.)  These  vapours  alternately  rose  and  fell  for  twenty- 
eight  days  ;  but  at  last,  sun  and  fire  acted  so  powerfully  upon  the 
sea,  that  they  attracted  a  great  portion  of  it  to  themselves,  and  the 
waters  of  the  ocean  arose  in  the  form  of  vapour;  thereby  the 
waters  were,  in  some  parts,  so  corrupted,  that  the  fish  which  they 
contained,  died.  These  corrupted  waters,  however,  the  heat  of 
the  sun  could  not  consume,  neither  could  other  wholesome  water, 
hail  or  snow,  and  dew,  originate  therefrom.  On  the  contrary, 
this  vapour  spread  itself  through  the  air  in  many  places  on  the 
earth,  and  enveloped  them  in  fog. 

"Such  was  the  case  all  over  Arabia,  in  a  part  of  India;  in 
Crete ;  in  the  plains  and  vallej's  of  Macedonia ;  in  Hungary, 
Albania,  and  Sicily.  Should  the  same  thing  occur  in  Sardinia, 
not  a  man  will  be  left  alive  ;  and  the  like  will  continue,  so  long  as 
the  sun  remains  in  the  sign  of  Leo,  on  all  the  islands  and  adjoin- 
ing countries  to  which  this  corrupted  sea-wind  extends,  or  has 
ali-eady  extended  from  India.  If  the  inhabitants  of  those  parts 
do  not  employ  and  adhere  to  the  following,  or  similar,  means  and 
precepts,  we  announce  to  them  inevitable  death — except  the  grace 
of  Christ  preserve  their  lives. 

"We  are  of  opinion,  that  the  constellations,  with  the  aid  of 
Nature,  strive,  by  virtue  of  their  divine  might,  to  protect  and 
heal  the  human  race ;  and  to  this  end,  in  union  with  the  rays  of 
the  sun,  acting  through  the  power  of  fire,  endeavour  to  break 
through  the  mist.  Accordingly,  within  the  next  ten  days,  and 
until  the  17th  of  the  ensuing  month  of  July,  this  mist  will  be 
converted  into  a  stinking  deleterious  rain,  whereby  the  air  will  bo 
much  purified.  Now,  as  soon  as  this  rain  shall  announce  itself,  by 
thunder  or  hail,  every  one  of  you  should  protect  himself  from  the 
air ;  and,  as  well  before  as  after  the  rain,  kindle  a  large  fire  of 
vine-wood,  green  laurel,  or  other  green  wood ;  wormwood  and 
chamomile  should  also  be  burnt  in  great  quantity  in  the  market- 
places, in  other  densely  inhabited  localities,  and  in  the  houses. 
Until  the  earth  is  again  completely  dry,  and  for  three  days  after- 


PHYSICIANS.  49 

wards,  no  one  ought  to  go  abroad  in  the  fields.  During  this  time 
the  diet  should  be  simple,  and  people  should  be  cautious  in  avoid- 
ing exposure  in  the  cool  of  the  evening,  at  night,  and  in  the 
morning.  Poultry  and  water-fowl,  young  pork,  old  beef,  and  fat 
meat  in  general,  should  not  be  eaten ;  but  on  the  contrary,  meat 
of  a  proper  age,  of  a  warm  and  dr}',  but  on  no  account  of  a  heat- 
ing and  exciting  nature.  Broth  should  be  taken,  seasoned  with 
ground  pepper,  ginger,  and  cloves,  especially  by  those  who  are 
accustomed  to  live  temperately,  and  are  yet  choice  in  their  diet. 
Sleep  in  the  day-time  is  detrimental ;  it  should  be  taken  at  night 
until  sunrise,  or  somewhat  longer.  At  breakfast,  one  should 
drink  little  ;  supper  should  be  taken  an  hour  before  sunset,  when 
more  may  be  drunk  than  in  the  morning.  Clear  light  wine, 
mixed  with  a  fifth  or  sixth  part  of  water,  should  be  used  as  a 
beverage.  Dried  or  fresh  fruits,  with  wine,  are  not  injurious ; 
but  highly  so  without  it.  Beet-root  and  other  vegetables,  whether 
eaten  pickled  or  fresh,  are  hurtful ;  on  the  contrary,  spicy  pot- 
herbs, as  sage  or  rosemary,  are  wholesome.  Cold,  moist,  watery 
food  is  in  general  prejudicial.  Going  out  at  night,  and  even  until 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  is  dangerous,  on  account  of  the  dew. 
Only  small  river  fish  should  be  used.  Too  much  exercise  is  hurt- 
ful. The  body  should  be  kept  warmer  than  usual,  and  thus 
protected  from  moisture  and  cold.  Rain-water  must  not  be  em- 
ployed in  cooking,  and  every  one  should  guard  against  exposure 
to  wet  weather.  If  it  rain,  a  little  fine  treacle  should  be  taken 
after  dinner.  Fat  people  should  not  sit  in  the  sunshine.  Good 
clear  wine  should  be  selected  and  drunk  often,  but  in  small  quan- 
tities, by  day.  Olive  oil  as  an  article  of  food,  is  fatal.  Equally 
injurious  are  fasting  and  excessive  abstemiousness,  anxiety  of  mind, 
anger,  and  immoderate  drinking.  Young  people,  in  autumn  espe- 
cially, must  abstain  from  all  these  things,  if  they  do  not  wish 
to  run  a  risk  of  dying  of  dysentery.  In  order  to  keep  the  body 
properly  open,  an  enema,  or  some  other  simple  means,  should  be 
employed,  when  necessary.  Bathing  is  injurious.  Men  must 
preserve  chastity  as  they  value  their  lives.  Every  one  should 
impress  this  on  his  recollection,  but  especially  those  who  reside  on 
the  coast,  or  upon  an  island  into  which  the  noxious  wind  has 
penetrated."  ' 

On  what  occasion  these  strange  precepts  were  delivered  can  no 

•  Jacob.  Francischini  de  Ambrosiis.      In  the  Appendix  to  the  Istoric  Pistolesi,  in 
Jluratori,  Tom.  XI.  p.  528. 


50  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

longer  be  ascertained,  even  if  it  were  an  object  to  know  it.  It 
must  be  acknowledged,  however,  that  they  do  not  redound  to  the 
credit  either  of  the  faculty  of  Paris,  or  of  the  14th  century  in 
general.  This  famous  faculty  found,  themselves  under  the  pain- 
ful necessity  of  being  wise  at  command,  and  of  firing  a  point 
blank  shot  of  erudition  at  an  enemy  who  enveloped  himself  in  a 
dark  mist,  of  the  nature  of  which  they  had  no  conception.  In  con- 
cealing their  ignorance  by  authoritative  assertions,  they  suffered 
themselves,  therefore,  to  be  misled ;  and  while  endeavouring  to 
appear  to  the  world  with  eclat,  only  betrayed  to  the  intelligent 
their  lamentable  weakness.  Now  some  might  suppose,  that  in  the 
condition  of  the  sciences  of  the  14th  century,  no  intelligent  phy- 
sicians existed ;  but  this  is  altogether  at  variance  with  the  laws  of 
human  advancement,  and  is  contradicted  by  history.  The  real 
knowledge  of  an  age  is  shown  only  in  the  archives  of  its  literature. 
Here  alone  the  genius  of  truth  speaks  audibly  : — here  alone  men 
of  talent  deposit  the  results  of  their  experience  and  reflection, 
without  vanity  or  a  selfish  object.  There  is  no  ground  for  believ- 
ing that,  in  the  I4th  century,  men  of  this  kind  were  publicly 
questioned  regarding  their  views ;  and  it  is,  therefoi'e,  the  more 
necessary  that  impartial  history  should  take  up  their  cause  and  do 
justice  to  their  merits. 

The  first  notice  on  this  subject  is  due  to  a  very  celebrated 
teacher  in  Perugia,  Gentilis  of  Foligno,  who,  on  the  18th  of  June, 
1348,  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  plague,  in  the  faithful  discharge  of  his 
duty.'  Attached  to  Arabian  doctrines,  and  to  the  universally 
respected  Galen,  he,  in  common  with  all  his  contemporaries,  be- 
lieved in  a  putrid  corruption  of  the  blood  in  the  lungs  and  in  the 
heart,  which  was  occasioned  by  the  pestilential  atmosphere,  and 
was  forthwith  communicated  to  the  whole  body.  He  thought, 
therefore,  that  everything  depended  upon  a  sufficient  purification 
of  the  air,  by  means  of  large  blazing  fires  of  odoriferous  wood,  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  healthy,  as  well  as  of  the  sick,  and  also  upon 
an  appropriate  manner  of  living ;  so  that  the  putridity  might  not 
overpower  the  diseased.  In  conformity  with  notions  derived  from 
the  ancients,  ho  depended  upon  bleeding  and  purging,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  attack,  for  the  purpose  of  purification  ;  ordered 
the  healthy  to  wash  themselves  frequently  with  vinegar  or  wine, 
to  sprinkle  their  dwellings  with  vinegar,  and  to  smell  often  to 

'   Gentilis  tie  FuU/inco  Couiilia.     De  Teste  Cons.  I.   II.  ful.  7G,  77.     Vcnet.  1514. 
fol. 


PHYSICIANS,  51 

camphor,  or  other  volatile  substances.  Hereupon  he  gave,  after 
the  Arabian  fashion,  detailed  rules,  with  an  abundance  of  different 
medicines,  of  whose  healing  powers  wonderful  things  were  be- 
lieved. He  laid  little  stress  upon  super-lunar  influences,  so  far 
as  respected  the  malady  itself ;  on  which  account,  he  did  not  enter 
into  the  great  controversies  of  the  astrologers,  but  always  kept  in 
view,  as  an  object  of  medical  attention,  the  corruption  of  the  blood 
in  the  lungs  and  heart.  He  believed  in  a  progressive  infection 
from  country  to  country,  according  to  the  notions  of  the  present 
day  ;  and  the  contagious  power  of  the  disease,  even  in  the  vicinity 
of  those  affected  by  plague,  was,  in  his  opinion,  beyond  all  doubt/ 
On  this  point,  intelligent  contemporaries  were  all  agreed ;  and  in 
truth,  it  required  no  great  genius  to  be  convinced  of  so  palpable  a 
fact.  Besides,  correct  notions  of  contagion  have  descended  from 
remote  antiquity,  and  were  maintained  unchanged  in  the  14th 
century.-  So  far  back  as  the  age  of  Plato,  a  knowledge  of  the 
contagious  power  of  malignant  inflammations  of  the  eye,  of  which 
also  no  phj'sician  of  the  middle  ages  entertained  a  doubt,^  was 
general  among  the  people  ;*  yet,  in  modern  times,  surgeons  have 
filled  volumes  with  partial  controversies  on  this  subject.  The 
whole  language  of  antiquity  has  adapted  itself  to  the  notions  of 
the  people,  respecting  the  contagion  of  pestilential  diseases ;  and 
their  terms  were,  beyond  comparison,  more  expressive  than  those 
in  use  among  the  moderns.^ 

Arrangements  for  the  protection  of  the  healthy  against  conta- 
gious diseases,  the  necessity  of  which  is  shown  from  these  notions, 
were  regarded  by  the  ancients  as  usefid ;  and  by  many,  whose 
circumstances  permitted  it,  were  carried  into  effect  in  their  houses. 
Even  a  total  separation  of  the  sick  from  the  healthy,  that  indis- 
pensable means  of  protection  against  infection  by  contact,  was 
proposed  by  physicians  of  the  2nd  century  after  Christ,  in  order 
to  check  the  spreading  of  leprosy.  But  it  was  decidedly  opposed, 
because,  as  it  was  alleged,  the  healing  art  ought  not  to  be  guilty  of 
such  harshness.''     This  mildness  of  the  ancients,  in  whose  manner 

1  — "  vencnosa  puU'cdo  circa  partes  cordis  ct  pulmonis  dc  quibus  cxcuntc  vcnenoso 
vapore,  pcriciilum  est  in  vicinitatibus."     Cons.  I.  fol.  76,  a. 

2  Dr.  Maclean's  notion  that  the  doctrine  of  contagion  was  first  promulgated  in  the 
year  1547,  by  Pope  Paul  III.,  &c.,  thus  falls  to  the  ground,  together  with  all  the  argu- 
ments founded  on  it. — See  Maclean  on  Epid.  and  Pestilent.  Diseases,  8vo,  1817,  Pt.  II. 
Book  II.  ch.  3,  4. —  Transl.  note. 

^  Lippitudo  contagione  spcctantium  oculos  aflicit. —  Chalin  de  Vuiario,  p.  119. 

*  See  the  Author's  Geschichte  dcr  Heilkunde,  Vol.  II.  P.  III. 

*  Compare  Marx,  Origincs  contagii.     Caroliruh.  ct  Bad.  1824.  8. 

*  Cal.  Aitrelian.     Chron.  L.  IV.  c.  1.  p.  497.     Ed.  Amman.      "  Scd  hi  ocgrotantcm 

4  * 


52  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

of  thinking  inhumanity  Avas  so  often  and  so  undisguisedl)'  con- 
spicuous, might  excite  surprise,  if  it  were  anything  more  than  ap- 
parent. The  true  ground  of  the  neglect  of  public  protection 
against  pestilential  diseases,  lay  in  the  general  notion  and  consti- 
tution of  human  society, — it  lay  in  the  disregard  of  human  life,  of 
which  the  great  nations  of  antiquity  have  given  proofs  in  every 
page  of  their  history.  Let  it  not  bo  supposed  that  they  wanted 
knowledge  respecting  the  propagation  of  contagious  diseases.  On 
the  contrary,  they  were  as  well  informed  on  this  subject  as  the 
moderns ;  but  this  was  shown  where  individual  property,  not  where 
human  life,  on  the  grand  scale,  was  to  be  protected.  Hence  the 
ancients  made  a  general  practice  of  arresting  the  progress  of  mur- 
rains among  cattle,  by  a  separation  of  the  diseased  from  the  healthy. 
Their  herds  alone  enjoyed  that  protection  which  they  held  it  im- 
practicable to  extend  to  human  society,  because  they  had  no  wish 
to  do  so.'  That  the  governments  in  the  14th  century  were  not  yet 
so  far  advanced,  as  to  put  into  practice  general  regulations  for 
checking  the  plague,  needs  no  especial  proof.  Physicians  could, 
therefore,  only  advise  public  purifications  of  the  air  by  means  of 
large  fires,  as  had  often  been  practised  in  ancient  times  ;  and  they 
were  obliged  to  leave  it  to  individual  families,  either  to  seek  safety 
in  flight,  or  to  shut  themselves  up  in  their  dwellings,"  a  method 
which  answers  in  common  plagues,  but  which  here  afforded  no 
complete  security,  because  such  was  the  fury  of  the  disease  when 
it  was  at  its  height,  that  the  atmosphere  of  whole  cities  was  pene- 
trated by  the  infection. 

Of  the  astral  influence  which  was  considered  to  have  originated 
the  "  Great  Mortality,'"  physicians  and  learned  men  were  as  com- 
pletely convinced  as  of  the  fact  of  its  reality.  A  grand  conjunction 
of  the  three  superior  planets,  Saturn,  Jupiter,  and  Mars,  in  the 
sign  of  Aquarius,  which  took  place,  according  to  Guy  de  Chauliac, 
on  the  24th  of  March,  1345,  was  generally  received  as  its  princi- 
pal cause.  In  fixing  the  day,  this  physician,  who  was  deeply 
versed  in  astrology,  did  not  agree  with  others  ;  whereupon  there 

destitupndum  magis  imperant,  quam  curandum,  quod  a  so  alicnum  humanitas  approbat 
medicina?." 

^   Geschichte  der  Hcilkuncle,  Vol.  II.  p.  248. 

2  Chalin  assures  us  expressly,  that  many  nunneries,  by  closing  their  gates,  remained 
free  from  the  contagion.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  and  quite  in  conformity  with  the  pre- 
vailing notions,  that  the  continuance  in  a  thick,  moist  atmosphere,  was  generally  es- 
teemed more  advantageous  and  conservative,  on  account  of  its  being  more  impenetrable 
to  the  astral  influence,  inasmuch  as  the  inferior  cause  kept  off  the  superior. — Chalin, 
p.  48. 


PHYSICIANS.  53 

arose  various  disputations,  of  weiglit  in  that  age,  but  of  none  in 
ours ;  people,  however,  agreed  in  this — that  conjunctions  of  the 
planets  infallibly  prognosticated  great  events ;  great  revolutions 
of  kingdoms,  new  prophets,  destructive  plagues,  and  other  occur- 
rences which  bring  distress  and  horror  on  mankind.  No  medical 
author  of  the  14th  and  15th  centuries  omits  an  opportunity  of  re- 
presenting them  as  among  the  general  prognostics  of  great 
plagues ;  nor  can  we,  for  our  parts,  regard  the  astrology  of  the 
middle  ages  as  a  mere  offspring  of  superstition.  It  has  not  onl3^, 
in  common  with  all  ideas  which  inspire  and  guide  mankind,  a  high 
historical  importance,  entirely  independent  of  its  error  or  truth — 
for  the  influence  of  both  is  equally  powerful — but  there  are  also 
contained  in  it,  as  in  alchymy,  grand  thoughts  of  antiquity,  of 
which  modern  natural  philosophy  is  so  little  ashamed  that  she 
claims  them  as  her  property.  Foremost  among  these,  is  the  idea 
of  the  general  life  which  diff'iises  itself  throughout  the  whole  uni- 
verse, expressed  by  the  greatest  Greek  sages,  and  transmitted  to 
the  middle  ages,  through  the  new  Platonic  natural  philosophy. 
To  this  impression  of  an  universal  organism,  the  assumption  of  a 
reciprocal  influence  of  terrestrial  bodies  could  not  be  foreign,^  nor 
did  this  cease  to  correspond  with  a  higher  view  of  nature,  until 
astrologers  overstepped  the  limits  of  human  knowledge  with 
frivolous  and  mystical  calculations. 

Guy  de  Chauliac  considers  the  influence  of  the  conjunction, 
which  was  held  to  be  all-potent,  as  the  chief  general  cause  of  the 
Black  Plague  ;  and  the  diseased  state  of  bodies,  the  corruption  of 
the  fluids,  debility,  obstruction,  and  so  forth,  as  the  especial  sub- 
ordinate caases.2  By  these,  according  to  his  opinion,  the  quality 
of  the  air,  and  of  the  other  elements,  was  so  altered,  that  they 
set  poisonous  fluids  in  motion  towards  the  inward  parts  of  the 
body,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  magnet  attracts  iron ;  whence 
there  arose  in  the  commencement  fever  and  the  spitting  of  blood  ; 
afterwards,  however,  a  deposition  in  the  form  of  glandular  swell- 
in<ys  and  inflammatory  boils.  Herein  the  notion  of  an  epidemic 
constitution  was  set  forth  clearly,  and  conformabh'  to  the  spirit  of 
the  age.  Of  contagion,  Guy  de  Chauliac  was  completely  con- 
vinced.    He  sought  to  protect  himself  against  it  by  the  usual 

^  This  was  called  Affluxxts,  or  Forma  specifica,  and  was  compared  to  the  effect  of  a 
magnet  on  iron,  and  of  amber  on  cliaff. —  Chalin  de  Vinario,  p.  23. 

-  Causa  universalis  agcns — causa  particularis  patiens.  To  this  correspond,  in  Cha- 
lin, the  expressions  Causa  superior  et  inferior. 


51:  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

means ; '  and  it  was  probably  he  who  advised  Pope  Clement  VI.  to 
shut  himself  up  while  the  plague  lasted.  The  preservation  of  this 
pope's  life,  however,  was  most  beneficial  to  the  city  of  Avignon, 
for  he  loaded  the  poor  with  judicious  acts  of  kindness,  took  care  to 
have  proper  attendants  provided,  and  paid  physicians  himself  to 
afford  assistance  wherever  human  aid  could  avail — an  advantage 
which,  perhaps,  no  other  city  enjo^'ed.'  Nor  was  the  treatment 
of  plague-patients  in  Avignon  by  an}^  means  objectionable  ;  for, 
after  the  usual  depletions  by  bleeding  and  aperients,  where  circum- 
stances required  them,  they  endeavoured  to  bring  the  buboes  to 
suppuration  ;  they  made  incisions  into  the  inflammatory  boils,  or 
burned  them  with  a  red-hot  iron,  a  practice  which  at  all  times 
proves  salutary,  and  in  the  Black  Plague  saved  many  lives.  In 
this  city,  the  Jews,  who  lived  in  a  state  of  the  greatest  filth,  wei:e 
most  severely  visited,  as  also  the  Spaniards,  whom  Chaliu  accuses 
of  great  intemperance.^ 

Still  more  distinct  notions  on  the  causes  of  the  plague  were 
stated  to  his  contemporaries  in  the  14th  century,  by  Galeazzo  di 
Santa  Sofia,  a  learned  man,  a  native  of  Padua,  who  likewise 
treated  plague-patients  at  Vienna,'*  though  in  what  year  is  unde- 
termined. He  distinguishes  carefully pestik/ice  from  cjndemi/  and 
endemy.  The  common  notion  of  the  two  first  accords  exactly 
with  that  of  an  epidemic  constitution,  for  both  consist,  according 
to  him,  in  an  unknown  change  or  corruption  of  the  air  ;  with  this 
difference,  that  instileyice  calls  forth  diseases  of  different  kinds  ; 
cpidemy,  on  the  contrary,  always  the  same  disease.  As  an  example 
of  an  epidcmy,  he  adduces  a  cough  (influenza)  which  was  observed 
in  all  climates  at  the  same  time,  without  perceptible  cause ;  but 
he  recognised  the  approach  of  a  pcHtllence,  independently  of  un- 
usual natural  phenomena,  by  the  more  frequent  occurrence  of 
various  kinds  of  fever,  to  which  the  modern  physicians  would  as- 
sign a  nervous  and  putrid  character.  The  endemy  originates,  ac- 
cording to  him,  only  in  local  telluric  changes — in  deleterious  in- 
fluences which  develope  themselves  in  the  earth  and  in  the  water, 
without  a  corruption  of  the  air.     These  notions  were   variously 

'  Purging  with  alijetic  pills ;  bleeding ;  purification  of  tlie  air  by  means  of  large  fires ; 
the  use  of  treacle  ;  frequent  smelling  to  volatile  substances,  of  which  certain  "poma" 
were  prepared  ;  the  internal  use  of  Armenian  bole,— a  plague-remedy  derived  from  the 
Arabians,  and,  throughout  the  middle  ages,  much  in  vogue,  and  very  improperly  used  ; 
and  the  employment  of  acescent  food,  in  order  to  resist  putridity.  Guy  de  Chaidiac  ap- 
pears to  have  recommended  flight  to  many.  Loc.  citat.  p.  115.  Compare  Chalin,  L.  If., 
who  gives  most  excellent  precepts  on  this  subject. 

*  Axiger.  de  Diterris,  loc.  cit. 

3  L.  I.  c.  4.  p.  39  4  Fol.  32.  loc.  cit. 


PHYSICIANS.  55 

jumbled  together  in  his  time,  like  everything  which  human  un- 
derstanding separates  by  too  fine  a  line  of  limitation.  The  esti- 
mation of  cosmical  influences,  however,  in  the  cjndemy  and 
pcatilence  is  well  worthy  of  commendation  ;  and  Santa  Sofia,  in 
this  respect,  not  only  agrees  with  the  most  intelligent  persons  of 
the  14th  and  15th  centuries,  but  he  has  also  promulgated  an 
opinion  which  must,  even  now,  serve  as  a  foundation  for  our 
scarcely  commenced  investigations  into  cosmical  influences.^  Pes- 
tilence and  epidemij  consist  not  in  alterations  of  the  four  primary 
qualities,^  but  in  a  corruption  of  the  air,  powerful,  though  quite 
immaterial,  and  not  cognoscible  by  the  senses: — (corruptio  aeris 
non  substantialis,  sed  qualitativa)  in  a  disproportion  of  the  im- 
ponderables in  the  atmosphere,  as  it  would  be  expressed  by  the 
moderns.^  The  causes  of  the  pestilence  and  epidemy  are,  first  of 
all,  astral  influences,  especially  on  occasion  of  planetary  conjunc- 
tions ;  then  extensive  putrefaction  of  animal  and  vegetable  bodies, 
and  terrestrial  corruptions  (corruptio  in  terra)  ;  to  which  also  bad 
diet  and  want  may  contribute.  Santa  Sofia  considers  the  putre- 
faction of  locusts,  that  had  perished  in  the  sea  and  were  again 
thrown  up,  combined  with  astral  and  terrestrial  influences,  as  the 
cause  of  the  pestilence  in  the  eventful  year  of  the  "  Great  Mor- 
tality:' 

All  the  fevers  which  were  called  forth  by  the  pestilence,  are,  ac- 
cording to  him,  of  the  putrid  kind ;  for  they  originate  principally 
from  putridity  of  the  heart's  blood,  which  inevitably  follows  the 
inhalation  of  infected  air.  The  Oriental  Plague  is,  sometimes,  but 
by  no  means  always,  occasioned  by  pestilence  (?),  which  imparts  to 
it  a  character  (qualitas  occulta)  hostile  to  human  nature.  It 
originates  frequently  from  other  causes,  among  which,  this  phy- 
sician was  aware  that  contagion  was  to  be  reckoned  ;  and  it  de- 
serves to  be  remarked,  that  he  held  epidemic  small-pox  and  measles 
to  be  infallible  forerunners  of  the  plague,  as  do  the  physicians  and 
people  of  the  East  "*  at  the  present  day. 

^  Galcacii  de  Sancta  Sophia,  Liber  de  Febribus.  Yenet.  1514,  fol.  (Printed  togetlier 
witH  Guillclmus  Brixiensis,  Marsilius  de  Sancta  Sophia,  Ricardus  Parisiensis.  fol. 
29.  seq.) 

2  Warmth,  cold,  dryness,  and  moisture. 

3  The  talented  Chalin  entertains  the  same  conviction,  "  Obscurum  interdum  esse 
vitiura  aciris,  sub  pestis  initia  et  menses  primos,  hoc  est  argumento  :  quod  cum  nee  odore 
tetro  gravis,  nee  turpi  colore  foedatns  fiierit,  sed  punts,  tenuis,  frigidus,  qualis 
in  montosis  et  asperis  locis  esse  solet,  et  tranquilhis,  vehementissima  sit  tamen  pestilcniia 
infestaquc,"  etc.  p.  28.  The  most  recent  observers  of  mahiria  have  stated  uotliingmore 
than  this. 

•*  Compare  Enr.  di  Wolmar,  Abhandlung  iiber  die  Pest.     Berlin,  IS'27.  Svo. 


56  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

In  the  exposition  of  liis  therapeutical  views  of  the  plague,  a 
clearness  of  intellect  is  again  shown  by  Santa  Sofia,  which  reflects 
credit  on  the  age.  It  seemed  to  him  to  depend,  1st,  on  an  evacua- 
tion of  putrid  matters,  by  purgatives  and  bleeding  :  yet  he  did  not 
sanction  the  employment  of  these  means  indiscriminately,  and 
without  consideration ;  least  of  all  where  the  condition  of  the 
blood  was  health}'.  He  also  declared  himself  decidedly  against 
bleeding  ad  deliquium  (vense  sectio  eradicativa).  2nd,  Strength- 
ening of  the  heart  and  prevention  of  putrescence.  3rd,  Appropri- 
ate regimen.  4th,  Improvement  of  the  air.  5th,  Appropriate 
treatment  of  tumid  glands  and  inflammatory  boils,  with  emollient, 
or  even  stimulating  poultices  (mustard,  lily-bulbs),  as  well  as  with 
red-hot  gold  and  iron.  Lastly,  Gth,  Attention  to  prominent 
symptoms.  The  stores  of  the  Arabian  pharmacy,  which  he 
brought  into  action  to  meet  all  these  indications,  were  indeed  very 
considerable ;  it  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that,  for  the  most  part, 
gentle  means  were  accumulated,  which,  in  case  of  abuse,  would  do 
no  harm  ;  for  the  character  of  the  Arabian  sj^stem  of  medicine, 
whose  principles  were  everywhere  followed  at  this  time,  was  mild- 
ness and  caution.  On  this  account,  too,  we  cannot  believe  that  a 
very  prolix  treatise  by  INIarsigli  di  Santa  Sofia,'  a  contemporary 
relative  of  Galeazzo,  on  the  prevention  and  treatment  of  plague, 
can  have  caused  much  harm,  although,  perhaps,  even  in  the  14th 
century,  an  agreeable  latitude  and  confident  assertions  respecting 
things  which  no  mortal  has  investigated,  or  which  it  is  quite  a 
matter  of  iudifierence  to  distinguish,  were  considered  as  proofs  of 
a  valuable  practical  talent. 

The  agreement  of  contemporary  and  later  writers,  shows  that 
the  published  views  of  the  most  celebrated  physicians  of  the  14th 
century,  were  those  generally  adopted.  Among  these,  Chalin  de 
Vinario  is  the  most  experienced.  Though  devoted  to  astrology, 
still  more  than  his  distinguished  contemporary,  he  acknowledges 
the  greater  power  of  terrestrial  influences,  and  expresses  himself 
very  sensibly  on  the  indisputable  doctrine  of  contagion,  endeavour- 
ing thereby  to  apologize  for  many  surgeons  and  phj^sicians  of  his 
time,  who  neglected  their  duty.^     He  asserted  boldly,  and  with 

1  Tractatus  de  Febribus,  fol.  48. 

2  De  Peste  Liber,  pura  latinitatc  donatus  a  Jncoho  Dalcchampio.  Lii^dun.  1552. 
16.  p.  40.  188.  "Longe  taraen  phirimi  congressu  eorum  qui  fuerimt  in  locis  pesti- 
lentibus  periclitantur  ct  gravissirae,  quoniam  e  causa  duplici,  nempe  et  aeris  vitio,  et 
corura  qui  versantur  nobiscum,  vitio.  Hoc  itaque  modo  fit,  ut  unius  accessu  in  totam 
modo  fainiliam,  modo  civitatem,  modo  villam,  jjestis  invehatur ."  Compare  p.  20, 
"Sole  privatorum  redes  pestem  sentiunt,  si  adeatqni  in  pestilenti  loco  versatus  est."  — 


PHYSICIANS.  57 

truth,  "  that  all  epidemic  diseases  migld  become  contagious,^  and  all 
fevers  epidemic,'^  which  attentive  observers  of  all  subsequent  ao-es 
have  confirmed. 

He  delivered  his  sentiments  on  blood-letting  with  sagacity,  as 
an  experienced  physician ;  yet  he  was  unable,  as  may  be  imagin- 
ed, to  moderate  the  desire  for  bleeding  shown  by  the  ignorant 
monks.     He  was  averse  to  draw  blood  from  the  veins  of  patients 
under  fourteen  years  of  age  ;  but  counteracted  inflammatory  ex- 
citement in  them  by  cupping ;  and  endeavoured  to  moderate  the 
inflammation  of  the  tumid  glands  by  leeches.^     Most  of  those  who 
were  bled,  died  ;  he  therefore  reserved,  this  remedy  for  the  pletho- 
ric ;  especially  for  the  papal  courtiers,  and  the  hypocritical  priests, 
whom  he  saw  gratifj'ing  their  sensual  desires,  and  imitating  Epi- 
curus, whilst   they  pompously  pretended  to  follow    Christ.^     He 
i-ecoramended  burning  the  boils  with  a  red-hot  iron,  only  in  the 
jjlague  without  fever,  which  occurred  in  single  cases;  *  and  was  al- 
ways ready  to  correct  those  over-hasty  surgeons,  who,  with  fire 
and  violent  remedies,  did  irremediable  injury  to  their  patients.^ 
Michael  Savonarola,  professor  in  Ferrara  (1462),  reasoning  on  the 
susceptibility  of  the  human  frame  to  the  influence  of  pestilential 
infection,  as  the  cause  of  such  various  modifications  of  disease,  ex- 
presses himself  as  a  modern  physician  would  on  this  point;  and  an 
adoption  of  the  principle  of  contagion,  was  the  foundation  of  his 
definition  of  the  plague.*"     No  less  worthy  of  observation  are  the 
views  of  the  celebrated  Valescus  of  Taranta,  who,  during  the  final 
visitation  of  the  Black  Death,  in  1382,  practised  as  a  physician  at 
Montpellier,  and  handed  down  to  posterity  what  has  been  repeat- 

"  Nobis  proximi  ipsi  sumus,  nemoque  est  tanta  occcccatus  amentia,  qui  de  sua  salute 
potius  quain  aliorum  soUicitus  non  sit,  maxime  in  contagione  tarn  cita  et  rapida." 
Eather  a  loose  principle,  which  might  greatly  encourage  low  sentiments,  and  much  en- 
danger the  honour  of  the  medical  profession,  but  which,  in  Chalin,  who  was  aware  of 
the  impossibility  of  avoiding  contagion  in  uncleanly  dwellings,  is  so  far  excusable,  that 
he  did  not  apply  it  to  himself. 

'  Morbos  omnes  pestilentes  esse  contagiosos,  audacter  ego  equidem  pronuntio  et  as- 
severo.     p.  149. 

^  Vide  preceding  note,  pp.  162,  163. 

3  Ibid.  p.  97.  166.  "  Qualis  (vita)  esse  solet  corum,  qui  sacerdotiorum  et  cultus  di- 
vini  pnTstextu,  genio  plus  satis  indulgent  et  obsequuntur,  ac  Christum  speciosis  titulis 
ementientes,  Epieurum  imitantur."  Certainly  a  remarkable  freedom  of  sentiment  for 
the  14th  century. 

*  Ibid.  p.  183.  151.  5  Ibid.  p.  159.  189. 

"  Canonica  de  Febribus,  ad  Raynerium  Siculum,  1487,  s.  1.  cap.  10,  sine  pag. 
"  Febris  pestilentialis  est  febris  contagiosa  ex  ebuUitionc  putrefactiva  in  altero  quatuor 
humorum  cordi  propinquorum  principaliter." 


58  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

ed  in  innumerable  treatises  on  plague,  which  were  written  during- 
the  15th  and  16th  centuries.^ 

Of  all  these  notions  and  views  regarding  the  plague,  whose  de- 
velopment we  have  represented,  there  are  two  especially,  which 
are  prominent  in  historical  importance: — 1st,  The  opinion  of 
learned  physicians,  that  the  pestilence,  or  epidemic  constitution,  is 
iheparefii  of  tarious  kinds  of  disease;  that  the  plague  sometimes, 
indeed,  but  by  no  means  always,  originates  from  it ;  that,  to  speak 
in  the  language  of  the  moderns,  the  pestilence  bears  the  same  re- 
lation to  contagion,  that  a  predisposing  cause  does  to  an  occasion- 
al cause  :  and  2ndly,  the  universal  conviction  of  the  contagious 
power  of  that  disease. 

Contagion  gradually  attracted  more  notice :  it  was  thought  that 
in  it,  the  most  powerful  occasional  cause  might  be  avoided ;  the 
possibility  of  protecting  whole  cities  by  separation  became  gradu- 
ally more  evident ;  and  so  horrifying  was  the  recollection  of  the 
eventful  year  of  the  "  Great  Mortality ,^''  that  before  the  close  of 
the  14th  century,  ere  the  ill  effects  of  the  Black  Plague  had 
ceased,  nations  endeavoured  to  guard  against  the  return  of  this 
enemy,  by  an  earnest  and  effectual  defence. 

The  first  regulation  which  was  issued  for  this  purpose,  origin- 
ated with  Viscount  Bernabo,  and  is  dated  the  17th  Jan.  137-1. 
"  Every  plague-patient  was  to  be  taken  out  of  the  city  into  the 
fields,  there  to  die  or  to  recover.  Those  who  attended  upon  a 
plague-patient,  were  to  remain  apart  for  ten  days,  before  they 
again  associated  with  anybody.  The  priests  were  to  examine 
the  diseased,  and  point  out  to  special  commissioners  the  persons 
infected  ;  under  punishment  of  the  confiscation  of  their  goods,  and 
of  being  burned  alive.  Whoever  imported  the  plague,  the  state 
condemned  his  goods  to  confiscation.  Finally,  none,  except  those 
Avho  were  appointed  for  that  purpose,  were  to  attend  plague-pa- 
tients, under  penalty  of  death  and  confiscation.^ 

These  orders,  in  correspondence  with  the  spirit  of  the  14th  cen- 
tury, are  sufficiently  decided  to  indicate  a  recollection  of  the  good 
effects  of  confinement,  and  of  keeping  at  a  distance  those  suspect- 
ed of  having  plague.  It  was  said  that  Milan  Itself,  by  a  rigorous 
barricade  of  three  houses  In  which  the  plague  had  broken  out, 
maintained  itself  free  from  the  "  Groat  Mortality,^''  for  a  conslder- 

1  Valesci  de  Tharanta,  Philonium.  Lugduni,  1535.  8.  L.  VII.  c.  18.  fol.  401.  b.  soq. 
— Compare  Astruc.  Memoires  pour  servir  h.  I'Histoire  de  la  Faculte  de  Medecine  de 
Montpcllier.     Paris,  1767.  4.  p.  208. 

2  Clironicon  Regiense,  Muratori,  Tom.  XVIII.  p.  82. 


PHYSICIANS.  •  59 

able  time  ;  '  and  examples  of  the  preservation  of  individual  fami- 
lies, by  means  of  a  strict  separation,  were  certainly  very  frequent. 
That  these  orders  must  have  caused  universal  affliction  from  their 
uncomraom  severity,  as  we  know  to  have  been  especially  the  case 
in  the  city  of  Eeggio,  may  be  easily  conceived ;  but  Bernabo  did 
not  suffer  himself  to  be  deterred  from  his  purpose  by  fear — on  the 
contrary,  when  the  plague  returned  in  the  year  1383,  he  forbad 
the  admission  of  people  from  infected  places  into  his  territories,  on 
pain  of  death.^  We  have  now,  it  is  true,  no  account  how  far  he 
succeeded,  yet  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  he  arrested  the  disease,  for 
it  had  long  lost  the  property  of  the  Black  Death,  to  spread  abroad 
in  the  air  the  contagious  matter  which  proceeded  from  the  lungs, 
charged  with  putridity,  and  to  taint  the  atmosphere  of  whole  cities 
by  the  vast  numbers  of  the  sick.  Now  that  it  had  resumed  its 
milder  form,  so  that  it  infected  only  by  contact,  it  admitted  being 
confined  within  individual  dwellings,  as  easily  as  in  modern  times. 

Bernabo's  example  was  imitated  ;  nor  was  there  any  century 
more  appropriate  for  recommending  to  governments  strong  regu- 
lations against  the  plague,  than  the  14th  ;  for  when  it  broke  out 
in  Italy,  in  the  year  1399,  and  still  demanded  new  victims,  it  was 
for  the  16th  time ;  without  reckoning  frequent  visitations  of 
measles  and  small-pox.  In  this  same  year.  Viscount  John,  in 
milder  terms  than  his  predecessor,  ordered  that  no  stranger  should 
be  admitted  from  infected  places,  and  that  the  city  gates  should 
be  strictly  guarded.  Infected  houses  were  to  be  ventilated  for  at 
least  eight  or  ten  daj^s,  and  purified  from  noxious  vapours  by  fires, 
and  by  fumigations  with  balsamic  and  aromatic  substances.  Straw, 
rags,  and  the  like,  were  to  be  burned  ;  and  the  bedsteads  which 
had  been  used,  set  out  for  four  days  in  the  rain  or  the  sunshine, 
so  that,  by  means  of  the  one  or  the  other,  the  morbific  vapour 
might  be  destroA'ed.  No  one  was  to  venture  to  make  use  of  clothes 
or  beds  out  of  infected  dwellings,  unless  they  had  been  previously 
washed  and  dried  either  at  the  fire  or  in  the  sun.  People  were, 
likewise,  to  avoid,  as  long  as  possible,  occupying  houses  which  had 
been  frequented  by  plague-patients.^ 

We  cannot  precisely  perceive  in  these  an  advance  towards  gener- 

1  Adr.  Chenof,  Hintcrlassene  AbhancUungen  iiber  die  arztlichen  und  politiscben  An- 
stalten  bei  der  Pestscuche.  Wicn,  1798,  8vo.  p.  146.  Fromtbis  period  it  was  common 
ill  tbe  middk^  ages  to  barricade  tbe  doors  and  windows  of  bouses  infected  witb  plague, 
and  to  suifer  tbe  inbabitants  to  pcrisb  witbout  mercy. — S.  Mohsen,  loc.  cit. 

-  Cbron.  Ptcg.  b)C.  cit, 

3  Muralori,  Tom.  XVI.  p.  5G0.— Compare  Chcnot,  loc.  cit.  p.  146. 


60  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

al  regulations  ;  and  perhaps  people  were  convinced  of  the  insur- 
mountable impediments  which  opposed  the  sejiaration  of  open 
inland  countries,  where  bodies  of  ^leople  connected  together  could 
not  be  brought,  even  by  the  most  obdurate  severity,  to  renounce 
the  habit  of  a  profitable  intercourse. 

Doubtless  it  is  nature  which  has  done  the  most  to  banish  the 
Oriental  plague  from  western  Europe,  where  the  increasing  cul- 
tivation of  the  earth,  and  the  advancing  order  in  civilized  society, 
have  prevented  it  from  remaining  domesticated  ;  which  it  most 
probably  was  in  the  more  ancient  times. 

In  the  15th  century,  during  which  it  broke  out  seventeen  times 
in  different  places  in  Europe,^  it  was  of  the  more  consequence  to 
oppose  a  barrier  to  its  entrance  from  Asia,  Africa,  and  Greece 
(which  had  become  Turkish)  ;  for  it  would  have  been  difficult  for 
it  to  maintain  itself  indigenously  any  longer.  Among  the  south- 
ern commercial  states,  however,  which  were  called  on  to  make  the 
greatest  exertions  to  this  end,  it  was  principally  Venice,  formerly 
so  severely  attacked  by  the  Black  Plague,  that  put  the  necessary 
restraint  upon  the  perilous  profits  of  the  merchant.  Until  towards 
the  end  of  the  15th  century,  the  very  considerable  intercourse 
with  the  East  Avas  free  and  unimpeded.  Ships  of  commercial  cities 
had  often  brought  over  the  plague :  nay,  the  former  irruption  of 
the  "  Great  Mortality  "  itself  had  been  occasioned  by  navigators. 
For,  as  in  the  latter  end  of  Autumn,  1347,  four  ships  full  of 
plague-patients  returned  from  the  Levant  to  Genoa,  the  disease 
sjDread  itself  there  with  astonishing  rapidity.  On  this  account,  in 
the  following  year,  the  Genoese  forbad  the  entrance  of  suspected 
ships  into  their  port.  These  sailed  to  Pisa  and  other  cities  on  the 
coast,  where  already  nature  had  made  such  mighty  preparations 
for  the  reception  of  the  Black  Plague,  and  what  we  have  already 
described  took  place  in  consequence.'^ 

In  the  year  1485,  when,  among  the  cities  of  northern  Italy, 
Milan  especially  felt  the  scourge  of  the  plague,  a  special  council  of 
health,  consisting  of  three  nobles,  was  established  at  Venice,  who 
probably  tried  everytliing  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  entrance 
of  this  disease,  and  gradually  called  into  activity  all  those  regula- 
tions which  have  served  in  later  times  as  a  pattern  for  the  other 
southern  states  of  Europe.  Their  endeavours  were,  however,  not 
crowned  with  comj)lete  success ;  on  which  accoimt  their  powers 
were  increased,  in  the  year  1504,  by  granting  them  the  right  of 

•  Papon,  lop.  cit.  -  Chenot,  p.  145. 


PHYSICIANS.  61 

life  and  death  over  those  who  violated  the  regulations.'  Bills  of 
health  were  probably  first  introduced  in  the  year  1527,  during  a 
fatal  plague^  which  visited  Italy  for  five  years  (1525 — 30),  and 
called  forth  redoubled  caution. 

The  first  lazarettos  were  established  upon  islands  at  some  dis- 
tance from  the  city,  seemingly  as  early  as  the  year  1485.  Here  all 
strangers  coming  from  places  Avhere  the  existence  of  plague  was 
suspected  were  detained.  If  it  appeared  in  the  city  itself,  the  sick 
were  despatched  with  their  families  to  what  was  called  the  Old 
Lazaretto,  were  there  furnished  with  provisions  and  medicines, 
and,  when  they  were  cured,  were  detained,  together  with  all  those 
who  had  had  intercourse  with  them,  still  forty  days  longer  in  the 
New  Lazaretto,  situated  on  another  island.  All  these  regulations 
were  every  year  improved,  and  their  needful  rigour  was  increased, 
so  that  from  the  year  1585  onwards,  no  appeal  was  allowed  from 
the  sentence  of  the  Council  of  Health  ;  and  the  other  commercial 
nations  gradually  came  to  the  support  of  the  Venetians,  by  adopt- 
ing corresponding  regulations.^  Bills  of  health,  however,  were 
not  general  until  the  year  1665.* 

The  appointment  of  a  forty  days'  detention,  whence  quarantines 
derive  their  name,  was  not  dictated  by  caprice,  but  probably  had  a 
medical  origin,  which  is  derivable  in  part  from  the  doctrine  of 
critical  days  ;  for  the  fortieth  day,  according  to  the  most  ancient 
notions,  has  been  always  regarded  as  the  last  of  ardent  diseases, 
and  the  limit  of  separation  between  these  and  those  which  are 
chronic.  It  was  the  custom  to  subject  lying-in  women  for  forty 
days  to  a  more  exact  superintendence.  There  was  a  good  deal  also 
said  in  medical  works  of  forty  day  epochs  in  the  formation  of  the 
foetus,  not  to  mention  that  the  alchyraists  expected  more  durable 
revolutions  in  forty  days,  which  period  they  called  the  philosophi- 
cal month. 

This  period  being  generally  held  to  prevail  in  natural  processes, 
it  appeared  reasonable  to  assume,  and  legally  to  establish  it,  as 
that  required  for  the  development  of  latent  principles  of  contagion, 
since  public  regulations  cannot  dispense  with  decisions  of  this 
kind,  even  though  they  should  not  be  wholly  justified  by  the  na- 
ture of  the  case.     Great  stress  has  likewise  been  laid  on  theologi- 

'  Le  Bret,  Staatsgescliichte  der  Rcpublik  YcneJig.  Pdga,  177<5.  4,  Part  II.  Div. 
2.  p.  752. 

"^  Zagata,  Cronica  di  Verona,  174^4.  4,  III.  p.  93. 

3  Le  Bret,  loc.  cit.  Comp.  Hamburger  Remarqucn  of  the  year  1700,  pp.  282  and  305. 

^  Giittinger  gclchrtc  Anzcigen,  1772,  p.  22. 


62  THE   BLACK    DEATH. 

cal  and  legal  grounds,  which  were  certainly  of  greater  weight  in 
the  fifteenth  century  than  in  modern  times.' 

On  this  matter,  however,  we  cannot  decide,  since  our  only  ob- 
ject here  is  to  point  out  the  origin  of  a  political  means  of  protec- 
tion against  a  disease,  which  has  been  the  greatest  impediment  to 
civilization  within  the  memory  of  man;  a  means,  that,  like  Jenner's 
vaccine,  after  the  small-pox  had  ravaged  Europe  for  twelve  hun- 
dred years,  has  diminished  the  check  which  mortality  puts  on  the 
progress  of  civilization,  and  thus  given  to  the  life  and  manners  of 
the  nations  of  this  part  of  the  world  a  new  direction,  the  result  of 
which  we  cannot  foretell. 

1  The'  forty  days'  duration  of  the  Flood,  the  forty  days'  sojourn  of  Moses  on  Mount 
Sinai,  our  Saviour's  fast  for  the  same  length  of  time  in  the  wilderness  ;  lastly,  what  is 
called  the  Saxon  term  (Siichsisehe  Frist),  which  lasts  for  forty  days,  &c.  Compare 
G.  W.  Wedel,  Centuria  Excrcitationum  Medico-philologicarum.  Dc  Quadragesima 
Medica.     Jena>,  1701.     4.  Dec.  IV.  p.  16. 


APPENDIX. 


61  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 


I. 

T)a^  altc  ®ci|(cvttcb. 

NACH    MASSMAXS'S    AUSGABE    VON    HEKRN    PROFESSOR    LACHMAXN    MIT    DEB 
HANDSCHRIFT    VERGLICHEN. 


Ste  siner  sele  wille  plegben 
De  sal  gelden  unde  weder  geuen 
So  wert  siner  sele  raed 
Des  help  uns  leue  herre  goed 

5       Nu  tredet  here  we  botsen  wille 
Vie  wi  io  de  hetsen  helle 
Lucifer  is  en  bose  geselle 
Sven  her  hauet 
Mit  peke  be  en  lauet 

10  Datz  vie  wi  ef  Avir  bauen  sin 
Des  help  uns  maria  koninghin 
Das  wir  dines  kindes  hulde  win 

Jesus  crist  de  wart  ke  vanghen 
An  en  cruce  wart  he  ge  bangben 

15  Dat  cruce  wart  des  blodes  rod 

"Wer  klaghen  sin  marter  unde  sin  dod 
Sunder  war  mide  wilt  tu  mi  lonen 
Dre  negele  unde  en  dornet  crone 
Das  cruce  vrone  en  sper  en  sticb 

20  Sunder  datz  leyd  ich  dor  dicb 
AVas  wltu  nu  liden  dor  mich 
So  rope  wir  herre  mit  luden  done 
Unseu  denst  den  nem  to  lone 
Be  bode  uns  vor  der  belle  nod 

25  Des  bidde  wi  dicb  dor  dinen  dod 
Dor  god  vor  gete  wi  unse  blot 
Dat  is  uns  tho  den  suden  guot 

Maria  muoter  koniuginghe 
Dor  dines  leuen  kindes  minne 

30  Al  unse  nod  si  dir  gbe  klagbet 
Des  help  uns  moter  niaghet  reyne. 
De  erde  beuet  och  kleuen  de  steyne 
Lebe  hertze  du  salt  weyne 


APPENDIX.  Qo 


%llt  llntient  .Song  0f  the  llagcllants. 

ACCORDING    TO    MASSMANN'S   EDITION   COMPARED    WITH    THE    MS. 
BY   PROFESSOR  LACHMANN. 


(Translatio//.) 

"Whoe'er  to  save  liis  soul  is  fain, 

Must  pay  and  render  back  again. 

His  safety  so  shall  he  consult : 

Help  us,  good  Lord,  to  this  result. 
5  Te  that  repent  your  crimes,  draw  uigh. 

From  the  burning  hell  we  fly, 

From  Satan's  wicked  company. 

Whom  he  leads 

AVith  pitch  he  feeds.  » 

10  If  we  be  wise  we  this  shall  flee. 

Maria !  Queen !  we  trust  in  thee, 

To  move  thy  Son  to  sympathy. 

Jesus  Christ  was  captive  led. 

And  to  the  cross  was  riveted. 
15  The  cross  was  reddened  Avith  his  gore 

And  we  his  martyrdom  deplore. 

"  Sinner,  canst  thou  to  me  atone. 

Three  pointed  nails,  a  thorny  crown, 

The  holy  cross,  a  spear,  a  wound, 
20  These  are  the  cruel  pangs  I  found. 

What  wilt  thou,  siimer,  bear  for  me  ?  " 

Lord,  Avith  loud  voice  we  answer  thee, 

Accept  our  service  in  return, 

And  save  us  lest  in  hell  we  burn. 
25  AVe,  through  thy  deatli,  to  thee  have  sued. 

For  God  in  heaven  we  shed  our  blood  : 

This  for  our  sins  will  work  to  good. 

Blessed  Maria !  Mother !  Queen ! 

Through  thy  loved  Son's  redeeming  mean 
30  Be  all  our  wants  to  thee  pourtrajed. 

Aid  us,  Mother  !  spotless  maid  ! 

Trembles  the  eartli,  the  rocks  are  rent,' 

Fond  heart  of  mine,  thou  must  relent. 

'  We  hence  perceive  with  what  feelings  subterraneous  thunders  were  regarded  by 
the  people.  5 


GG  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

AVir  wenen  treue  niit  deu  ogbeu 
35  Uude  hebbeu  des  so  giiden  loucn 
Mit  imsen  siuneu  uiide  iiiit  liertzen 
Dor  uns  leyd  erist  vil  manigbeu  amertzen 

Nu  slaed  w  sere 
Dor  cristas  ere. 
40  Dor  god  nu  latet  de  siuide  mere 
Dor  god  nu  latet  de  simde  vareu 
Se  wil  sich  god  ouer  uns  en  barmen 

Maria  stund  in  grotzen  noden 
Do  se  ire  leue  kint  sa  doden 
45  En  svert  dor  ire  sele  snet 
Sunder  dat  la  di  wesen  led 

In  korter  \Tist 
God  tornich  ist 
Jesus  wart  gelauet  mid  gallen 
50  Des  sole  wi  an  en  eruce  vallen 
Er  heuet  ueb  mit  uwen  armen 
Dat  sic  god  ouer  uns  en  barme 
Jesus  dorcli  dine  namen  dry 
Nu  make  uns  hir  van  suude  vry 
55  Jesus  dor  dine  wnden  rod 
Be  bod  uns  vor  den  geben  dod 
Dat  he  sende  sinen  geist 
Ilnd  uns  dat  kortelike  leist 

De  vrowe  unde  man  ir  e  tobreken 
60  Dat  wil  god  selven  an  en  wreken 
Sveuel  pik  und  ocb  de  galle 
Dat  gutet  de  duuel  in  se  alle 
Vor  war  sint  se  des  duuels  spot 
Dor  vor  bebodeiins  berre  god 
65  De  e  de  ist  en  reyne  leuen 
De  bad  uns  god  selven  gbeueu 

Icb  rade  ucb  vrowen  unde  manneu 
Dor  god  gy  solen  bouard  annen 
Des  biddet  ucb  de  arme  sele 
70  Dorcb  god  nu  latet  bouard  mere 
Dor  god  nu  latet  bouard  vareu 
So  wil  sicb  god  ouer  uns  en  barmen 

Cristus  rep  in  hcmelrike 
Sinen  engelen  al  gelike. 
75  De  cristenbeit  wil  mi  cut  wicben 
Des  wil  Ian  ocb  se  vor  gaeu 


APPENDIX.  67 

Tears  from  our  sorrowing  eyes  we  weep  ; 
35  Therefore  so  firm  our  faitli  we  keep 

Witli  all  our  hearts — with  all  our  senses. 

Christ  bore  his  pangs  for  our  offences. 

Ply  well  the  scourge  for  Jesus'  sake, 

And  God  through  Christ  your  sins  shall  take. 
40  For  love  of  God  abandon  sin, 

To  mend  your  vicious  lives  begin, 

So  shall  we  his  mercy  win. 

Direful  was  Maria's  pain 

When  she  beheld  her  dear  One  slain. 
45  Pierced  was  her  soul  as  with  a  dart : 

Sinner,  let  this  affect  thy  heart. 

The  time  draws  near 

When  God  in  anger  shall  appear. 

Jesus  was  refreshed  wdth  gall : 
50  Prostrate  crosswise  let  us  fall. 

Then  with  uplifted  arms  arise, 

That  God  with  us  may  sympathize. 

Jesus,  by  thy  titles  three,' 

From  our  bondage  set  us  free. 
55  Jesus,  by  thy  precious  blood, 

Save  us  from  the  fiery  flood.         . 

Lord,  our  helplessness  defend, 

And  to  our  aid  thy  Spirit  send. 

If  man  and  wife  their  vows  should  break 
60  God  will  on  such  his  vengeance  wreak. 

Brimstone  and  pitch,  and  mingled  gall, 

Satan  pours  on  such  sinners  all. 

Truly,  the  devil's  scorn  are  they : 

Therefore,  O  Lord,  thine  aid  we  pray. 
65  Wedlock's  an  honourable  tie 

Which  God  himself  doth  sanctify. 

By  this  warning,  man,  abide, 

God  shall  surely  punish  pride. 

Let  your  precious  soul  entreat  you, 
70  Lay  down  pride  lest  vengeance  meet  you. 

I  do  beseech  ye,  pride  forsake, 

So  God  on  us  shall  pity  take. 

Christ  in  heaven,  where  he  com  mands, 

Thus  addressed  his  angel  bands :  — 
75  "  Christendom  dishonours  me, 

Therefore  her  ruin  1  decree." 

=  For  the  sake  of  thy  Trinity. 
5  * 


6S  THE    BLACK   DEATH. 

Marie  bat  ire  kint  so  sere 
Leue  kint  la  se  di  boten 
Dat  wil  ich  sceppen  dat  ee  nioteu 
80  Bekeren  sich. 

Des  bidde  ich  dich 

Gi  logeuere 
Gy  meynen  ed  sverer 

Gi  bichten  reyne  und  Ian  de  sunde  uch  ruwen 
85  So  wil  sich  god  in  uch  vor  nuwen 
Owe  du  arme  wokerere 
Du  bringest  en  lod  up  en  punt 
Dat  senket  din  an  der  helle  grunt 

Ir  m  order  und  ir  straten  rouere 
90  Ir  sint  dem  leuen  gode  un  mere 

Ir  ne  wilt  uch  ouer  nemende  barmen 
Des  sin  gy  eweliken  vor  loren 

Were  dusse  bote  nicht  ge  worden 
De  cristenheit  wer  gar  vorsunden 
95  De  leyde  duuel  had  se  ge  bimden 
Maria  had  lost  unsen  bant 

Sunder  ich  saghe  di  leue  mere 
Sunte  peter  is  portenere 
Wende  dich  an  en  he  letset  dich  in 
100  He  bringhet  dich  vor  de  koninghin 

Leue  herre  sunte  Michahel 
Du  bist  en  plegher  aller  sal 
Be  hode  uns  vor  der  helle  nod 
Dat  do  dor  dines  sceppers  dod. 


APPENDIX. 

Then  Mary  thus  implored  her  Son : — 

"  Penance  to  thee,  loved  Child,  be  done ;    • 

That  she  repent  be  mine  the  care ; 

80  Stay  then  thy  wrath,  and  hear  my  prayer." 
Te  liars ! 
Te  that  break  yom*  sacrament, 
Shrive  ye  throughly  and  repent. 
Tour  heinous  sins  sincerely  rue, 

85  So  shall  the  Lord  your  hearts  renew. 

Woe !  usurer,  though  thy  wealth  abound, 
For  every  oimce  thou  mak'st  a  pound 
Shall  sink  thee  to  the  hell  profound. 
Ye  murd'rers,  and  ye  robbers  all, 

90  The  wrath  of  God  on  you  shall  fall. 
Mercy  ye  ne'er  to  others  show, 
None  shall  ye  find  ;  but  endless  woe. 
Had  it  not  been  for  our  contrition, 
All  Christendom  had  met  perdition. 

95  Satan  had  bound  her  iu  his  chain  ; 
Mary  hath  loosed  her  bonds  again. 
Glad  news  I  bring  thee,  sinful  mortal, 
In  heaven  Saint  Peter  keeps  the  portal, 
Apply  to  him  with  suppliant  mien, 
100  He  bringeth  thee  before  thy  Queen. 
Benignant  Michael,  blessed  saint. 
Guardian  of  souls,  receive  our  plaint. 
Through  thy  Almighty  Maker's  death, 
Preserve  us  from  the  hell  beneath. 


69 


70  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

II. 

Oj^'amination  of  tbc  pus  attusci)  of  poisoning  Ik  Mclls.' 


Answer  from  the  Castellan  of  ChiUon  to  the  City  of  Strashurg,  together 
with  a  Copy  of  the  Inquisition  and  Confession  of  several  Jews  eon- 
fined  in  the  Castle  of  ChiUon  on  suspicion  of  poisoning.     Anno  1348. 

To  the  Honourable  the  INIayor,  Senate,  and  Citizens  of  the  City  of 
Strashurg,  the  Castellan  of  Chillon,  Deputy  of  the  Bailiff  of  Chablais, 
sendeth  greeting  with  all  due  submission  and  respect. 

Understanding  that  you  desire  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the  con- 
fession of  the  Jews,  and  the  proofs  brouglit  forward  against  them,  I 
certify,  by  these  presents,  to  you,  and  each  of  you  that  desix-es  to  be  in- 
formed, that  they  of  Berne  have  had  a  copy  of  the  inquisition  and  con- 
fession of  the  Jews  who  lately  resided  in  the  places  specified,  and  who 
were  accused  of  putting  poison  into  the  wells  and  several  other  places  : 
as  also  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  charge  preferred 
against  them.  Many  Jews  were  put  to  the  question,  others  being  ex- 
cused from  it,  because  they  confessed,  and  were  brought  to  trial  and 
burnt.  Several  Christians,  also,  who  had  poison  given  them  by  the 
Jews  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  Christians,  were  put  on  the 
wheel  and  tortured.  This  burning  of  the  Jews  and  torturing  of  the 
said  Christians  took  place  in  many  parts  of  the  county  of  Savoy. 

Fare  you  well. 


The  Confession  made  on  the  l^th  dag  of  September,  in  the  gear  of  our 
Lord  1318,  in  the  Castle  of  Chillon,  hg  the  Jews  arrested  in  Neustadf, 
on  the  charge  of  l^oisoning  the  Wells,  Springs,  and  other  places ;  also 
Food,  Sfc.,  with  the  design  of  destroging  and  extirpating  all  Chris- 
tians. 

I.  Balavignus,  a  Jewish  physician,  inhabitant  of  Thonon,  was 
arrested  at   Chillon  in  consequence  of  being  found  in  the  neighbour- 

'  An  appearance  of  justice  having  been  given  to  all  later  persecutions  by  these 
proceedings,  they  deserve  to  be  recorded  as  important  historical  documents.  The 
original  is  in  Latin,  but  we  have  preferred  the  German  translation  in  Konigsboven's 
Chronicle,  p.  1029. 


APPENDIX.  ,71 

hood.  He  was  put  for  a  short  time  to  the  rack,  and  on  being  taken 
down,  confessed,  after  much  hesitation,  that,  about  ten  weeks  before, 
the  Eabbi  Jacob  of  Toledo,  who,  because  of  a  citation,  had  resided 
at  Chamberi  since  Easter,  sent  him,  by  a  Jewish  boy,  some  poison  in 
the  mummy  of  an  egg :  it  was  a  powder  sewed  up  in  a  thin  leathern 
pouch  accompanied  by  a  letter,  commanding  him  on  penalty  of  ex- 
communication, and  by  his  required  obedience  to  the  law,  to  throw 
this  poison  iuto  the  larger  and  more  frequented  wells  of  the  town  of 
Thonon,  to  poison  those  who  drew  water  there.  He  was  further  en- 
joined not  to  communicate  the  circumstance  toany  person  whatever,  un- 
der the  same  penalty.  In  conformity  Avith  this  command  of  the  Jewish 
rabbis  and  doctors  of  the  law,  he,  Balavignus,  distributed  the  poison 
in  several  places,  and  acknowledged  having  one  evening  placed  a  certain 
portion  under  a  stone  in  a  spring  on  the  shore  at  Thonon.  He  further 
confessed  that  the  said  boy  brought  various  letters  of  a  similar  imj^ort, 
addressed  to  others  of  his  nation,  and  particularly  specified  some  directed 
severally  to  Mossoiet,  Banditon,  and  Samoleto  of  Neustadt ;  to  Musseo 
Abramo  and  Aquetus  of  Montreantz,  Jews  residing  at  Thurn  in 
Vivey  ;  to  Benetonus  and  his  son  at  St.  Moritz  ;  to  Yivianus  Jacobus, 
Aquetus  and  Sonetus,  Jews  at  Aquani. — Several  letters  of  a  like  nature 
were  sent  to  Abram  and  Musset,  Jews  at  Moncheoli ;  and  the  boy  told 
him  that  he  had  taken  many  others  to  different  and  distant  places,  but 
he  did  not  recollect  to  whom  they  were  addressed.  Balavignus  further 
confessed  that,  after  having  put  the  poison  into  the  spring  at  Thonon,  he 
had  positively  forbidden  his  wife  and  children  to  drink  the  water,  but 
had  not  thought  fit  to  assign  a  reason.  He  avowed  the  truth  of  this 
statement,  and,  in  the  presence  of  several  credible  witnesses,  swore  by 
his  Law,  and  the  Five  Books  of  Moses,  to  every  item  of  his  deposition. 

On  the  day  following,  Balavignus,  voluntarily  and  without  tortiu-e, 
ratified  the  above  confession  verbatim  before  many  persons  of  character, 
and,  of  his  oaati  accord,  acknowledged  that,  on  returning  one  day  from 
Tour  near  Vivey,  he  had  thrown  into  a  well  below  Mustruez,  namely, 
that  of  La  Conerayde,  a  quantity  of  the  poison  tied  up  in  a  rag,  given 
to  him  for  the  purpose  by  Aquetus  of  Montreantz,  an  inhabitant  of  the 
said  Tour  :  that  he  had  acquainted  Manssiono,  and  his  son  Delosaz,  re- 
sidents of  Neustadt,with  the  circumstance  of  his  having  done  so,  and  ad- 
vertised them  not  to  drink  of  the  water.  He  described  the  colour  of 
the  poison  as  being  red  and  black. 

On  the  nineteenth  day  of  September,  the  above-named  Balavignus 
confessed,  without  torture,  that  about  three  weeks  after  AVhitsuntide,  a 
Jew  named  Mussus  told  him  thaf  he  had  thrown  poison  into  the  well, 
in  the  custom-house  of  that  place,  the  property  of  the  Borneller  family ; 
and  that  he  no  longer  drank  the  water  of  this  well,  but  that  of  the  lake. 
He  further  deposed  that  iNIussus  informed  him  that  he  had  also  laid 
some  of  the  poison  under  the  stones  in  the  custom-liouse  at  Clu'lJon. 


72  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

Search  was  accordingly  made  in  this  well,  and  the  poison  fonnd :  some 
of  it  was  given  to  a  Jew  hy  way  of  trial,  and  he  died  in  consequence. 
He  also  stated  that  the  rabbis  had  ordered  him  and  other  Jews  to  re- 
frain from  drinking  of  the  water  for  nine  days  after  the  poison  was  in- 
fused into  it ;  and  immediately  on  having  poisoned  the  waters,  he 
communicated  the  circumstance  to  the  other  Jews.  He,  Balavignus, 
confessed  that  about  two  months  previously,  being  at  Evian,  he  had 
some  conversation  on  the  subject  with  a  Jew  called  Jacob,  and  among 
other  things,  asked  him  whether  he  also  had  received  writings  and  poi- 
son, and  was  answered  in  the  affirmative  ;  he  then  questioned  him  whe- 
ther he  had  obeyed  the  command,  and  J  acob  replied  that  he  had  not, 
but  had  given  the  poison  to  Savetus,  a  Jew,  who  had  thrown  it  into  the 
well  de  Morer  at  Evian.  Jacob  also  desired  him,  Balavignus,  to  exe- 
cute the  command  imposed  on  him  with  due  caution.  He  confessed 
that  Aquetus  of  Montreantz  had  informed  him  that  he  had  thrown  some 
of  the  poison  into  the  well  above  Tour,  the  water  of  which  he  some- 
times drank.  He  confessed  that  Samolet  had  told  him  that  he  had  laid 
the  poison  which  he  had  received  in  a  well,  which,  however,  he  refused 
to  name  to  him.  Balavignus,  as  a  physician,  fui-ther  deposed  that  a  per- 
son infected  by  such  poison  coming  in  contact  with  another  while  in  a 
state  of  perspiration,  infection  would  be  the  almost  inevitable  result;  as 
might  also  happen  from  the  breath  of  an  infected  person.  This  fact  he 
believed  to  be  correct,  and  was  confirmed  in  his  opinion  by  the  attesta- 
tion of  many  experienced  physicians.  H6  also  declared  that  none  of  his 
community  could  exculpate  themselves  from  this  accusation,  as  the  plot 
was  communicated  to  all ;  and  that  all  were  guilty  of  the  above  charges. 
Balavignus  was  conveyed  over  the  lake  from  Chillon  to  Clarens,  to  point 
out  the  well  into  which  he  confessed  having  thrown  the  powder.  On 
landing,  he  was  conducted  to  the  spot ;  and,  having  seen  the  well,  ac- 
knowledged that  to  be  the  place,  saying,  "  This  is  the  well  into  which  I 
put  the  poison."  The  well  was  examined  in  his  presence,  and  the  linen 
cloth  in  which  the  poison  had  been  wrapped  was  found  in  the  waste- 
pipe  by  a  notary-public  named  Heinrich  Gerhard,  in  the  presence 
of  many  persons,  and  was  shown  to  the  said  Jew.  He  acknow- 
ledged this  to  be  the  linen  which  had  contained  the  poison,  which  he 
described  as  being  of  two  colours,  red  and  black,  but  said  that  he  had 
thrown  it  into  the  open  well.  The  linen  cloth  was  taken  away  and  is 
preserved. 

Balavignus,  in  conclusion,  attests  the  truth  of  all  and  everything  as 
above  related.  He  believes  this  poison  to  contain  a  portion  of  tlie  basi- 
lisk, because  he  had  heard,  and  felt  assured,  that  the  above  poison  could 
not  be  prepared  without  it. 

II.  Banditono,  a  Jew  of  Neustadt,  was,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  Sep- 
tember, subjected  for  a  short  time  to  the  torture.     After  a  long  interval, 


APPENDIX.  73 

he  confessed  liaviug  cast  a  quantity  of  poison,  about  the  size  of  a  large 
nut,  given  him  by  Musseus,  a  Jew,  at  Tour,  near  Vivey,  into  the  well 
of  Carutet,  in  order  to  poison  those  who  drank  of  it. 

The  following  day,  Banditono,  volimtarily  and  without  torture,  at- 
tested the  truth  of  the  aforesaid  deposition ;  and  also  confessed  that  the 
B/abbi  Jacob  von  Pasche,  who  came  from  Toledo  and  had  settled  at 
Chamberi,'  sent  him,  at  Pilliex,  by  a  Jewish  servant,  some  poison  about 
the  size  of  a  large  nut,  together  with  a  letter,  directing  him  to  throw  the 
powder  into  the  wells  on  pain  of  excommunication.  He  had  therefore 
throAvn  the  poison,  which  was  sewn  up  in  a  leathern  bag,  into  the  well 
of  Cercliti  de  Roch ;  further,  also,  that  he  saw  many  other  letters  in  the 
hands  of  the  servant  addressed  to  diiferent  Jews  ;  that  he  had  also  seen 
the  said  servant  deliver  one,  on  the  outside  of  the  upper  gate,  to  Samu- 
letus,  the  Jew,  at  Neustadt.  He  stated,  also,  that  the  Jew,  Massolet, 
had  informed  him  that  he  had  put  poison  into  the  well  near  the  bridge 
at  Yivey. 

III.  The  said  Manssiono,  Jew  of  Neustadt,  was  put  upon  the  rack 
on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  same  month,  but  refused  to  admit  the  above 
charge,  protesting  his  entire  ignorance  of  the  whole  matter;  but  tlie  day 
following,  he,  voluntarily  and  without  any  torture,  confessed,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  many  persons,  that  he  came  from  Mancheolo  one  day  in  last 
AYhitsun-week,  in  company  with  a  Jew  named  Provenzal,  and,  on 
reaching  the  well  of  Chabloz  Criiez  between  Vyona  and  Mura,  the  latter 
said,  "  You  must  put  some  of  the  poison  which  I  will  give  you  into  that 
well,  or  woe  betide  you  !  "  He  therefore  took  a  portion  of  the  powder 
about  the  bigness  of  a  nut,  and  did  as  he  was  directed.  He  believed 
that  the  Jews  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Evian  had  convened  a  council 
among  themselves  relative  to  this  plot,  before  Whitsuntide.  He  further 
said  that  Balavignus  had  informed  him  of  his  having  poisoned  the  well 
de  la  Conerayde  below  jNIustruez.  He  also  affirmed  his  conviction  of  the 
culpabihty  of  the  Jews  in  this  affair,  stating  that  they  were  fully  ac- 
quainted with  all  the  particulars,  and  guilty  of  the  alleged  crime. 

On  the  third  day  of  the  October  following,  Manssiono  was  brought 
before  the  commissioners,  and  did  not  in  the  least  vary  from  his  former 
deposition,  or  deny  having  put  the  poison  into  the  said  wells. 

The  above-named  Jews,  prior  to  their  execution,  solemnly  swore  by 
their  Law  to  the  truth  of  their  several  depositions,  and  declared  that  all 
Jews  Avhatsoever,  from  seven  years  old  and  upwards,  could  not  be  ex- 
empted from  the  charge  of  guilt,  as  all  of  them  were  acquainted  with 
the  plot,  and  more  or  less  participators  in  the  crime. 

[The  seven  of  Jier  examinations  scarcely  differ  from  the  above,  except  in 
the  names  of  the  accused,  and  afford  but  VdtJe  variety.  We  will,  therefore, 
only  add  a  characteristic  passage  at  the  conclusion  of  this  document.  The 
ichule  speaks  for  itself.^ 


t  4  THE    BLACK    DEATH. 

There  still  remain  numerous  pi'oofs  and  accusations  against  the  above- 
mentioned  Jews  :  also  against  Jews  and  Christians  in  different  parts  of 
the  county  of  Savoy,  who  have  already  received  the  punishment  due  to 
their  heinous  crime  ;  which,  however,  I  have  not  at  hand,  and  cannot 
therefore  send  you.  I  must  add,  that  all  the  Jews  of  Neustadt  were 
burnt  according  to  the  just  sentence  of  the  law.  At  Augst,  I  was  pre- 
sent when  three  Christians  were  flayed  on  account  of  being  accessory 
to  the  plot  of  poisoning.  Yery  many  Christians  were  arrested  for  this 
crime  in  various  places  in  this  country,  especially  at  Eviau,  Gebenue, 
Krusilien,  and  Hochstett,  who  at  last  and  in  their  dying  moments  were 
brought  to  confess  and  acknowledge  that  they  had  received  the  poison 
from  the  Jews.  Of  these  Christians  some  have  been  quartered  ;  others 
flayed  and  afterwards  hanged.  Certain  commissioners  have  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  magistrates  to  enforce  judgment  against  all  the  Jews ; 
and  I  believe  that  none  will  escape. 


PREFACE. 


The  diseases  which  form  the  subject  of  the  present  investigation 
afford  a  deep  insight  into  the  works  of  the  human  mind  in  a  state 
of  Society.  They  are  a  portion  of  history,  and  will  never  return 
in  the  form  in  which  they  are  there  recorded  ;  but  they  expose  a 
vulnerable  part  of  man — the  instinct  of  imitation — and  are  there- 
fore very  nearly  connected  with  human  life  in  the  aggregate.  It 
appeared  worth  while  to  describe  diseases  which  are  propagated 
on  the  beams  of  light — on  the  wings  of  thought ;  which  convulse 
the  mind  by  the  excitement  of  the  senses,  and  wonderfully  affect 
the  nerves,  the  media  of  its  will  and  of  its  feelings.  It  seemed 
worth  while  to  attempt  to  place  these  disorders  between  the  epi- 
demics of  a  less  refined  origin,  which  affect  the  body  more  than 
the  soul,  and  all  those  passions  and  emotions  which  border  on  the 
vast  domain  of  disease,  ready  at  every  moment  to  pass  the  bound- 
ary. Should  we  be  able  to  deduce  from  the  grave  facts  of  history 
here  developed,  a  convincing  proof  that  the  human  race,  amidst 
the  creation  which  surrounds  it,  moves  in  body  and  soul  as  an  in- 
dividual whole,  the  Author  might  hope  that  he  had  approached 
nearer  to  his  ideal  of  a  grand  comprehension  of  diseases  in  time 
and  space,  and  be  encouraged,  by  the  co-operation  of  contem- 
poraries, zealous  in  the  search  of  truth,  to  proceed  along  the  path 
which  he  has  already  entered,  in  prosecuting  the  investigation. 


TRANSLATOR'S  PREFACE. 


Dr.  Hecker's  account  of  the  "  Black  Death  "  having,  in  its 
English  translation,  met  with  a  favourable  reception,  I  am  led  to 
believe  that  the  "  Dancing  Mania,"  a  similar  production  by  the 
same  able  writer,  will  also  prove  acceptable.  Should  this  be  the 
case,  it  is  my  intention  to  complete  the  series  by  translating  the 
history  of  the  "  Sweating  Sickness,"  the  only  remaining  epi- 
demic considered  by  our  author  to  belong  to  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  mind  and  the  body  reciprocally  and  mysteriously  affect 
each  other,  and  the  maladies  which  are  the  subject  of  these  pages, 
are  so  intimately  connected  with  the  disordered  state  of  both, 
that  it  is  often  difficult  to  determine  on  which  they  more  essen- 
tially depend,  or  which  the}^  more  seriously  influence. 

The  physician  will  probably  be  led  by  their  contemplation  to 
admit  that  the  imagination  has  a  larger  share  in  the  production 
of  disease  than  he  might,  without  a  knowledge  of  the  striking 
facts  here  recorded,  have  supposed  to  be  within  the  limits  of  pos- 
sibility. He  has,  no  doubt,  already  observed,  that  joy  will  affect  the 
circulation,  grief  the  digestion  ;  that  anger  will  heat  the  frame  as 
perniciously  as  ardent  spirits,  and  that  fear  will  chill  it  as  certain- 
ly as  ice  ;  but  he  may  not  have  carried  his  observation  to  the  ex- 
tent of  perceiving,  that  not  only  single  and  transient  effects,  but 
specific  diseases  are  produced  through  the  agency  of  mental  im- 
pressions, and  he  may  therefore  still  be  surprised  to  find  that  the 
dances  of  St.  John  and  of  St.  Vitus,  as  they  formerly  spread  by 
sympathy  from  city  to  city,  gave  rise  to  the  same  deviations  from 
bodily  health,  in  all  the  individuals  whom  they  attacked ;  that 
Tarantism  was  the  same  disease,  whether  medically  or  morally 
considered,  all  over  Italy  ;  and  that  the  "  Lycanthropia  "  of  the 
past,  and  the  "  Leaping  Ague  "  of  the  present  times,  have  each 
its  respective  train  of  peculiar  symptoms. 


PREFACE.  77 

The  moralist  will  view  these  records  of  human  frailty  in  a 
different  light ;  he  will  examine  the  state  of  society  which  favour- 
ed the  propagation  of  such  maladies  ;  he  will  inquire  how  far 
they  have  been  the  offspring  of  the  ages  in  which  they  appeared, 
and  although  he  may  not  be  disposed  to  think  with  our  author, 
that  they  can  never  return,  he  will  at  least  deduce  from  the  facts 
here  laid  before  him,  that  they  originate  in  those  minds,  whether 
ignorant  or  ill-educated,  in  which  the  imagination  is  permitted  to 
usurp  the  power  of  sober  sense,  and  the  ideal  is  allowed  to  occupy 
the  thoughts  to  the  exclusion  of  the  substantial. 

That  such  minds  are  most  frequently  to  be  met  with  in  an  age 
of  ignorance,  we  should  naturally  suppose,  and  we  are  borne  out 
in  that  supposition  by  the  fact,  that  these  diseases  have  been  de- 
clining in  proportion  to  the  advance  of  knowledge  ;  but  credulity 
and  enthusiasm  are  not  incompatible  with  a  high  degree  of  civil- 
ization ;  and  if,  among  the  educated  classes,  the  female  sex  is 
more  sentimental  than  the  male,  and  the  affluent  are  more  credu- 
lous than  those  who  are  dependent  on  their  own  exertions  for  their 
support,  it  is  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact,  that  they  usu- 
ally devote  more  leisure  to  the  pleasurable  contemplation  of  works 
of  imagination,  and  are  less  imperatively  called  on  to  improve  their 
judgment  by  the  dry  study  of  facts,  and  the  experience  acquired 
in  the  serious  business  of  life.  But  there  is  no  class,  even  in  this 
age  of  boasted  reason,  wholly  exempt  from  the  baneful  influence 
of  fanaticism ;  and  instances  are  not  wanting,  in  our  own  days, 
and  in  this  very  capital,  to  prove,  that  disorders  (how  can  we 
more  charitably  designate  them  ?)  much  resembling  some  of  those 
described  in  the  following  pages,  may  make  their  appearance 
among  people  who  have  had  all  the  advantages  of  an  enlightened 
education,  and  every  opportunity  of  enlarging  their  minds  by  a 
free  intercourse  with  refined  society. 

I  thus  venture  to  hope,  that  by  bestowing  a  leisure  hour  on  this 
small  portion  of  medical  history,  the  physician  may  enlarge  his 
knoAvledge  of  disease,  and  the  moralist  may  gather  a  hint  for  the 
intellectual  improvement  of  his  fellow-men.  The  author  has, 
however,  a  more  extended  object  in  view — the  histories  of  particu- 
lar epidemics  are  with  him  but  the  data  from  which  we  are  to  de- 
duce the  general  laws  that  govern  human  health  in  the  aggregate. 
Whether  there  be  such  an  entity  as  collective  organic  life,  and 
whether,  as  a  consequence,  there  exist  general  laws  which  regulate 
its  healthy  or  morbid  condition,  I  do  not  here  undertake  to  deter- 
mine ;  but  the  notion  is  peculiar,  and  in  order  that  it  may  be  more 


78  translator's  preface. 

fully  exposed  to  the  reader,  I  have  translated,  as  an.  introduction 
to  the  present  volume,'  an  Appeal  which  Dr.  Hecker  has  made  to 
the  medical  profession  of  his  own  country  for  assistance  in  his 
undertaking.  If,  in  the  course  of  the  remarks  contained  in  this 
address,  he  has  been  somewhat  se^'ere  in  his  censure  of  the  neglect, 
both  in  this  country  and  in  France,  of  the  study  of  Medical  His- 
tory, I  freely  confess  myself  to  be  one  of  those  who  are  more 
anxious  to  profit  by  his  castigation  than  to  dispute  its  justice. 

I  have  added  a  few  Notes,  which  I  trust  will  be  found  not  in- 
applicable. They  consist  chiefly  of  parallel  accounts  in  illustra- 
tion of  what  is  set  forth  in  the  text ;  and  with  the  same  view,  I 
have  thrown  together  in  No.  V.  of  the  Appendix,  some  Histories 
of  Local  Epidemics^  and  have  referred  to  some  single  cases,  which 
seem  to  me  to  have  a  peculiar  interest  in  connexion  with  the  sub- 
ject of  this  work,  and  to  render  it,  on  the  whole,  more  complete. 

'  By  this  term  the  reader  is  now  to  understand  the  "  Epidemics  of  the  Middle  Ages." 
This  work  not  having  been  published,  as  a  whole,  in  the  original,  there  is  no  general 
preface  by  the  Author.  His  Address  to  the  Physicians  of  Germany  is  therefore  prefixed 
as  an  appropriate  substitute. 


THE  DANCING  MANIA. 


THE  DANCING  MANIA. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE    DANCING    MANIA    IN    GERMANY    AND    THE    NETHERLANDS. 

Sect.  1. — St.  John's  Dance. 

The  effects  of  the  Black  Death  had  not  yet  subsided,  and  the 
graves  of  millions  of  its  victims  were  scarcely  closed,  when  a 
strange  delusion  arose  in  Germany,  which  took  possession  of  the 
minds  of  men,  and,  in  spite  of  the  divinity  of  our  nature,  hurried 
away  body  and  soul  into  the  magic  circle  of  hellish  superstition. 
It  was  a  convulsion  which  in  the  most  extraordinary  manner  in- 
furiated the  human  frame,  and  excited  the  astonishment  of  con- 
temporaries for  more  than  two  centuries,  since  which  time  it  has 
never  reappeared.  It  was  called  the  dance  of  St.  John  or  of  St. 
Vitus,  on  account  of  the  Bacchantic  leaps  by  which  it  was  charac- 
terized, and  which  gave  to  those  affected,  whilst  performing  their 
wild  dance,  and  screaming  and  foaming  with  fury,  all  the  ap- 
pearance of  persons  possessed.  It  did  not  remain  confined  to 
particular  localities,  but  was  propagated  by  the  sight  of  the  suf- 
ferers, like  a  demoniacal  epidemic,  over  the  whole  of  Germany 
and  the  neighbouring  countries  to  the  north-west,  which  were 
already  prepared  for  its  reception  by  the  pi'evailing  opinions  of  the 
times. 

So  early  as  the  year  1374,  assemblages  of  men  and  women  were 
seen  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  who  had  come  out  of  German}^,  and  who, 
united  by  one  common  delusion,  exhibited  to  the  public  both  in 
the  streets  and  in  the  churches  the  following  strange  spectacle.^ 
They  formed  circles  hand  in  hand,  and  appearing  to  have  lost  all 
control  over  their  senses,  continued  dancing,  regardless  of  the  by- 
standers, for  hours  together  in  wild  delirium,  until  at  length  they 

'   Odor.  Rmjnald.  Anual.  Ecclesiastic.  A.  1374.     Lucfe,  1752.  fol.  Tom.  Yll.  p.  252. 


ST.  John's  dance.  81 

fell  to  the  ground  in  a  state  of  exhaustion.  They  then  complained 
of  extreme  oppression,  and  groaned  as  if  in  the  agonies  of  death, 
until  they  were  swathed  in  cloths  bound  tightly  round  their  waists, 
upon  which  they  again  recovered,  and  remained  free  from  com- 
plaint until  the  next  attack.  This  practice  of  swathing  was  re- 
sorted to  on  account  of  the  tympany  which  followed  these  spasmodic 
ravings,  but  the  by~standers  frequently  relieved  patients  in  a  less 
artificial  manner,  by  thumping  and  trampling  upon  the  parts 
aifected.  While  dancing  they  neither  saw  nor  heard,  being  in- 
sensible to  external  impressions  through  the  senses,  but  were 
haunted  by  visions,  their  fancies  conjuring  up  spirits  whose  names' 
they  shrieked  out ;  and  some  of  them  afterwards  asserted  that  they 
felt  as  if  they  had  been  immersed  in  a  stream  of  blood,  which 
obliged  them  to  leap  so  high.'  Others,  during  the  paroxysm,  saw 
the  heavens  open  and  the  Saviour  enthroned  with  the  Virgin  Mary, 
according  as  the  religious  notions  of  the  age  were  strangely  and 
variously  reflected  in  their  imaginations.^ 

Where  the  disease  was  completely  developed,  the  attack  com- 
menced with  epileptic  convulsions.'*  Those  affected  fell  to  the 
ground  senseless,  panting  and  labouring  for  breath.  They  foamed 
at  the  mouth,  and  suddenly  springing  up  began  their  dance  amidst 
strange  contortions.  Yet  the  malady  doubtless  made  its  appear- 
ance very  variously,  and  was  modified  by  temporar}^  or  local  cir- 
cumstances, whereof  non-medical  contemporaries  but  imperfectly 
noted  the  essential  particulars,  accustomed  as  they  Avere  to  con- 
found their  observation  of  natural  events  with  their  notions  of  the 
world  of  spirits. 

It  was  but  a  few  months  ere  this  demoniacal  disease  had  spread 
from  xiix-la-Chapelle,  where  it  appeared  in  July,  over  the  neigh- 
bouring Netherlands.^     In   Liege,   Utrecht,  Tongres,  and  many 

1  Joh.  IF/er's  ample  Catalogue  of  Spirits  gives  no  information  on  this  point.  Pseudo- 
monarchia  dfemonum.  Opera  omnia,  Amstelod.  1660.  4to.  p.  659.— Raj/nald  mentions 
the  word  Frisckes  as  the  name  of  a  spirit ;  but  this  mistake  is  easily  accounted  for  by  his 
ignorance  of  the  language ;  for,  according  to  the  Chronicle  of  Cologne,  the  St.  John's 
dancers  sang  during  their  paroxysm  :  "  Here  Sent  Johan.  so  so,  vrisch  iud  vro,  here  Sent 
Johan."  St.  John  so,  so,  brisk  and  cheerful,  St.  John.  Die  Cronica  van  der  hilliger 
Stat  vanCoellen,  fol.  277-  Cocllen,  1499.  fol. 

'  Cyr.  Spangenberrj,  Adels-Spiegel— .T/iVro>-  of  Nobility,  a  detailed  historical  account 
of  what  nobility  is,  &c.     Schmalkaldcn,  1591.  fol.     Fol.  403.  b. 

2  Petr.  de  Herenfals,  Appendix,  No.  I. 

*  Jo.  Trithem.  Chronic.  Sponheimense.  A.  1374.  Opera  historic.  Francof.  1601.  fol. 
p.  332.  Also:  Abrah.  Bzovii  Annal.  Ecclesiastic.  Tom.  XIV.  Colon.  Agripp.  162.5.  fol. 
Ann.  1374.  (Maniaca  passio.  S.  Johannis  chorea.) 

5  Jo.  rjA^om  Rerum  Familiarumque  Belgicarum  Chnmicon  magnum.   Francof.  16.54. 

6 


82  THE   DANCING   MANIA. 

other  towns  of  Belgium,  the  dancers  appeared  with  garlands  in 
their  hair,  and  their  waists  girt  with  cloths,  that  they  might,  as 
soon  as  the  paroxysm  was  over,  receive  immediate  relief  on  the 
attack  of  the  tympany.  This  bandage  was,  by  the  insertion  of  a 
stick,  easily  twisted  tight :  many,  however,  obtained  more  relief 
from  kicks  and  blows,  which  they  found  numbers  of  persons  ready 
to  administer  ;  for,  wherever  the  dancers  appeared,  the  people  as- 
sembled in  crowds  "to  gratify  their  curiosity  with  the  frightful 
spectacle.  At  length  the  increasing  number  of  the  affected  excited 
no  less  anxietj'-  than  the  attention  that  was  paid  to  them.  In  towns 
and  villages  they  took  possession  of  the  religious  houses,  pro- 
cessions were  everywhere  instituted  on  their  account,  and  masses 
were  said  and  hymns  were  sung,  while  the  disease  itself,  of  the 
demoniacal  origin  of  which  no  one  entertained  the  least  doubt, 
excited  everywhere  astonishment  and  horror.  In  Liege  the  priests 
had  recourse  to  exorcisms,  and  endeavoured,  by  every  means  in 
their  power,  to  allay  an  evil  which  threatened  so  much  danger  to 
themselves  ;  for  the  possessed  assembling  in  multitudes,  frequently 
poured  forth  imprecations  against  them,  and  menaced  their  de- 
struction. They  intimidated  the  people  also  to  such  a  degree  that 
there  was  an  express  ordinance  issued  that  no  one  should  make  any 
but  square-toed  shoes,  because  these  fanatics  had  manifested  a 
morbid  dislike  to  the  pointed  shoes  which  had  come  into  fashion 
immediately  after  the  Great  Mortality,  in  1350.'  They  were  still 
more  irritated  at  the  sight  of  red  colours,  the  influence  of  which 
on  the  disordered  nerves  might  lead  us  to  imagine  an  extraordinary 
accordance  between  this  spasmodic  malady  and  the  condition  of 
infuriated  animals  ;  but  in  the  St.  John's  dancers  this  excitement 
was  probably  connected  with  apparitions  consequent  upon  their 

fol.  p.  319.  Here  the  persons  affected  are  called  dansatores,  chorisantes.  See  the  whole 
passage  in  the  Appendix,  No.  II.  Compare  Incerti  auctoris  vetus  chronicon  Belgicum, 
Matthaji  veteris  ffivi  Aualecta.  Hag.  com.  1738.  4to.  Tom.  I.  p.  51.  "Anno 
MCCCLXXIV.  the  dayisers  appeared.  Gens  impacata  cadit,  diidum  cruciata  salvat." 
This  should  be  salivat ;  a  quotation  from  a  Latin  poem  not  now  extant. 

1  The  Limburg  Chronicle,  published  by  C.  D.  Vogel,  Marburg,  1828.  8vo.  p.  27. 
This  singular  phenomenon  cannot  but  remind  us  of  the  "  Demon  of  Fashion,"  of  the 
middle  ages.  Extravagant  as  the  love  of  dress  was  after  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  the  opposition  of  the  enemies  of  fashion  was  equally  great,  and  they  let  slip  no 
opportunity  of  crying  down  every  change  or  innovation  as  the  work  of  the  devil.  Hence 
it  is  extremely  probable  that  the  fanatic  penitential  sermons  of  zealous  priests  excited 
this  singular  aversion  of  the  St.  Vitus  dancers.  In  later  times,  also,  signs  and  wonders 
took  place,  on  account  of  things  equally  insignificant,  and  the'  fury  of  the  possessed  was 
directed  against  the  fashions.  Compare  Mbhsen's  History  of  the  Sciences  in  the  Mark 
of  Brandenburg,  p.  498.  f. 


ST.  John's  dance.  83 

convulsions.  There  were  likewise  some  of  them  who  were  unable 
to  endure  the  sight  of  persons  weeping.^  The  clergy  seemed  to 
become  daily  more  and  more  confirmed  in  their  belief  that  those 
who  were  affected  were  a  kind  of  sectarians,  and  on  this  account 
they  hastened  their  exorcisms  as  much  as  possible,  in  order  that 
the  evil  might  not  spread  amongst  the  higher  classes,  for  hitherto 
scarcely  any  but  the  poor  had  been  attacked,  and  the  few  people 
of  respectability  among  the  laity  and  clergy  who  were  to  be  found 
among  them,  were  persons  whose  natural  frivolity  was  unable  to 
withstand  the  excitement  of  novelty,  even  though  it  proceeded 
from  a  demoniacal  influence.  Some  of  the  affected  had  indeed 
themselves  declared,  when  under  the  influence  of  priestly  forms  of 
exorcism,  that  if  the  demons  had  been  allowed  only  a  few  weeks 
more  time,  they  would  have  entered  the  bodies  of  the  nobility  and 
princes,  and  through  these  have  destroyed  the  clergy.  Assertions 
of  this  sort,  which  those  possessed  uttered  whilst  in  a  state  which 
may  be  compared  with  that  of  magnetic  sleep,  obtained  general 
belief,  and  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth  with  wonderful  additions. 
The  priesthood  were,  on  this  account,  so  much  the  more  zealous 
in  their  endeavours  to  anticipate  every  dangerous  excitement  of 
the  people,  as  if  the  existing  order  of  things  could  have  been  se- 
riously threatened  by  such  incoherent  ravings.  Their  exertions 
were  efiectual,  for  exorcism  was  a  powerful  remedy  in  the  four- 
teenth century  ;  or  it  might  perhaps  be  that  this  wild  infatuation 
terminated  in  consequence  of  the  exhaustion  which  naturally  en- 
sued from  it ;  at  all  events,  in  the  course  of  ten  or  eleven  months 
the  St.  John's  dancers  were  no  longer  to  be  found  in  any  of  the 
cities  of  Belgium.  The  evil,  however,  was  too  deeply  rooted  to 
give  way  altogether  to  such  feeble  attacks.^ 

A  few  months  after  this  dancing  malady  had  made  its  appear- 
ance at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  it  broke  out  at  Cologne,  where  the  num- 
ber of  those  possessed  amounted  to  more  than  five  hundred,^  and 
about  the  same  tine  at  Metz,  the  streets  of  which  place  are  said 
to  have  been  filled  with  eleven  hundred  dancers.'*  Peasants  left 
their  ploughs,  mechanics  their  workshops,  housewives  their  domes- 
tic duties,  to  join  the  wild  revels,  and  this  rich  commercial  city  be- 

•  Petr.  de  Ilerentals.     Appendix,  No.  I. 

^  Ecspecting  the  exorcisms  used,  see  E.  G.  Fiirstemann,  the  Christian  Societies  of 
Flagellants.     Halle,  1828.  8vo.  p.  232. 

'  Limburg  Chronicle,  p.  71.  Cologne  Chronicle,  loc.  cit.  Sec  Appendix,  Nos.  III. 
and  IV. 

*  Dans  la  ville  y  eut  des  dansans,  tant  grands  que  pctits,  onzc  cents.  Journal  de 
Paris,  1785. 

6* 


84:  THE   DANCING   MANIA. 

came  the  scene  of  the  most  ruinous  disorder.  Secret  desires  were 
excited,  and  but  too  often  found  opportunities  for  wild  enjoyment ; 
and  numerous  beggars,  stimulated  by  vice  and  misery,  availed 
themselves  of  this  new  complaint  to  gain  a  temporary  livelihood. 
Girls  and  boys  quitted  their  parents,  and  servants  their  masters, 
to  amuse  themselves  at  the  dances  of  those  possessed,  and  greedily 
imbibed  the  poison  of  mental  infection.  Above  a  hundred  un- 
married women  were  seen  raving  about  in  consecrated  and  un- 
consecrated  places,  and  the  consequences  were  soon  perceived.^ 
Gangs  of  idle  vagabonds,  who  understood  how  to  imitate  to  the 
life  the  gestures  and  convulsions  of  those  really  affected,  roved 
from  place  to  place  seeking  maintenance  and  adventures,  and  thus, 
wherever  they  went,  spreading  this  disgusting  spasmodic  disease 
like  a  plague  ;  for  in  maladies  of  this  kind  the  susceptible  are  in- 
fected as  easily  by  the  appearance  as  by  the  reality.  At  last  it 
was  found  necessary  to  drive  away  these  mischievous  guests,  who 
were  equally  inaccessible  to  the  exorcisms  of  the  priests  and  the 
remedies  of  the  physicians.  It  was  not,  however,  until  after  four 
months  that  the  Rhenish  cities  were  able  to  suppress  these  impos- 
tures, which  had  so  alarmingly  increased  the  original  evil.  In  the 
mean  time,  when  once  called  into  existence,  the  plague  crept  on, 
and  found  abundant  food  in  the  tone  of  thought  which  prevailed 
in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  and  even,  though  in  a 
minor  degree,  throughout  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth,  causing 
a  permanent  disorder  of  the  mind,  and  exhibiting,  in  those  cities 
to  whose  inhabitants  it  was  a  novelty,  scenes  as  strange  as  they 
were  detestable. 

Sect.  2. — St.  Vitus's  Dance.^ 

Strasburg  was  visited  by   the  "  Dancing   Plague"   in  the  year 
1418,  and  the  same  infatuation  existed  among  the  people  there, 

'    Schenk.  v.  Grafenburg.  loc.  cit. 

^  "  Chorus  Sancti  Yiti,  or  St.  Titus'  Dance  ;  the  lascivious  dance,  Paracelsus  calls  it, 
because  they  that  are  taken  with  it,  can  do  nothing  but  dance  till  they  be  dead,  or 
cured.  It  is  so  called  for  that  the  parties  so  troubled  were  wont  to  go  to  St.  Vitus  for 
help  ;  and,  after  they  had  danced  there  awhile,  they  were  certainly  freed.  'Tis  strange 
to  hear  how  long  they  will  dance,  and  in  what  manner,  over  stools,  forms,  tables  ;  even 
great-bellied  women  sometimes  (and  yet  never  hurt  their  children)  will  dance  so  long 
that  they  can  stir  neither  hand  nor  foot,  but  seem  to  be  quite  dead.  One  in  red  clothes 
they  cannot  abide.  Musick  above  all  things  they  love  ;  and  therefore  magistrates  in 
Germany  will  hire  musicians  to  play  to  them,  and  some  lusty,  sturdy  companions  to 
dance  with  them.  This  disease  hath  been  very  common  in  Germany,  as  appears  by 
those  relations  of  Schenkius,  and  Paracelsus  in  his  book  ©f  madness,  who  brags  how 
many  several  persons  he  hath  cured  of  it.     Felix  Platerus  {de  Mentis  Alienat.  cap.  3.) 


ST.    VITUS'S    DANCE.  85 

as  in  the  towns  of  Belgium  and  the  Lower  Rhine.'  Many  who 
were  seized  at  the  sight  of  those  affected,  excited  attention  at 
first  by  their  confused  and  absurd  behaviour,  and  then  by  their 
constantly  following  the  swarms  of  dancers.  These  were  seen 
day  and  night  passing  through  the  streets,  accompanied  by 
musicians  playing  on  bagpipes,  and  by  innumerable  spectators 
attracted  by  curiosity,  to  which  were  added  anxious  parents  and 
relations,  who  came  to  look  after  those  among  the  misguided 
multitude  who  belonged  to  their  respective  families.  Imposture 
and  profligacy  played  their  part  in  this  city  also,  but  the  morbid 
delusion  itself  seems  to  have  predominated.  On  this  account 
religion  could  only  bring  provisional  aid,  and  therefore  the  town- 
council  benevolently  took  an  interest  in  the  afflicted.  They 
divided  them  into  separate  parties,  to  each  of  which  they  appoint- 
ed responsible  superintendents  to  protect  them  from  harm,  and 
perhaps  also  to  restrain  their  turbulence.  They  were  thus  con- 
ducted on  foot  and  in  carriages  to  the  chapels  of  St.  Yitus,  near 
Zabern  and  Rotestein,  where  priests  were  in  attendance  to  work 
upon  their  misguided  minds  by  masses  and  other  religious  cere- 
monies. After  divine  worship  was  completed,  they  were  led  in 
solemn  procession  to  the  altar,  where  they  made  some  small  oflPer- 
ing  of  alms,  and  where  it  is  probable  that  many  were,  through  the 
influence  of  devotion  and  the  sanctity  of  the  place,  cured  of  this 
lamentable  aberration.  It  is  worthy  of  observation,  at  all  events, 
that  the  Dancing  INIania  did  not  recommence  at  the  altars  of  the 
saint,  and  that  from  him  alone  assistance  was  implored,  and  through 
his  miraculous  interposition  a  cure  was  expected,  which  was  be- 

reports  of  a  woman  in  Basle  whom  he  saw,  that  danced  a  whole  month  together.  The 
Arabians  call  it  a  kind  oi  palsie.  Bodine,  in  his  fifth  book,  de  Repub.  cap.  1.  speaks  of 
this  infirmity  ;  Monavius,  in  his  last  epistle  to  Scoltizius,  and  in  another  to  Dudithns, 
where  you  may  read  more  of  it." — B^irton's  Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  Vol.  I.  p.  15.— 
Transl.  note. 

*  J.  of  Konigshoven,  the  oldest  German  Chronicle  in  existence.  The  contents  are 
general,  but  devoted  more  exclusively  to  Alsace  and  Strasburg,  published  by  F^chiltern^ 
Strasburg,  1698.  4to.  Observat.  21,  of  St.  Vitus's  Dance,  p.  1085.  f. 

"  Viel  himdert  fingcn  zu  Strassburg  an 
Zu  tanzen  und  springen  Frau  und  Mann, 
Am  offnen  Markt,  Gassen  und  Strassen 
Tag  und  Nacht  ihrcr  viol  nicht  assen. 
Bis  ihn  das  "NViithen  wiedcr  gelag. 
St.  Yits  Tanz  ward  genannt  die  Flag." 
"  Many  hundreds  of  men  and  women  began  to  dance  and  jump  in  the  public  market- 
place, the  lanes,  and  the  streets  of  Strasburg.     Many  of  them  ate  nothing  for  days  and 
nights,  until  their  mania  again  subsided.     The  plague  was  called  St.  Yitus's  Dance." 


S6  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

yond  the  reach  of  human  skill.  The  personal  history  of  St.  Vitus 
is  by  no  means  unimportant  in  this  matter.  He  was  a  Sicilian 
youth,  who,  together  with  Modestus  and  Crescentia,  suffered 
martyrdom  at  the  time  of  the  persecution  of  the  Christians,  under 
Diocletian,  in  the  year  303.^  The  legends  respecting  him  are 
obscure,  and  he  M'ould  certainly  have  been  passed  over  without 
notice  among  the  innumerable  apocryphal  martyrs  of  the  first 
centuries,  had  not  the  transfer  of  his  body  to  St.  Denys,  and 
thence,  in  the  year  836,  to  Corve}^  raised  him  to  a  higher  rank. 
From  this  time  forth,  it  may  be  supposed  that  many  miracles 
were  manifested  at  his  new  sepulchre,  which  were  of  essential  ser- 
vice in  confirming  the  Roman  faith  among  the  Germans,  and  St. 
Vitus  was  soon  ranked  among  the  fourteen  saintly  helpers  (Noth- 
helfer   or   Apotheker).^       His   altars   were   multiplied,   and  the 

'  Cas.  Baron.  Annales  ecclesiastic.  Tom.  II.  p.  819.  Colon.  Agripp.  1609.  fol. 
See  the  more  ample  Acta  Sanctorum  Junii  (The  15th  of  June  is  St.  Vitus's  day),  Tom. 
II.  p.  1013.  Antwerp.  1698.  fol.  From  which  we  shall  merely  add  that  Mazara,  in 
Sicily,  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  birth-place  of  our  Saint,  and  that  his  father's  name 
was  Hylas ;  that  he  went  from  thence  with  Crescentia  (probably  his  nurse)  and  Mo- 
destus to  Lucania,  with  both  of  whom  he  suffered  martyrdom  under  Diocletian.  They 
are  all  said  to  have  been  buried  at  Florence,  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  miraculous 
powers  of  St.  Vitus,  which  had  already  manifested  themselves  in  his  lifetime,  were  ac- 
knowledged throughout  Italy.  The  most  celebrated  of  his  chapels  were  situated  on  the 
Promontory  of  Sicily  (called  by  his  name),  in  Rome  and  in  Polignano,  whither  many 
pilgrimages  were  made  by  the  sick.  Persons  who  had  been  bitten  by  mad  dogs  believed 
that  they  would  find  an  infallible  cure  at  his  altars,  though  the  power  of  the  Saint  in 
curing  Avounds  of  this  kind  was  afterwards  disputed  by  the  followers  of  St.  Hubertus, 
the  Saint  of  the  Chase.  In  672,  his  body  was  with  much  pomp  moved  to  Apulia,  but 
80on  after  the  priests  of  many  churches  and  chapels  in  Italy,  gave  out  that  they  were  in 
possession  of  portions  of  the  saint's  body  which  worked  miracles.  In  the  eighth  cen- 
tury the  veneration  of  this  youthful  martjT  extended  itself  to  France,  and  the  honour  of 
possessing  his  body  was  conferred  on  the  church  of  St.  Denys.  By  command  of  the 
Pope  it  was  solemnly  delivered  on  the  19th  of  March,  836,  by  the  Abbot  Hilduwinus,  of 
St.  Denys,  to  the  Abbot  Waritms,  of  Corvey  (founded  in  822).  On  its  way  thither, 
which  occupied  three  months  (to  the  13th  of  June),  many  miracles  were  performed,  and 
the  subsequent  Abbots  of  Corvey  were  able  for  centuries  to  maintain  the  popular  be- 
lief in  the  miraculous  healing  power  of  their  relics,  which  had  indiscriminate  influence 
on  all  diseases,  more  especially  on  those  of  a  demoniacal  kind.  See  Monachi  anonymi 
Historia  translationis  S.  Yiti.  In  G.  H.  Pertz,  ]\Ionumcnta  Germanise  Historica.  Tom. 
II.  Hannov.  1828.  fol.  p.  576.  As  a  proof  of  the  great  veneration  for  St.  Vitus  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  we  may  further  mention  that  Charles  IV.  dedicated  to  him  the 
Cathedral  of  Prague,  of  which  he  had  laid  the  foundation,  and  caused  him  to  be  pro- 
claimed patron  Saint  of  Bohemia,  and  a  nominal  body  of  the  holy  martyr  was,  for  this 
purpose,  brought  from  Parma.     Act.  Sanctor.  loc.  cit. 

*  Probably  a  corruption  of  Apotropiei.  The  expression  is  constantly  met  with  ;  for 
example,  in  Agricola,  Proverbs,  No.  497.  These  are  the  ^tol  uXtliKaKoi,  the  dii 
avcrrunci  of  the  ancients.  The  fourteen  saints,  to  whose  churches  (between  Bamberg 
and  Coburg)  thousands  still  annually  make  pilgrimages,  are  the  following  :  1.  Georgius. 
2.  Blasius.      3.  Erasmus.      4.  Vitus.      5.  Pantaloon.      6.  Cliristophorus.    7.  Dionysius. 


CAUSES.  87 

people  had  recourse  to  tliem  in  all  kinds  of  distresses,  and  revered 
hira  as  a  powerful  intercessor.  As  the  worship  of  these  saints 
was  however  at  that  time  stripped  of  all  historical  connexions, 
which  were  purposely  obliterated  by  the  priesthood,  a  legend  was 
invented  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  or  perhaps  even 
so  early  as  the  fourteenth,  that  St.  Vitus  had,  just  before  he  bent 
his  neck  to  the  sword,  prayed  to  God  that  he  might  protect  from 
the  Dancing  Mania  all  those  who  should  solemnize  the  day  of  his 
commemoration,  and  fast  upon  its  eve,  and  that  thereupon  a  voice 
from  heaven  was  heard,  saying,  "Vitus,  thy  prayer  is  accepted."' 
Thus  St.  Vitus  became  the  patron  saint  of  those  afflicted  with  the 
dancing  plague,  at  St.  Martin  of  Tours  was  at  one  time  the  suc- 
courer  of  persons  in  small-pox;  St.  Antonius  of  those  suffering 
imder  the  "  hellish  fire ;"  and  as  St.  Margaret  was  the  Juno 
Lucina  of  puerperal  women. 

Sect.  3. — Causes. 

The  connexion  which  John  the  Baptist  had  with  the  dancing 
mania  of  the  fourteenth  century,  was  of  a  totally  different  charac- 
ter. He  was  originally  far  from  being  a  protecting  saint  to  those 
who  were  attacked,  or  one  who  would  be  likely  to  give  them  relief 
from  a  malady  considered  as  the  work  of  the  devil.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  manner  in  which  he  was  worshipped  afforded  an  im- 
portant and  very  evident  cause  for  its  development.  From  the 
remotest  period,  perhaps  even  so  far  back  as  the  fourth  century, 
St.  John's  day  was  solemnized  with  all  sorts  of  strange  and  rude 
customs,  of  which  the  originally  mystical  meaning  was  variously 
disfigured  among  different  nations  by  superadded  relics  of  hea- 
thenism.^ Thus  the  Germans  transferred  to  the  festival  of  St. 
John's  day  an  ancient  heathen  usage,  the  kindling  of  the  "  Nodfyr," 
which  was  forbidden  them  by  St.  Boniface,  and  the  belief  subsists 
even  to  the  present  day  that  people  and  animals  that  have  leaped 
through  these  flames,  or  their  smoke,  are  protected  for  a  whole 
year  from  fevers  and  other  diseases,  as  if  by  a  kind  of  baptism  by 

8.  Cyriacus.      9.  Achatius.      10.  Eustachius.     11.  ^gidius.       1*2.  Margaretha.       13. 
Catharina.     14.  Barbara. 

1  J.  Agricola.  Sybenhundert  und  fiinffzig  Teutschcr  Sprichworter.  No.  497.  Seven 
hundred  and  fifty  German  Proverbs.     Hagemau,  1537.  8vo.  fol.  248. 

2  St.  Augustine  had  already  warned  the  people  against  committing  excesses  and  sing- 
ing profane  songs  at  the  festival  of  St.  John  :  "  Nee  pemiittamus  solemnitatcm  sanctam 
cantica  luxuriosa  proferendo  polhicre." — St.  Atigusti  Dcnkwiirdigkeiten  aus  dor  Christ- 
lichen  Archiiologie.  Vol.  III.  p.  166.  Leipzig.  1820.  Svo.  Memorabilia  of  Christian 
Archaiolocry. 


88  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

fire.'  Bacchanalian  dances,  which  have  originated  in  similar 
causes  among  all  the  rude  nations  of  the  earth,  and  the  wild  ex- 
travagancies of  a  heated  imagination,  Avere  the  constant  accom- 
paniments of  this  half-heathen,  half-christian  festival.  At  the 
period  of  which  we  are  treating,  however,  the  Germans  were  not 
the  only  people  who  gave  way  to  the  ebullitions  of  fanaticism  in 
keeping  the  festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  Similar  customs  were 
also  to  be  found  among  the  nations  of  Southern  Europe  and  of 
Asia,^  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the  Greeks  transferred  to 
the  festival  of  John  the  Baptist,  who  is  also  held  in  high  esteem 
among  the  Mahomedans,  a  part  of  their  Bacchanalian  mysteries, 
an  absurdity  of  a  kind  which  is  but  too  frequently  met  within  human 
affairs.  How  far  a  remembrance  of  the  history  of  St.  John's  death 
may  have  had  an  influence  on  this  occasion,  we  would  leave  learned 
theologians  to  decide.  It  is  only  of  importance  here  to  add,  that 
in  Abyssinia,  a  country  entirely  separated  from  Europe,  where 
Christianity  has  maintained  itself  in  its  primeval  simplicity  against 
Mahomedanism,  John  is  to  this  day  worshipped,  as  protecting 
saint  of  those  who  are  attacked  with  the  dancing  malady.^  In 
these  fragments  of  the  dominion  of  mysticism  and  superstition, 
historical  connexion  is  not  to  be  found. 

When  we  observe,  however,  that  the  first  dances  in  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  appeared  in  July  with  St.  John's  name  in  their  mouths, 
the  conjecture  is  probable  that  the  wild  revels  of  St.  John's  day, 
A.D.   1374,  gave  rise  to  this  mental  plague,  which  thenceforth 

'  Wirthiocin.  Series  chronologic.  Epistolarum  S.  Bonifacii  ab  aim.  716 — 755, 
LVII.  Coneil.  Liptinens.  p.  131.  XV.  De  igne  fricato  de  ligno,  id  est,  Nodf'jT.  See 
Joh.  Reiskii,  XJntersuchung  des  bei  den  Alten  Teutschen  gebrauchlicben  heidnischen 
Nodfyrs,  imgleicben  des  Oster-und  Johannis-Feuers.  Enquiry  respecting  the  heathen 
Nodfyrs  customary  among  the  ancient  Germans,  and  also  the  Easter  and  St.  John's  fires. 
Frankfort,  1696.  8vo. 

2  The  Bishop  Theodoret  of  Cyrus  in  Syria,  states,  that  at  the  festival  of  St.  John, 
large  fires  were  annually  kindled  in  several  towns,  through  which  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren jumped;  and  that  young  children  were  carried  through  by  their  mothers.  He  con- 
sidered this  custom  as  an  ancient  Asiatic  ceremony  of  pm-ification,  similar  to  that  re- 
corded of  Ahaz,  in  2  Kings  .xvi.  3.  (Qu;icstioncs  in  IV.  Libr.  Regum.  Interrogat.  47, 
p.  352.  Beati  Theodoreti,  Episcop.  Cyri  Opera  omnia.  Ed.  Jac.  Sirmondi,  Lut.  Paris. 
1642.  fol.  T.  I.)  Zonaras,  Balsamon,  and  Photiits  speak  of  the  St.  John's  fires  in  Con- 
stantinople, and  the  first  looks  upon  it  as  tlic  remains  of  an  old  Grecian  custom.  See 
Reiske,  loc.  cit.  p.  81.  That  such  ditfereut  nations  should  have  had  the  same  idea  of 
fixing  the  purification  by  fire  on  St.  John's  day,  is  a  remarkable  coincidence,  which  per- 
haps can  be  accounted  for  only  by  its  analogy  to  baptism. 

^  The  Life  and  Adventures  of  Nathaniel  Pearce,  written  by  himself,  during  a  resi- 
dence in  Abyssinia  from  the  year  1810  to  1819.  Edited  by  J.  J.  Halls.  2  Vols.  Svo. 
London,  1831.  chap.  ix.  p.  290. 


CAUSES. 


89 


has  visited  so  many  thousands  with  incurable  aberration  of  mind, 
and  disgusting  distortions  of  body. 

This  is  rendered  so  much  the  more  probable,  because  some 
months  previously  the  districts  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Ehine 
and  the  Maine  had  met  with  great  disasters.  So  early  as  February, 
both  these  rivers  had  overflowed  their  banks  to  a  great  extent ; 
the  walls  of  the  town  of  Cologne,  on  the  side  next  the  Ehine,  had 
fallen  down,  and  a  great  many  villages  had  been  reduced  to  the 
utmost  distress.'  To  this  was  added  the  miserable  condition  of 
Western  and  Southern  Germany.  Neither  law  nor  edict  could 
suppress  the  incessant  feuds  of  the  Barons,  and  in  Franconia  especi- 
ally, the  ancient  times  of  club  law  appeared  to  be  revived.  Se- 
curity of  property  there  was  none  ;  arbitrary  will  everywhere  pre- 
vailed ;  corruption  of  morals  and  rude  power  rarely  met  with  even 
a  feeble  opposition ;  whence  it  arose  that  the  cruel,  but  lucrative, 
persecutions  of  the  Jews  were  in  many  places  still  practised, 
through  the  whole  of  this  century,  with  their  wonted  ferocity. 
Thus,  throughout  the  western  parts  of  Germany,  and  especially 
in  the  districts  bordering  on  the  Rhine,  there  was  a  wretched  and 
oppressed  popidace  ;  and  if  we  take  into  consideration,  that  among 
their  numerous  bands  many  wandered  about,  whose  consciences 
were  tormented  with  the  recollection  of  the  crimes  which  they  had 
committed  during  the  prevalence  of  the  black  plague,  we  shall 
comprehend  how  their  despair  sought  relief  in  the  intoxication  of 
an  artificial  delirium.^  There  is  hence  good  ground  for  supposing 
that  the  frantic  celebration  of  the  festival  of  St.  John,  a.  d.  1374, 
only  served  to  bring  to  a  crisis  a  malady  which  had  been  long 
impending ;  and  if  we  would  further  inquire  how  a  hitherto  harm- 
less usage,  which,  like  many  others,  had  but  served  to  keep  up 
sviperstition,  could  degenerate  into  so  serious  a  disease,  we  must 
take  into  account  the  unusual  excitement  of  men's  minds,  and  the 

*  Joann.  Trithem.  Annal.  Hirsaugiens.  Oper.  Tom.  II.  Hirsaug.  1690.  fol.  p.  263. 
A.  1374.  See  the  before-mentioned  Chronicle  of  Cologne,  fol.  276.  b.,  wherein  it  is  said 
that  the  people  passed  in  boats  and  rafts  over  the  city  walls. 

*  "^Hiat  took  place  at  the  St.  John's  fires  in  the  middle  ages  (about  1280)  we  learn  by  a 
communication  from  the  Bishop  Guil.  Durantes  of  Aquitania.  (Rationale  divinorum 
officiorum.  L.  YII.  c.  26.  In  Reiske,  loc.  cit.  p.  77.)  Bones,  horns,  and  other  rubbish, 
were  heaped  together  to  be  consumed  in  smoke,  while  persons  of  all  ages  danced  round 
the  flames  as  if  they  had  been  possessed,  in  the  same  way  as  at  the  Palilia,  an  ancient 
Roman  lustration  by  fire,  whereat  those  who  took  part  in  them  sprang  through  a  fire 
made  of  straw.  (Ovid.  ^let.  XIV.  774.  Fast.  IV.  721.)  Others  seized  burning  flam- 
beaux, and  made  a  circuit  of  the  fields,  in  the  supposition  that  they  thereby  screened 
them  from  danger,  while  others,  again,  turned  a  cart-wheel,  to  represent  the  retrograde 
movement  of  the  sun. 


90  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

consequences  of  wretchedness  and  want.  The  bowels,  which  in 
many  were  debilitated  by  hunger  and  bad  food,  were  precisely  the 
parts  which  in  most  cases  were  attacked  with  excruciating  pain, 
and  the  tympanitic  state  of  the  intestines,  points  out  to  the  intelli- 
gent physician  an  origin  of  the  disorder  which  is  well  worth  con- 
sideration. 

Sect.  4. — More  ancient  Dancing  Plagues. 

The  dancing  mania  of  the  year  1374  was,  in  fact,  no  new  dis- 
ease, but  a  phenomenon  well  known  in  the  middle  ages,  of  which 
many  wondrous  stories  w^ere  traditionally  current  among  the  peo- 
ple.    In  the  year  1237,  upwards  of  a  hundred  children  were  said 
to  have  been  suddenly  seized  with  this  disease  at  Erfurt,  and  to 
have  proceeded  dancing  and  jumping  along  the  road  to  Arnstadt. 
When  they  arrived  at  that  place  they  fell  exhausted  to  the  ground, 
and,  according  to  an  account  of  an  old  chronicle,  many  of  them, 
after  they  were  taken  home  by  their  parents,  died,  and  the  rest 
remained  affected,  to  the  end  of  their  lives,  with  the  permanent 
tremor.^     Another  occurrence  was  related  to  have  taken  place  on 
the  Mosel  bridge  at  Utrecht,  on  the  17th  day  of  June,  a.d.  1278, 
when  two  hundred  fanatics  began  to  dance,  and  would  not  desist 
until  a  priest  passed  who  was  carrying  the  Host  to  a  person  that 
was  sick,  upon  which,  as  if  in  punishment  of  their  crime,  the 
bridge  gave  way,  and  they  were  all  drowned.^     A  similar  event 
also  occurred  so  early  as  the  year  1027,  near  the  convent  church 
of  Kolbig,  not  far  from  Bernburg.     According  to  an  oft-repeated 
tradition,  eighteen  peasants,  some  of  whose  names  are  still  pre- 
served, are  said  to  have  disturbed  divine  service  on  Christmas  eve, 
by  dancing  and  brawling  in  the  churchyard,  whereupon  the  priest, 
Ruprecht,  inflicted  a  curse  ujson  them,  that  they  should  dance 
and  scream  for  a  whole  year  without  ceasing.    This  curse  is  stated 
to  have  been  completely  fulfilled,  so  that  the  unfortunate  sufferers 
at  length  sank  knee  deep  into  the  earth,  and  remained  the  whole 
time  without  nourishment,  until  they  were  finally  released  by  the 
intercession  of  two  pious  bishops.     It  is  said,  that  upon  this  they 
fell  into  a  deep  sleep,  which  lasted  three  days,  and  that  four  of 
them  died :    the  rest   continuing  to  suffer  all  their  lives  from  a 

'  J.  Chr.  Beckmann,  Historia  dcs  Fiirstentlmms  Anlialt.  Zerbst.  History  of  the 
Principality  of  Anhalt.     Zerbst.  1710.  fol.  Part  III.  book  4.  chap.  4.  §  3.  p.  467. 

•  Martini  Minority  Flores  temporum,  in  Jo.  Georg.  Eccard,  Corpus  historioD  medii 
avi.     Lips.  1723.  fol.  Tom.  I.  p.  1632. 


MORE    ANCIENT   DANCING    PLAGUES.  91 

trembling  of  their  limbs. ^  It  is  not  worth  while  to  separate  what 
may  have  been  true,  and  what  the  addition  of  crafty  priests,  in 
this  strangely  distorted  story.  It  is  sufficient  that  it  was  believed, 
and  related  with  astonishment  and  horror  throughout  the  middle 
ages  ;  so  that  when  there  was  any  exciting  cause  for  this  delirious 
raving,  and  wild  rage  for  dancing,  it  failed  not  to  produce  its 
effects  upon  men  whose  thoughts  were  given  up  to  a  belief  in 
wonders  and  apparitions. 

This  disposition  of  mind,  altogether  so  peculiar  to  the  middle 
ages,  and  which,  happily  for  mankind,  has  yielded  to  an  improved 
state  of  civilization  and  the  diffusion  of  popular  instruction,  ac- 
counts for  the  origin  and  long  duration  of  this  extraordinary 
mental  disorder.  The  good  sense  of  the  people  recoiled  with 
horror  and  aversion  from  this  heavy  plague,  which,  whenever 
malevolent  persons  wished  to  curse  their  bitterest  enemies  and 
adversaries,  was  long  after  used  as  a  malediction.^  The  indigna- 
tion also  that  was  felt  by  the  people  at  large  against  the  immoral- 
ity of  the  age,  was  proved  by  their  ascribing  this  frightful  afflic- 
tion to  the  inefficacy  of  baptism  by  unchaste  priests,  as  if  innocent 
children  were  doomed  to  atone,  in  after  years,  for  this  desecra- 
tion of  the  sacrament  administered  by  unholy  hands.^  We  have 
already  mentioned  what  perils  the  priests  in  the  Netherlands 
incurred  from  this  belief.  They  now,  indeed,  endeavoured  to 
hasten  their  reconciliation  with  the  irritated,  and  at  that  time 
very  degenerate  people,"*  by  exorcisms,  which,  with  some,  procured 
them  greater  respect  than  ever,  because  they  thus  visibly  restored 
thousands  of  those  who  were  affected.  In  general,  however,  there 
prevailed  a  want  of  confidence  in  their  efficacy,  and  then  the 
sacred  rites  had  as  little  power  in  arresting  the  progress  of  this 
deeply-rooted  malady,  as  the  prayers  and  holy  services  subsequent- 
ly had  at  the  altars  of  the  greatly  revered  martyr   St.  Vitus. 

^  Bechnann  loc.  cit.  §  1.  f.  p.  465,  where  many  other  observations  are  made  on  this 
well-known  circumstance.  The  priest  named,  is  the  same  who  is  still  known  in  the 
nursery  tales  of  children  as  the  Knecht  Ruprecht. 

'  "  Das  dich  Sanct  Veitstanz  ankomme."  May  you  be  seized  with  St.  Yitus's  Dance. 
Joh.  Agricola,  Sybenhundert  uud  fiinffzig  Teutscher  Sprichworter.  Hagenau,  1537,  8. 
No.  497.  p.  268. 

'  Spaiigenberg  (Adels-Spiegel.  Mirror  of  Nobility,  loc.  cit.),  in  his  own  forcible 
manner,  thus  expresses  himself  on  this  subject :  "It  was  afterwards  pointed  out  by 
some,  that  these  people  could  not  have  been  properly  baptized,  or  at  all  events,  that 
their  baptism  was  ineffectual,  because  they  had  received  it  from  priests  who  shamelessly 
lived  in  open  cohabitation  with  unchaste  harlots.  Upon  this  the  lower  classes  rose  in 
rebellion,  and  would  have  killed  all  the  priests."      Compare  Appendix,  No.  I. 

*  Bzovii  Annal.  ecclesiastic,  loc.  cit.  1468. 


92  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

AVe  may  therefore  ascribe  it  to  accident  merely,  and  to  a  certain 
aversion  to  this  demoniacal  disease,  which  seemed  to  lie  beyond 
the  reach  of  human  skill,  that  we  meet  with  but  few  and  imper- 
fect notices  of  the  St.  Yitus's  dance  in  the  second  half  of  the  fif- 
teenth century.  The  highly-coloured  descriptions  of  the  sixteenth 
century  contradict  the  notion  that  this  mental  plague  had  in  any 
degree  diminished  in  its  severity,  and  not  a  single  fact  is  to  be 
found  which  supports  the  opinion,  that  any  one  of  the  essential  symp- 
toms of  the  disease,  not  even  excepting  the  tympany,  had  disap- 
peared, or  that  the  disorder  itself  had  become  milder  in  its  attacks. 
The  physicians  never,  as  it  seems,  throughout  the  whole  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  undertook  the  treatment  of  the  dancing  mania, 
which,  according  to  the  prevailing  notions,  appertained  exclusively 
to  the  servants  of  the  church.  Against  demoniacal  disorders 
they  had  no  remedies,  and  though  some  at  first  did  promulgate 
the  opinion,  that  the  malady  had  its  origin  in  natural  circum- 
stances, such  as  a  hot  temperament,  and  other  causes  named  in  the 
phraseology  of  the  schools,'  yet  these  opinions  were  the  less  exam- 
ined, as  it  did  not  appear  worth  while  to  divide  with  a  jealous 
priesthood  the  care  of  a  host  of  fanatical  vagabonds  and  beggars. 

Sect.  5. — Physicians. 

It  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  that 
the  St.  Vitus's  dance  was  made  the  subject  of  medical  research, 
and  stripped  of  its  unhallowed  character  as  a  work  of  demons. 
This  was  effected  by  Paracelsus,  that  mighty,  but  as  yet  scarcely 
comprehended,  reformer  of  medicine,  whose  aim  it  was  to  with- 
draw diseases  from  the  pale  of  miraculous  interpositions  and 
saintly  influences,  and  explain  their  causes  upon  principles  de- 
duced from  his  knowledge  of  the  human  frame.  "  "We  will  not 
however  admit  that  the  saints  have  power  to  inflict  diseases,  and 
that  these  ought  to  be  named  after  them,  although  many  there 
are,  who  in  their  theology  lay  great  stress  on  this  supposition, 
ascribing  them  rather  to  God  than  to  nature,  which  is  but  idle 
talk.  AVe  dislike  such  nonsensical  gossip  as  is  not  suj^ported  by 
symptoms,  but  only  by  faith,  a  thing  which  is  not  human, 
whereon  the  gods  themselves  set  no  value." 

Such  were  the  words  which  Paracelsus  addressed  to  his  contem- 
poraries, who  were  as  yet  incapable  of  appreciating  doctrines  of 

'  See  Appendix,  Nos.  III.  and  IV. 


PHYSICIANS.  93 

this  sort ;  for  the  belief  in  enchantment  still  remained  everywhere 
unshaken,  and  faith  in  the  world  of  spirits  still  held  men's  minds 
in  so  close  a  bondage  that  thousands  were,  according  to  their  own 
conviction,  given  up  as  a  prey  to  the  devil ;  while  at  the  command 
of  religion  as  well  as  of  law,  countless  piles  were  lighted,  by  the 
flames  of  which  human  society  was  to  be  purified. 

Paracelsus  divides  the  St.  Vitus's  dance  into  three  kinds.  First, 
that  which  arises  from  imagination  (Vitista,  Chorea  imaginativa, 
sestimativa),  by  which  the  original  dancing  plague  is  to  be  under- 
stood. Secondly,  that  which  arises  from  sensual  desires,  depend- 
ing on  the  will  (Chorea  lasciva).  Thirdly,  that  which  arises  from 
corporeal  causes  (Chorea  naturalis,  coacta),  which,  according  to  a 
strange  notion  of  his  own,  he  explained  by  maintaining,  that  in 
certain  vessels  which  are  susceptible  of  an  internal  pruriency,  and 
thence  produce  laughter,  the  blood  is  set  in  commotion,  in  con- 
sequence of  an  alteration  in  the  vital  spirits,  whereby  involuntary 
fits  of  intoxicating  joy,  and  a  propensity  to  dance,  are  occasioned.^ 
To  this  notion  he  was,  no  doubt,  led  from  having  observed  a  milder 
form  of  St.  Yitus's  dance,  not  uncommon  in  his  time,  which  was 
accompanied  by  involuntary  laughter  ;  and  which  bore  a  resem- 
blance to  the  hysterical  laughter  of  the  moderns,  except  that  it 
was  characterized  by  more  pleasurable  sensations,  and  by  an 
extravagant  propensity  to  dance.  There  was  no  howling,  scream- 
ing, and  jumping,  as  in  the  severer  form  ;  neither  was  the  dis- 
position to  dance  by  any  means  insuperable.  Patients  thus 
afiected,  although  they  had  not  a  complete  control  over  their 
understandings,  yet  were  sufficiently  self-possessed,  during  the 
attack,  to  obey  the  directions  which  they  received.  There  were 
even  some  among  them  who  did  not  dance  at  all,  but  only  felt  an 
involuntary  impulse  to  allay  the  internal  sense  of  disquietude, 
which  is  the  usual  forerunner  of  an  attack  of  this  kind,  by  laughter, 
and  quick  walking  carried  to  the  extent  of  producing  fatigue.^ 
This  disorder,  so  different  from  the  original  type,  evidently  ap- 
proximates to  the  modern  chorea  ;  or  rather  is  in  perfect  accordance 
with  it,  even  to  the  less  essential  symptom  of  laughter.  A  miti- 
gation in  the  form  of  the  dancing  mania  had  thus  clearly  taken 
place  at  the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

'  Theojihrasti  Bombast  von  Ilohenheym,  7  Buch  in  der  Artzney.  Von  den  Krank- 
heiten,  die  der  Yernunft  berauben.  7tb  Book  on  Medicine.  Of  the  diseases  which  pro- 
duce insanity.  Tract  I.  chap.  3,  p.  491.  Tract  11.  chap.  3,  p.  501.  Opera.  Strassburg, 
1616.  fol.  Tom.  I. 

*  Chorea  procursiva  of  the  moderns.  Beriit,  Jlonographia  Chorea;  Sti.  ^'iti.  I'rag. 
1810.  p.  2.5. 


94  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

On  the  communication  of  the  St,  Yitus's  dance  by  sympathy, 
Paracelsus,  in  his  peculiar  language,  expresses  himself  with  great 
spirit,  and  shows  a  profound  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  sensual 
impressions,  which  find  their  way  to  the  heart, — the  seat  of  joys 
and  emotions, — which  overpower  the  opposition  of  reason ;  and 
whilst  "all  other  qualities  and  natures"  are  subdued,  incessantly 
impel  the  patient,  in  consequence  of  his  original  compliance,  and 
his  all-conquering  imagination,  to  imitate  what  he  has  seen.  On 
his  treatment  of  the  disease  we  cannot  bestow  any  great  praise, 
but  must  be  content  with  the  remark,  that  it  was  in  conformity 
with  the  notions  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  For  the  first  kind, 
which  often  originated  in  passionate  excitement,  he  had  a  mental 
remedy,  the  efiicacy  of  which  is  not  to  be  despised,  if  we  estimate 
its  value  in  connexion  with  the  prevalent  opinions  of  those  times. 
The  patient  was  to  make  an  image  of  himself  in  wax  or  resin,  and 
by  an  effort  of  thought  to  concentrate  all  his  blasphemies  and  sins 
in  it.  "  Without  the  intervention  of  any  other  person,  to  set  his 
whole  mind  and  thoughts  concerning  these  oaths  in  the  image  ;" 
and  when  he  had  succeeded  in  this,  he  was  to  burn  the  image,  so 
that  not  a  particle  of  it  should  remain.^  In  all  this  there  was  no 
mention  made  of  St.  Vitus,  or  any  of  the  other  mediatory  saints, 
which  is  accounted  for  by  the  circumstance,  that,  at  this  time,  an 
open  rebellion  against  the  Romish  Church  had  begun,  and  the 
worship  of  saints  was  by  many  rejected  as  idolatrous.-  For  the 
second  kind  of  St.  Vitus's  dance,  arising  from  sensual  irritation, 
with  which  women  were  far  more  frequently  affected  than  men, 

1  This  proceeding  was,  however,  no  invention  of  his,  but  an  imitation  of  a  usual  mode 
of  enchantment  by  means  of  wax  figures  (peri  cunculas).  The  witches  made  a  wax 
image  of  the  person  who  was  to  be  bewitched ;  and  in  order  to  torment  him,  they  stuck 
it  full  of  pins,  or  melted  it  before  the  fire.  The  books  on  magic,  of  the  middle  ages,  are 
full  of  such  things ;  though  the  reader  who  may  wish  to  obtain  information  on  this 
subject,  need  not  go  so  far  back.  Only  eighty  years  since,  the  learned  and  celebrated 
Storch,  of  the  school  of  Stahl,  published  a  treatise  on  witchcraft,  worthy  of  the  four- 
teenth century.  "  Abhandlung  von  Kinderkrankheiten."  Treatise  on  the  Diseases  of 
Children.     Vol.  IV.  p.  228.     Eisenach,  1751-8. 

The  ancients  were  in  the  habit  of  employing  wax  in  incantations. 
Thus  Simoctha  in  Theocritus  : 

'Qc  Toiirov  Tov  Kapbi'  iydj  avv  laifiovi  toku), 
'Qg  TaicoiO'  inr'  ipioTOi;  6  Mrw^iog  avriKa  AiX^tQ. 

See  Potter's  Antiquities,  Vol.  II.  p.  251. 
and  Horace — 

"Lanea  et  effigies  crat,  altera  cerea." 

Lib.  1.  Sat.  8.  I.  30. 
Transl.  note, 

2  See  Arjricola,  loc.  cit.  p.  269.  No.  498. 


ITS    DECLINE   AND    TERMINATION.  95 

Paracelsus  recommended  harsh  treatment  and  strict  fasting.  He 
directed  that  the  patients  should  be  deprived  of  their  liberty  ; 
placed  in  solitary  confinement,  and  made  to  sit  in  an  uncomfort- 
able place,  until  their  misery  brought  them  to  their  senses  and  to 
a  feeling  of  penitence.  He  then  permitted  them  gradually  to 
return  to  their  accustomed  habits.  Severe  corporal  chastisement 
was  not  omitted  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  angry  resistance  on  the 
part  of  the  patient  was  to  be  sedulously  avoided,  on  the  ground 
that  it  might  increase  his  malady,  or  even  destroy  him  :  moreover, 
where  it  seemed  proper,  Paracelsus  allayed  the  excitement  of  the 
nerves  by  immersion  in  cold  water.  On  the  treatment  of.  the 
third  kind  we  shall  not  here  enlarge.  It  was  to  be  effected  by  all 
sorts  of  wonderful  remedies,  composed  of  the  quintessences  ;  and 
it  would  require,  to  render  it  intelligible,  a  more  extended  ex- 
position of  peculiar  principles  than  suits  our  present  purpose. 

Sect.  6. — Decline  and  Termination  of  the  Dancing  Plague. 

About  this  time  the  St.  Vitus's  dance  began  to  decline,  so  that 
milder  forms  of  it  appeared  more  frequently,  while  the  severer 
cases  became  more  rare  ;  and  even  in  these,  some  of  the  important 
symptoms  gradually  disappeared.  Paracelsus  makes  no  mention 
of  the  tympanites  as  taking  place  after  the  attacks,  although  it 
may  occasionally  have  occurred  ;  and  Schenck  von  Graffenbcrg,  a 
celebrated  physician  of  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,' 
speaks  of  this  disease  as  having  been  frequent  only  in  the  time  of 
his  forefathers  ;  his  descriptions,  however,  are  applicable  to  the 
whole  of  that  century,  and  to  the  close  of  the  fifteenth.^  The  St. 
Vitus's  dance  attacked  people  of  all  stations,  especially  those  who 
led  a  sedentary  life,  such  as  shoemakers  and  tailors ;  but  even  the 
most  robust  peasants  abandoned  their  labours  in  the  fields,  as  if 
they  were  possessed  by  evil  spirits ;  and  thus  those  aflPected  were 
seen  assembling  indiscriminately,  from  time  to  time,  at  certain 
appointed  j^laces,  and,  unless  prevented  by  the  lookers-on,  con- 
tinuing to  dance  without  intermission,  until  their  very  last  breath 
was  expended.  Their  fury  and  extravagance  of  demeanour  so 
completely  deprived  them  of  their  senses,  that  many  of  them 
dashed  their  brains  out  against  the  walls  and  corners  of  buildings, 

'  Johmin  Schenck  von  Graffenberg,  born  1530,  took  his  degree  at  Tiibiugen,  in  1554. 
He  passed  the  greater  part  of  his  life  as  physician  to  the  corporation  of  Freiburg  in  the 
Brcisgau,  and  died  in  1598. 

2  J.  Schenkii  a  G rqfe7iberff  Ohscrvatinnum  mcdicarum,  rariarura,  &c.  Libri  VI T. 
Lugdun.  1643.  fol.  L.  I.  Obs.  YIII.  p.  136. 


96  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

or  rushed  headlong  into  rapid  rivers,  where  they  found  a  watery 
grave.  Roaring  and  foaming  as  they  were,  the  by-standers  could 
only  succeed  in  restraining  them  by  placing  benches  and  chairs 
in  their  wav,  so  that,  by  the  high  leaps  they  were  thus  tempted 
to  take,  their  strength  might  be  exhausted.  As  soon  as  this  was 
the  case,  they  fell  as  it  were  lifeless  to  the  ground,  and,  by  very 
slow  degrees,  again  recovered  their  strength.  INIany  there  were 
who,  even  with  all  this  exertion,  had  not  expended  the  violence 
of  the  tempest  which  raged  within  them,  but  awoke  with  newly  re- 
vived powers,  and  again  and  again  mixed  with  the  crowd  of 
dancers,  until  at  length  the  violent  excitement  of  their  disordered 
nerves  was  allayed  by  the  great  involuntary  exertion  of  their 
limbs ;  and  the  mental  disorder  was  calmed  by  the  extreme  ex- 
haustion of  the  body.  Thus  the  attacks  themselves  were  in  these 
cases,  as  in  their  nature  they  are  in  all  nervous  complaints,  neces- 
sary crises  of  an  inward  morbid  condition,  which  was  transferred 
from  the  sensorium  to  the  nerves  of  motion,  and,  at  an  earlier 
period,  to  the  abdominal  plexus,  where  a  deep-seated  derange- 
ment of  the  system  was  perceptible  from  the  secretion  of  flatus  in 
the  intestines. 

The  cure  effected  by  these  stormy  attacks  was  in  many  cases  so 
perfect,  that  some  patients  returned  to  the  factory  or  the  plough 
as  if  nothing  had  happened.  Others,  on  the  contrary,  paid  the 
penalty  of  their  folly  by  so  total  a  loss  of  power,  that  they  could 
not  regain  their  former  health,  even  by  the  employment  of  the 
most  strengthening  remedies.  Medical  men  were  astonished  to 
observe  that  women  in  an  advanced  state  of  pregnancy  were  ca- 
pable of  going  through  an  attack  of  the  disease,  without  the 
slightest  injury  to  their  offspring,  which  they  protected  merely 
by  a  bandage  passed  round  the  waist.  Cases  of  this  kind  were 
not  unfrequent  so  late  as  Schenck's  time.  That  patients  should 
be  violently  affected  by  music,  and  their  paroxysms  brought  on 
and  increased  by  it,  is  natural  with  such  nervous  disorders  ;  where 
deeper  impressions  are  made  through  the  ear,  which  is  the  most  in- 
tellectual of  all  the  organs,  than  through  any  one  of  the  other  senses. 
On  this  account  the  magistrates  hired  musicians  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  the  St.  Yitus's  dancers  so  much  the  quicker  through 
the  attacks,  and  directed,  that  athletic  men  should  be  sent  among 
them  in  order  to  complete  the  exhaustion,  which  had  been  often 
observed  to  produce  a  good  effect.'     At  the  same  time  there  was  a 

'  It  is  related  by  Felix  Plater  (born  1536,  died  1614)  that  ho  remembered  in  his 


ITS    DECLINE   AND    TERMINATION.  97 

prohibition  against  wearing  red  garments,  because  at  the  sight  of 
this  colour,  those  affected  became  so  furious,  that  the}^  flew  at  the 
persons  who  wore  it,  and  were  so  bent  upon  doing  them  an  injury 
that  they  could  with  difficulty  be  restrained.  They  frequently 
tore  their  own  clothes  whilst  in  the  paroxysm,  and  were  guilty  of 
other  improprieties,  so  that  the  more  opulent  employed  confiden- 
tial attendants  to  accompany  them,  and  to  take  care  that  the}'  did 
no  harm  either  to  themselves  or  others.  This  extraordinary  dis- 
ease was,  liowever,  so  greatly  mitigated  in  Schenck's  time,  that 
the  St.  Yitus's  dancers  had  long  since  ceased  to  stroll  from  tov/n 
to  town ;  and  that  physician,  like  Paracelsus,  makes  no  mention 
of  the  tympanitic  inflation  of  the  bowels.  Moreover,  most  of 
those  affected  were  only  annually  visited  by  attacks  ;  and  the 
occasion  of  them  was  so  manifestly  referrible  to  the  prevailing 
notions  of  that  period,  that  if  the  unqualified  belief  in  the  super- 
natural agency  of  saints  could  have  been  abolished,  they  would 
not  have  had  any  return  of  the  complaint.  Throughout  fhc  whole 
of  June,  prior  to  the  festival  of  St.  John,  patients  felt  a  disquietude 
and  restlessness  which  they  were  unable  to  overcome.  They  were  de- 
jected, timid,  and  anxious  ;  wandered  about  in  an  unsettled  state, 
being  tormented  with  twitching  pains,  which  seized  them  suddenly 
in  different  parts,  and  eagerly  expected  the  eve  of  St.  John's  day,  in 
the  confident  hope,  that  by  dancing  at  the  altars  of  this  saint,  or 
of  St.  Vitus  (for  in  the  Breisgau  aid  was  equally  sought  from  both), 
they  would  be  freed  from  all  their  sufferings.  This  hope  was  not 
disappointed  ;  and  they  remained,  for  the  rest  of  the  year,  exempt 
from  any  further  attack,  after  having  thus,  by  dancing  and  raving 
for  three  hours,  satisfied  an  irresistible  demand  of  nature.  There 
were  at  that  period  two  chapels  in  the  Breisgau,  visited  by  the 
St.  Yitus's  dancers ;  namely,  the  Chapel  of  St.  Vitus  at  Biessen, 
near  Breisach,  and  that  of  St.  John,  near  Wasenwieler ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  in  the  south-west  of  Germany  the  disease  was  still 
in  existence  in  the  seventeenth  century. 

However,  it  grew  every  year  more  rare,  so  that,  at  the  begin- 

youth  the  authorities  of  Basle  having  commissioned  several  powerful  men  to  dunce  with 
u  girl  who  had  the  dancing  mania,  till  she  recovered  from  her  disorder.  They  success- 
ively relieved  each  other;  and  this  singular  mode  of  cure  lasted  above  four  weeks, 
when  the  patient  fell  down  exhausted,  and  being  quite  unable  to  stand,  was  carried  to 
an  hospital,  where  she  recovered.  She  had  remained  in  her  clothes  all  the  time,  and 
entii-ely  regardless  of  the  pain  of  her  lacerated  feet,  she  had  merely  sat  down  occasion- 
ally to  take  some  nourishment,  or  to  slumber,  during  which  the  hopping  movement  of 
her  body  continued.  Felic.  Plateri  Praxeos  medica?  opus.  L.  I.  ch.  3.  p.  88.  Tom,  I. 
Basil.  i'goG.  4to.     Ejusd.  Observation.     Basil.  1611.  8.  p.  92. 


98  THE    DANCING  MANIA, 

ning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  it  was  observed  only  occasionally 
in  its  ancient  form.  Thus  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1623,  Gr. 
Horst  saw  some  women  who  annually  performed  a  pilgrimage  to 
St.  Yitus's  chapel  at  Drcfelhausen,  near  Weissensteiu,  in  tlie  terri- 
tory of  Ulm,  that  they  might  wait  for  their  dancing  fit  there,  in 
the  same  manner  as  those  in  the  Breisgau  did,  according  to 
Schenck's  account.  They  were  not  satisfied,  however,  with  a 
dance  of  three  hours'  duration,  but  continued  day  and  night  in  a 
state  of  mental  aberration,  like  persons  in  an  ecstasy,  until  they 
fell  exhausted  to  the  ground  ;  and  when  they  came  to  themselves 
again,  they  felt  relieved  from  a  distressing  uneasiness  and  painful 
sensation  of  weight  in  their  bodies,  of  which  they  had  complained 
for  several  weeks  prior  to  St.  Vitus's  day.^ 

After  this  commotion  they  remained  well  for  the  whole  year ; 
and  such  was  their  faith  in  the  protecting  power  of  the  saint, 
that  one  of  them  had  visited  this  shrine  at  Drefelhausen  more  than 
twenty  times,  and  another  had  already  kept  the  Saint's  day  for 
the  thirty-second  time  at  this  sacred  station. 

The  dancing  fit  itself  was  excited  here,  as  it  probably  was  in 
other  places,  by  music,  from  the  effects  of  which  the  patients  were 
thrown  into  a  state  of  convulsion.^  Many  concurrent  testimonies 
serve  to  show  that  music  generally  contributed  much  to  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  St.  Vitus's  dance,  originated  and  increased  its 
paroxysms,  and  was  sometimes  the  cause  of  their  mitigation.  So 
early  as  the  fourteenth  century,  the  swarms  of  St.  John's  dancers 
were  accompanied  by  minstrels  playing  upon  noisy  instruments, 
who  roused  their  morbid  feelings  ;  and  it  may  readily  be  supposed 
that,  by  the  performance  of  lively  melodies,  and  the  stimulating 
effects  which  the  shrill  tones  of  fifes  and  trumpets  would  produce, 
a  paroxysm,  that  was  perhaps  but  slight  in  itself,  might,  in  many 
cases,  be  increased  to  the  most  outrageous  fury,  such  as  in  later 
times  was  purposely  induced  in  order  that  the  force  of  the  disease 
might  be  exhausted  by  the  violence  of  its  attack.  Moreover,  by 
means  of  intoxicating  music  a  kind  of  demoniacal  festival  for  the 
rude  multitude  was  established,  which  had  the  effect  of  spreading 
this  unhappy  malady  wider  and  wider.  Soft  harmony  was,  how- 
ever, employed  to  calm  the  excitement  of  those  affected,  and  it  is 
mentioned  as  a  character  of  the  tunes  played  with  this  view  to  the 

1  The  l.Jtli  of  June.     Here  therufori;  tliey  did  not  wait  till  the  Festival  of  St.  John. 

-  Gregor.  Horstii  Observationum  medieinalium  singularium  Libri  IV.  priores. 
His  accessit  Epistolarum  ct  Consultationum  medicur.  Lib.  I.  Ulm.  1628.  4to.  Epistol. 
p.  374. 


TARANTISM.  99 

St.  Vitus's  dancers,  that  tliey  contained  transitions  from  a  quick 
to  a  slow  measure,  and  passed  gradually  from  a  high  to  a  low  key.' 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that  no  trace  of  this  music  has  reached  our 
times,  which  is  owing  partly  to  the  disastrous  events  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  and  partly  to  the  circumstance  that  the  disorder 
was  looked  upon  as  entirely  national,  and  only  incidentally  con- 
sidered worthy  of  notice  by  foreign  men  of  learning.  If  the  St. 
Vitus's  dance  was  already  on  the  decline  at  the  commencement  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  the  subsequent  events  were  altogether 
adverse  to  its  continuance.  Wars  carried  on  with  animosity  and 
with  various  success  for  thirty  years,  shook  the  west  of  Europe  ; 
and  although  the  unspeakable  calamities  which  they  brought  upon 
Germany,  both  during  their  continuance  and  in  their  immediate 
consequences,  were  by  no  means  favourable  to  the  advance  of 
knowledge,  yet,  with  the  vehemence  of  a  purifying  fire,  they 
gradually  effected  the  intellectual  regeneration  of  the  Germans  ; 
superstition,  in  her  ancient  form,  never  again  appeared,  and  the 
belief  in  the  dominion  of  spii'its,  which  prevailed  in  the  middle 
ages,  lost  for  ever  its  once  formidable  power. 


CHAPTER   11. 


DANCING    MANIA    IN    ITALY. 

Sect.   1. — -Tauantisji. 

It  was  of  the  utmost  advantage  to  the  St.  Vitus's  dancers  that 
they  made  choice  of  a  favourite  patron  saint ;  for  not  to  mention 
that  people  were  inclined  to  compare  them  to  the  possessed  with 
evil  spirits,  described  in  the  Bible,  and  thence  to  consider  them  as 
innocent  victims  to  the  power  of  Satan,  the  name  of  their  great 
intercessor  recommended  them  to  general  commiseration,  and  a 
magic  boundary  was  thus  set  to  every  harsh  feeling  which  might 
otherwise  have  proved  hostile  to  their  safety.  Other  fanatics 
were  not  so  fortunate,  being  often  treated  with  the  most  relentless 
cruelty  whenever  the  notions  of  the  middle  ages  either  excused  or 
commanded  it  as  a  religious  duty.^     Thus,  passing  over  the  innu- 

'  Jo.  Bodin.  Method,  historic.  Amstelod.  1650.  r2mo,  Ch.  V.  p.  99.— Idem,  de 
Republica.     Francofurt.  1591.  8vo.  Lib.  V.  Ch.  I.  p.  789. 

-  A  very  remarkable  case,  illustrative  in  part  of  this  observatiou,  where,  however,  not 
the  person  who  was  supposed  to  be  the  subject  of  the  demoniacal  malady,  but  its  alleged 
authors,  were  punished,  is  thus  reported  bv  Dr.  Watt  of  Glasgow ;—"  It  occurred  at 

7  * 


100  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

merable  instances  of"  the  burning  of  witches,  who  were,  after  all, 
onlj'-  labouring  under  a  delusion,  the  Teutonic  knights  in  Prussia 
not  unfrequently  condemned  those  maniacs  to  the  stake  who 
imagined  themselves  to  be  metamorphosed  into  wolves ' — an  ex- 
traordinary species  of  insanity,  which,  having  existed  in  Greece, 
before  our  era,  spread,  in  process  of  time,  over  Europe,  so  that  it 
was  communicated  not  only  to  the  Romaic,  but  also  to  the  German 
and  Sarmatian  nations,  and  descended  from  the  ancients,  as  a 
legacy  of  affliction  to  posterity.  In  modern  times  Ijycanthropy, 
such  was  the  name  given  to  this  infatuation,  has  vanished  from 
the  earth,  but  it  is  nevertheless  well  worthy  the  consideration  of 
the  observer  of  human  aberrations,  and  a  history  of  it  by  some 

Bargarran,  in  Eenfrewshire,  in  1696.  The  patient's  name  was  Christian  Shaw,  a  girl 
of  eleven  years  of  age.  She  is  described  as  having  had  \iolent  fits  of  leaping,  dancing, 
running,  crying,  fainting,  &c.,  but  the  whole  narrative  is  mixed  up  with  so  much  credulity 
and  superstition,  that  it  is  impossible  to  separate  truth  from  fiction.  These  strange  fits 
continued  fi-om  August,  1696,  till  the  end  of  March  in  the  year  following,  when  the 
patient  recovered."  An  account  of  the  whole  was  published  at  Edinburgh,  in  1698, 
entitled  "  A  true  Narrative  of  the  Sufi"erings  of  a  Young  Girl,  who  was  strangely  mo- 
lested by  evil  spirits,  and  their  instruments,  in  the  "West,  collected  from  authentic 
testimonies." 

The  whole  being  ascribed  to  witchcraft,  the  clergy  were  most  active  on  the  occasion. 
Besides  occasional  days  of  humiliation,  two  solemn  fasts  wei-e  observed  throughout  the 
whole  bounds  of  the  Presbytery,  and  a  number  of  clergymen  and  elders  were  appointed 
in  rotation,  to  be  constantly  on  the  spot.  So  far  the  matter  was  well  enough.  But 
such  was  the  superstition  of  the  age,  that  a  memorial  was  presented  to  his  Majesty's 
most  honoui-able  Privy  Council,  and  on  the  19th  of  January,  1697,  a  warrant  was  issued, 
setting  forth  "  that  there  were  pregnant  grounds  of  suspicion  of  witchcraft  in  Eenfrew- 
shire, especially  from  the  afflicted  and  extraordinary  condition  of  Christian  Shaw,  daughter 
of  John  Shaw,  of  Bargarran."  A  commission  was  therefore  granted  to  Alexander  Lord 
BlantjTc,  Sir  John  Maxwell,  Sir  John  Shaw,  and  five  others,  together  with  the  sheriff  of 
the  county,  to  inquire  into  the  matter,  and  report.  This  commission  is  signed  by  eleven 
privy  councillors,  consisting  of  some  of  the  first  noblemen  and  gentlemen  in  the  kingdom. 

The  report  of  the  commissioners  having  fully  confirmed  the  suspicions  respecting  the 
existence  of  witchcraft,  another  warrant  was  issued  on  the  oth  of  April,  1697,  to  Lord 
Ilallcraig,  Sir  John  Houston,  and  four  others,  "  to  try  the  persons  accused  of  witchcraft, 
and  to  sentence  the  guilty  to  be  burned,  or  otherwise  executed  to  death,  as  the  commis- 
sion should  incline." 

The  commissioners,  thus  empowered,  were  not  remiss  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty. 
After  twenty  hours  were  spent  in  the  examination  of  witnesses,  and  counsel  heard  on 
both  sides,  the  counsel  for  the  prosecution  "  exhorted  the  jury  to  beware  of  condemning 
the  innocent:  but  at  the  same  time,  should  they  acquit  the  prisoners  in  opposition  to 
legal  evidence,  they  would  be  accessory  to  all  the  blasphemies,  apostacies,  murders,  tor- 
tures, and  seductions,  whereof  these  enemies  of  heaven  and  earth  should  hereafter  be 
guilty."  After  the  jury  had  spent  six  hours  in  deliberation,  seven  of  the  miserable 
wretches,  three  men  and  four  women,  were  condemned  to  the  flames,  and  the  sentence 
faithfully  executed  at  Paisley,  on  the  10th  of  June,  1697. — Medico- Chirurg.  Trans. 
Vol.  V.  p.  20,  et  seq. —  Transl.  note. 

-  Compare  Olaus  Magnus,  dc  gentibus  scptcntrionalibus.  Lib.  XVIII.  Ch.  45 — 47. 
p.  642,  seq.     Rom.  1.55.5.  fol. 


TARANTISM.  101 

writer  who  is  equally  well  acquainted  with  the  middle  ages  as  with 
antiquity,  is  still  a  desideratum.'  We  leave  it  for  the  present, 
without  further  notice,  and  turn  to  a  malady  most  extraordinary 
in  all  its  phenomena,  having  a  close  connexion  with  the  St.  Yitus's 

'  Burton,  in  his  Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  has  the  following  observations,  which,  with 
the  ample  references  by  which  they  are  accompanied,  will  furnish  materials  for  such  a 
history. 

''*  Lycanthropia,  which  Avicenna  calls  ettcubuth,  others  htpinam  insaniam,  or  wolf- 
madness,  when  men  run  howling  about  graves  and  fields  in  the  night,  and  will  not  be 
persuaded  but  that  they  are  wolves,  or  some  such  beasts.  Aetkis  (Lib.  6.  cap.  11.)  and 
Paulus  (Lib.  3.  cap.  16.)  call  it  a  kind  of  melancholy ;  but  I  should  rather  refer  it  to 
madness,  as  most  do.  Some  make  a  doubt  of  it,  whether  there  be  any  such  disease. 
Donat.  ab  Altomari  (Cap.  9.  Art.  Med.)  saith,  that  he  saw  two  of  them  in  his  time: 
Wierus  (De  Pra'stig.  Demonum,  1.  3.  cap.  21.)  tells  a  story  of  such  a  one  at  Padua, 
1541,  that  would  not  believe  to  the  contrary  but  that  he  was  a  wolf.  He  hath  another 
instance  of  a  Spaniard,  who  thought  himself  a  bear.  Forestus  (Observat.  lib.  10.  de 
Morbis  Cerebri,  c.  15.)  confirms  as  much  by  many  examples  ;  one,  among  the  rest,  of 
which  he  was  an  eye-witness,  at  Alcmaer  in  Holland.— A  poor  husbandman  that  still  hunt- 
ed about  graves,  and  kept  in  churchyards,  of  a  pale,  black,  ugly,  and  fearful  look.  Such, 
belike,  or  little  better,  were  king  Proetus'  daughters  {Hippocrates  lib.  de  insania),  that 
thought  themselves  kine :  and  Xebuchadnezzar,  in  Daniel,  as  some  interpreters  hold, 
was  only  ti'oubled  with  this  kind  of  madness.  This  disease,  perhaps,  gave  occasion  to 
that  bold  assertion  of  Pliny  (Lib.  8.  cap.  22.  homines  interdum  lupos  fieri;  et  contra), 
some  men  were  turned  into  wolves  iti  his  time,  and  from  wolves  to  men  ayain ;  and  to 
that  fable  of  Pausanias,  of  a  man  that  was  ten  years  a  wolf,  and  afterwards  turned  to 
his  former  shape;  to  Ovid's  (Met.  lib.  1.)  tale  of  Lycaon,  &c.  He  that  is  desirous  to 
hear  of  this  disease,  or  more  examples,  let  him  read  Austin  in  his  eighteenth  book,  de 
Civitate  Dei,  cap.  5;  Mizaldus,  cent.  5.  77;  Schenkius,  lib.  1.  Hildesheiiu,  Spicil.  2. 
de  ma7iiu;  Forestus,  lib.  10.  de  morbis  cerebri;  Olaus  Magmis  ;  Vicentius  Bellavicensis, 
spec.  met.  lib.  31.  c.  122;  Pierius,  Bodine,  Zuingcr,  Zeilgur,  Peucer,  Wierus,  S.pranger, 
Sjc.  This  malady,  saith  Avicemia,  troubleth  men  most  in  February,  and  is  now-a-days  fre- 
quent in  Bohemia  and  Hungary,  according  to  Beurnius.  (Cap.  de  Man.)  Schernitzius 
will  have  it  common  in  Livonia.  They  lie  hid,  most  part,  all  day,  and  go  aln-oad  in  the 
night,  barking,  howling,  at  graves  and  deserts ;  they  have  usually  hollow  eyes,  scabbed 
legs  and  thighs,  very  dry  and  pale  (Ulcerata  crm-a  ;  sitis  ipsis  adest  immodica  ;  pallidi ; 
lingua  sicca),  saith  Altomarus :  he  gives  a  reason  there  of  all  the  symptoms,  and  sets 
down  a  brief  cure  of  them." — Burton's  Anatomy  of  Melancholy.  Tenth  Edit. :  8ro. 
1804.  Vol,  I.  Page  13,  et  seq. 

It  is  surprising  that  so  learned  a  writer  as  Burton  should  not  have  alluded  to  Oriba- 
sius,  who  flourished  140  years  before  A'etius,  and  of  whom  Freind  says,  "In  auctore 
hoc  miri  cujusdam  morbi  prima  mentio  est ;  is  A  vKdv6pu)7rog  sive  AvKavOpunria  dicitur, 
estque  melancholiiB,  aut  insania;,  species  quicnam  ita  ab  illo  descripta :  '  Quos  hoc  ma- 
lum infestos  habet,  nocturno  tempore  domo  egressi,  Lupos  in  omnibus  rebus  imilantur, 
et  ad  diem  usque  circa  tumulos  vagantur  mortuorum.  Hos  ita  cognosce  :  pallidi  sunt, 
oculos  hebetes  et  siccos,  non  illachrymantes,  eosque  concaves  habent :  lingua  siccissima 
est,  nulla  penitus  in  ore  saliva  conspicitur,  siti  euecti ;  crura  vero,  quia  noctu  sa>pe  of- 
fendunt,  sine  rcmedio  exulcerata.'— 'Quod  ad  morbum  ipsum  attinet,  si  pcrcgrinantibus 
fides  adhibenda  est,  fuit  olim  in  quibusdam  regiouibus,  ut  in  Livouia,  Ilibernia,  et  aliis 
locis  visi  non  infrequens,'  "  &c.—J.  Freind.     Opera  omnia  Med.  fol.  London.  1733. 

De  hujus  morbi  antiquitatibus  vide  elegantem  Bottigeri  disputationem  in  Sprengelii 
Beitr.  z.  Gesch.  d.  Med.  11.  p.  \—A^o.—Blancard.  Lexic.  Med.  Edit,  noviss.  8vo.  Lipsiae, 
1832.  —  Transl.  note. 


102  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

dance,  and,  by  a  comparison  of  facts,  which  are  altogether  similar, 
affording  us  an  instructive  subject  for  contemplation.  We  allude 
to  the  disease  called  Tarantism,  which  made  its  first  appearance 
in  Apulia,  and  thence  spread  over  the  other  provinces  of  Italy, 
where,  during  some  centuries,  it  prevailed  as  a  great  epidemic.  In 
the  present  times  it  has  vanished,  or  at  least  has  lost  altogether 
its  original  importance,  like  the  St.  Vitus's  dance,  lycanthropy, 
and  witchcraft. 

Sect.  2. — Most  ancient  Traces. — Causes. 

The  learned  Nicholas  Perotti '  gives  the  earliest  account  of  this 
strange  disorder.  Nobody  had  the  least  doubt  that  it  was  caused 
by  the  bite  of  the  tara7itula,-^  a  ground-spider  common  in  Apulia  ; 
and  the  fear  of  this  insect  was  so  general,  that  its  bite  was  in  all 
probabilit}^  much  oftener  imagined,  or  the  sting  of  some  other 
kind  of  insect  mistaken  for  it,  than  actually  received.  The  word 
tarantula  is  apparently  the  same  as  tcrrantola,  a  name  given  by 
the  Italians  to  the  stellio  of  the  old  Homans,  which  was  a  kind  of 
lizard,*  said  to  be  poisonous,  and  invested  by  credulity  with  such 
extraordinary  qualities,  that,  like  the  serpent  of  the  INIosaic  ac- 
count of  the  Creation,  it  personified,  in  the  imaginations  of  the  vul- 
gar, the  notion  of  cunning,  so  that  even  the  jurists  designated  a 

'  Born  1430,  died  1480.  CornucopifE  latinaj  linguae.  Basil.  1536.  fol.  Comment,  in 
primum  MartiaUs  Epigramma,  p.  51,  52.  "  Est  et  alius  stellio  ex  araneorum  genere, 
qui,  simili  mode,  ascalabotes  a  Grtecis  dicitur,  et  colotes  et  galeotes,  lentiginosus  in 
cavernulis  dehiscentibus,  per  testum  terrffi  babitans.  Ilie  majorum  uostrorum  tem- 
poribus  in  Italia  visus  non  fuit,  nunc  frequcns  in  Apulia  visitur.  Aliquando  etiam  in 
Tarquinensi  et  Corniculano  agro,  ct  vulgo  similiter  tarantula  vocatur.  Morsus  ejus  per- 
raro  interemit  horainem,  semistupidum  tamen  facit,  et  varie  afficit,  tarantidam  vulgo 
appellant.  Quidam  cantu  atidito,  aut  sono,  ita  excitantur,  rd  pleni  hrtitia  et  semper 
ridentes  salient,  nee  nisi  defatigati  et  seniineces  desistant.  Alii  semper  flcntes,  (juasi 
desiderio  suorum  miserabilem  vitam  agant.  Alii  visa  niuliere,  libidinis  statim  ardore 
incensi,  veluti  furentes  in  earn  prosiliant.     Quidam  ridendo,  quidam  ilendo  moriantur." 

*  Lycosa  Tarantula. 

■J  The  Aranea  Tarantula  of  Linjicens,  who,  after  the  technical  description,  says, 
"  Habitat  in  Europa  australi,  potissimum  Apulia,  in  Barbaria,  in  Tauria,  Eussi.'eque 
australis  desertis,  in  Astracania  ad  montes  Sibiriae  Altaicos  usque,  in  Persia  et  reliquo 
Oriente,  in  solo  prjEsertim  argillaceo  in  antris,  morsu  quamvis  interdum  dolente,  olimque 
famosmn  tarantismum  musica  sanandum  excitare  credito,  vix  unquam  pcriculoso,  cine- 
rascens,  ooulis  duobus  prioribus  rubris,  thorace  in  areas  nigras di\iso  in  centrum  concur- 
rentes,  abdomine  supra  fasciis  maxillisque  nigris." — Systema  Satiira-.  Tom.  I.  pars  v. 
p.  2956. 

For  particulars  regarding  the  habits  of  the  Lycosre,  see  Griffith's  Transl.  of  Cuvier's 
Animal  Kingdom.  Vol.  XIII.  p.  427  and  p.  480.  et  seq.  The  author  states  that  M. 
Chabrier  has  published  (Soc.  Acad,  de  Lille  4*  cahier)  some  curious  observations  on  the 
Lijcosa  tarantula  of  the  south  of  France.  —  Transl.  note. 

*  Matthiol.     Commentar.  in  Dioscorid.  L.  II.  ch.  59.  p.  363.     Ed.  Venet.  1565.  fol. 


MOST   ANCIENT    TRACES. — CAUSES.  10-3 

cunning  fraud  by  the  aj^pellation  of  a  "  stellionatus."'  Perotti 
expressly  assures  us  that  this  reptile  was  called  by  the  Romans 
tamntula;  and  since  he  himself,  who  was  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished authors  of  his  time,  strangely  confounds  spiders  and 
lizards  together,  so  that  he  considers  the  Apulian  tarantula,  which 
he  ranks  among  the  class  of  spiders,  to  have  the  same  meaning  as 
the  kind  of  lizard  called  a'o-/ca\o/3wr7/c,"  it  is  the  less  extraordinary 
that  the  unlearned  country  people  of  Apulia  should  confound  the 
much  dreaded  ground-spider  with  the  fabulous  star- lizard,^  and 
appropriate  to  the  one  the  name  of  the  other.  The  derivation  of 
the  word  tarantula,  from  the  city  of  Tarentum,  or  the  river  Thara, 
in  Apulia,^  on  the  banks  of  which  this  insect  is  said  to  have  been 
most  frequently  found,  or  at  least  its  bite  to  have  had  the  most 
venomous  effect,  seems  not  to  be  supported  by  authority.  So  much 
for  the  name  of  this  famous  spider,  which,  unless  we  are  greatly 
mistaken,  throws  no  light  whatever  upon  the  nature  of  the  disease 
in  question.  Naturalists  who,  possessing  a  knowledge  of  the  past, 
should  not  misapply  their  talents  by  employing  them  in  establish- 
ing the  dry  distinction  of  forms,  would  find  here  much  that  calls 
for  research,  and  their  efibrts  would  clear  up  many  a  perplexing  ob- 
scurity. 

Perotti  states  that  the  tarantula,  that  is,  the  spider  so  called, 
was  not  met  with  in  Italy  in  former  times,  but  that  in  his  day 
it  had  become  common,  especially  in  Apulia,  as  well  as  in  some 
other  districts.  He  deserves,  however,  no  great  confidence  as  a 
naturalist,  notwithstanding  his  having  delivered  lectures  in  Bo- 
logna on  medicine  and  other  sciences.''  He  at  least  has  neglected 
to  prove  his  assertion,  which  is  not  borne  out  by  any  analogous 
phenomenon  observed  in  modern  times  with  regard  to  the  history 
of  the  spider  species.  It  is  by  no  means  to  be  admitted  that  the 
tarantula  did  not  make  its  appearance  in  Italy  before  the  disease 
ascribed  to  its  bite  became  remarkable,  even  though  tempests 
more  violent  than  those  unexampled  storms  which  arose  at  the 
time  of  the  Black  Death  ^  in  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century 
had  set  the  insect  world  in  motion  ;  for  the  spider  is  little,  if  at 

1  Perotti,  loc.  cit. 

2  Probably  Laceita  Gecko,  as  also  the  synonymes,  Kuykojri]^  and  yaXtwrtjg,  quoted  by 
bim. 

3  Lacerta  Stellio.     It  need  scarcely  be  observed  that  the  venomous  nature  of  this 
harmless  creature  was  a  pure  invention  of  Roman  superstition. 

■*  See  Athan.  Kircher.  loc.  cit. 

5  From  1451—1458.      Tiraboschi.  VI.  11.  p.  35G.  s  gge  p.  n,  et  seq. 


1<*4  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

all,  susceptible  of  those  cosmical  influences  which  at  times  mul- 
tiply locusts  and  other  winged  insects  to  a  wonderful  extent,  and 
compel  them  to  migrate. 

The  symptoms  which  Perotti  enumerates  as  consequent  on  the 
bite  of  the  tarantula  agree  very  exactly  with  those  described  by 
later  writers.  Those  who  were  bitten  generally  fell  into  a  state 
of  melancholy,  and  appeared  to  be  stupified,  and  scarcely  in  pos- 
session of  their  senses.  This  condition  was,  in  many  cases,  united 
with  so  great  a  sensibility  to  music,  that,  at  the  very  first  tones 
of  their  favourite  melodies,  they  sprang  up,  shouting  for  jo}^  and 
danced  on  without  intermission,  until  they  sank  to  the  ground  ex- 
hausted and  almost  lifeless.  In  others  the  disease  did  not  take 
this  cheerful  turn.  They  wept  constantly,  and  as  if  pining  away 
with  some  unsatisfied  desire,  spent  their  days  in  the  greatest  misery 
and  anxiety.  Others,  again,  in  morbid  fits  of  love  cast  their  longing 
looks  on  women,  and  instances  of  death  are  recorded,  which  are  said 
to  have  occurred  under  a  paroxysm  of  either  laughing  or  weeping. 

From  this  description,  incomplete  as  it  is,  we  may  easily  gather 
that  tarantism,  the  essential  symptoms  of  which  are  mentioned  in 
it,  could  not  have  originated  in  the  fifteenth  centur}',  to  which 
Perotti's  account  refers ;  for  that  author  speaks  of  it  as  a  well- 
known  malady,  and  states  that  the  omission  to  notice  it  by  older 
writers,  was  to  be  ascribed  solely  to  the  want  of  education  in 
Apulia,  the  only  province  probably  where  the  disease  at  that  time 
prevailed,  A  nervous  disorder  that  had  arrived  at  so  high  a  de- 
gree of  development,  must  have  been  long  in  existence,  and  doubt- 
less had  required  an  elaborate  preparation  by  the  concurrence  of 
general  causes. 

The  s3'mptoms  which  followed  the  bite  of  venomous  spiders  were 
well  known  to  the  ancients,  and  had  excited  the  attention  of  their 
best  observers,  who  agree  in  their  descriptions  of  them.  It  is 
probable  that  among  the  numerous  species  of  their  phalangium,' 
the  Apulian  tarantula  is  included,  but  it  is  difficult  to  determine 
this  point  with  certainty,  more  especially,  because  in  Italy  the 
tarantula  was  not  the  only  insect  which  caused  this  nervous 
affection,  similar  results  being  likewise  attributed  to  the  bite  of  the 
scorpion.     Lividity   of  the  whole  body  as  Avell  as  of  the  coun- 

1  Aetius,  who  wrote  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  century,  mentions  six  wliich  occur  in  the 
older  works.  1.  payiof,  2.  Xiicog,  3.  fivofir^Ktiov,  4.  KpavoKoXairrriQ,  by  others, 
Ki^aXoxpovcfTij^,  5.  ffKXr]ooKe<paXov,  and  6.  aKuXfjKiov.  Tetrabl.  IV.  Serm.  I.  ch.  18. 
in  lien.  Steph.  Compare  Dloscorid.  Lib.  YI.  ch.  42.  Matthiol.  Commeutar.  in  Dios- 
corid.  p.  1417.     Xicand.  Theriac.  Y.  8.  715.  755.  G54. 


MOST    ANCIENT    TRACES. — CAUSES.  105 

tenance,  difficulty  of  speech,  tremor  of  the  limbs,  icy  coldness, 
pale  urine,  depression  of  spirits,  head-ache,  a  flow  of  tears,  nausea, 
vomiting,  sexual  excitement,  flatulence,  syncope,  dysuria,  watch- 
fulness, lethai-gy,  even  death  itself,  were  cited  by  them  as  the  con- 
sequences of  being  bitten  by  venomous  spiders,  and  they  made 
little  distinction  as  to  their  kinds.  To  these  symptoms  we  may 
add  the  strange  rumour,  repeated  throughout  the  middle  ages, 
that  persons  who  were  bitten,  ejected  by  the  bowels  and  kidneys, 
and  even  by  vomiting,  substances  resembling  a  spider's  web. 

Nowhere,  however,  do  we  find  any  mention  made  that  those 
affected  felt  an  irresistible  propensity  to  dancing,  or  that  they 
were  accidentally  cured  by  it.  Even  Constantino  of  Africa,  who 
lived  500  years  after  Aetius,  and  as  the  most  learned  physician  of 
the  school  of  Salerno,  would  certainl}^  not  have  passed  over  so 
acceptable  a  subject  of  remark,  knows  nothing  of  such  a  memor- 
able course  of  this  disease  arising  from  poison,  and  merely  repeats 
the  observations  of  his  Greek  predecessors.'  Gariopontus,^  a 
Salernian  physician  of  the  eleventh  century,  was  the  first  to  de- 
scribe a  kind  of  insanity,  the  remote  affinity  of  which  to  the 
tarantula  disease  is  rendered  apparent  by  a  very  striking  symptom. 
The  patients  in  their  sudden  attacks  behaved  like  maniacs,,  sprang 
up,  throwing  their  arms  about  with  wild  movements,  and,  if  per- 
chance a  sword  was  at  hand,  they  wounded  themselves  and  others, 
so  that  it  became  necessary  carefully  to  secure  them.  They 
imagined  that  they  heard  voices,  and  various  kinds  of  sounds,  and 
if,  during  this  state  of  illusion,  the  tones  of  a  favourite  instru- 
ment happened  to  catch  their  ear,  they  commenced  a  spasmodic 
dance,  or  ran  with  the  utmost  energy  which  they  could  muster, 
until  they  were  totally  exhausted.  These  dangerous  maniacs, 
■svho,  it  would  seem,  appeared  in  considerable  numbers,  were 
looked  upon  as  a  legion  of  devils,  but  on  the  causes  of  their  malady 
this  obscure  writer  adds  nothing  further  than  that  he  believes 
(oddly  enough)  that  it  may  sometimes  be  excited  by  the  bite  of  a 
mad  dog.     He  calls  the  disease  Anteneasmus,  by  which  is  meant 

'  Aranearum  multEe  species  sunt.  Quse  ubi  mordent,  faeiunt  miiltum  dolorera, 
ruborera,  frigidum  sudorem,  et  citrinura  colorem.  Aliquando  quasi  stranguria  in  uriua 
duritiem,  et  virgse  extensionem,  intra  inguina,  et  genua,  tetinositatem  in  stomacho. 
Lingua;  extensionem,  ut  eoruni  scrnio  non  possit  discerni.  Vomunt  humiditatem  quasi 
arancce  telam,  et  ventris  emollitionem  similiter,  &c.  De  communibus  medico  cognitu 
necessariis  locis.     Lib.  VIII.  cap.  22.  p.  235.  BasiL  1.539.  foL 

2  He  lived  in  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century,  and  was  a  junior  contemporary  with 
Constantine  of  Africa.  J.  Chr.  Gottl.  Ackermann,  Regimen  sanitatis  Salemi  sive 
Scholoe  Salernitana;  de  conservanda  bona  valetudine  prspcepta.   Stendal.  1790.  8vo.  p.  28. 


106  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

no  doubt  the  Euthusiasnius  of  the  Greek  physicians.'  We  cite 
this  phenomenon  as  an  important  forerunner  of  tarantism,  under 
the  conviction  that  we  have  thus  added  to  the  evidence  that  the 
development  of  this  hitter  must  have  been  founded  on  circum- 
stances which  existed  from  the  twelfth  to  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
centur}^ ;  for  the  origin  of  tarantism  itself  is  referrible,  with  the 
utmost  probabilit}^  to  a  period  between  the  middle  and  the  end  of 
this  centur}^  and  is  consequently  contemporaneous  with  that  of  the 
St.  Titus's  dance  (1374).  The  influence  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion,  connected  as  this  was,  in  the  middle  ages,  with  the  pomp 
of  processions,  with  public  exercises  of  penance,  and  with  innu- 
merable practices  which  strongly  excited  the  imaginations  of  its 
votaries,  certainly  brought  the  mind  to  a  very  favourable  state  for 
the  reception  of  a  nervous  disorder.  Accordingly,  so  long  as  the 
doctrines  of  Christianity  were  blended  with  so  much  mysticism, 
these  unhallowed  disorders  prevailed  to  an  important  extent,  and 
even  in  our  own  days  we  find  them  propagated  with  the  greatest 
facility  where  the  existence  of  superstition  produces  the  same  effect 
in  more  limited  districts,  as  it  once  did  among  whole  nations.  But 
this  is  not  all.  Every  countr}^  in  Europe,  and  Italy  perhaps  more 
than  any  other,  was  visited  during  the  middle  ages  by  frightful 
plagues,  which  followed  each  other  in  such  quick  succession,  that 
they  gave  the  exhausted  people  scarcely  any  time  for  recovery. 
The  oriental  bubo-plague  ravaged  Italy^  sixteen  times  between  the 
years  1119  and  1340.  Small-pox  and  measles  were  still  more 
destructive  than  in  modern  times,  and  recurred  as  frequently.  St. 
Anthony's  fire  was  the  dread  of  town  and  country ;  and  that  dis- 
gusting disease,  the  leprosy,  which,  in  consequence  of  the  crusades, 
spread  its  insinuating  poison  in  all  directions,  snatched  from  the 

'  The  passage  is  as  follows :  "  Anteueasmon  est  species  raani;c  periculosa  niinium. 
Irritantur  tanquam  maniaci,  et  in  se  manus  injiciunt.  Hi  subito  arripiuntur,  cum  sal- 
tatione  manuuni  et  pedum,  quia  intra  au7'ium  cavenias  quasi  voces  diversas sonare falso 
audiunt,  ut  sunt  diversorum  instrunientorum  musicee  soni  ;  quibns  delectantur,  ut  staiim 
salient,  aut  cursum  velocem  arripiant ;  subito  arripieutes  ifladium  percutiiint  se  aut 
alios:  morsibus  se  et  alios  attrcctare  non  dubitant.  11  os  Latini  percussorcs,  alii  dicunt 
doemonis  legiones  esse,  ut  dum  eos  arripiunt,  vexent  et  vulnerent.  Diligentia  eis  im- 
ponenda  est,  quando  istos  sonos  audierint,  includantur,  et  post  accessionis  horas  phle- 
botomentur,  et  venter  eis  moveatur.  Cibos  levcs  accipiant  cum  calida  aqua,  ut  omnis 
ventositas,  quae  in  cerebro  sonum  f'acit,  egeratur.  In  ipsaaccessione  silentium  habeant. 
Quod  si  spumam  per  os  ejecerint,  vel  ex  canis  rabidi  morsu  causa  fuerit,  intra  septem 
dies  moriuntur."  Garioponti,  medici  vetustissinii,  de  morborum  causis,  accidentibus  et 
curationibus.     Libri  VIII.  Basil.  1536.  8vo.  L.  I.  ch.  2.  p.  27. 

*  J.  P.  Papon.  De  la  peste,  on  les  epoques  memorables  de  ce  fleau.  Paris,  an  8. 
8vo.  Tome  II.  page  270.  (1119.  1126.  1135.  1193.  1225.  1227.  1231.  1234.  1243. 
1254.  128S.  1301.  1311.  1316.  1335.  1340.) 


MOST   ANCIENT    TRACES. — CAUSES.  107 

paternal  hearth  innumerable  victims  who,  banished  from  human 
society,  pined  away  in  lonely  huts,  whither  they  were  accompanied 
only  by  the  pity  of  the  benevolent  and  their  own  despair.  All 
these  calamities,  of  which  the  moderns  have  scarcely  retained  any 
recollection,  were  heightened  to  an  incredible  degree  by  the  Black 
Death,'  which  spread  boundless  devastation  and  misery  over  Italy. 
Men's  minds  were  everywhere  morbidly  sensitive ;  and  as  it  hap- 
pens with  individuals  whose  senses,  when  they  are  suffering  under 
anxiety,  become  more  irritable,  so  that  trifles  are  magnified  into 
objects  of  great  alarm,  and  slight  shocks,  which  would  scarcely 
affect  the  spirits  when  in  health,  give  rise  in  them  to  severe  dis- 
eases, so  was  it  with  this  whole  nation,  at  all  times  so  alive  to 
emotions,  and  at  that  period  so  sorely  pressed  with  the  horrors  of 
death. 

The  bite  of  venomous  spiders,  or  rather  the  unreasonable  fear 
of  its  consequences,  excited  at  such  a  juncture,  though  it  could  not 
have  done  so  at  an  earlier  period,  a  violent  nervous  disorder,  which, 
like  St.  Vitus's  dance  in  German}'-,  spread  by  sympathy,  increas- 
ing in  severity  as  it  took  a  wider  range,  and  still  further  extend- 
ing: its  ravaoes  from  its  long  continuance.  Thus,  from  the  middle  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  the  furies  of  the  Dance  brandished  their 
scourge  over  afflicted  mortals ;  and  music,  for  which  the  inha- 
bitants of  Italy,  now  probably  for  the  first  time,  manifested  sus- 
ceptibility and  talent,  became  capable  of  exciting  ecstatic  attacks 
in  those  affected,  and  then  furnished  the  magical  means  of  exor- 
cising their  melancholy. 

Sect.  -3. — Increase. 

At  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  we  find  that  Tarantism  had 
spread  beyond  the  boundaries  of  Apulia,  and  that  the  fear  of  being 
bitten  by  venomous  spiders  had  increased.  Nothing  short  of 
death  itself  was  expected  from  the  wound  which  these  insects  in- 
flicted, and  if  those  who  were  bitten  escaped  with  their  lives, 
they  were  said  to  be  seen  pining  away  in  a  desponding  state  of 
lassitude.  Many  became  weak-sighted  or  hard  of  hearing,  some 
lost  the  power  of  speech,  and  all  were  insensible  to  ordinary  causes 
of  excitement.  Nothing  but  the  flute  or  the  citrhern  afforded  them 
relief."     At  the  sound  of  those  instruments  they  awoke  as  it  were 

>  1347  to  1350. 

2  Athanasius  Kircher  gives  a  full  account  of  the  instruments  then  in  use,  which 
dififered  vei-y  slightly  from  those  of  our  days.  Musurgia  universalis,  sive  .\rs  m.igna 
consoni  et  dissoni.     Romfe,  1650,  fol.  Tom.  I.  p.  477. 


108  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

by  enchantment,  opened  their  eyes,  and  moving  slowly  at  first, 
according  to  the  measure  of  the  music,  were,  as  the  time  quicken- 
ed, gradually  hurried  on  to  the  most  passionate  dance.  It  was 
generally  observable  that  country  people,  who  were  rude,  and 
ignorant  of  music,  evinced  on  these  occasions  an  unusual  degree 
of  grace,  as  if  they  had  been  well  practised  in  elegant  movements 
of  the  body ;  for  it  is  a  peculiarity  in  nervous  disorders  of  this 
kind,  that  the  organs  of  motion  are  in  an  altered  condition,  and 
are  completely  under  the  control  of  the  overstrained  spirits. 
Cities  and  villages  alike  resounded  throughout  the  summer  season 
with  the  notes  of  fifes,  clarinets,  and  Turkish  drums  ;  and  patients 
where  everywhere  to  be  met  with  who  looked  to  dancing  as  their 
only  remedy.  Alexander  ab  Alexandro,^  who  gives  this  account, 
saw  a  young  man  in  a  remote  village  who  was  seized  with  a  vio- 
lent attack  of  Tarantism.  He  listened  with  eagerness  and  a  fixed 
stare  to  the  sound  of  a  drum,  and  his  graceful  movements  gradu- 
ally became  more  and  more  violent,  until  his  dancing  was  convert- 
ed into  a  succession  of  frantic  leaps,  which  required  the  utmost 
exertion  of  his  whole  strength.  In  the  midst  of  this  overstrained 
exertion  of  mind  and  body  the  music  suddenly  ceased,  and  he  im- 
mediately fell  powerless  to  the  ground,  where  he  lay  senseless  and 
motionless  until  its  magical  effect  again  aroused  him  to  a  renewal 
of  his  impassioned  performances. 

At  the  period  of  which  we  are  treating  there  was  a  general  con- 
viction, that  by  music  and  dancing  the  poison  of  the  Tarantula 
was  distributed  over  the  whole  body,  and  expelled  through  the 
skin,  but  that  if  there  remained  the  slightest  vestige  of  it  in  the 
vessels,  this  became  a  permanent  germ  of  the  disorder,  so  that  the 
dancing  fits  might  again  and  again  be  excited  ad  infinitum  by 
music.  This  belief,  which  resembled  the  delusion  of  those  insane 
persons  who,  being  by  artful  management  freed  from  the  imagined 
causes  of  their  sufferings,  are  but  for  a  short  time  released  from 
their  false  notions,  was  attended  with  the  most  injurious  effects: 
for  in  consequence  of  it  those  affected  necessarily  became  by  de- 
grees convinced  of  the  incurable  nature  of  their  disorder.  They 
expected  relief,  indeed,  but  not  a  cure,  from  music ;  and  when  the 
heat  of  summer  awakened  a  recollection  of  the  dancei-s  of  the  pre- 
ceding year,  they,  like  the  St.  Vitus's  dancers  of  the  same  period 

'  Geniuliura  dierum  Libri  VI.  Lu,!?dim.  Bat.  1673.  8vo.  Lib.  II.  cb.  17.  p.  398. 
Alex,  ah  Alexandra,  a  distinguished  Neapolitan  lawyer,  lived  from  1461  to  1523.  The 
historian  Gaudentius  Morula,  who  became  celebrated  about  1536,  makers  only  a  very 
.slight  mention  of  the  Tarantism.  Memorabilium  Gaud.  Merulie  Novarionsis  opus,  &c. 
Lugdun.  1656.  Svo.  L.  III.  ch.  69.  p.  251. 


INCREASE.  109 

before  St.  Vitus's  day,  again  grew  dejected  and  misanthropic,  un- 
til, by  music  and  dancing,  they  dispelled  the  melancholy  which 
had  become  with  them  a  kind  of  sensual  enjoj^ment. 

Under  such  favourable  circumstances  it  is  clear  that  Tarantism 
must  every  year  have  made  further  progress.  The  number  of 
those  affected  by  it  increased  beyond  all  belief,  for  whoever  had 
either  actually  been,  or  even  fancied  that  he  had  been,  once  bitten 
by  a  poisonous  spider  or  scorpion,  made  his  appearance  annually 
wherever  the  merry  notes  of  the  Tarantella  resounded.  Inquisitive 
females  joined  the  throng  and  caught  the  disease,  not  indeed  from 
the  poison  of  the  spider,  but  from  the  mental  poison  which  they 
eagerly  received  through  the  eye  ;  and  thus  the  cure  of  the  Ta- 
rantati  gradually  became  established  as  a  regular  festival  of  the 
populace,  which  was  anticipated  with  impatient  delight. 

Without  attributing  more  to  deception  and  fraud  than  to  the 
peculiar  nature  of  a  progressive  mental  malady,  it  may  readily  be 
conceived  that  the  cases  of  this  strange  disorder  now  grew  more 
frequent.  The  celebrated  Matthioli,'  who  is  worthy  of  entire  con- 
fidence, gives  his  account  as  an  eye-witness.  He  saw  the  same 
extraordinary  effects  produced  by  music  as  Alexandre,  for,  how- 
ever tortured  with  pain,  however  hopeless  of  relief  the  patients 
appeared,  as  they  lay  stretched  on  the  couch  of  sickness,  at  the 
very  first  sounds  of  those  melodies  which  had  made  an  impression 
on  them — but  this  was  the  case  only  with  the  Tarantellas  com- 
posed expressly  for  the  purpose — they  sprang  up  as  if  inspired 
with  new  life  and  spii-it,  and,  unmindful  of  their  disorder,  began 
to  move  in  measured  gestures,  dancing  for  hours  together  without 
fatigue,  until,  covered  with  a  kindly  perspiration,  they  felt  a  salu- 
tary degree  of  lassitude,  which  relieved  them  for  a  time  at  least, 
perhaps  even  for  a  whole  year,  from  their  dejection  and  oppressive 
feeling  of  general  indisposition.  Alexandre's  experience  of  the 
injurious  effects  resulting  from  a  sudden  cessation  of  the  music 
was  generally  confirmed  by  Matthioli.  If  the  clarinets  and  drums 
ceased  for  a  single  moment,  which,  as  the  most  skilful  players 
were  tired  out  by  the  patients,  could  not  but  happen  occasionally, 
they  suffered  their  limbs  to  fall  listless,  again  sank  exhausted  to  the 
ground,  and  could  find  no  solace  but  in  a  renewal  of  the  dance. 
On  this  account  care  was  taken  to  continue  the  music  until  ex- 
haustion was  produced  ;  for  it  was  better  to  pay  a  few  extra 
musicians,  who  might  relieve  each  other,  than  to  permit  the  pa- 

'  Vctr.  And.  Matthioli  rommcnliuii  in  Dio-corid.  Vcnet.  1565.  fol.  Lib.  II.  ch    57. 
p.  362. 


110  THE    DANCING   MANIA. 

tient,  in  the  midst  of  this  curative  exercise,  to  relapse  into  so  de- 
plorable a  state  of  suffering-.  The  attack  consequent  upon  the  bite 
of  the  Tarantula,  Matthioli  describes  as  varying  much  in  its  man- 
ner. Some  became  morbidly  exhilarated,  so  that  they  remained 
for  a  long  while  without  sleep,  laughing,  dancing,  and  singing  in 
a  state  of  the  greatest  excitement.  Others,  on  the  contrary,  were 
drowsy.  The  generality  felt  nausea  and  suffered  from  vomiting, 
and  some  had  constant  tremors.  Complete  mania  was  no  uncom- 
mon occurrence,  not  to  mention  the  usual  dejection  of  spirits  and 
other  subordinate  symptoms. 

Sect.  4. — Idiosyncracies. — Music. 

Unaccountable  emotions,  strange  desires,  and  morbid  sensual 
irritations  of  all  kinds,  were  as  prevalent  as  in  the  St.  Vitus's  dance 
and  similar  great  nervous  maladies.  So  late  as  the  sixteenth 
century  patients  were  seen  armed  with  glittering  swords  which, 
during  the  attack,  they  brandished  with  wild  gestures,  as  if  they 
were  going  to  engage  in  a  fencing  match. i  Even  women  scorned 
all  female  delicacy "  and,  adopting  this  impassioned  demeanour, 
did  the  same ;  and  this  phenomenon,  as  well  as  the  excitement 
which  the  Tarantula  dancers  felt  at  the  sight  of  anything  with 
metallic  lustre,  was  quite  common  up  to  the  period  when,  in  mo- 
dern times,  the  disease  disappeared.^ 

The  abhorrence  of  certain  colours  and  the  agreeable  sensations 
produced  by  others,  were  much  more  marked  among  the  excitable 
Italians  than  was  the  case  in  the  St.  Vitus's  dance  with  the  more 
phlegmatic  Germans.  Red  colours,  which  the  St.  Vitus's  dancers 
detested,  they  generally  liked,  so  that  a  patient  was  seldom  seen 
who  did  not  carry  a  red  handkerchief  for  his  gratification,  or 
greedily  feast  his  eyes  on  any  articles  of  red  clothing  worn  by  the 
by-standers.  Some  preferred  yellow,  others  black  colours,  of 
which  an  explanation  was  sought,  according  to  the  prevailing  no- 
tions of  the   times,  in   the  difference  of  temperaments.^     Others 

1  Atha7ias.  Kircher.    Magiies  sivc  dc  Arte  magnctica  Opus.    Rom.  16o-l.  fol.  p.  589. 

2  Joa7i7i.  Juvenis  de  antiquitatc  et  varia  Tarentinorum  fortun*  Lib.  VIII.  Neapol. 
1589.  fol.  Lib.  II.  ch.  17.  p.  107.  With  the  exception  of  the  statement  quoted,  Jiit'cms 
has  borrowed  almost  everything  from  Matthioli. 

2  Simon.  Alloys.  Tudecius,  physician  to  Queen  Christine,  saw  a  case  of  this  kind  in 
July,  1656.     Bonet.  Medicina  septentrionalis  coUatit.     Genev.  1684.  fol. 

*  Epiphan.  Ferdinand.  Centum  historic  seu  obscrvationes  ct  casus  mcdici.  Venet. 
1621.  fol.  Hist.  LXXXI.  p.  259.  Ferdinatido,  a  physician  in  Messapia  at  the  com- 
mencement of  tlie  seventeenth  century,  has  collected,  with  much  diligence,  the  various 
statements  respecting  the  Tarantism  of  his  time.  He  '^  teas  himself  an  eye-witness  of 
it  "  (p.  265).  and  is  by  far  the  most  copious  of  all  the  old  writers  ou  this  subject. 


IDIOSYNCRACIES. — MUSIC.  Ill 

again  were  enraptured  with  green ;  and  eye-witnesses  describe 
this  rage  for  colours  as  so  extraordinary,  that  they  can  scarcelj'- 
find  words  with  which  to  express  their  astonishment.  No  sooner 
did  the  patients  obtain  a  sight  of  the  favourite  colour  than,  new 
as  the  impression  was,  they  rushed  like  infuriated  animals  towards 
the  object,  devoured  it  with  their  eager  looks,  kissed  and  caressed 
it  in  every  possible  way,  and  gradually  resigning  themselves  to 
softer  sensations,  adopted  the  languishing  expression  of  enamoured 
lovers,  and  embraced  the  handkerchief,  or  whatever  other  article 
it  might  be,  which  was  presented  to  them,  with  the  most  intense 
ardour,  while  the  tears  streamed  from  their  eyes  as  if  they  were  com- 
pletely overwhelmed  by  the  inebriating  impression  on  their  senses. 

The  dancing  fits  of  a  certain  Capuchin  friar  in  Tarentum  ex- 
cited so  much  curiosity,  that  Cardinal  Cajetano  proceeded  to  the 
monastery,  that  he  might  see  with  his  own  eyes  what  was  going 
on.  As  soon  as  the  monk,  who  was  in  the  midst  of  his  dance,  per- 
ceived the  spiritual  prince  clothed  in  his  red  garments,  he  no 
longer  listened  to  the  Tarantella  of  the  musicians,  but  with  strange 
gestures  endeavoured  to  approach  the  Cardinal,  as  if  he  wished  to 
count  the  very  threads  of  his  scarlet  robe,  and  to  allay  his  intense 
longing  by  its  odour.  The  interference  of  the  spectators,  and  his 
own  respect,  prevented  his  touching  it,  and  thus  the  irritation  of 
his  senses  not  being  appeased,  he  fell  into  a  state  of  such  anguish 
and  disquietude,  that  he  presently  sank  down  in  a  swoon,  from  which 
he  did  not  recover  until  the  Cardinal  compassionately  gave  him 
his  cape.  This  he  immediately  seized  in  the  greatest  ecstasy,  and 
pressed  now  to  his  breast,  now  to  his  forehead  and  cheeks,  and 
then  ao-ain  commenced  his  dance  as  if  in  the  frenzv  of  a  love  fit.' 

At  the  sight  of  colours  which  they  disliked,  patients  flew  into 
the  most  violent  rage,  and,  like  the  St.  Vitus's  dancers  when  they 
saw  red  objects,  could  scarcely  be  restrained  from  tearing  the 
clothes  of  those  spectators  who  raised  in  them  such  disagreeable 
sensations.^ 

Another  no  less  extraordinary  symptom  was  the  ardent  longing 
for  the  sea  which  the  patients  evinced.  As  the  St.  John's  dancers 
of  the  fourteenth  century  saw,  in  the  spirit,  the  heavens  open  and 
display  all  the  splendour  of  the  saints,  so  did  those  who  were 
suffering  under  the  bite  of  the  Tarantula  feel  themselves  attracted 
to  the  boundless  expanse  of  the  blue  ocean,  and  lost  themselves 
in  its  contemplation.     Some   songs,   which    are   still   preserved, 

'    Khc/tcr,  lof.  cit.  pp.  688,  .589.  «  Ferdinand,  p.  '2-39. 


112  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

marked  this  peculiar  longing,  which  was  moreover  expressed  by 
significant  music,  and  was  excited  even  by  the  bare  mention  of 
the  sea.'  Some,  in  whom  this  susceptibility  was  carried  to  the 
greatest  pitch,  cast  themselves  with  blind  fury  into  the  blue 
waves,'^  as  the  St.  Vitus's  dancers  occasionally  did  into  rapid  rivers. 
This  condition,  so  opposite  to  the  frightful  state  of  hydrophobia, 
betrayed  itself  in  others  only  in  the  pleasure  afforded  them  by  the 
sight  of  clear  water  in  glasses.  These  they  bore  in  their  hands 
while  dancing,  exhibiting  at  the  same  time  strange  movements, 
and  giving  way  to  the  most  extravagant  expressions  of  their  feel- 
ings. They  delighted  also  when,  in  the  midst  of  the  space  allot- 
ted for  this  exercise,  more  ample  vessels,  filled  with  water,  and 
surrounded  by  rushes  and  water  plants,  were  placed,  in  which 
they  bathed  their  heads  and  arms  with  evident  pleasure.^  Others 
there  were  who  rolled  about  on  the  ground,  and  were,  by  their 
own  desire,  buried  up  to  the  neck  in  the  earth,  in  order  to  allevi- 
ate the  misery  of  their  condition,  not  to  mention  an  endless  variety 
of  other  symptoms  which  showed  the  perverted  action  of  the 
nerves. 

All  these  modes  of  relief,  however,  were  as  nothing  in  compari- 
son with  the  irresistible  charms  of  musical  sound.  Attempts  had 
indeed  been  made  in  ancient  times  to  mitigate  the  pain  of  sciatica,^ 
or  the  paroxysms  of  mania,''  by  the  soft  melody  of  the  flute,  and, 
what  is  still  more  applicable  to  the  present  purpose,  to  remove 
the  danger  arising  from  the  bite  of  vipers  ^  by  the  same  means. 
This,  however,  was  tried  only  to  a  very  small  extent.  But  after 
being  bitten  by  the  Tarantula,  there  was,  according  to  popular 
opinion,  no  way  of  saving  life  except  by  music,  and  it  was  hardly 
considered  as  an  exception  to  the  general  rule,  that  every  now  and 
then  the  bad  effects  of  a  wound  were  prevented  by  placing    a 

'  For  example  :  — 

"  AUu  mari  mi  portati 
Se  voleti  chc  mi  sanati. 
AUu  mari,  alia  via  : 
Cosi  m'ama  la  donna  mia. 
Allu  mari  allu  mari : 
Mentre  campo,  t'aggio  amari." 

Kircher,  loo.  cit.  p.  592. — Appendix,  No.  V. 

2  Ferdinand,  loc.  cit.  p.  257. 

3  Kircher,  p.  589. 

*  Flin.  Hist.  Nat.     Lib.  XXVIII.  eh.  2.  p.  447.    Ed.  Hard. 

*  Cael.  Aurelian.     Chron.  Lib.  I.  ch.  5.  p.  335.     Ed.  Amman. 

^  DemocritHs  and  Theophrastus  made  mention  of  it.     See   Gell.  Noct.  Attic.  Lib. 
lY.  ch.  13. 


IDIOSYNCRACIES.  — MUSIC.  113 

ligature  on  the  bitten  limb,  or  by  internal  medicine,  or  that  strong 
persons  occasionally  withstood  the  effects  of  the  poison,  without 
the  employment  of  any  remedies  at  all.*  It  was  much  more  com- 
mon, and  is  quite  in  accordance  with  the  nature  of  so  exquisite  a 
nervous  disease,  to  hear  accounts  of  many  who,  when  bitten  by  the 
Tarantula,  perished  miserably  because  the  Tarantella,  which  would 
have  afforded  them  deliverance,  was  not  played  to  them.^  It  was 
customary,  therefore,  so  early  as  the  commencement  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  for  whole  bands  of  musicians  to  traverse  Italy 
during  the  summer  months,  and,  what  is  quite  unexampled  either 
in  ancient  or  modern  times,  the  cure  of  the  Tarantati  in  the 
■  different  towns  and  villages  was  undertaken  on  a  grand  scale.  This 
season  of  dancing  and  music  was  called  "  the  women's  little  car- 
nival," ^  for  it  was  women  more  especially  who  conducted  the 
arrangements  ;  so  that  throughout  the  whole  country  they  saved 
up  their  spare  money,  for  the  purpose  of  rewarding  the  welcome 
musicians,  and  many  of  them  neglected  their  household  employ- 
ments to  participate  in  this  festival  of  the  sick.  Mention  is  even 
made  of  one  benevolent  lady  (Mita  Lupa)  who  had  expended  her 
whole  fortune  on  this  object.* 

The  music  itself  was  of  a  kind  perfectly  adapted  to  the  nature 
of  the  malady,  and  it  made  so  deep  an  impression  on  the  Italians, 
that  even  to  the  present  time,  long  since  the  extinction  of  the 
disorder,  they  have  retained  the  Tarantella,  as  a  particular  species 
of  music  employed  for  quick  lively  dancing.  The  different  kinds 
of  Tarantella  were  distinguished,  very  significantly,  by  particular 
names,  which  had  reference  to  the  moods  observed  in  the  patients. 
Whence  it  appears  that  they  aimed  at  representing  by  these  tunes, 
even  the  idiosyncracies  of  the  mind  as  expressed  in  the  counte- 
nance. Thus  there  was  one  kind  of  Tarantella  which  was  called 
"  Panno  rosso,"  a  very  lively  impassioned  style  of  music,  to  which 
wild  dithyrambic  songs  were  adapted;  another,  called  "Panno 
verde,"  which  was  suited  to  the  milder  excitement  of  the  senses, 
caused  by  green  colours,  and  set  to  Idyllian  songs  of  verdant  fields 
and  shady  groves.  A  third  was  named  "  Cinque  tempi :  "  a  fourth 
"Moresca,"  which  was  played  to  a  Moorish  dance;  a  fifth," Catena?" 
and  a  sixth,  with  a  very  appropriate  designation,  "  Spallata," 
as  if  it  were  only  fit  to  be  played  to  dancers  who  were  lame  in 

'  Ferdinand,  p.  260. 

-  Bagliv.  loc.  cit.  p.  618.     From  more  decided  statements,  however,  wo  learn,  that 
of  those  who  had  been  bitten  only  one  or  two  in  a  thousand  died.     Ferdinand,  p.  255. 
^  II  carnevaletto  dellc  donnc.     Bagliv.  p.  617. 
*  Ferdinand,  pp.  254.  260. 


114  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

the  shoulder.  This  was  the  slowest  and  least  In  vogue  of  all.' 
For  those  who  loved  water  they  took  care  to  select  love  songs, 
which  were  sung  to  corresponding  music,  and  such  persons  de- 
lighted in  hearing  of  gushing  springs  and  rushing  cascades  and 
streams.^  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  on  this  subject  we  are  unable 
to  give  any  further  information,  for  only  small  fragments  of  songs, 
and  a  very  few  Tarantellas,  have  been  preserved  which  belong  to 
a  period  so  remote  as  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth,  or  at 
furthest  the  end  of  the  sixteenth,  century.^ 

The  music  was  almost  wholly  in  the  Turkish  style  (aria  Tur- 
chesca),  and  the  ancient  songs  of  the  peasantry  of  Apulia,  which 
increased  in  number  annually,  were  well  suited  to  the  abrupt  and 
lively  notes  of  the  Turkish  drum  and  the  shepherd's  pipe.  These 
two  instruments  were  the  favourites  in  the  country,  but  others  of 
all  kinds  were  played  in  towns  and  villages,  as  an  accompaniment 
to  the  dances  of  the  patients  and  the  songs  of  the  spectators.  If 
any  particular  melody  was  disliked  by  those  affected,  they  indi- 
cated their  displeasure  by  violent  gestures  expressive  of  aversion. 
They  could  not  endure  false  notes,  and  it  is  remarkable  that  un- 
educated boors,  who  had  never  in  their  lives  manifested  any  per- 
ception of  the  enchanting  power  of  harmony,  acquired,  in  this  re- 
spect, an  extremely  refined  sense  of  hearing,  as  if  they  had  been 
initiated  into  the  profoundest  secrets  of  the  musical  art.*  It  was 
a  matter  of  every  day's  experience,  that  patients  showed  a  predi- 
lection for  certain  Tarantellas,  in  preference  to  others,  which  gave 
rise  to  the  composition  of  a  great  variety  of  these  dances.  They 
were  likewise  very  capricious  in  their  partialities  for  particular 
instruments  ;  so  that  some  longed  for  the  shrill  notes  of  the  trum- 
pet, others  for  the  softest  music  produced  by  the  vibration  of 
strings.^ 

Tarantism  was  at  its  greatest  height  in  Italy  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  long  after  the  St.  Yitus's  Dance  of  Germany  had  dis- 
appeared. Is  was  not  the  natives  of  the  country  only  who  were 
attacked  by  this  complaint.  Foreigners  of  every  colour  and  of  every 
race,  negroes,  gipsies,  Spaniards,  Albanians,  were  in  like  manner 
affected  by  it.*'  Against  the  effects  produced  by  the  Tarantula's 
bite,  or  by  the  sight  of  the  sufferers,  neither  youth  nor  age  aiforded 

'  Ferdinand,  p.  2-39.  Slow  music  made  the  Tarantel  dancers  feel  as  if  they  were 
crushed:  spczzati,  minuzzati,  p.  260. 

-  A.  Kircher,  loc.  cit.  3  See  Appendix,  No.  V. 

^   Bagliv.  loc.  cit.  p.  623.  s  ^    Kircher,  loc.  cit. 

'  Ferdinand .  p,  262. 


IDIOSYNCKACIES. — MUSIC.  115 

any  protection ;  so  that  even  old  men  of  ninety  threw  aside  their 
crutches  at  the  sound  of  the  Tarantella,  and,  as  if  some  magic 
potion,  restorative  of  youth  and  vigour,  were  flowing  through 
their  veins,  joined  the  most  extravagant  dancers. •  Ferdinando 
saw  a  boy  five  years  old  seized  with  the  dancing  mania,'  in  conse- 
quence of  the  bite  of  a  tarantula ;  and,  what  is  almost  past  belief, 
were  it  not  supported  by  the  testimony  of  so  credible  an  aye- wit- 
ness, even  deaf  people  were  not  exempt  from  this  disorder,  so  potent 
in  its  effect  was  the  very  sight  of  those  affected,  even  without  the 
exhilarating  emotions  caused  by  music.^ 

Subordinate  nervous  attacks  were  much  more  frequent  during 
this  century  than  at  any  former  period,  and  an  extraordinary  icy 
coldness  was  observed  in  those  who  were  the  subjects  of  them  ;  so 
that  they  did  not  recover  their  natural  heat  until  they  had  engaged 
in  violent  dancing."*  Their  anguish  and  sense  of  oppression  forced 
from  them  a  cold  perspiration  ;  the  secretion  from  the  kidneys  was 
pale,*  and  they  had  so  great  a  dislike  to  everything  cold,  that 
when  water  was  offered  them  they  pushed  it  away  with  abhorrence. 
Wine,  on  the  contrary,  they  all  drank  willingly,  without  being 
heated  by  it,  or  in  the  slightest  degree  intoxicated.''  During  the 
whole  period  of  the  attack  they  suffered  from  spasms  in  the 
stomach,  and  felt  a  disinclination  to  take  food  of  any  kind.  They 
used  to  abstain  some  time  before  the  expected  seizures  from  meat 
and  from  snails,  which  they  thought  rendered  them  more  severe,^ 
and  their  great  thirst  for  wine  may,  therefore,  in  some  measure,  be 
attributable  to  the  want  of  a  more  nutritious  diet ;  yet  the  dis- 
order of  the  nerves  was  evidently  its  chief  cause,  and  the  loss  of 
appetite,  as  well  as  the  necessity  for  support  by  wine,  were  its 
effects.  Loss  of  voice,  occasional  blindness,**  vertigo,  complete 
insanity,  with  sleeplessness,  frequent  weeping  without  any  oston- 
"sible  cause,  were  all  usual  symptoms.  Many  patients  found  relief 
from  being  placed  in  swings  or  rocked  in  cradles  ;^  others  re- 
quired to  be  roused  from  their  state  of  suffering  by  severe  blows 
on  the  soles  of  their  feet ;  others  beat  themselves,  without  any  in- 
tention of  making  a  display,  but  solely  for  the  purpose  of  allaying 
the  intense  nervous  irritation  which  they  felt ;  and  a  considerable 
number  were  seen  with  their  bellies  swollen, '°  like  those  of  the  St. 

'  This  is  said  of  an  old  man  of  Avctrano,  who  was  ninety-four  years  of  age.  pp. 
254.  257.  -  Idem,  p.  261. 

'  Ferdinando  saw  a  man  who  was  hard  of  hearing  listen  with  great  eagerness  during 
the  dance,  and  endeavour  to  approach  the  drums  and  fifes  as  nearly  as  possihle.     P.  258. 

^  Idem,  p.  260.  »  Idem,  p.  25G.  "  Idem,  p.  260.  ^  Idem,  p.  261. 

*"  Idem,  p.  256.  »  Idem,  p.  25S.  '"  Idem,  p.  257. 

8* 


116  THE   DANCING    MANLA.. 

John's  dancers,  while  the  violence  of  the  intestinal  disorder  was 
indicated  in  others  by  obstinate  constipation  or  diarrhoea  and 
vomiting.'  These  pitiable  objects  gradually  lost  their  strength 
and  their  colour,  and  creeping  about  with  injected  eyes,  jaundiced 
complexions,  and  inflated  bowels,  soon  fell  into  a  state  of  profound 
melancholy,  which  found  food  and  solace  in  the  solemn  tolling  of 
the  funeral  bell,  and  in  an  abode  among  the  tombs  of  cemeteries, 
as  is  related  of  the  Lycanth ropes  of  former  times. 

The  persuasion  of  the  inevitable  consequences  of  being  bitten 
by  the  tarantula,  exercised  a  dominion  over  men's  minds  which 
even  the  healthiest  and  strongest  could  not  shake  off.  So  late  as 
the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  celebrated  Fracastoro  found 
the  robust  bailiff  of  his  landed  estate  groaning,  and,  with  the  aspect 
of  a  person  in  the  extremity  of  despair,  suffering  the  very  agonies 
of  death,  from  a  sting  in  the  neck,  inflicted  by  an  insect  which 
was  believed  to  be  a  tarantula.  He  kindly  administered,  without 
delay,  a  potion  of  vinegar  and  Armenian  bole,  the  great  remedy 
of  those  days  for  the  plague  and  all  kinds  of  animal  poisons,  and 
the  dying  man  was,  as  if  by  a  miracle,  restored  to  life  and  the 
power  of  speech. 2  Now,  since  it  is  quite  out  of  the  question  that 
the  bole  could  have  anything  to  do  with  the  result  in  this  case, 
notwithstanding  Fracastoro's  belief  in  its  virtues,  we  can  only 
account  for  the  cure  by  supposing,  that  a  confidence  in  so  great  a 
physician  prevailed  over  this  fatal  disease  of  the  imagination, 
which  would  otherwise  have  yielded  to  scarcely  any  other  remedy 
except  the  tarantella.  Ferdinando  was  acquainted  with  women 
who,  for  thirty  years  in  succession,  had  overcome  the  attacks  of 
this  disorder  by  a  renewal  of  their  annual  dance — so  long  did  they 
maintain  their  belief  in  the  yet  undestroyed  poison  of  the  taran- 
tula's bite,  and  so  long  did  that  mental  afl'ection  continue  to  exist, 
after  it  had  ceased  to  depend  on  any  corporeal  excitement.^ 

Wherever  we  turn  we  find  that  this  morbid  state  of  mind  pre- 
vailed, and  was  so  supported  by  the  opinions  of  the  age,  that  it 
needed  only  a  stimulus  in  the  bite  of  the  tarantula,  and  the  sup- 
posed certainty  of  its  very  disastrous  consequences,  to  originate 
this  violent  nervous  disorder.  Even  in  Ferdinando's  time  there 
were  many  who  altogether  denied  the  poisonous  effects  of  the 
tarantula's  bite,  whilst  they  considered  the  disorder,  which  annually 
set   Italy  in  commotion,    to  be  a  melancholy  depending  on  the 

^  Ferdinand,  p.  256. 

-  De  Contag.  Lib.  III.  ch.  2,  p.  212.     Opoia  Lugdun.  1591.  8vo. 

'  De  Contag.  p.  254. 


HYSTERIA.  117 

imagination.'  They  dearly  expiated  this  scepticism,  however, 
when  they  were  led,  with  an  inconsiderate  hardihood,  to  test  their 
opinions  by  experiment;  for  many  of  them  became  the  subjects  of 
severe  tarantism,  and  even  a  distinguished  prelate,  Jo.  Baptist 
Quinzato,  Bishop  of  Foligno,  having  allowed  himself,  by  way  of 
a  joke,  to  be  bitten  by  a  tarantula,  could  obtain  a  cure  in  no  other 
way  than  by  being,  through  the  influence  of  the  tarantella,  com- 
pelled to  dance. 2  Others  among  the  clergy,  who  wished  to  shut 
their  ears  against  music,  because  they  considered  dancing  deroga- 
tory to  their  station,  fell  into  a  dangerous  state  of  illness  by  thus 
delaying  the  crisis  of  the  malady,  and  w^ere  obliged  at  last  to  save 
themselves  from  a  miserable  death  by  submitting  to  the  unwel- 
come but  sole  means  of  cure.^  Thus  it  appears  that  the  age  was 
so  little  favourable  to  freedom  of  thought,  that  even  the  most  de- 
cided sceptics,  incapable  of  guarding  themselves  against  the  re- 
collection of  what  had  been  presented  to  the  eye,  were  subdued  by 
a  poison,  the  power  of  which  they  had  ridiculed,  and  which  was 
in  itself  inert  in  its  effect. 

Sect.  5. — Hysteria. 

Different  characteristics  of  morbidly  excited  vitality  having 
been  rendered  prominent  by  tarantism  in  different  individuals,  it 
could  not  but  happen  that  other  derangements  of  the  nerves  would 
assume  the  form  of  this,  whenever  circumstances  favoured  such  a 
transition.  This  was  more  especially  the  case  with  hysteria,  that 
proteiform  and  mvitable  disorder,  in  which  the  imaginations,  the 
superstitions,  and  the  follies  of  all  ages  have  been  evidently  reflect- 
ed. The  " Carnevaletto  delle  Donne"  appeared  most  opportunely 
for  those  who  were  hysterical.  Their  disease  received  from  it,  as 
it  had  at  other  times  from  other  extraordinary  customs,  a  peculiar 
direction  ;  so  that  whether  bitten  by  the  tarantula  or  not,  they  felt 
compelled  to  participate  in  the  dances  of  those  affected,  and  to 
make  their  appearance  at  this  popular  festival,  where  they  had  an 
opportunity  of  triumphantly  exhibiting  their  sufferings.  Let  us 
here  pause  to  consider  the  kind  of  life  which  the  women  in  Italy 
led.  Lonely,  and  deprived  by  cruel  custom  of  social  intercourse, 
that  fairest  of  all  enjoyments,  they  dragged  on  a  miserable  exist- 
ence. Cheerfulness  and  an  inclination  to  sensual  pleasures  passed 
into  compulsory  idleness,  and,  in  many,  into  black  despondency.* 

»  De  Contag.  p.  254.  «  Idem,  p.  262.  »  Idem,  p.  261. 

*  "  The  imaginations  of  women  are  always  more  excitaLle  than  those  of  men,  and 


118  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

Their  imaginations  became  disordered — a  pallid  countenance  and 
oppressed  respiration  bore  testimony  to  their  profound  sufferings. 
How  could  they  do  otherwise,  sunk  as  they  were  in  such  extreme 
misery,  than  seize  the  occasion  to  burst  forth  from  their  prisons, 
and  alleviate  their  miseries  by  taking  part  in  the  delights  of 
music.  Nor  should  we  here  pass  unnoticed  a  circumstance  which 
illustrates,  in  a  remarkable  degree,  the  psychological  nature  of 
hysterical  sufferings,  namely,  that  many  chlorotic  females,  by  join- 
ing the  dancers  at  the  Carnevaletto,  were  freed  from  their  spasms 
and  oppression  of  breathing  for  the  whole  year,  although  the  cor- 
poreal cause  of  their  malady  was  not  removed.^  After  such  a  re- 
sult, no  one  could  call  their  self-deception  a  mere  imposture,  and 
unconditionally  condemn  it  as  such. 

This  numerous  class  of  patients  certainly  contributed  not  a 
little  to  the  maintenance  of  the  evil,  for  their  fantastic  sufferings, 
in  which  dissimulation  and  reality  could  scarcely  be  distinguished 
even  by  themselves,  much  less  by  their  physicians,  were  imitated, 
in  the  same  way  as  the  distortions  of  the  St.  Yitus's  dancers,  by 
the  impostors  of  that  period.  It  was  certainly  by  these  persons 
also  that  the  number  of  subordinate  symptoms  was  increased  to  an 
endless  extent,  as  may  be  conceived  from  the  daily  observation  of 
hysterical  patients,  who,  from  a  morbid  desire  to  render  themselves 
remarkable,  deviate  from  the  laws  of  moral  propriety,  Powerful 
sexual  excitement  had  often  the  most  decided  influence  over  their 

they  are  therefore  susceptible  of  every  folly  ■when  they  lead  a  life  of  strict  seclusion, 
and  their  thoughts  are  constantly  turned  inwards  upon  themselves.  Hence  in  orphan 
asylums,  hospitals,  and  convents,  the  nervous  disorder  of  one  female  so  easily  and  quick- 
ly becomes  the  disorder  of  all.  I  have  read  in  a  good  medical  work  that  a  nun,  in  a 
very  large  convent  in  P^rance,  began  to  mew  like  a  cat ;  shortly  afterwards  other  nuns 
also  mewed.  At  last  all  the  nuns  mewed  together  every  day  at  a  certain  time  for 
several  hours  together.  The  Avhole  surrounding  Christian  neighboui'hood  heard,  with 
equal  chagrin  and  astonishment,  this  daily  cat-concert,  which  did  not  cease  until  all  the 
nuns  were  informed  that  a  company  of  soldiers  were  placed  by  the  police  before  the  en- 
trance of  the  convent,  and  that  they  were  provided  with  rods,  and  M'ould  continue 
whipping  them  until  they  promised  not  to  mew  any  more. 

"  But  of  all  the  epidemics  of  females  Avhich  I  myself  have  seen  in  Germany,  or  of 
which  the  history  is  known  to  me,  the  most  remarkable  is  the  celebrated  Convent- 
epidemic  of  the  fifteenth  century,  whicli  Cardan  describes,  and  which  peculiarly  proves 
what  I  would  here  enforce.  A  nun  in  a  German  nunnery  fell  to  biting  all  her  com- 
panions. In  the  course  of  a  short  time  all  the  nuns  of  this  convent  began  biting  each 
other.  The  news  of  this  infatuation  among  the  nuns  soon  spread,  and  it  now  passed 
from  convent  to  convent  throughout  a  great  part  of  Germany,  principally  Saxony  and 
Brandenburg.  It  afterwards  visited  the  nunneries  of  Holland,  and  at  last  the  nuns  had 
the  biting  mania  even  as  far  as  Rome." — Zimmermann  on  Solitude,  Vol.  II.  Leipsig._ 
1784. —  Transl.  note. 

'  Georg.  Baglivi,  Diss,  dc  Anatome,  morsu  et  eifectibus  TarantuLc.  pp.  G16,  617. 
0pp.  Lugdun.   1710.  4to.  ' 


HYSTERIA.  119 

condition.  Many  of  them  exposed  themselves  in  the  most  inde- 
cent manner,  tore  their  hair  out  by  the  roots,  with  howling  and 
gnashing  of  their  teeth  ;  and  when,  as  was  sometimes  the  case, 
their  unsatisfied  passion  hurried  them  on  to  a  state  of  frenzy,  they 
closed  their  existence  by  self-destruction ;  it  being  common  at 
that  time  for  these  unfortunate  beings  to  precipitate  themselves 
into  the  wells.' 

It  might  hence  seem  that,  owing  to  the  conduct  of  patients  of 
this  description,  so  much  of  fraud  and  falsehood  would  be  mixed 
lip  with  the  original  disorder,  that  having  passed  into  another 
complaint,  it  must  have  been  itself  destroyed.  This,  however, 
did  not  happen  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century ;  for 
as  a  clear  proof  that  Tarantism  remained  substantially  the  same 
and  quite  unaffected  by  Hysteria,  there  were  in  many  places,  and 
in  particular  at  Messapia,  fewer  women  affected  than  men,  who 
in  their  tm-n  were,  in  no  small  proportion,  led  into  temptation  by 
sexual  excitement.'-  In  other  places,  as  for  example  at  Brindisi, 
the  case  was  reversed,  which  may,  as  in  other  complaints,  be  in 
some  measure  attributable  to  local  causes.  Upon  the  whole  it  ap- 
pears, from  concurrent  accounts,  that  women  by  no  means  enjoy- 
ed the  distinction  of  being  attacked  by  Tarantism  more  frequently 
than  men. 

It  is  said  that  the  cicatrix  of  the  tarantula  bite,  on  the  yearly 
or  half-yearly  return  of  the  fit,  became  discoloured,^  but  on  this 
point  the  distinct  testimony  of  good  observers  is  wanting  to  de- 
prive the  assertion  of  its  utter  improbability. 

It  is  not  out  of  place  to  remark  here,  that  about  the  same  time 
that  Tarantism  attained  its  greatest  height  in  Italy,  the  bite  of 
venomous  spiders  was  more  feared  in  distant  parts  of  Asia,  like- 
wise, than  it  had  ever  been  within  the  memory  of  man.  There 
was  this  difference,  however,  that  the  symptoms  supervening  on 
the  occurrence  of  this  accident  were  not  accompanied  by  the 
Apulian  nervous  disorder,  which,  as  has  been  shown  in  the  fore- 
going pages,  had  its  origin  rather  in  the  melancholic  temperament 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  south  of  Italy,  than  in  the  nature  of  the 
tarantula  poison  itself.  This  poison  is  therefore  doubtless  to  be 
considered  only  as  a  remote  cause  of  the  complaint,  which,  but  for 
that  temperament,  would  be  inadequate  to  its  production.  The 
Persians  employed  a  very  rough  means  of  counteracting  the  bad 
consequences  of  a  poison  of  this  sort.     They  drenched  the  wound- 

»   FenUnandu,  p.  257-  "  Ii^t'm,  pp.  2oG,  2o7,  258. 

"    ■■)  Idem,  p.  258. 


120  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

ed  person  with  milk,  and  then,  by  violent  rotatory  motion  in  a 
suspended  box,  compelled  him  to  vomit.' 

Sect.  6. — Decrease. 

The  Dancing  INIania,  arising  from  the  tarantula  bite,  continued, 
with  all  those  additions  of  self-deception,  and  of  the  dissimulation 
which  is  such  a  constant  attendant  on  nervous  disorders  of  this 
kind,  through  the  whole  course  of  the  seventeenth  century.  It 
was  indeed  gradually  on  the  decline,  but  up  to  the  termination  of 
this  period,  showed  such  extraordinary  symptoms,  that  Baglivi, 
one  of  the  best  ph  j^sicians  of  that  time,  thought  he  did  a  service 
to  science  by  making  them  the  subject  of  a  dissertation.^  He  repeats 
all  the  observations  of  Ferdinando,  and  supports  his  own  asser- 
tions by  the  experience  of  his  father,  a  physician  at  Lecce,  whose 
testimon}^  as  an  eye-witness,  may  be  admitted  as  unexceptionable. 

The  immediate  consequence  of  the  tarantula  bite,  the  super- 
vening nervous  disorder,  and  the  aberrations  and  fits  of  those  who 
suffered  from  Hysteria,  he  describee  in  a  masterly  style,  nor  does 
he  ever  suffer  his  credulity  to  diminish  the  authenticity  of  his 
account,  of  which  he  has  been  unjustly  accused  by  later  writers. 

Finally,  Tarantism  has  declined  more  and  more  in  modern 
times,  and  is  now  limited  to  single  cases.  How  could  it  possibly 
have  maintained  itself  unchanged  in  the  eighteenth  century,  when 
all  the  links  which  connected  it  with  the  middle  ages  had  long 
since  been  snapped  asunder  ?     Imposture  ■*  grew   more  frequent, 

1  Adam  Olearius.  Yermehrte  Moscowitisclie  und  Pcrsianisclie  Eeisebeschreibung. 
Travels  in  Muscovy  and  Persia.     Schleswig,  1G63.  t'ol.     Book  IV.  p.  496. 

-  Georg.  Baglivi,  Dissertatio  VI.  de  Anatomc,  niorsu  ct  effectibus  Tarantula  (written 
in  1595).     Opera  omnia,  Lugdun.  1710.  4to.  p.  599. 

3  This  pliysician  once  saw  three  patients,  who  were  evidently  suffering  from  a  malig- 
nant fever,  and  whose  illness  was  attributed  by  the  by-standers  to  the  bite  of  the  taran- 
tula, forced  to  dance  by  having  music  played  to  them.  One  of  them  died  on  the  spot,  and 
the  two  others  very  shortly  after.     Ch.  7.  p.  616. 

*  Among  the  instances  in  which  imposture  successfully  taxes  popular  credulity,  per- 
haps there  is  none  more  remarkable  at  the  present  day  than  that  afforded  by  the  I'sylli 
of  Egypt,  a  country  which  furnishes  another  illustration  of  our  author's  remark  at  the 
commencement  of  the  next  chapter.  This  sect,  according  to  the  testimony  of  modern 
writers,  continues  to  exhibit  the  same  strange  spectacles  as  the  ancient  serpent-eaters  of 
Cyrene,  described  by  Strabo,  17  Dio.  51.  c.  14.  Lucan,  9.  v.  894.  937.  Herodot.  4.  c. 
173.  Pans.  9.  c.  28.  Savary  states  that  he  witnessed  a  procession  at  Rosetta,  where 
a  band  of  these  seeming  madmen,  with  bare  arms  and  wild  demeanour,  held  enormous 
serpents  in  their  hands  which  writhed  round  their  bodies  and  endeavoured  to  make 
their  escape.  These  Psylli,  grasping  them  by  the  neck,  tore  them  with  their  teeth  and 
ate  theni  up  alive,  the  blood  streaming  down  from  their  polluted  mouths.     Others  of  the 


DECREASE.  121 

and  wherever  the  disease  still  appeared  in  its  genuine  form,  its 
chief  cause,  namely,  a  peculiar  cast  of  melancholy,  which  formerly 
had  been  the  temperament  of  thousands,  was  now  possessed  only 
occasionally  by  unfortunate  individuals.  It  might  therefore  not 
unreasonably  be  maintained,  that  the  Tarantism  of  modern  times 
bears  nearly  the  same  relation  to  the  original  malady,  as  the  St. 
Vitus's  dance  which  still  exists,  and  certainly  has  all  along  exist- 
ed, bears  in  certain  cases  to  the  original  dancing  mania  of  the 
dancers  of  St.  John. 

To  conclude.  Tarantism,  as  a  real  disease,  has  been  denied  in 
toto,  and  stigmatized  as  an  imposition,  by  most  physicians  and 
naturalists,  who  in  this  controversy  have  shown  the  narrowness  of 
their  views  and  their  utter  ignorance  of  history.  In  order  to 
support  their  opinion  they  have  instituted  some  experiments, 
apparently  favourable  to  it,  but  under  circumstances  altogether 

Psylli  were  striving  to  wrest  their  prey  from  them,  so  that  it  seemed  a  struggle  among 
them  who  should  devour  a  serpent.  The  populace  followed  them  with  amazement, 
and  believed  their  performances  to  be  miraculous.  Accordingly  they  pass  for  persons 
inspired,  and  possessed  by  a  spirit  who  destroys  the  effect  of  the  serpent. 

Sounini,  though  not  so  fortunate  as  to  witness  a  public  exhibition  of  such  perform- 
ances, yet  gives  the  following  interesting  account  of  what  he  justly  calls  a  remarkable 
specimen  of  the  extravagance  of  man.  After  adverting  to  the  superstitious  origin  of 
the  sect,  he  goes  on  to  say  that  a  Saadi,  or  serpent-eater,  came  to  his  apartment  accom- 
panied by  a  priest  of  his  sect.  The  priest  carried  in  his  bosom  a  large  serpent  of  a 
dusky  green  and  copper  colour,  which  he  was  continually  handling ;  and  after  having 
recited  a  prayer,  he  delivered  it  to  the  Saadi.  The  narrative  proceeds: — "  With  a 
vigorous  hand  the  Saadi  seized  the  serpent,  which  twisted  itself  round  his  naked  arm. 
He  began  to  appear  agitated ;  his  countenance  was  discomposed ;  his  eyes  rolled ;  he 
uttered  terrible  cries,  bit  the  animal  in  the  head,  and  tore  off  a  morsel,  which  we  saw 
him  chew  and  swallow.  On  this  his  agitation  became  convulsive ;  his  bowlings  were 
redoubled,  his  limbs  writhed,  his  countenance  assumed  the  features  of  madness,  and  his 
mouth,  extended  by  terrible  grimaces,  was  all  in  a  foam.  Every  now  and  then  he 
devoured  a  fresh  morsel  of  the  reptile.  Three  men  endeavoured  to  hold  him,  but  he 
dragged  them  all  three  round  the  chamber.  His  arms  were  thrown  about  with 
violence  on  all  sides,  and  struck  everything  within  their  reach.  Eager  to  avoid  him, 
M.  Forncti  and  I  were  obliged  sometimes  to  cling  to  the  wall,  to  let  him  piiss  and 
escape  his  blows.  We  could  have  wished  the  madman  far  away.  At  length  the  priest 
took  the  serpent  from  him,  but  his  madness  and  convulsions  did  not  cease  immediately ; 
he  bit  his  hands,  and  his  fury  continued.  The  priest  then  grasped  him  in  his  arms, 
passed  lais  hand  gently  down  his  back,  lifted  him  from  the  ground,  and  recited  some 
prayers.  By  degrees  his  agitation  diminished,  and  subsided  into  a  state  of  complete 
lassitude,  in  which  he  remained  a  few  moments. 

"  The  Turks  who  were  present  at  this  ridiculous  and  disgusting  ceremony  were  firmly 
persuaded  of  the  reality  of  this  religious  fury ;  and  it  is  very  certain  that,  whetlier  it 
were  reality  or  imposture,  it  is  impossible  to  see  the  transports  of  rage  and  madness 
exhibited  in  a  more  striking  manner,  or  have  before  your  eyes  a  man  more  calculated 
to  inspire  terror." — Hunter's  Translation  of  Sonnini's  Travels,  8vo.  1799. —  Transl. 
note. 


122  THE  DANCING    MANIA. 

inapplicable,  since,  for  the  most  part,  they  selected,  as  the  subjects 
of  them,  none  but  healthy  men,  who  were  totally  uninfluenced  by 
a  belief  in  this  once  so  dreaded  disease.  From  individual  in- 
stances of  fraud  and  dissimulation,  such  as  are  found  in  connexion 
with  most  nervous  afiections  without  rendering  their  reality  a 
matter  of  any  doubt,  they  drew  a  too  hasty  conclusion  respecting 
the  general  phenomenon,  of  which  they  appeared  not  to  know  that 
it  had  continued  for  nearly  four  hundred  years,  having  originated 
in  the  remotest  periods  of  the  middle  ages.  The  most  learned 
and  the  most  acute  among  these  sceptics  is  Serao  the  Neapolitan.' 
His  reasonings  amount  to  this,  that  he  considers  the  disease  to  be  a 
ver}^  marked  form  of  melancholia,  and  compares  the  effect  of  the 
tarantula  bite  upon  it  to  stimulating,  with  spurs,  a  horse  which  is 
already  running.  The  reality  of  that  effect  he  thus  admits,  and 
therefore  directly  confirms  what  in  appearance  only  he  denies.^ 
By  shaking  the  already  vacillating  belief  in  this  disorder  he  is  said 
to  have  actually  succeeded  in  rendering  it  less  frequent,  and  in 
setting  bounds  to  imposture  ;^  but  this  no  more  disproves  the  re- 
ality of  its  existence,  than  the  oft-repeated  detection  of  imposition 
has  been  able,  in  modern  times,  to  banish  magnetic  sleep  from  the 
circle  of  natural  phenomena,  though  such  detection  has,  on  its 
side,  rendered  more  rare  the  incontestable  effects  of  animal  mag- 
netism.    Other  physicians  and  naturalists  *  have  delivered  their 

'  Franc.  Serao,  della  Tarantola  o  vero  Falangio  di  Puglia.  Napol.  1742. — See 
Thorn.  Fasatii,  De  vita,  muniis  et  scriptis  Franc.  Serai,  &c.  Commentarius.  Neapol. 
1784.  8vo.  p.  76.  et  scq. 

'   Thorn.  Fasani,  De  vita,  muniis  et  scriptis  Franc.  Serai,  &c.  Commentarius.  p.  88. 

3  Idem,  p.  89. 

*  IT.  Mercurialis,  de  Yenenis  et  Morbis  Venenosis  (Venet.  1601.  4to.  Lib.  II.  cli.  6. 
p.  39),  repeats  the  silly  tale,  that  those  who  were  bitten  continued,  during  their  par- 
oxysm, to  be  occupied  with  whatever  they  had  been  engaged  in  at  the  time  they  re- 
ceived the  bite,  and  proves,  by  a  fact  which  had  been  communicated  to  him,  that  already, 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  they  were  able  to  distinguish  impostures  from  those  wlio  had 
been  really  bitten.  //.  Cardani,  de  Subtilitate,  Libri  XXI.  Basil.  1560.  8vo.  Lib.  IX. 
p.  635.  The  baneful  effect  of  the  venom  of  the  tarantula  was  obviated,  not  so  much 
by  music  as  by  the  great  exertion  used  in  dancing.  Compare  J.  Cas.  Scaliger.  Exoteric. 
Exercitt.  Libri  XV.  de  Subtilitate.  Francof.  1612.  8vo.  Ex.  185.  p.  610.— J.  M.  Fehr 
Anchora  sacra  vel  Scorzonera.  Jen.  1666.  Svo.  p.  127.  From  Alexander  ab  Alexan- 
dra, and  several  later  writers. — Stalpart  van  der  Wiel,  Observatt.  rarior.  Lugdun.  Bat. 
1687.  Svo.  Cent.  1.  Obs.  C.  p.  424.  According  to  Kircher.—Rod.  a.  Castro,  Medicus 
politicus.  Hamburg,  1614.  4to.  Lib.  lY.  ch.  16.  p.  275.  According  to  3Iatthioli. — D. 
Cirillo,  Some  account  of  the  Tarantula,  Philosoph.  Trans.  Yol.  LX.  1770.  describes 
Tarantism  as  a  common  imposture.  So  also  does  /.  A.  Unzer,  The  Physician,  Yol.  II. 
pp.  473.  640,  vol.  III.  pp.  466.  526.  528.  529.  530.  533.  553;  likewise  A.  F.  Buschirig, 
Elgcne  Gedanken  und  gesammelte  Nachrichten  von  der  Tarantel,  welche  zur  giinzlichen 
Yertilgung  des  Yorurtheils  von  der  Schadlichkeit  ihres  Eisses,  und  der  Ilcilung  dessel- 


TIGRETIER.  123 

sentiments  on  Tarantism,  but  as  they  have  not  possessed  an  en- 
larged knowledge  of  its  history,  their  views  do  not  merit  parti- 
cular exposition.  It  is  sufficient  for  the  comprehension  of  every 
one,  that  we  have  presented  the  facts  freed  from  all  extraneous 
speculation. 


CHAPTER  III. 

DANCING    MANIA    IN    ABYSSINIA. 

Sect.  1. — Tiuketiek. 


Both  the  St.  Vitus's  dance  and  Tarantism  belonged  to  the  ages 
in  which  they  appeared.  They  could  not  have  existed  under  the 
same  latitude  at  any  other  epoch,  for  at  no  other  period  were  the 
circumstances  which  prepared  the  way  for  them  combined  in  a 
similar  relation  to  each  other  and  the  mental  as  well  as  corporeal 
temperaments  of  nations,  which  depend  on  causes  such  as  have 

ben  durch  Musik,  dienlich  und  binlanglicli  sind.  Observations  and  statements  respect- 
ing the  Tarantula,  -which  suffice  entirely  to  set  aside  the  prejudice  respecting  the  venom 
of  its  bite,  as  also  its  cure  by  music.  Berlin,  1772.  8vo.  A  very  shallow  criticism. 
— P.  Forest.  Observatt.  et  Curatt.  medicinal.  Libri  30,  31  et  32.  Francof.  1509.  fol. 
Ob.  XII.  p.  41.  diligently  compiled  from  his  predecessors. — Phil.  Camerar.  Opene 
horarum  subcisivarum.  Francof.  1658.  4to.  Cent.  II.  cap.  81.  p.  317. — R.  Mead,  a 
mechanical  account  of  poisons:  London,  1747-  Svo.  p.  99.  contends  for  the  reality  of 
Tarantism  M-ith  7?.  Boyle,  An  essay  of  the  great  eftects  of  even  languid  and  unheeded 
motion,  &c.  London,  1685.  ch.YI. — So  also  J.  F.  Cartheuser,  Fundamenta  pathologiiE 
et  therapise.  Francof.  a.  V.  1758.  Svo.  Tom.  I.  p.  334.  Th.  Willis  de  morbis  cou- 
VTdsivis.  cap.  VII.  p.  492.  0pp.  Lugdun.  1681.  4to.  According  to  Gassendi,  Ferdinan- 
do,  Kircher,  and  others. — L.  Valetta,  de  Phalangio  Apulo  opusculum.      Neapol.  1706. 

—  Thorn.  Cornelio  (professor  at  Xaplcs  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century). 
Letter  to  J.  Dodington  concerning  some  observations  made  of  persons  pretending  to  be 
stung  by  Tarantulas.  Phil.  Transactions,  No.  83.  p.  4066.  1672.  considers  Tarantism  to  be 
St.  Vitus's  dance. — Jos.  Lanzoni,  de  Venenis,  cap.  57.  p.  140.  0pp.  Lausann.  1738. 
4to.  Tom.  I.  mostly  from  Baglivi. — J.  Schetik,  a  Grafenberg.  Observatt.  Mcdicar.  Lib. 
VII.  Obs.  122.  p.  792.  Tom.  II.  Ed.  Francof.  1600.  8vo.  was  himself  an  eye-witness. 

—  Wolfg.  Senguerd,  Tractatus  physicus  de  Tarantula.  Lugd.  Bat.  1668.  VZmo.—Henn. 
Grube,  De  ictu  Tarantulas  et  vi  musices  in  eius  curatione  conjectune  physico-medica;. 
Francof.  1679.  8vo. — Athan.  Kircher,  Musurgia  universalis.  Eom.  1650.  fol.  Tom.  II. 
IX.  ch.  4.  p.  218.— i»/.  Kohler,  in  den  Svenska  Vetenskaps  Acadcmiens  Ilandlingar. 
1758.  p.  29.  Transactions  of  the  Swedish  Academy  of  Sciences.— Berlin  Collection  for 
the  Furtherance  of  the  Science  of  Medicine.  Vol.  V.  Pt.  1.  p.  53.  1772.— Burserii 
Institutiones  medic,  prii^t.  tom.  III.  p.  1.  cap.  7.  §  219.  p.  159.  ed.  Ilecker.—J.  S. 
Halle,  Gifthistorie.  History  of  Poisons,  Berlin,  1786.  S\o.—Blumenbach,  Naturge- 
schichte,  Natural  History,  p.  412.— £.  F.  Leonhardt,  Diss,  de  Tarantismo,  Berol.  1827. 
Svo.  and  manv  others. 


124  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

been  stated,  are  as  little  capable  of  renewal  as  the  different  stages 
of  life  in  individuals.  This  gives  so  much  the  more  importance 
to  a  disease  but  cursorily  alluded  to  in  the  foregoing  pages,  which 
exists  in  Abyssinia,  and  which  nearly  resembles  the  original  mania 
of  the  St.  John's  dancers,  inasmuch  as  it  exhibits  a  perfectly  simi- 
lar ecstacy,  with  the  same  violent  effect  on  the  nerves  of  motion. 
It  occurs  most  frequently  in  the  Tigre  country,  being  thence  call- 
ed Tigretier,  and  is  probably  the  same  malady  which  is  called  in 
the  iEthiopian  language  Astariigaza.'  On  this  subject  we  will  in- 
troduce the  testimony  of  Nathaniel  Pearce,"  an  eye-witness,  who 
resided  nine  years  in  Abyssinia.  "The  Tigretier,"  says  he,  "is  more 
common  among  the  women  than  among  the  men.  It  seizes  the 
body  as  if  with  a  violent  fever,  and  from  that  turns  to  a  lingering 
sickness,  which  reduces  the  patients  to  skeletons,  and  often  kills 
them,  if  the  relations  cannot  procure  the  proper  remedy.  During 
this  sickness  their  speech  is  changed  to  a  kind  of  stuttering,  which 
no  one  can  understand  but  those  afflicted  with  the  same  disorder. 
When  the  relations  find  the  malady  to  bo  the  real  tigretier,  they 
join  together  to  defray  the  expenses  of  curing  it ;  the  first  remedy 
they  in  general  attempt,  is  to  procure  the  assistance  of  a  learned 
Dofter,  who  reads  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,^  and  drenches  the  patient 
with  cold  water  daily  for  the  space  of  seven  days — an  application 
that  very  often  proves  fatal.  The  most  effectual  cure,  though  far 
more  expensive  than  the  former,  is  as  follows : — The  relations 
hire,  for  a  certain  sum  of  money,  a  band  of  trumpeters,  drummers, 
and  fifers,  and  buy  a  quantity  of  liquor  ;  then  all  the  young  men 
and  women  of  the  place  assemble  at  the  patient's  house,  to  per- 
form the  following  most  extraordinary  ceremony. 

"  I  was  once  called  in  by  a  neighbour  to  see  his  wife,  a  very 
young  woman,  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be  afflicted  with  this 
disorder  ;  and  the  man  being  an  old  acquaintance  of  mine,  and 
always  a  close  comrade  in  the  camp,  I  went  every  day  when  at 

'  This  may,  however,  be  considered  merely  as  a  conjecture,  founded  upon  the  fol- 
lowing passage  in  Liulolfs  Lexicon  ^Ethiopic.  Ed.  2da.  Francof.  1699.  fol.  p.  142. 
Astarar/aza,  de  vexatione  quadam  diabolica  accipitur.  Marc.  i.  26.  ix.  18.  Luc.  ix.  39. 
Graecus  habet  ana^arrHv,  vellicare,  discerpcre.  Sed  JEthiopes,  teste  Gregorio,  pro 
morbo  quodam  accipiunt,  quo  qiiis  perpetuo  pedes  agitare  et  quasi  calcitrare  cogilur. 
Fortassis  est  Saltatio  S.  Viti,  vulgo  St.  Ycitstanz. 

*  The  Life  and  Adventures  of  Nathaniel  Pearce,  written  by  himself,  during  a  resi- 
dence in  Abyssinia,  from  the  year  1810  to  1819.  London,  1831.  8vo.  Vol.  I.  ch.  ix. 
p.  290. 

3  The  Evangelist  and  St.  John  the  Baptist  have  been  at  all  times,  and  among  all  na- 
tions, confounded  with  each  other,  so  that  the  relation  of  the  latter  to  one  and  the 
same  phenomenon  in  such  different  ages  and  climates  is  very  probable. 


TIGRfiTIER.  125 

home,  to  see  her,  but  I  could  not  be  of  any  service  to  her,  though 
she  never  refused  my  medicines.  At  this  time,  I  could  not  under- 
stand a  word  she  said,  although  she  talked  very  freely,  nor  could 
any  of  her  relations  understand  her.  She  could  not  bear  the  sight 
of  a  book  or  a  priest,  for  at  the  sight  of  either,  she  struggled,  and 
was  apparently  seized  with  acute  agony,  and  a  flood  of  tears,  like 
blood  mingled  with  water,  would  pour  down  her  face  from  her 
eyes.  She  had  lain  three  months  in  this  lingering  state,  living 
upon  so  little  that  it  seemed  not  enough  to  keep  a  human  body 
alive  ;  at  last,  her  husband  agreed  to  employ  the  usual  remedy, 
and,  after  preparing  for  the  maintenance  of  the  band,  during  the 
time  it  would  take  to  effect  the  cure,  he  borrowed  from  all  his 
neighbours  their  silver  ornaments,  and  loaded  her  legs,  arms, 
and  neck  with  them. 

"  The  evening  that  the  band  began  to  play,  I  seated  myself  close 
by  her  side  as  she  lay  upon  the  couch,  and  about  two  minutes 
after  the  trumpets  had  begun  to  sound,  I  observed  her  should- 
ers begin  to  move,  and  soon  afterwards  her  head  and  breast, 
and  in  less  than  a  quarter  of  an  hour  she  sat  upon  her  couch. 
The  wild  look  she  had,  though  sometimes  she  smiled,  made  me 
draw  off  to  a  greater  distance,  being  almost  alarmed  to  see  one 
nearly  a  skeleton  move  with  such  strength ;  her  head,  neck, 
shoulders,  hands,  and  feet,  all  made  a  strong  motion  to  the  sound 
of  the  music,  and  in  this  manner  she  went  on  by  degrees,  until 
she  stood  up  on  her  legs  upon  the  floor.  Afterwards  she  began 
to  dance,  and  at  times  to  jump  about,  and  at  last,  as  the  music 
and  noise  of  the  singers  increased,  she  often  sprang  three  feet  from 
the  ground.  When  the  music  slackened,  she  would  appear  quite 
out  of  temper,  but  when  it  became  louder,  she  would  smile  and  be 
delighted.  During  this  exercise,  she  never  showed  the  least 
symptom  of  being  tired,  though  the  musicians  were  thoroughly 
exhausted  ;  and  when  they  stopped  to  refresh  themselves  by  drink- 
ing and  resting  a  little,  she  would  discover  signs  of  discontent. 

"  Next  day,  according  to  the  custom  in  the  cure  of  this  dis- 
order, she  was  taken  into  the  market-place,  where  several  jars  of 
maize  or  tsug  were  set  in  order  by  the  relations,  to  give  drink  to 
the  musicians  and  dancers.  "When  the  crowd  had  assembled  and 
the  music  was  ready,  she  was  brought  forth  and  began  to  dance 
and  throw  herself  into  the  maddest  postures  imaginable,  and  in 
this  manner  she  kept  on  the  whole  day.  Towards  evening  she 
began  to  let  fall  her  silver  ornaments  from  her  neck,  arms,  and 
legs,  one  at  a  time,  so  that  in  the  course  of  three  hours  she  was 


126  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

stripped  of  every  article.  A  relation  continually  kept  going 
after  her  as  slie  danced,  to  pick  up  the  ornaments,  and  afterwards 
delivered  them  to  the  owners  from  whom  they  were  borrowed. 
As  the  sun  went  down,  she  made  a  start  with  such  swiftness,  that 
the  fastest  runner  could  not  come  up  with  her,  and  when  at  the 
distance  of  about  two  hundred  yards,  she  dropped  on  a  sudden,  as 
if  shot.  Soon  afterwards,  a  young  man,  on  coming  up  with  her, 
fired  a  matchlock  over  her  body,  and  struck  her  upon  the  back 
with  the  broad  side  of  his  large  knife,  and  asked  her  name,  to 
which  she  answered  as  when  in  her  common  senses — a  sure  proof 
of  her  being  cured ;  for,  during  the  time  of  this  malady,  those 
afflicted  with  it  never  answer  to  their  Christian  names.  She  was 
now  taken  up  in  a  very  weak  condition  and  carried  home,  and  a 
priest  came  and  baptized  her  again  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  which  ceremony  concluded  her  cure.  Some 
are  taken  in  this  manner  to  the  market-place  for  many  days  be- 
fore they  can  be  cured,  and  it  sometimes  happens  that  they  can- 
not be  cured  at  all.  I  have  seen  them  in  these  fits  dance  with  a 
hrnhj,  or  bottle  of  maize,  upon  their  heads,  without  spilling  the 
liquor,  or  letting  the  bottle  fiiU,  although  they  have  put  them- 
selves into  the  most  extravagant  postures. 

"  I  could  not  have  ventured  to  write  this  from  hearsay,  nor 
could  I  conceive  it  possible,  until  I  was  obliged  to  put  this  remedy 
in  practice  upon  my  own  wife,'  who  was  seized  with  the  same  dis- 
order, and  then  I  was  compelled  to  have  a  still  nearer  view  of  this 
strange  disorder.  I  at  first  thought  that  a  whip  would  be  of  some 
service,  and  one  day  attempted  a  few  strokes  when  unnoticed  by 
any  person,  we  being  by  ourselves,  and  I  having  a  strong  suspicion 
that  this  ailment  sprang  from  the  weak  minds  of  women,  who 
were  encouraged  in  it  for  the  sake  of  the  grandeur,  rich  dress,  and 
music  which  accompany  the  ctire.  But  how  much  was  I  surprised, 
the  moment  I  struck  a  light  blow,  thinking  to  do  good,  to  find 
that  she  became  like  a  corpse,  and  even  the  joints  of  her  fingers 
became  so  stiff"  that  I  could  not  straighten  them  ;  indeed,  I  really 
thought  that  she  was  dead,  and  immediately  made  it  known  to  the 
people  in  the  house  that  she  had  fainted,  but  did  not  tell  them  the 
cause,  upon  which  they  immediately  brought  music,  which  I  had 
for  man}^  days  denied  them,  and  which  soon  revived  her ;  and  I 
then  left  the  house  to  her  relations  to  cure  her  at  my  expense,  in 
the  manner  I  have  before  mentioned,  though  it  took  a  much  long- 
er time  to  cure  my  wife  than  the  woman  I  have  just  given 
'  She  was  a  native  Greek. 


TIGEETIER.  127 

an  account  of.  One  day  I  went  privately,  with  a  companion,  to 
see  my  wife  dance,  and  kept  a  short  distance,  as  I  was  ashamed  to 
go  near  the  crowd.  On  looking  stedfastly  npon  her,  while 
dancing  or  jumping,  more  like  a  deer  than  a  human  being,  I  said 
that  it  certainly  was  not  my  wife  ;  at  which  my  companion  burst 
into  a  fit  of  laughter,  from  which  ho  could  scarcely  refrain  all  the 
way  home.  Men  are  sometimes  afflicted  with  this  dreadful  dis- 
order, but  not  frequently.  Among  the  Amhara  and  Galla  it  is 
not  so  common." 

Such  is  the  account  of  Pearce,  who  is  every  way  worthy  of 
credit,  and  whose  lively  description  renders  the  traditions  of  form- 
er times  respecting  the  St.  Yitus's  dance  and  tarantism  intelligible, 
even  to  those  who  are  sceptical  respecting  the  existence  of  a  mor- 
bid state  of  the  mind  and  body  of  the  kind  described,  because,  in 
the  present  advanced  state  of  civilization  among  the  nations  of 
Europe,  opportunities  for  its  development  no  longer  occur.  The 
credibility  of  this  energetic,  but  by  no  means  ambitious  man,  is  not 
liable  to  the  slightest  suspicion,  for,  owing  to  his  want  of  educa- 
tion, he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  phenomena  in  question,  and  his 
work  evinces  throughout  his  attractive  and  unpretending  im- 
partiality. 

Comparison  is  the  mother  of  observation,  and  may  here  eluci- 
date one  phenomenon  by  another — the  past  by  that  which  still 
exists.  Oppression,  insecurity,  and  the  influence  of  a  veiy  rude 
priestcraft,  are  the  powerful  causes  which  operated  on  the  Ger- 
mans and  Italians  of  the  middle  ages,  as  they  now  continue  to 
operate  on  the  Abyssinians  of  the  present  da3^  However  these 
people  may  differ  from  us  in  their  descent,  their  manners  and 
their  customs,  the  effects  of  the  above-mentioned  causes  are  the 
same  in  Africa  as  they  were  in  Europe,  for  they  operate  on  man 
himself  independently  of  the  particular  locality  in  which  he  may 
be  planted  ;  and  the  condition  of  the  Abyssinians  of  modern  times 
is,>in  regard  to  superstition,  a  mirror  of  the  condition,  of  the  Eu- 
ropean nations  in  the  middle  ages.  Should  this  appear  a  bold  as- 
sertion, it  will  be  strengthened  by  the  fact,  that  in  Abyssinia,  two 
examples  of  superstitions  occur,  which  are  completely  in  accord- 
ance with  occurrences  of  the  middle  ages  that  took  place  contem- 
porarily with  the  dancing  mania.  The  AhysHinians  Jiacc  their 
Christian  flagellants,  and  there  exists  among  them  a  belief  in  a 
Zoomorphisni,  tvhich  presents  a  lively  image  of  the  hjcanthroinj  of 
the  middle  ages.  Their  flagellants  arc  called  Zackarys.  They 
are  united  into  a  separate  Christian  fraternity,  and  make  their 


128  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

processions  through  the  towns  and  villages  with  groat  noise  and 
tumult,  scourging  themselves  till  they  draw  blood,  and  wounding 
themselves  with  knives.'  They  boast  that  they  are  descendants 
of  St.  George.  It  is  precisely  in  Tigre,  the  country  of  the  Abys- 
sinian dancing  mania,  where  they  are  found  in  the  greatest  num- 
bers, and  where  they  have,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Axum,  a 
church  of  their  own,  dedicated  to  their  patron  saint,  Oun  Arvel. 
Here  there  is  an  ever-burning  lamp,  and  they  contrive  to  impress 
a  belief  that  this  is  kept  alight  by  supernatural  means.  They 
also  here  keep  a  holy  water,  which  is  said  to  be  a  cure  for  those 
who  are  affected  by  the  dancing  mania. 

The  Abyssinian  Zoomorphism  is  a  no  less  important  phenome- 
non, and  shows  itself  in  a  manner  quite  peculiar.  The  black- 
smiths and  potters  form,  among  the  Abyssinians,  a  society  or  caste 
called  in  Tigre  Tchhih,  and  in  Amhara  Buda,  which  is  held  in 
some  degree  of  contempt,  and  excluded  from  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  because  it  is  believed  that  they  can  change  them- 
selves into  hyaenas  and  other  beasts  of  prey,  on  which  account  they 
are  feared  by  everybody,  and  regarded  with  horror.  They  art- 
fully contrive  to  keep  up  this  superstition,  because  by  this  separa- 
tion they  preserve  a  monopoly  of  their  lucrative  trades,  and  as  in 
other  respects  they  are  good  Christians  (but  few  Jews  or  Mahome- 
dans  live  among  them),  they  seem  to  attach  no  great  consequence 
to  their  excommunication.  As  a  badge  of  distinction,  they  wear 
a  golden  earring,  which  is  frequently  found  in  the  ears  of  hyaenas 
that  are  killed,  without  its  having  ever  been  discovered  how  they 
catch  these  animals,  so  as  to  decorate  them  with  this  strange  orna- 
ment, and  this  removes,  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  all  doubt  at 
to  the  supernatural  posvers  of  the  smiths  and  potters.^  To  the 
Budas  is  also  ascribed  the  gift  of  enchantment,  especially  that  of 
the  influence  of  the  evil  eye.^  They  nevertheless  live  unmolested, 
and  are  not  condemned  to  the  flames  by  fanatical  priests,  as  the 
lycanthropes  were  in  the  middle  ages. 

'  Pearce,  p.  289.     Compare  p.  34. — E.  G.   Forstemann,  Die  christlichen  Geissler- 
gesellschaften.     The  Christian  Societies  of  Flagellants.     Halle,  1828.  8vo. 

2  Idem,  loc.  cit. 

3  Among  the  ancient  Greeks  ^acrKriaig.      This  superstition  is  more  or  less  developed 
among  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  has  not  yet  entirely  disappeared  from  Europe. 


SYMPATHY.  129 

CHAPTER  lY. 

SYMPATHY, 

Imitation — compassion — sympathy,  these  are  imperfect  designa- 
tions for  a  common  bond  of  union  among  human  beings — for  an 
instinct  which  connects  individuals  with  the  general  body,  which 
embraces  with  equal  force,  reason  and  folly,  good  and  evil,  and 
diminishes  the  praise  of  virtue  as  well  as  the  criminality  of  vice. 
In  this  impulse  there  are  degrees,   but  no  essential  differences, 
from  the  first  intellectual  efforts  of  the  infant  mind,  which  are  in 
a  great  measure  based  on  imitation,  to  that  morbid  condition  of  the 
soul  in  which  the  sensible  impression  of  a  nervous  malady  fetters 
the  mind,  and  finds  its  way,  through  the  eye,  directly  to  the  dis- 
eased texture,  as  the  electric  shock  is  propagated  by  contact  from 
body  to  body.     To  this  instinct  of  imitation,  when  it  exists  in  its 
highest  degree,  is  united  a  loss  of  all  power  over  the  will,  which 
occurs  as  soon  as  the  impression  on  the  senses  has  become  firmly 
established,  producing  a  condition  like  that  of  small  animals  when 
they  are  fascinated  by  the  look  of  a  serpent.     By  this  mental 
bondage,  morbid  sympathy  is  clearly  and  definitely  distinguished 
from  all  subordinate  degrees  of  this  instinct,  however  closely  al- 
lied the  imitation  of  a  disorder  may  seem  to  be  to  that  of  a  mere 
folly,  of  an  absurd  fashion,  of  an  awkward  habit  in  speech  and 
manner,  or  even  of  a  confusion  of  ideas.     Even  these  latter  imita- 
tions, however,  directed  as  they  are  to  foolish  and  pernicious  ob- 
jects, place  the  self-independence  of  the  greater  portion  of  man- 
kind in  a  very  doubtful  light,  and  account  for  their  union  into  a 
social  whole.     Still  more  nearly  allied  to  morbid  sympathy  than 
the  imitation  of  enticing  foll}^,  although  often  with  a  considerable 
admixture  of  the  latter,  is  the  diffusion  of  violent  excitements,  espe- 
cially those  of  a  religious  or  political  character,  which  have   so 
powerfully  agitated  the  nations  of  ancient  and  modern  times,  and 
which  may,  after  an  incipient  compliance,'  pass  into  a  total  loss 
of  power  over  the  will,  and  an  actual  disease  of  the  mind.     Far 
be  it  from  us  to  attempt  to  awaken  all  the  various  tones  of  this 
chord,  whose  vibrations  reveal  the  profound  secrets  which  lie  hid 
in  the  inmost  recesses  of  the  soul.     We  might  well  want  powers 
adequate  to  so  vast  an  undertaking.     Our  business  here  is  only 
with  that  morbid  sympathy,  by  the  aid  of  which  the  dancing 
mania  of  the  middle  ages  grew  into  a  real  epidemic.     In  order  to 

'  Paracelsus. 
9 


130  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

make  this  apparent  by  comparison,  it  may  not  be  out  of  place,  at 
the  close  of  this  inquiry,  to  introduce  a  few  striking  examples  : — 
1.  "At  a  cotton  manufactory  at  Hodden  Bridge,  in  Lancashire, 
a  girl,  on  the  fifteenth  of  February,  1T8T,  put  a  mouse  into  the 
bosom  of  another  girl,  who  had  a  great  dread  of  mice.  The  girl 
was  immediately  thrown  into  a  fit,  and  continued  in  it,  with  the 
most  violent  convulsions,  for  twenty-four  hours.  On  the  follow- 
ing day,  three  more  girls  were  seized  in  the  same  manner;  and 
on  the  17th,  six  more.  By  this  time  the  alarm  was  so  great,  that 
the  -whole  work,  in  which  200  or  300  were  employed,  was  totally 
stopped,  and  an  idea  prevailed  that  a  particular  disease  had  been 
introduced  by  a  bag  of  cotton  opened  in  the  house.  On  Sunday 
the  18th,  Dr.  St.  Clare  was  sent  for  from  Preston ;  before  he 
arrived  three  more  were  seized,  and  during  that  night  and  the 
morning  of  the  19th,  eleven  more,  making  in  all  twenty-four. 
Of  these,  twenty-one  were  young  women,  two  Avere  girls  of  about 
ten  years  of  age,  and  one  man,  who  had  been  much  fatigued  with 
holding  the  girls.  Three  of  the  number  lived  about  two  miles 
from  the  place  where  the  disorder  first  broke  out,  and  three  at 
another  factory  at  Clitheroe,  about  five  miles  distant,  which  last 
and  two  more  were  infected  entirely  from  report,  not  having  seen 
the  other  patients,  but,  like  them  and  the  rest  of  the  country, 
strongly  impressed  with  the  idea  of  the  plague  being  caught  from 
the  cotton.  The  symptoms  were  anxiety,  strangulation,  and  very 
strong  convulsions ;  and  these  were  so  violent  as  to  last  without 
any  intermission  from  a  quarter  of  an  hour  to  twenty-four  hours, 
and  to  require  four  or  five  persons  to  prevent  the  patients  from 
tearing  their  hair  and  dashing  their  heads  against"  the  floor  or 
walls.  Dr.  St.  Clare  had  taken  with  him  a  portable  electrical 
machine,  and  by  electric  shocks  the  patients  were  universally  re- 
lieved without  exception.  As  soon  as  the  patients  and  the 
country  were  assured  that  the  complaint  was  merely  nervous, 
easily  cured,  and  not  introduced  by  the  cotton,  no  fresh  person 
was  affected.  To  dissipate  their  apprehension  still  further,  the 
best  effects  were  obtained  by  causing  them  to  take  a  cheerful  glass 
and  join  in  a  dance.  On  Tuesday  the  20th,  they  danced,  and 
the  next  day  were  all  at  work,  except  two  or  three,  who  were 
much  weakened  by  their  fits."^ 

'  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1787,  March,  p.  26S.—F.  B.  Osiander,  Ueber  die  Ent- 
wickelungskrankhcitcn  in  den  Bliitlicnjahren  des  weiblichcn  Geschlcchts.  On  the  dis- 
orders of  young  women,  &c.     Tubingen,  1820,  Vol.  I.  p.  10. 


SYMPATHY.  131 

The  occurrence  here  described  is  remarkable  on  this  account, 
that  there  was  no  important  predisposing  cause  for  convulsions  in 
these  young  women,  unless  we  consider  as  such  their  miserable 
and  confined  life  in  the  work-rooms  of  a  spinning  manufactory. 
It  did  not  arise  from  enthusiasm,  nor  is  it  stated  that  the  patients 
had  been  the  subjects  of  any  other  nervous  disorders.  In  another 
perfectly  analogous  case,  those  attacked  were  all  suifering  from 
nervous  complaints,  which  roused  a  morbid  sympathy  in  them  at 
the  sight  of  a  person  seized  with  convulsions.  This,  together 
with  the  supervention  of  hysterical  fits,  may  aptly  enough  be 
compared  to  Tarantism. 

2.  "A  yoimg  woman  of  the  lowest  order,  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  and  of  a  strong  frame,  came  on  the  13th  of  January,  1801,  to 
visit  a  patient  in  the  Charite  hospital  at  Berlin,  where  she  had 
herself  been  previously  under  treatment  for  an  inflammation  of  the 
chest  with  tetanic  spasms,  and  immediately  on  entering  the  ward, 
fell  down  in  strong  convulsions.  At  the  sight  of  her  violent  con- 
tortions, six  other  female  patients  immediately  became  affected  in 
the  same  way,  and  by  degrees  eight  more  were  in  like  manner 
attacked  with  strong  convulsions.  All  these  patients  were  from 
sixteen  to  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  suffered  without  excep- 
tion, one  from  spasms  in  the  stomach,  another  from  palsy,  a  third 
from  lethargy,  a  fourth  from  fits  with  consciousness,  a  fifth  from 
catalepsy,  a  sixth  from  syncope,  &c.  The  convulsions,  which 
alternated  in  various  ways  with  tonic  spasms,  were  accompanied 
by  loss  of  sensibility,  and  were  invariably  preceded  b}^  languor 
with  heavy  sleep,  which  was  followed  by  the  fits  in  the  course  of 
a  minute  or  two ;  and  it  is  remarkable,  that  in  all  these  patients 
their  former  nervous  disorders,  not  excepting  paralysis,  disappear- 
ed, returning,  however,  after  the  subsequent  removal  of  their  new 
complaint.  The  treatment,  during  the  course  of  which  two  of  the 
nurses,  who  were  young  women,  suffered  similar  attacks,  was 
continued  for  four  months.  It  was  finally  successful,  and  con- 
sisted principally  in  the  administration  of  opium,  at  that  time  the 
favourite  remedy."  ' 

Now,  every  species  of  enthusiasm,  every  strong  affection,  every 
violent  passion,  may  lead  to  convulsions — to  mental  disorders — 
to  a  concussion  of  the  nerves,  from  the  sensorium  to  the  very 
finest  extremities  of  the  spinal  chord.     The  whole  world  is  full  of 

'  This  account  is  given  by  Fritze.  Hufeland's  Journal  dcr  practischcn  Heilkunde, 
Vol.  XII.  1801.     Part  I.  p.  110.     Hufeland's  Journal  of  Practical  Medicine. 

9  * 


132  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

examples  of  this  afflicting  state  of  turmoil,  which,  when  the  mind 
is  carried  away  by  the  force  of  a  sensual  impression  that  destroys 
its  freedom,  is  irresistibly  propagated  by  imitation.  Those  who 
are  thus  infected  do  not  spare  even  their  own  lives,  but,  as  a 
hunted  flock  of  sheep  will  follow  their  leader  and  rush  over  a 
precipice,  so  will  whole  hosts  of  enthusiasts,  deluded  by  their  in- 
fatuation, hurry  on  to  a  self-inflicted  death.  Such  has  ever  been 
the  case,  from  the  days  of  the  Milesian  virgins  to  the  modern 
associations  for  self-destruction.'  Of  all  enthusiastic  infatuations, 
however,  that  of  religion  is  the  most  fertile  in  disorders  of  the 
mind  as  well  as  of  the  body,  and  both  spread  with  the  greatest 
facilit}'  by  sympathy.  The  history  of  the  church  furnishes  in- 
numerable proofs  of  this,  but  we  need  go  no  further  than  the 
most  recent  times. 

3.  In  a  Methodist  chapel  at  Redruth,  a  man,  during  divine  ser- 
vice, cried  out  with  a  loud  voice,  "What  shall  I  do  to  be  saved  ?" 
at  the  same  time  manifesting  the  greatest  uneasiness  and  solicitude 
respecting  the  condition  of  his  soul.  Some  other  members  of  the 
congregation,  following  his  example,  cried  out  in  the  same  form 
of  words,  and  seemed  shortly  after  to  suffer  the  most  excruciating 
bodily  pain.  This  strange  occurrence  was  soon  publicly  known, 
and  hundreds  of  people,  who  had  come  thither,  either  attracted  by 
curiosity,  or  a  desire,  fi'ora  other  motives,  to  see  the  sufferers,  fell 
into  the  same  state.  The  chapel  remained  open  for  some  days 
and  nights,  and  from  that  point  the  new  disorder  spread 
itself,  with  the  rapidity  of  lightning,  over  the  neighbouring 
towns  of  Camborne,  Helston,  Truro,  Penryn,  and  Falmouth,  as 
well  as  over  the  villages  in  the  vicinity.  Whilst  thus  advancing, 
it  decreased  in  some  measure  at  the  place  Avhere  it  had  first  ap- 
peared, and  it  confined  itself  throughout  to  the  Methodist  chapels. 
It  was  only  by  the  words  which  have  been  mentioned  that  it  was 
excited,  and  it  seized  none  but  people  of  the  lowest  education. 
Those  who  were  attacked  betrayed  the  greatest  anguish,  and  fell 
into  convulsions  ;  others  cried  out,  like  persons  possessed,  that  the 
Almighty  would  straightway  pour  out  his  wrath  upon  them,  that 
the  wailings  of  tormented  spirits  rang  in  their  ears,  and  that  they 
saw  hell  open  to  receive  them.  The  clerg}^  when,  in  the  course  of 
their   sermons,   they   perceived   that   persons   w^ere  thus   seized, 

1  Compare  J.  G.  Zimmermann,  Ueber  die  Einsamkcit.  Lcipsig,  1784.  8vo.  Vol.  II. 
ch.  6.  p.  77.  On  Solitude.— J.  P.  Falret,  De  I'hypochondric  et  du  suicide.  Paris,  1822. 
8vo.,  and  others. 


SYMPATHY.  133 

earnestly  exhorted  them  to  confess  their  sins,  and  zealouslj'  en- 
deavoured to  convince  them  that  they  were  by  nature  enemies  to 
Christ ;  that  the  anger  of  God  had  therefore  fallen  upon  thera  ; 
and  that  if  death  should  surprise  them  in  the  midst  of  their  sins, 
the  eternal  torments  of  hell  would  be  their  portion.  The  over- 
excited congregation  upon  this  repeated  their  words,  which 
naturally  must  have  increased  the  fury  of  their  convulsive  attacks. 
When  the  discourse  had  produced  its  full  effect,  the  preacher 
changed  his  subject ;  reminded  those  who  were  suffering  of  the 
power  of  the  Saviour,  as  well  as  of  the  grace  of  God,  and  repre- 
sented to  them  in  glowing  colours  the  joys  of  heaven.  Upon  this 
a  remarkable  reaction  sooner  or  later  took  place.  Those  who  were 
in  convulsions  felt  themselves  raised  from  the  lowest  depths  of 
misery  and  despair  to  the  most  exalted  bliss,  and  triumphantly 
shouted  out  that  their  bonds  were  loosed,  their  sins  were  forgiven, 
and  that  they  were  translated  to  the  wonderful  freedom  of  the 
children  of  God.  In  the  mean  time,  their  convulsions  continued, 
and  they  remained,  during  this  condition,  so  abstracted  from  every 
earthly  thought,  that  they  staid  two  and  sometimes  three  days 
and  nights  together  in  the  chapels,  agitated  all  the  time  by  spas- 
modic movements,  and  taking  neither  repose  nor  nourishment. 
According  to  a  moderate  computation,  4000  people  were,  within  a 
very  short  time,  affected  with  this  convulsive  malady. 

The  course  and  symptoms  of  the  attacks  were  in  general  as 
follows  : — There  came  on  at  first  a  feeling  of  faintness,  with 
rigour  and  a  sense  of  weight  at  the  pit  of  the  stomach,  soon  after 
which,  the  patient  cried  out,  as  if  in  the  agonies  of  death  or  the 
pains  of  labour.  The  convulsions  then  began,  first  showing  them- 
selves in  the  muscles  of  the  eyelids,  though  the  eyes  themselves 
were  fixed  and  staring.  The  most  frightful  contortions  of  the 
countenance  followed,  and  the  convulsions  now  took  their  course 
downwards,  so  that  the  muscles  of  the  neck  and  trunk  were  affect- 
ed, causing  a  sobbing  respiration,  which  was  performed  with  great 
effort.  Tremors  and  agitation  ensued,  and  the  patients  scream- 
ed out  violently,  and  tossed  their  heads  about  from  side  to  side. 
As  the  complaint  increased,  it  seized  the  arms,  and  its  victims 
beat  their  breasts,  clasped  their  hands,  and  made  all  sorts  of 
strange  gestures.  The  observer  who  gives  this  account  remarked 
that  the  lower  extremities  were  in  no  instance  affected.  In  some 
cases,  exhaustion  came  on  in  a  very  few  minutes,  but  the  attack 
usually  lasted  much  longer,  and  there  were  even  cases  in  which  it 
was  known  to  continue  for  sixty  or  seventy  hours.    Many  of  those 


llj-l:  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

who  happened  to  be  seated  when  the  attack  commenced,  bent  their 
bodies  rapidly  backwards  and  forwards  during  its  continuance, 
making  a  corresponding  motion  with  their  arms,  like  persons  sawing 
wood.  Others  shouted  aloud,  leaped  about,  and  threw  their  bodies 
into  every  possible  posture,  until  they  had  exhausted  their  strength. 
Yawning  took  place  at  the  commencement  in  all  cases,  but  as  the 
violence  of  the  disorder  increased,  the  circulation  and  respiration 
became  accelerated,  so  that  the  countenance  assumed  a  swollen  and 
puffed  appearance.  When  exhaustion  came  on,  patients  usually 
fainted,  and  remained  in  a  stiff  and  motionless  state  until  their  re- 
covery. The  disorder  completely  resembled  the  St.  Vitus's  dance, 
but  the  fits  sometimes  went  on  to  an  extraordinarily  violent  ex- 
tent, so  that  the  author  of  the  account  once  saw  a  woman,  who 
was  seized  with  these  convulsions,  resist  the  endeavours  of  four 
or  five  strong  men  to  restrain  her.  Those  patients  who  did  not 
lose  their  consciousness  were  in  general  made  more  furious  by 
every  attempt  to  quiet  them  by  force,  on  which  account  they 
were  in  general  suffered  to  continue  unmolested  until  nature 
herself  brought  on  exhaustion.  Those  affected  complained,  more 
or  less,  of  debility  after  the  attacks,  and  cases  sometimes  occurred 
in  which  they  passed  into  other  disorders  :  thus  some  fell  into  a 
state  of  melancholy,  which,  however,  in  consequence  of  their  re- 
ligious ecstacy,  was  distinguished  by  the  absence  of  fear  and 
despair ;  and  in  one  patient  inflammation  of  the  brain  is  said  to 
have  taken  place.  No  sex  or  age  was  exempt  from  this  epidemic 
malady.  Children  five  years  old  and  octogenarians  were  alike 
affected  by  it,  and  even  men  of  the  most  powerful  frame  were 
subject  to  its  influence.  Girls  and  young  women,  however,  were 
its  most  frequent  victims.^ 

4.  For  the  last  hundred  years  a  nervous  affection  of  a  perfectly 
similar  kind  has  existed  in  the  Shetland  Islands,  which  furnishes 
a  striking  example,  perhaps  the  only  one  now  existing,  of  the 
very  lasting  propagation  by  sympathy  of  this  species  of  disorders. 
The  origin  of  the  malady  was  very  insignificant.  An  epileptic 
woman  had  a  fit  in  church,  and  whether  it  was  that  the  minds  of 
the  congregation  were  excited  by  devotion,  or  that,  being  over- 
come at  the  sight  of  the  strong  convulsions,  their  sympathy  was 
called  forth,  certain  it  is,  that  many  adult  women,  and  even 
children,  some  of  whom  were  of  the  male  sex,  and  not  more  than 

1  Tliii  statement  is  made  by  J.  Cornish.  See  Fothergill  and  Want's  Medical  and 
Physical  Journal,  vol.  xxxi.  1814.  pp.  373—379. 


SYMPATHY.  135 

six  years  old,  began  to  complain  forthwith  of  palpitation,  follow- 
ed by  faintness,  which  passed  into  a  motionless  and  apparently 
cataleptic  condition.     These  symptoms  lasted  more  than  an  hour, 
and  probably  recurred  frequently.    In  the  course  of  time,  however, 
this  malady  is  said   to  have  undergone  a  modification,  such  as  it 
exhibits  at  the  present  day.     "Women  whom  it  has  attacked  will 
suddenly  fall  down,  toss  their  arms  about,  writhe  their  bodies  into 
various  shapes,   move  their  heads  suddenly  from  side  to  side,  and 
with   eyes  fixed   and  staring,   utter  the  most  dismal   cries.       If 
the  fit  happen  on  any  occasion  of  public  diversion,  they  will,  as 
soon  as  it  has  ceased,  mix  with  their  companions,  and  continue 
their  amusement  as  if  nothing  had  happened.    Paroxysms  of  this 
kind  used  to  prevail  most  during  the  warm  months  of  summer, 
and  about  fifty  years  ago  there  was  scarcely  a  Sabbath  in  which 
they  did   not  occur.     Strong  passions  of  the  mind,  induced  by 
religious  enthusiasm,  are  also  exciting  causes  of  these  fits,  but  like 
all  such  false  tokens  of  divine  workings,  they  are  easily  encounter- 
ed by  producing  in  the  patient  a  different  frame  of  mind,  and 
especially  by  exciting  a  sense  of  shame :  thus  those  affected  are 
under  the  control  of  any  sensible  preacher,  who  knows  how  to 
"  administer  to  a  mind  diseased,"  and  to  expose  the  folly  of  volun- 
tarily yielding  to  a  sympathy  so  easily  resisted,  or  of  inviting 
such  attacks  by  affectation.     An  intelligent  and  pious  minister  of 
Shetland  informed   the  physician,  who  gives  an  account  of  this 
disorder  as  an  eye-witness,  that  being  considerably  annoyed,  on 
his  first  introduction  into  the  country,  by  these  paroxysms,  where- 
by the  devotions  of  the  church  were  much  impeded,  he  obviated 
their  repetition  by  assuring  his  parishioners,  that  no   treatment 
was  more  effectual  than  immersion  in  cold  water  :  and  as  his  kirk 
was  fortunately  contiguous  to  a  fresh-water  lake,  he  gave  notice 
that  attendants  should  be  at  hand,  during  divine  service,  to  ensure 
the  proper  means  of  cure.      The  sequel  need  scarcely  be  told. 
The  fear  of  being  carried  out  of  the  church,  and  into  the  water, 
acted  like  a  charm ;  not  a  single  Naiad  was  made,  and  the  worthy 
minister,   for  many  years,  had  reason  to  boast  of  one  of  the  best- 
regulated  congregations  in   Shetland.      As -the  physician  above 
alluded  to  was  attending  divine  service  in  the  kirk  of  Baliasta,  on 
the  Isle  of  Unst,  a  female   shriek,  the  indication  of  a  convulsion 
fit,  was  heard ;  the  minister,  Mr.  Ingram,  of  Fetlar,  very  proper- 
ly stopped  his  discourse,  until  the  disturber  was  removed ;  and, 
after  advising  all  those  who  thought  they  might  be  similarly 
affected,  to  leave  the  church,  he  gave  out,  in  the  mean  time,  a 


l;36  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

psalm.  The  congregation  was  thus  preserved  from  further  in- 
terruption ;  yet  the  effect  of  sympathy  was  not  prevented,  for  as 
the  narrator  of  the  account  was  leaving  the  church,  he  saw 
several  females  writhing  and  tossing  about  their  arms  on  the 
green  grass,  who  durst  not,  for  fear  of  a  censure  from  the  pidpit, 
exhibit  themselves  after  this  manner  within  the  sacred  walls  of 
the  kirk.' 

In  the  production  of  this  disorder,  which  no  doubt  still  exists, 
fanaticism  certainly  had  a  smaller  share  than  the  irritable  state  of 
women  out  of  health,  who  only  needed  excitement,  no  matter  of 
what  kind,  to  throw  them  into  the  prevailing  nervous  paroxysms. 
When,  however,  that  powerful  cause  of  nervous  disorders  takes 
the  lead,  we  find  far  more  remai'kable  symptoms  developed,  and 
it  then  depends  on  the  mental  condition  of  the  people  among 
whom  they  appear,  whether,  in  their  spread,  they  shall  take  a 
narrow  or  an  extended  range — whether,  confined  to  some  small 
knot  of  zealots,  they  are  to  vanish  without  a  trace,  or  whether 
they  are  to  attain  even  historical  importance. 

5.  The  appearance  of  the  Convulsionnaires  in  France,  whose 
inhabitants,  from  the  greater  mobility  of  their  blood,  have  in 
general  been  the  less  liable  to  fanaticism,  is,  in  this  respect,  in- 
structive and  worthy  of  attention.  In  the  year  1727  there  died, 
in  the  capital  of  that  country,  the  Deacon  Paris,  a  zealous  opposer 
of  the  Ultramontanists,  division  having  arisen  in  the  French 
church  on  account  of  the  bull  "  Unigenitus,"  People  made  fre- 
quent visits  to  his  tomb,  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  INIedard,  and  four 
years  afterwards  (in  September,  1731),  a  rumour  was  spread,  that 
miracles  took  place  there.  Patients  were  seized  with  convulsions 
and  tetanic  spasms,  rolled  upon  the  ground  like  persons  possessed, 
were  thrown  into  violent  contortions  of  their  heads  and  limbs,  and 
sufiered  the  greatest  oppression,  accompanied  by  quickness  and 
irregularity  of  piilse.  This  novel  occurrence  excited  the  greatest 
sensation  all  over  Paris,  and  an  immense  concourse  of  people  re- 
sorted daily  to  the  above-named  cemetery,  in  order  to  see  so 
wonderful  a  spectacle,  which  the  Ultramontanists  immediately  in- 
terpreted as  a  work  of  Satan,  while  their  opponents  ascribed  it  to 
a  divine  influence.  The  disorder  soon  increased,  until  it  produced, 
in  nervous  women,  clairvoyance  [Schlafwachen),  a  phenomenon 
till  then  unknown ;  for  one  female  especially  attracted  attention, 

*  Samuel  Ilibbert,  Description  of  the  Shetland  Islands,  comprising  an  account  of 
thfir  geology,  scenery,  antiquities,  and  superstitions.      Edinburgh,   1822.  4to.  p.  399. 


SYMPATHY.  137 

who  blindfold,  and,  as  it  was  believed,  by  means  of  the  sense  of 
smell,  read  every  writing  that  was  placed  before  her,  and  distin- 
guished the  characters  of  unknown  persons.  The  very  earth 
taken  from  the  grave  of  the  Deacon  was  soon  thought  to  possess 
miraculous  power.  It  was  sent  to  numerous  sick  persons  at  a  dis- 
tance, whereby  they  were  said  to  have  been  cured,  and  thus  this 
nervous  disorder  spread  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  capital,  so 
that  at  one  time  it  was  coTnputed  that  there  were  more  than  eight 
hundred  decided  Convulsionnaires,  who  would  hardly  have  in- 
creased so  much  in  numbers,  had  not  Louis  XV.  directed  that  the 
cemetery  should  be  closed.'  The  disorder  itself  assumed  various 
forms,  and  augmented,  by  its  attacks,  the  general  excitement. 
Many  persons,  besides  suffering  from  the  convulsions,  became  the 
subjects  of  violent  pain,  which  required  the  assistance  of  their 
brethren  of  the  faith.  On  this  account  they,  as  well  as  those  who 
afforded  them  aid,  were  called  by  the  common  title  of  Secourists, 
The  modes  of  relief  adopted  were  remarkably  in  accordance  with 
those  which  were  administered  to  the  St.  John's  dancers  and  the 
Tarantati,  and  they  were  in  general  very  rough  ;  for  the  sufferers 
were  beaten  and  goaded  in  various  parts  of  the  body  with  stones, 
hammers,  swords,  clubs,  &c.,  of  which  treatment  the  defenders  of 
this  extraordinary  sect  relate  the  most  astonishing  examples,  in 
proof  that  severe  pain  is  imperatively  demanded  by  nature  in  this 
disorder,  as  an  effectual  counter-irritant.  The  Secourists  used 
wooden  clubs,  in  the  same  manner  as  paviours  use  their  mallets, 
and  it  is  stated  that  some  Convulsionnaires  have  borne  daily  from 
six  to  eight  thousand  blows,  thus  inflicted,  without  danger.'^  One 
Secourist  administered  to  a  young  woman,  who  was  suffering  un- 
der spasm  of  the  stomach,  the  most  violent  blows  on  that  part,  not 
to  mention  other  similar  cases,  which  occurred  everywhere  in 
great  numbers.  Sometimes  the  patients  bounded  from  the  ground, 
impelled  by  the  convulsions,  like  fish  when  out  of  water ;  and  this 
was  so  frequently  imitated  at  a  later  period,  that  the  women  and 
girls,  when  they  expected  such  violent  contortions,  not  wishing  to 

*  About  this  time  the  following  couplet  was  circulated  : — 

"  De  par  Ic  Roi,  defense  a  Dieu 

De  faire  miracle  dans  ce  lieu." 

2  This  kind  of  assistance  was  called  the  "  Grands  Sccours."  Boursier,  Memoire 
Theologique  sur  ce  qu'on  appello  les  Sccours  nolens  dans  les  Convulsions.  Paris, 
1788.  12rno.  Many  Convulsionnaires  were  seized  with  illness  in  consequence  of  this 
singularly  erroneous  mode  of  cure.  A  Dominican  friar  died  from  the  cfTects  of  it — 
though  accidents  of  this  kind  were  kept  carefully  concealed.  See  lienmdt  (parish 
priest  at  Vaux,  near  Auxcrre;  obiit,  1796),  Le  Secourisme  dctruit  dans  ses  fondemens, 
1759,  12mo.,  and  Le  Mysterc  d'Iniquite,  1788.  8vo. 


138  THE   DANCING   MANIA. 

appear  indecent,  put  on  gowns,  made  like  sacks,  closed  at  tlie  feet. 
If  they  received  any  bruises  by  falling  down,  they  were  healed 
with  earth  from  the  grave  "of  the  uncanonized  saint.  They  usu- 
ally, however,  showed  great  agility  in  this  respect,  and  it  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  remark  that  the  female  sex  especially  was  distinguish- 
ed by  all  kinds  of  leaping,  and  almost  inconceivable  contortions 
of  body.  Some  spun  round  on  their  feet  with  incredible  rapidity, 
as  is  related  of  the  dervishes  ;  others  ran  their  heads  against  walls, 
or  curved  their  bodies  like  rope-dancers,  so  that  their  heels  touch- 
ed their  shoulders. 

All  this  degenerated  at  length  into  decided  insanity.  A  certain 
Convulsionnaire,  at  Vernon,  who  had  formerly  led  rather  a  loose 
course  of  life,  employed  herself  in  confessing  the  other  sex ;  in 
other  places  women  of  this  sect  were  seen  imposing  exercises  of 
penance  on  priests,  during  which  these  were  compelled  to  kneel 
before  them.  Others  plaj^ed  with  children's  rattles,  or  drew 
about  small  carts,  and  gave  to  these  childish  acts  symbolical  signi- 
fications.^ One  Convulsionnaire  even  made  believe  to  shave  her 
chin,  and  gave  religious  instruction  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to 
imitate  Paris,  the  worker  of  miracles,  who  during  this  operation, 
and  whilst  at  table,  was  in  the  habit  of  preaching.  Some  had  a 
board  placed  across  their  bodies,  upon  which  a  whole  row  of  men 
stood  ;  and  as,  in  this  unnatural  state  of  mind,  a  kind  of  pleasure 
is  derived  from  excruciating  pain,  some  too  were  seen  who  caused 
their  bosoms  to  be  pinched  with  tongs,  while  others,  with  gowns 
closed  at  the  feet,  stood  upon  their  heads,  and  remained  in  that 
position  longer  than  would  have  been  possible  had  they  been  in 
health.  Pinault,  the  advocate,  who  belonged  to  this  sect,  barked 
like  a  dog  some  hours  every  day,  and  even  this  found  imitation 
among  the  believers. 

The  insanity  of  the  Convulsionnaires  lasted,  without  interrup- 
tion, until  the  year  1790,  and,  during  these  fifty-nine  years,  call- 
ed forth  more  lamentable  phenomena  than  the  enliglitened  spirits 
of  the  eighteenth  century  would  be  willing  to  allow.  The  gross- 
est immorality  found,  in  the  secret  meetings  of  the  believers,  a 
sure  sanctuary,  and,  in  their  bewildering  devotional  exercises,  a 
convenient  cloak.  It  was  of  no  avail  that,  in  the  year  1762,  the 
Grands  Secours  was  forbidden  by  act  of  parliament ;  for  thence- 

'  Arouet,  the  fothor  of  Voltaire,  visited,  in  Nantes,  a  celebrated  Convulsionnaire, 
Gahrielle  Mollet,  whom  he  found  occupied  in  pulling  the  bells  off  a  child's  coral,  to  de- 
signate the  rejection  of  the  unbelievers.  Sometimes  she  jumped  into  the  water,  and 
barked  like  a  dog.     Slie  died  in  1748. 


SYMPATHY.  139 

forth  this  work  was  carried  on  in  secrecy,  and  with  greater  zeal 
than  ever  ;  it  was  in  vain,  too,  that  some  physicians,  and,  among 
the  rest,  the  austere,  pious  Hecquet,^  and  after  him  Lorry,^  at- 
tributed the  conduct  of  the  Convulsionnaires  to  natural  causes. 
Men  of  distinction  among  the  upper  classes,  as,  for  instance, 
Montgeron  the  deputy,  and  Lambert  an  ecclesiastic  (obt.  1813), 
stood  forth  as  the  defenders  of  this  sect ;  and  the  numerous  writ- 
ings^ which  were  exchanged  on  the  subject,  served,  by  the  im- 
portance which  they  thus  attached  to  it,  to  give  it  stability.  The 
revolution,  finally,  shook  the  structure  of  this  pernicious  mysticism. 
It  was  not,  however,  destroyed ;  for,  even  during  the  period  of 
the  greatest  excitement,  the  secret  meetings  were  still  kept  up ; 
prophetic  books,  by  Convulsionnaires  of  various  denominations, 
have  appeared  even  in  the  most  recent  times,  and  only  a  few  years 
ago  (in  1828)  this  once  celebrated  sect  still  existed,  although  with- 
out the  convulsions  and  the  extraordinarily  rude  aid  of  the  bre- 
thren of  the  faith,  which,  amidst  the  boasted  pre-eminence  of 
French  intellectual  advancement,  remind  us  most  forcibly  of  the 
dark  ages  of  the  St.  John's  dancers.^ 

6.  Similar  fanatical  sects  exhibit  among  all  nations  ^  of  ancient 
and  modern  times  the  same  phenomena.    An  overstrained  bigotry 

'  J.  Phil.  Hecqtiet  (obiit  1737).  Le  Naturalisme  des  Convulsions.  Soleure, 
1733.  8vo. 

3  De  Melancholia  et  Morbis  Melancholicis.     Paris,  1765.     2  vols.  8vo. 

3  Especially  from  1784  to  1788. 

■*  See  Gregoire,  Histoirc  des  Scctes  Eeligieuscs,  tome  ii.  ch.  13.  p.  127.  Paris, 
1828.  8vo.  The  following  words  of  this  meritorious  author,  on  the  mental  state  of  his 
countrymen,  are  very  well  worthy  of  attention.  "L'csprit  public  est  dans  un  etat  de 
fluctuation  perseverante :  des  umes  Jletries  par  V ego'isme  n'ont  que  le  caractere  de  la 
servitude ;  I'education  viciee  ne  forme  guere  que  des  etres  degrades ;  la  religion  est 
meconnue  ou  mal  enseignee  ;  la  nation  prcsente  des  symptumcs  alannans  de  sa  decrejn- 
tude,  et  presage  des  malheurs  dont  on  ne  pcut  calculer  reteudue  ni  la  duroe."     P.  161. 

5  "  I  had  occasion  to  witness  at  Cairo  another  species  of  religious  fanaticism.  I 
heard  one  day,  at  a  short  distance  from  my  residence,  for  several  hours  together, 
singing,  or  more  properly  crying,  so  uniform  and  fatiguing,  that  I  inquired  the  cause 
of  this  singularity.  I  was  told  that  it  was  some  dervise  or  monk,  who  repeated,  while 
dancing  on  his  heels,  the  name  of  Allah,  till,  completely  exhausted,  lie  sank  down 
insensible.  These  unhappy  visionaries,  in  fact,  often  expire  at  the  end  of  this  holy  dance; 
and  the  cries  of  the  one  whom  I  heard,  liaving  commenced  in  the  afternoon,  and  con- 
tinued during  the  whole  of  the  night,  and  part  of  the  following  morning,  I  doubt  not 
that  his  pious  enthusiasm  cost  him  his  life."—  Recollections  of  Egypt,  by  the  Baroness 
Von  Minutoli.     London,  1827. 

In  Arabia  the  same  fanatical  zeal  exists,  as  we  find  from  the  following  passage  of 
an  anonymous  history  of  the  Wahabis,  published  in  Paris,  in  1810  :  "La  priere  la  plus 
meritoire  consiste  a  crier  le  nom  de  Dieu,  pendant  des  heures  entieres,  et  le  plus  saint 
est  cclui  qui  rcpete  ce  nom  le  plus  long  temps  et  le  plus  vite.  Eien  de  plus  curieui 
que  le  spectacle  des  Schekhs,  qui,  dans  les  fetes  publiqucs,  s'essayent  a  I'envi,  ct  hurlent 
le  nom  d'Allah  d'une  maniere  effrayante.     La  plupart  enroues  sont  forces  de  se  tairc, 


140  THE    DANCING   MANIA. 

is,  in  itself,  and  considered  in  a  medical  point  of  view,  a  destruc- 
tive irritation  of  the  senses,  which  draws  men  away  from  the  effi- 
ciency of  mental  freedom,  and  peculiarly  favours  the  most  injuri- 
ous emotions.  Sensual  ebullitions,  with  strong  convulsions  of  the 
nerves,  appear  sooner  or  later,'  and  insanity,  suicidal  disgust  of 
life,  and  incurable  nervous  disorders,^  are  but  too  frequently  the 
consequences  of  a  perverse,  and,  indeed,  hypocritical  zeal,  which 
has  ever  prevailed,  as  well  in  the  assemblies  of  the  Maenades  and 
Corybantes  of  antiquity,  as  under  the  semblance  of  religion  among 
the  Christians  and  Mahomedans. 

There  are  some  denominations  of  English  INIethodists  which  sur- 
pass, if  possible,  the  French  Convulsionnaires  ;  and  we  may  here 
mention,  in  particular,  the  Jumpers,  among  whom  it  is  still  more 
difficult,  than  in  the  example  given  above,  to  draw  the  line  be- 
tween religious  ecstacy  and  a  perfect  disorder  of  the  nerves ; 
sympathy,  however,  operates  perhaps  more  perniciously  on  them 
than  on  other  fanatical  assemblies.  The  sect  of  Jumpers  was 
founded  in  the  year  17G0,  in  the  county  of  Cornwall,  by  two 
fanatics/  who  were,  even  at  that  time,  able  to  collect  together  a 
considerable  party.  Their  general  doctrine  is  that  of  the  Method- 
ists, and  claims  our  consideration  here,  only  in  so  far  as  it  en- 
joins them,  during  their  devotional  exercises,  to  fall  into  convul- 
sions, which  they  are  able  to  effect  in  the  strangest  manner 
imaginable.  By  the  use  of  certain  unmeaning  words,  they  work 
themselves  up  into  a  state  of  religious  frenzy,  in  which  they  seem 
to  have  scarcely  any  control  over  their  senses.  They  then  begin 
to  jump  with  strange  gestures,  repeating  this  exercise  with  all 
their  might,  until  they  are  exhausted,  so  that  it  not  unfrequently 
happens  that  women,  who,  like  the  Mccnades,  practise  these  reli- 
gious exercises,  are  carried  away  from  the  midst  of  them  in  a  state 
of  syncope,  whilst  the  remaining  members  of  the  congregations,  for 
miles  together,  on  their  way  home,  terrify  those  whom  they  meet  by 

et  abandomient  la  palme  au  saint  a  forte  poitrine,  qui,  pour  jouir  de  sa  victoiro,  s'efforce 
et  jette  encore  quelque  oris  dcvant  ses  rivaux  reduits  au  silence.  Epuise  de  fatigue, 
baigne  de  sueur,  il  tombe  enfin  au  milieu  du  peuple  dovot,  qui  s'empresse  a  le  relever  et 
le  porto  en  triomphe.  Les  principalcs  mosquees  retentissent,  tons  les  Yendredis,  des 
oris  dictes  par  cette  singuliere  emulation.  Le  Schekb,  que  ses  poumons  ont  sanctifie, 
conserve  son  odeur  de  saintete  par  des  extaseset  dcs  transports,  souvent  dangcreux  pour 
les  Chretiens  que  le  hazard  en  rend  temoins  malgro  eux." — Transl.  note. 
'   For  examples  see  Osia7ider,  Entwickeluugskrankheiten.     Loc.  cit.  p.  45. 

2  Among  108  cases  of  insanity,  Perfect  mentions  eleven  of  mania  and  methodistical 
enthusiasm,  in  nine  of  which  suicide  was  committed.  Annals  of  Insanity.  London, 
1808.  Svo.  ' 

3  Harris  Ttoivland  and  William  Williams. 


SYMPATHY.  141 

the  sisrht  of  such  demoniacal  ravin  (?s.  There  are  never  more  than 
a  few  ecstatics,  who,  by  their  example,  excite  the  rest  to  jump, 
and  these  are  followed  by  the  greatest  part  of  the  meeting,  so  that 
these  assemblages  of  the  Jumpers  resemble,  for  hours  together, 
the  wildest  orgies,  rather  than  congregations  met  for  Christian 
edification.' 

In  the  United  States  of  North  America,  communities  of  Me- 
thodists have  existed  for  the  last  sixty  years.  The  reports  of 
credible  witnesses  of  their  assemblages  for  divine  service  in  the 
open  air  (camp  meetings),^  to  which  many  thousands  flock  from 
great  distances,^  surpass,  indeed,  all  belief;  for  not  only  do  they 
there  repeat  all  the  insane  acts  of  the  French  Convulsionnaires 
and  of  the  English  Jumpers,  but  the  disorder  of  their  minds  and 
of  their  nerves  attains,  at  these  meetings,  a  still  greater  height. 
"Women  have  been  seen  to  miscarry  whilst  suiFering  under  the 
state  of  ecstacy  and  violent  spasms  into  which  they  are  thrown, 
and  others  have  publicly  stripped  themselves  and  jumped  into  the 
rivers.  They  have  swooned  away  *  by  hundreds,  worn  out  with 
ravings  and  fits ;  and  of  the  Barkers,  who  appeared  among  the 
Convulsionnaires  only  here  and  there,  in  single  cases  of  complete 
aberration  of  intellect,  whole  bands  are  seen  running  on  all  fours, 
and  growling  ■'  as  if  they  wished  to  indicate,  even  by  their  out- 
ward form,  the  shocking  degradation  of  their  human  nature.  At 
these  camp-meetings  the  children  are  witnesses  of  this  mad  in- 
fatuation, and  as  their  weak  nerves  are,  with  the  greatest  facility, 
affected  by  sympathy,  they,  together  with  their  parents,  fall  into 
violent  fits,  though  they  know  nothing  of  their  import,  and  many 
of  them  retain  for  life  some  severe  nervous  disorder,  which,  having 


•  John  Evans,  Sketch  of  the  Denominations  of  the  Christian  WorUl.  13th  edition. 
London,  1814.  I2ino.  p.  236.— See  Gregoire,  loc.  cit.  tome  iv.  chap.  xiii.  p.  483. 

2  Mrs.  TroUope's  Domestic  Manners  of  the  Americans.  A  Revival,  pp.  108— 112. 
Shaking  Quakers,  pp.  195,  196.  Camp  Meeting,  p.  233.  London,  2  vols.  1832.— 
Transl.  note. 

3  In  Kentucky,  assemblies  of  from  ten  to  twelve  thousand  have  frequently  taken 
place.  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  New  York,  are  also  the  theatres  of 
these  meetings. — Gregoire,  tome  iv.  p.  496. 

*  At  one  of  these  camp-meetings  a  traveller  saw  above  eight  hundred  persons  f;iint 
away.  Idem.  He  nowhere  met  with  more  frequent  instances  of  suicide  in  consequence 
of  Demonomania,  than  in  North  America. 

5  Idem,  p.  498.  These  are  the  Barkers.  Numerous  other  convulsive  Methodistical 
sects  abound  in  North  America.  The  Shakers,  who  are  inimical  to  marriage,  would 
also  have  been  mentioned,  were  not  their  contortions  much  less  violent  than  those  of  the 
Jumpers. — See  Gregoire,  tome  v.  p.  195.     Evans,  p.  267. 


142  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

arisen  from  fright  and  excessive  excitement,  will  not  afterwards 
yield  to  any  medical  treatment.^ 

But  enough  of  these  extravagances,  which,  even  in  our  own 
da3's,  embitter  the  lives  of  so  many  thousands,  and  exhibit  to  the 
world,  in  the  nineteenth  century,  the  same  terrific  form  of  men- 
tal disturbance  as  the  St.  Yitus's  dance  once  did  to  the  benighted 
nations  of  the  middle  ages. 

'  Sec  Ferrm  du  Lac,  Voyage  dans  les  deux  Louisiancs.  Paris,  ISOo.  8vo.  chap.  ix. 
pp.  64,  65.  chap.  xvii.  pp.  128,  129. — Jl/Jt'Aa(<c?,  Voyage  a  I'ouest  dcs  Monts  AUeghanys. 
Paris,  1804.  8vo.  p.  212. — John  Melish,  Travels  in  the  United  States  of  America. 
Philadelphia,  1812.  8vo.  vol.  i.  p.  26. — Lambert,  Travels  through  Canada  and  the 
United  States,  London,  1810.  8vo.  vol.  iii.  p.  44.— JoAu  Hoicison,  Sketches  of  Upper 
Canada.  Edinburgh,  1822.  8vo.  p.  150. — Edward  Alleti  Talbot,  Cinq  Annecs  de 
Residence  au  Canada.     Paris,  1825.  8vo.  tome  ii.  p.  147. 


.; 


JK4L 


APPENDIX. 


I. 

Petri  de  Rerentals,  Prioris  Floreffiensis  Vita  Gregorii  XI.,  in  Stephan. 
Baluzii  Vitse  Paparum  Avenionensium.  T.  I.  Paris,  1693.  4^to.  p. 
483. 

Ejus  tempore,  videlicet  A.  D.  MCCCLXXV.,  mira  secta  tarn  virorum 
quam  mulierum  venit  Aquisgrani  de  partibus  Alamanniae,  et  ascendit 
usque  Hanoniam  seu  Pranciam,  cujus  talis  fuit  conditio.  Nam  homines 
utriusque  sexus  illudebantur  a  dtemonio,  taliter  quod  tarn  in  domibus 
quam  in  plateis  et  in  Ecclesiis  se  invicem  manibus  tenentes  cborizabant 
et  in  altum  saltabant,  ac  qusedam  nomina  dsemoniorum  nominabant, 
videlicet  FrisTces  et  similia,  nullara  cognitionem  in  bujusmodi  cliorizatione 
nee  vereevmdiam  sui  propter  astantes  populos  habentes.  Et  in  fine  bu- 
jus  chorizationis  in  tantum  circa  pectoralia  torquebantur,  quod  nisi  map- 
pulis  lineis  a  suis  amicis  per  medium  ventris  fortiter  stringerentur, 
quasi  furiose  clamabant  se  mori.  Hi  vero  in  Leodio  per  conjurationes 
sumptas  de  illis  quae  in  catecbismo  ante  baptismum  fiuut,  a  da;monio 
liberabantur,  et  sanati  dicebant,  quod  videbatur  eis  quod  in  Iwra  liujus 
chorizationis  erant  in  Jluvio  sanguinis,  et  propterea  sic  in  aJtum  saltabant. 
Vulgus  autemapud  Leodium  dicebat  quod  bujusmodi  plaga  populo  con- 
tigisset  eo  quod  populus  male  baptizatus  erat,  maxime  a  Presbyteribus 
suas  teuentibus  concubinas.  Et  propter  boo  proposuerat  vulgus  insur- 
gere  in  clerum,  eos  oecidendo  et  bona  eorum  diripiendo,  nisi  Deus  de 
reraedio  providisset  per  conjurationes  praedictas.  Quo  vise  cessavit  tem- 
pestas  vulgi  taliter  quod  clerus  multo  plus  a  populo  fuit  bonoratus.  De 
ista  autem  chorizatione  seu  secta  talia  extant  rigmata : 

Oritur  in  seculo  nova  qua?dam  secta 

In  gestis  aut  in  speculo  visa  plus  uec  lecta. 

Populus  tripudiat  nimium  saltando. 

Se  unus  alter!  sociat  leviter  clamaudo. 

Frisch  frisTces  cum  gaudio  clamat  uterque  sexus 

Cunctus  mauutergio  et  baculo  connexus. 

Capite  fert  pelleum  desuper  sertum. 

Cernif  Maries  Jilium  et  ccclum  aperttim. 


144  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

Deorsum  prosteruitur.     Dudum  fit  ululatua. 

Calcato  ventre  ceruitur  statim  liberatus. 

A^agatur  loca  varia  pompose  vivendo. 

Mendicat  uecessaria  propriis  parcendo. 

Sj)eniU  videre  ruhea  et  personam  Jlentem. 

Ad  fidei  contraria  erigit  hie  gens  mentem. 

Noctis  sub  nmbraculo  ista  perpetravit. 

Cum  natvu-ali  baculo  subtus  se  calcavit. 

Clerum  babet  odio.     Non  curat  sacramenta. 

Post  sunt  Leodio  remedia  iuventa, 

Hanc  nam  fraudem  qua  suggessit  sathan  est  couvictus. 

Conjuratus  evanescit.     Hinc  sit  Christus  benedictus. 


II. 

Jo.  Pistorii   Rerum   familiarumque   Belgicarum   Cbronicou  magnum. 
Francof.  1654.  fol.  p.  319.     De  chorisantibus. 

Item  Anno.  Dn.  MCCCLXXIV.  tempore  pontificatus  venerabilis 
Domini  Joannis  de  Arckel  Episcopi  Leodiensis,  in  mense  Julio  in  cras- 
tino  divisionis  Apostolorum  visi  sunt  dansatores  scilicet  cborisantes,  qui 
postea  venerunt  Trajectum,  Leodium,  Tungrim  et  alia  loca  istarum  par- 
tium  in  mense  Septembri.  Et  ccepit  baec  dcemoniaca  pestis  vexare  in 
dictis  locis  et  circumvicinis  masculos  et  foeminas  maxime  pauperes  et 
levis  opinionis  ad  magnum  omnium  terrorem  ;  pauci  clericorum  vel  di- 
vitum  sunt  vexati.  Serta  in  capitibus  gestabant,  circa  ventrem  mappa 
cum  baculo  se  stringebant  circa  umbilicum,  ubi  post  saltationem  cadentes 
nimium  torquebantur,  et  ne  creparentur  pedibus  conculcabantur,  vel 
contra  creporem  cum  baculo  ad  mappam  duriter  se  ligabant,  vel  cum 
pugno  se  trudi  faciebant,  rostra  calceorum  aliqui  clamabant  se  abhorrere, 
unde  in  Leodio  fieri  tunc  vetabantur.  Ecclesias  chorisando  occupabant, 
et  crescebant  numerose  de  mense  Septembri  et  Octobri,  processiones 
fiebant  ubique,  litanise  et  missa?  speciales.  Leodii  apud  Sanctam  crucem 
scholaris  servitor  in  vesperis  dedicationis,  coepit  ludere  cum  thuribulo,  et 
post  vesperas  fortiter  saltare.  Evocatus  a  pluribus,  ut  diceret  Pater 
noster,  noluit,  et  Credo  respondit  in  diabolum.  Quod  A^dens  capel. 
lanus,  allata  stola  conjuravit  eum  per  exorcismiun  baptizandorum,  et 
statim  dixit :  Ecce  inquit,  scliolaris  recedit  cum  parva  toga  et  calceis 
rostratis.  Die,  tunc  inquit,  Pater  noster  et  Credo.  At  ille  utrumque  dixit 
perfecte  et  curatus  est.  Apud  Harstallium  uno  mane  ante  omnium 
Sanctorum,  multi  eorum  ibi  congregati  consilium  liabuerunt,  ut  pariter 
venientes  omnes  canonicos,  presbyteres  et  clerioos  Leodienses  occiderent. 
Canonicus  quidam  parvae  mensse  minister  Simon  in  claustro  Leodiensi 


APPENDIX.  140 

apud  capellam  Beatae  virginis,  in  Deo  confortatus,  scalam  projecit  in  col- 
lum  unius,  dicens  Evangelium  :  In  principio  erat  verbum,  super  caput 
ejus,  et  per  hoc  fuit  liberatus,  et  pro  miraculo  statim  fuit  pulsatum. 
Apud  S.  Bartolomagum  Leodii,  prsesentibus  multis,  cuidam  alii  exorei- 
santi  respondit  daemon  :  Ego  exibo  libenter.  Expecta,  inquit  presbyter, 
volo  tibi  loqui.  Et  postquam  aliquos  alios  curasset,  dixit  illi,  loquere  tu 
personaliter  et  responde  mihi.  Turn  solus  respondit  daemon:  Nos 
eramus  duo,  sed  socius  mens  uequior  me,  ante  me  exivit,  habui  tot  pati 
in  hoc  corpore,  si  essem  extra,  nunquam  intrarem  in  corpus  Christianum. 
Cui  presbyter  :  Quare  intrasti  corpora  talium  personarvun  ?  Eespondit : 
Clerici  et  presbyteres  dicunt  tot  pulchra  verba  et  tot  orationes,  ut  non 
possemus  intrare  corpora  ipsorum.  Si  adhuc  fuisset  expectatum  per 
quindenam  vel  mensem,  nos  intrassemus  corpora  divitum,  et  postea 
principum,  et  sic  per  eos  destruxissemus  clerum.  Et  haec  fueruut  ibi  a 
nuiltis  audita  et  postea  a  mviltis  narrata.  Ha?c  pestis  intra  annum  satis 
invaluitj  sed  postea  per  tres  aut  quatuor  annos  omnino  cessavit. 


III.' 

Die  Limburger  Chronik,  herausgegeben  von  C.  D.   Vogel.    Marburg, 

1828,  8w.  s.  71. 

Anno  1.374  zu  mitten  im  Sommer,  da  erhub  sich  ein  wunderlich 
Ding  aufF  Erdreich,  und  sonderlich  in  Tevitschen  Lauden,  auff  dem 
Rhein  und  aufF  der  Mosel,  also  dass  Leute  anhuben  zu  tantzen  und 
«u  rasen,  und  stunden  je  zwey  gegen  ein,  und  tantzeten  aulF  einer  Statte 
einen  halben  Tag,  und  in  dem  Tantz  da  fielen  sie  etwan  ofl't  nieder, 
imd  liessen  sich  mit  Eiissen  tretten  aulF  ihren  Leib.  Davon  nahmen  sie 
sich  an,  dass  sie  genesen  wiiren.  Und  liefien  von  einer  Stadt  zu  der  an- 
dern,  und  von  einer  Kirchen  zu  der  andern,  und  huben  Geld  aufF  von 
den  Lenten,  wo  es  ihnen  mocht  gewerden.  Und  wurd  des  Dings  also 
viel,  dass  man  zu  Colin  in  der  Stadt  mehr  dann  fiinfF  hundert  Tantzer 
fand.  Und  land  man,  dass  es  eine  Ivetzerey  war,  und  geschahe  um 
Golds  willen,  das  ihr  ein  Theil  Fran  und  Mann  in  Unkeuschheit 
mochten  kommen,  und  die  vollbringen.  Und  fand  man  da  zu  Colin 
mehr  dann  hundert  Frauen  und  Dienstmagde,  die  nicht  eheliche  INIanner 
hatten.  Die  wnrdeu  alle  in  der  Tiintzerey  Kinder-tragend,  und  wauu 
dass  sie  tantzeten,  so  bunden  und  knebeltcu  sie  sich  liart  \un  den  Leib, 
dass  sie  desto  geringer  waren.  Hierauif  sprachen  ein  Tlieils  Meister, 
sonderlich  der  guten  Artzt,  das  ein  Theil  wurden  tantzend,  die  von 

'  The  substance  of  Nos.  III.  aiul  IV.  having  been  embodied  in  the  text,  it  seems 
only  necessary  to  insert  hero  tlic  original  old  German,  which  is  couched  in  language  too 
coarse  to  admit  of  translation. —  Transl.  note. 

10 


146  THE   DANCING   MANIA. 

heisser  Natur  wiiren,  iind  vou  aiidern  gebrechlichen  natiirlichen  Sachen. 
Daun  deren  war  weuig,  deneu  das  geschalie.  Die  Meister  von  der  hei- 
ligeu  Schrift,  die  beschwohreu  der  Tiintzer  ein  Theil,  die  meynten,  dass 
sie  besessen  waren  von  dem  bosen  Geist.  Also  nahm  as  ein  betrogen 
End,  iind  wiilirete  wobl  secbszebn  Wccbeu  in  diesen  Landen  oder  in  der 
Mass.  Auob  nahmeu  die  vorgenannten  Tiintzer  Maun  und  Fraueu  sich 
an,  dass  sie  kein  roth  sehen  mochten.  Uud  war  ein  eitel  Teuscberey, 
und  ist  verbottscbaft  geweseu  an  Cbristum  nach  ineinem  Bediinken. 


IV. 

Die  Chrouica  van  der  billiger  Stat  vau  Coelleu.    A.  D.  MCCCLXXIV. 
fol.  277.     Coellen,  1499.  fol. 

In  dem  seluen  iair  stoude  eyu  groisse  kranckbeit  vp  vnder  den  niyn- 
scben,  ind  was  docb  niet  vill  me  gesyen  dese  selue  kranckbeit  vur  off 
nae  ind  quam  van  natuerlicben  ursacben  as  die  meyster  scbrijuen,  ind 
noemen  Sij  maniam,  dat  is  raserie  offunsynnicbeit.  Ind  vill  lude  beyde 
man  ind  frauwen  junck  ind  alt  badden  die  kranckbeit.  Ind  gyngen 
vyss  buyss  ind  boff,  dat  deden  ouch  junge  meyde,  die  verliessen  yr 
alderen,  vrunde  ind  maege  ind  lantscbaff.  Disse  Aiirss  mj'nscben  zo 
etzlicben  tzijden  as  Sij  die  kranckbeit  anstiesse,  so  badden  Sij  eyn  won- 
derlicb  bewegung  yrre  lychamen.  Sij  gauen  vyss  kryscbende  vnd 
grusame  stymme,  ind  mit  dem  wurpen  Sij  sich  baestlicb  up  die  erden, 
vnd  gyngen  liggen  up  yren  rugge,  ind  beyde  man  ind  vrauwen  moist 
men  vmb  p'en  buycb  ind  vmp  lenden  gurdelen  vnd  kueuelen  mit  twelen 
vnd  mit  starcken  breyden  benden,  asso  stijff  vnd  barte  als  men 
mocbte. 

Item  asso  gegurt  mit  den  twelen  dantzten  Sij  in  kyrcben  ind  in 
clusen  ind  vp  alien  gewijeden  steden.  As  Sij  dantzten,  so  spruno^en 
Sij  allit  vp  ind  rieffen,  Here  sent  Johan,  so  so,  v)'iscJi  ind  vro  here  sent 
Jolian. 

Item  die  ghene  die  die  kranckbeit  badden  wurden  gemeynlicben 
gesunt  bynnen.  YV.  dagen.  Zom  lesten  gescbiede  vill  bouerie  vnd 
droch  dae  mit.  Ejiideyll  naemen  sich  an  dat  Sij  kranck  weren.  vp  dat 
Sij  mochten  gelt  dae  durch  bedelen.  Die  anderen  vinsden  sich  kranck 
vp  dat  Sij  mochten  vnkuyschbeit  bcdrijuen  mit  den  vrauwen.  jnd  gyn- 
gen durch  alle  lant  ind  dreuen  vill  bouerie.  Docb  zo  lesten  brach  idt 
vyss  ind  wurden  verdreuen  vyss  den  landen.  Die  selue  dentzer  quamen 
ouch  zo  Coellen  tusschen  tzwen  -s-nser  lieuen  frauwen  missen  Assump- 
tionis  ind  Natiuitatis. 


APPENDIX.  147 


V. 


In  the  third  volume  of  the  Edinbxirgh  Medical  and  Surgical  Journal, 
p.  434,  there  is  an  account  of  "  some  convulsive  diseases  in  certain  parts 
of  Scotland,"  which  is  taken  from  Sir  J.  Sinclair's  statistical  account, 
and  from  which  I  have  thought  it  illustrative  of  our  author's  subject  to 
make  some  extracts  ;  the  first  that  is  noticed  is  peculiar  to  a  part  of 
Forfarshire,  and  is  called  the  leaping  ague,  which  bears  so  close  an 
analogy  to  the  original  St.  A'^itus's  Dance,  or  to  Tarantism,  that  it  seems 
to  want  only  the  "foul  fiend,"  or  the  dreaded  bite,  as  a  cause,  and  a 
Scotch  reel  or  strathspey  as  a  cure,  to  render  the  resemblance  quite  com- 
plete. "  Those  affected  Avith  it  first  complain  of  a  pain  in  the  head,  or 
lower  part  of  the  back,  to  which  succeed  convulsive  fits,  or  Jits  of  dancing, 
at  certain  periods.  During  the  paroxysm  they  have  all  the  appearance 
of  madness,  distorting  their  bodies  in  various  ways,  and  leaping  and 
springing  in  a  surprising  manner,  whence  the  disease  has  derived  its 
vulgar  name.  Sometimes  they  run  with  astonishing  velocity,  and  often 
over  dangerous  passes,  to  some  place  out  of  doors,  which  they  have 
fixed  on  in  their  own  minds,  or,  perhaps,  even  mentioned  to  those  in 
company  with  them,  and  then  drop  down  quite  exJiaiisted.  At  other 
times,  especially  when  confined  to  the  house,  they  climb  in  the  most 
singular  manner.  In  cottages,  for  example,  they  leap  from  the  floor  to 
what  is  called  the  baulks,  or  those  beams  by  which  the  rafters  arc 
joined  together,  springing  form  one  to  another  with  the  agility  of  a  cat, 
or  whirling  round  one  of  them,  with  a  motion  resembling  the  fly  of  a 
jack.  Cold  bathing  is  found  to  be  the  most  eftecttial  remedy ;  but  when 
the  fit  of  dancing,  leaping,  or  running  comes  on,  nothing  tends  so  much 
to  abate  the  violence  of  the  disease,  as  aUowing  them  free  scope  to  exercise 
themselves,  till  nature  he  exhausted.  jS^o  mention  is  made  of  its  being 
peculiar  to  any  age,  sex,  or  condition  of  life,  although  I  am  informed  by 
a  gentleman  from  Brechin,  that  it  is  most  common  before  puberty.  In 
some  families  it  seems  to  be  hereditary  ;  and  I  have  heard  of  one,  in 
which  a  horse  was  always  kept  ready  saddled,  to  follow  the  young 
ladies  belonging  to  it,  when  they  were  seized  with  a  fit  of  running.  It 
was  first  observed  in  the  parish  of  Kenmuir,  and  has  prevailed  occasion- 
ally in  that  and  the  neighbouring  parishes,  for  about  seventy  years :  but 
it  is  not  now  nearly  so  frequent  as  it  was  about  tliirty  years  ago.  The 
history  of  this  singular  affection  is  still  extremely  imperfect  :  and  it  is 
only  from  some  of  the  medical  practitioners  in  that  part  of  the  country 
where  it  prevails,  that  a  complete  description  can  be  expected." 

Our  author  has  already  noticed  the  convulsive  disease  prevalent  in  the 
Slietland  Islands,  and  has  quoted  Hibbert's  account  of  it.  The  follow- 
ing, however,  from  a  very  valuable  maniiscript  account  of  the  Orkney 
"  10  * 


148  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

and  Shetland  Islands,  drawn  up  about  177-1,  by  George  Low,  with  notes, 
by  Mr.  Pennant,  is  given  in  the  journal  already  cited,  and  will  be  read 
with  interest.  The  facts  were  communicated  to  Mr.  Low  by  the  Rev. 
Wm.  Archibald,  parochial  clergyman  of  Unst,  the  most  northerly  of  the 
Shetlands. 

"  There  is  a  most  shocking  distemper,  which  has  of  late  years  pre- 
vailed very  much,  especially  among  young  women,  and  was  hardly 
known  thirty  or  forty  years  ago.  About  that  period  only  one  person 
was  subject  to  it.  The  inhabitants  gave  it  the  name  of  convulsion  fits ; 
and,  indeed,  in  appearance  it  something  resembles  epilepsy.  In  its  first 
rise  it  began  with  a  palpitation  of  the  heart,  of  which  they  complained 
for  a  considerable  time ;  it  at  length  produced  swooning  fits,  in  which 
people  seized  with  it  would  lie  motionless  uj)wards  of  an  hour.  At 
length,  as  the  distemper  gathered  strength,  when  any  violent  passion 
seized,  or  on  a  sudden  surprise,  they  would  all  at  once  fall  down,  toss 
their  arms  about,  with  their  bodies,  into  many  odd  shapes,  crying  out  all 
the  while,  most  dismally,  throwing  their  heads  about  from  side  to  side, 
with  their  eyes  fixed  and  staring.  At  first  this  distemper  obtained,  in  a 
private  way,  with  one  female,  but  she  being  seized  in  a  public  way,  at 
church,  the  disease  was  communicated  to  others ;  but,  whether  by  the 
influence  of  fear  or  sympathy,  is  not  easy  to  determine.  However  this 
was,  our  public  assemblies,  especially  at  church,  became  greatly  dis- 
turbed by  their  outcries.  This  distemper  always  prevails  most  violently 
during  the  summer  time,  in  which  season,  for  many  years,  we  are  hardly 
one  sabbath  free.  In  these  few  years  past,  it  has  not  prevailed  so  ex- 
tensively, and  upon  the  whole,  seems  on  the  decline.  One  thing  re- 
markable in  this  distemper  is,  that  as  soon  as  the  fit  is  over,  the  persons 
affected  with  it  are  generally  as  lively  and  brisk  as  before  ;  and  if  it 
happens  at  any  of  their  public  diversions,  as  soon  as  they  revive,  they 
mix  with  their  companions,  and  continue  their  amusement  as  vigorously 
as  if  nothing  had  happened.  Few  men  are  troubled  with  this  distemper, 
which  seems  more  confined  to  women ;  but  there  are  instances  of  its 
seizing  men,  and  girls  of  six  years  of  age.  "With  respect  to  the  nature 
of  this  disease,  people  who  have  made  inquiry  about  it  differ,  but  most 
imagine  it  hysterical ;  however,  this  seems  not  entirely  the  case,  as  men 
and  children  are  subject  to  it ;  however,  it  is  a  new  disease  in  Shetland, 
but  whence  imported,  none  can  imagine. 

"  When  the  statistical  account  of  this  parish  Avas  published,  this  aw- 
ful and  afflicting  disease  was  becoming  daily  less  common.  In  the 
parishes  of  Aithsting,  Sandsting,  and  Northmaveu,  in  which  it  was  once 
very  frequent,  it  was  now  totally  extinct.  In  the  last  of  these  the 
cure  is  said  to  have  been  effected  by  a  very  singular  remedy,  which,  if 
true,  and  there  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  it,  shows  the  influence  of 
moral  causes  in  removing,  as  well  as  inducing,  convulsive  disorders." 
The  cure  is  attributed  to  a  rough  fellow  of  a  kirk  officer,  who  tossed  a 


APPENDIX.  149 

woman  in  that  state,  with  whom  lie  had  been  frequently  troubled,  into 
a  ditch  of  water.  She  was  never  known  to  have  the  disease  afterwards, 
and  others  dreaded  the  same  treatment. 

It,  however,  still  prevails  in  some  of  the  northern  parishes,  particu- 
larly in  Delting,  although,  according  to  the  description  given  of  it,  with 
some  alteration  in  its  symptoms. 

"  Convulsion  fits  of  a  very  extraordinary  kind  seem  peculiar  to  this 
country.  The  patient  is  first  seized  with  something  like  fainting,  and 
immediately  after  utters  wild  cries  and  shrieks,  the  sound  of  which,  at 
whatever  distance,  immediately  pvits  all  who  are  subject  to  the  disorder 
in  the  same  situation.  It  most  commonly  attacks  them  when  the 
church  is  crowded,  and  often  interrupts  the  service  in  this  and  many 
other  churches  in  the  country.  On  a  sacramental  occasion,  fifty  or 
sixty  are  sometimes  carried  out  of  the  church,  and  laid  in  the  church- 
yard, where  they  struggle  and  roar  with  all  their  strength,  for  five  or  ten 
minutes,  and  then  rise  up  without  recollecting  a  single  circumstance 
that  happened  to  them,  or  being  in  the  least  hurt  or  fatigued  A^-ith  the 
violent  exertions  they  had  made  during  the  fit.  One  observation  occurs 
on  this  disorder,  that,  during  the  late  scarce  years  it  was  very  uncom- 
mon, and,  during  the  two  last  years  of  plenty  (1791),  it  has  appeared 
more  frequently. 

"  Similar  instances  of  epidemical  convulsions  are  already  upon  record  ; 
but  the  history  of  that  which  occurred  in  Anglesea,  North  Wales,  is  the 
most  remarkable,  as  its  progress  was,  in  all  probability,  checked  by  the 
judicious  precautions  recommended  by  Dr.  Haygarth. 

"  In  1796,  on  the  estates  of  the  Earl  of  Uxbridge  and  Holland  Grif- 
fith, Esq.,  23  females,  from  10  to  25,  and  one  boy,  of  about  17  years  of 
age,  who  had  all  intercourse  with  each  other,  were  seized  with  an  un- 
usual kind  of  com-ulsions,  affecting  only  the  upper  extremities.  It  began 
with  pain  of  the  head,  and  sometimes  of  the  stomach  and  side,  not  very 
violent ;  after  which  there  came  on  violent  twitchings  or  convulsions  of 
the  upper  extremities,  continuing,  with  little  intermission,  and  causing 
the  shoulders  almost  to  meet  by  the  exertion.  In  bed  the  disorder  was 
not  so  violent :  but,  in  some  cases  at  least,  it  continued  even  during 
sleep.  Their  pulse  was  moderate,  the  body  costive,  and  the  general 
health  not  much  impaired.  In  general  they  had  a  hiccough  ;  and, 
when  the  convulsions  were  most  violent,  giddiness  came  on,  with  the 
loss  of  hearing  and  recollection.  During  their  convalescence,  and  they 
all  recovered,  the  least  fright  or  sudden  alarm  brought  on  a  slight 
paroxysm. 

"  Dr.  Haygarth,  who  was  consulted  on  the  means  of  relieving  these 
unfortunate  people,  successfully  recommended  the  use  of  antispasmodics ; 
that  all  girls  and  young  women  should  be  prevented  from  having  any 
communication  with  persons  affected  with  those  convulsions  ;  and  that 
those  who  were  ill  should  be  kept  separate  as  much  as  possible." 


150  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

The  same  paper  from  which  the  above  extracts  liave  been  taken, 
quotes  a  remarkable  instance  in  \Yhich  religious  enthusiasm  was  the  ex- 
citing cause  of  a  convulsive  disease  analogous  to  those  already  noticed. 
The  account  is  given  by  the  Eev.  Dr.  Meik,  at  great  length.     It  ap- 
pears that  in  January,  1742,  about  90  persons  in  the  parish  of  Cam- 
buslang,  in  Lanarkshire,  were  induced  to  subscribe  a  petition  to  the 
minister,  urging  him  to  give  them  a  weekly  lecture,  to  which  he  readily 
assented.     Nothing  particular  occurred  at  the  first  two  lectures,  but,  at 
the  third,  to  which  the  hearers  had  been  very  attentive,  when  the  minis- 
ter in  his  last  prayer  expressed  himself  thus,  "  Lord,  who  hath  believed 
our  report ;  and  to  whom  is  the  arm  of  the  Lord  revealed  ? — where  are 
the  fruits  of  my  poor  labours  among  this  people  ?  "  several  persons  in 
the  congregation  cried  out  publicly,  and  about  fifty  men  and  women 
came  to  the  minister's  house,  expressing  strong  convictions  of  sin,  and 
alarming  fears  of  punishment.     After  this  period,  so  many  people  from 
the  neighbourhood  resorted  to  Cambuslang,  that  the  minister  thought 
himself  obliged  to  provide  them  with  daily  sermons  or  exhortations,  and 
actually  did  so  for  seven  or  eight  months.     The  way  in  which  the  con- 
verts were  affected,  for  it  seems  they  were  affected  much  in  the  same 
way,  though  in  very  different  degrees,  is  thus  described.     "  They  were 
seized,  all   at  once,  commonly  by  something  said  in  the  sermons  or 
prayers,  with  the  most  dreadful  apprehensions  concerning  the  state  of 
their  souls,  insomuch  that  many  of  them  could  not  abstain  from  crying 
out,  in  the  most  public  and  frightful  manner,  '  bewailing  their  lost  and 
undone  condition  by  nature  ;  calling  themselves  enemies  to  Grod,  and 
despisers  of  precious  Christ ;  declaring  that  they  were  unworthy  to  live 
on  the  face  of  the  earth  ;  that  they  saw  the  mouth  of  hell  open  to 
receive  them,  and  that  they  heard  the  shrieks  of  the  damned ; '  but  the 
universal  cry  was, '  AVhat  shall  we  do  to  be  saved  ?  '     The  agony  under 
which  they  laboured  was  expressed,  not  only  by  words,  but  also  by  vio- 
lent agitations   of  body  ;  by  clapping  their  hands  and  beating  their 
breasts  ;  by  shaking  and  trembling  ;  by  faintings  and  convulsions  ;  and 
sometimes  by  excessive  bleeding  at  the  nose.     While  they  were  in  this 
distress,  the  minister  often  called  out  to  them,  not  to  stifle  or  smother 
their  convictions,  but  to  encourage  them  :  and,  after  sermon  was  ended, 
he  retired  with  them  to  the  manse,  and  frequently  spent  the  best  part 
of  the  night  wdth  them  in  exhortations  ?nd  prayers.     JS'ext  day,  before 
sermon  began,  they  were  brought  out,  and,  having  napkins  tied  round 
their  heads,  were  placed  all  together  on  seats  before  the  tents,  where  they 
remained  sobbing,  weeping,  and  often  crying  aloud,  till  the  service  was 
over.     Some  of  those  who  fell  under  conviction  were  never  converted  ; 
but  most  of  those  who  fell  under  it  were  converted  in  a  few  days,  and 
sometimes  in  a  few  hours.     In  most  cases  their  conversion  was  as  sud- 
den and  unexpected  as  their  conviction.     They  were  raised  all  at  once 
from  the  lowest  depth  of  sorrow  and  distress,  to  the  highest  pitch  of 


APPENDIX.  151 

joy  and  happiness ;  crying  out  with  triumph  and  exultation, '  that  they 
had  overcome  the  wicked  one  ;  that  they  had  gotten  hold  of  Christ,  and 
would  never  let  him  go  ;  that  the  black  cloud  which  had  hitherto  con- 
cealed him  from  their  view,  was  now  dispelled  ;  and  that  they  saw  him, 
with  a  pen  in  his  hand,  blotting  out  their  sina.'  Under  these  delightful 
impressions,  some  began  to  pray,  and  exhort  publicly,  and  others  desired 
the  congregation  to  join  with  them  in  singing  a  particular  psalm,  which 
they  said  God  had  commanded  them  to  sing.  From  the  time  of  their  con- 
viction to  their  conversion,  many  had  no  appetite  for  food,  or  inclination 
to  sleep,  and  all  complained  of  their  sufferings  during  that  interval." 

The  following  account,  which  closes  the  paper  whence  the  above  quot- 
ations have  been  extracted,  is  taken  from  an  Inaugural  Essay  on  Chorea 
Sancti  Viti,  by  Felix  Eobertson  of  Tennessee,  8vo.  Philadelph.  1805. 

"  The  Chorea,  which  is  more  particularly  the  subject  of  this  disserta- 
tion, made  its  appearance  during  the  summer  of  1803,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Maryville  (Tennessee),  in  the  form  of  an  epidemic.  Previously 
to  entering  on  its  history,  I  think  it  necessary  to  premise  a  few  cursoiy 
remarks  on  the  mode  of  life  of  those  amongst  whom  it  originated,  for 
some  time  before  the  appearance  of  the  disease. 

"  I  suppose  there  are  but  few  individuals  in  the  United  States  who 
have  not  at  least  heard  of  the  unparalleled  blaze  of  enthusiastic  religion 
which  burst  forth  in  the  western  country,  about  the  year  1800 ;  but  it 
is,  perhaps,  impossible  to  have  a  competent  idea  of  its  effects,  without 
personal  observation.  This  religious  enthusiasm  travelled  like  elec- 
tricity, Avith  astonishing  velocity,  and  was  felt,  almost  instantaneousJy, 
in  every  part  of  the  states  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky.  It  often  proved 
so  powerful  a  stimulus,  that  every  other  entirely  lost  its  effect,  or  was 
but  feebly  felt.  Hence  that  general  neglect  of  earthly  things,  whicli 
was  observed,  and  the  almost  perpetual  attendance  at  places  of  public 
worship.  Their  churches  are,  in  general,  small  and  every  way  uncom- 
fortable ;  the  concourse  of  people,  on  days  of  worship,  particularly  of 
extraordinary  meetings,  was  very  numerous,  and  hundreds  who  lived  at 
too  great  a  distance  to  return  home  every  evening,  came  supplied  witli 
provisions,  tents,  &c.,  for  their  sustenance  and  accommodation,  during 
the  continuance  of  the  meeting,  which  commonly  lasted  from  three  to 
five  days.  They,  as  well  as  many  others,  remained  on  the  spot  day  and 
night,  the  whole  or  greater  part  of  this  time,  worshipping  their  Maker 
almost  incessantly.  The  outward  expressions  of  their  worship  consisted 
chiefly  in  alternate  crying,  laughing,  singing,  and  shouting,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  performing  that  variety  of  gesticulation,  which  the  muscular 
system  is  capable  of  producing.  It  was  under  these  circumstances  that 
some  found  themselves  unable,  by  voluntary  eflbrts,  to  suppress  the 
contraction  of  their  muscles  ;  and,  to  their  own  astonishment,  and  the 
diversion  of  many  of  the  spectators,  they  continued  to  act  from  necessitj'-, 
the  curious  character  whicli  they  had  commenced  from  choice. 


152  THE    DANCING    MANIA. 

"  The  disease  no  sooner  appeared,  than  it  spread  with  rapidity  through 
the  medium  of  the  principle  of  imitation  ;  tlms  it  was  not  uncommon  for 
an  affected  person  to  communicate  it  to  the  greater  part  of  a  crowd,  who, 
from  curiosity  or  other  motives,  had  collected  around  him.  It  is  at  tliis 
time  in  almost  every  part  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  and  in  various 
parts  of  Virginia,  but  is  said  not  to  be  contagious  (or  readily  commu- 
nicated), as  at  its  commencement.  It  attacks  both  sexes,  and  every  con- 
stitution, but  evidently  more  readily  those  who  are  enthusiasts  in  reli- 
gion, such  as  those  above  described,  and  females  ;  children  of  six  years  of 
age,  and  adults  of  sixty,  have  been  known  to  have  it,  but  a  great  majority 
of  those  affected  are  from  fifteen  to  twenty-five.  The  muscles  generally 
affected  are  those  of  the  trunk,  particularly  of  the  neck,  sometimes  those 
of  the  superior  extremities,  but  very  rarely,  if  ever,  those  of  the  inferior. 
The  contractions  are  sudden  and  violent,  such  as  are  denominated  con- 
vulsive, being  sometimes  so  powerful,  when  in  the  muscles  of  the  back, 
that  the  patient  is  thrown  on  the  ground,  where  for  some  time  his  mo- 
tions more  resemble  those  of  a  live  fish  when  thrown  on  land,  than  any- 
thing else  to  which  I  can  compare  them. 

"  This,  however,  does  not  often  occur,  and  never,  I  believe,  except  at 
the  commencement  of  the  disease.  The  patients,  in  general,  are  capable 
of  standing  and^walkiug,  and  many,  after  it  has  continued  a  short  time, 
can  attend  to  their  business,  provided  it  is  not  of  a  nature  requiring 
much  steadiness  of  body.  They  are  incapable  of  conversing  with  any 
degree  of  satisfaction  to  themselves  or  company,  being  continually  in- 
terrupted by  those  irregular  contractions  of  their  muscles,  each  causing 
a  grunt,  or  forcible  expiration  ;  but  the  organs  of  speech  do  not  appear 
to  be  afteeted,  nor  has  it  the  least  influence  on  the  mind.  They  have 
no  command  over  their  actions  by  any  eftort  of  volition,  nor  does  their 
lying  in  bed  prevent  them,  but  they  always  cease  during  sleep.  This 
disease  has  remissions  and  exacerbations,  which,  however,  observe  no 
regularity  in  their  occurrence  or  duration.  During  the  intermission  a 
parox}ism  is  often  excited  at  the  sight  of  a  person  affected,  but  more  fre- 
quently by  the  common  salute  of  shaking  hands.  The  sensations  of  the 
patients  in  a  paroxysm  are  generally  agreeable,  which  the  enthusiastic 
class  often  endeavour  to  express,  by  laughing,  shouting,  dancing,  &c. 

"  Fatigue  is  almost  always  complained  of  after  violent  paroxysms, 
and  sometimes  a  general  soreness  is  experienced.  The  heart  and  arte- 
ries appear  to  be  no  further  affected  by  the  disease,  than  what  arises 
from  the  exercise  of  the  body  ;  nor  does  any  change  take  place  in  any 
of  the  secretions  or  excretions.  It  has  not  proved  mortal  in  a  single  in- 
stance within  my  knowledge,  but  becomes  lighter  by  degrees,  and 
finally  disappears.  In  some  cases,  however,  of  long  continuance,,  it  ia 
attended  with  some  degree  of  melancholia,  which  seems  to  arise  en- 
tirely from  the  patient's  reflections,  and  not  directly  from  the  disease. 
"  The  state  of  the  atmosphere  has  no  influence  over  it,  as  it  rages 


APPENDIX.  153 

witli  equal  violence  in  sunnner  and  in  winter ;  in  moist  and  in 
dry  air." 

In  the  above  examples,  nervous  disorders,  bearing  a  strong  resem- 
blance to  those  of  the  middle  ages,  are  shown  to  exist  in  an  epidemic 
form,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  at  the  present  time ;  but  in  these 
instances  some  general  cause  of  mental  excitement — and  none  is  more 
powerful  than  religious  enthusiasm — seems  to  have  been  requisite  for 
their  propagation.  Their  appearance,  however,  in  single  cases,  is  occa- 
sionally independent  of  any  such  origin,  which  leads  to  a  belief,  not 
without  support  in  the  experiments  of  modern  physiologists,  that  they 
occasionally  proceed  from  physical  causes,  and  that  it  is  therefore  not 
necessary  to  consider  them  in  all  cases  as  the  offspring  of  a  disordered 
imagination. 

A  well-marked  case  of  a  disease  approximating  to  the  original  Dancing 
Mania,  is  related  by  Mr.  Kinder  Wood,  in  the  7th  volume  of  the  Me- 
dico-Chirurgical  Transactions,  p.  237.  The  patient,  a  young  married 
woman,  is  described  to  have  suffered  from  headache  and  sickness,  to- 
gether with  involuntary  motions  of  the  eyelids,  and  most  extraordinary 
contortions  of  the  trunk  and  extremities,  for  several  days,  when  the 
more  remarkable  symptoms  began  to  manifest  themselves,  which  are 
thus  recorded  : — 

"  February  26.  Slight  motions  of  the  limbs  came  on  in  bed.  She 
arose  at  nine  o'clock,  after  which  they  increased,  and  became  unusually 
severe.  She  was  hurled  from  side  to  side  of  the  couch-chair  \ipon  which 
she  sat,  for  a  considerable  time,  without  intermission ;  was  sometimes 
instantaneously  and  forcibly  thrown  upon  her  feet,  when  she  jumped 
and  stamped  violently.  She  had  headache  ;  the  eyelids  were  frequently 
affected,  and  she  had  often  a  sudden  propensity  to  spring  or  leap  up- 
wards. The  affection  ceased  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  the 
patient  being  very  much  fatigued ;  but  it  returned  about  noon,  and  a 
third  time  in  the  afternoon,  when  she  was  impelled  into  every  corner  of 
the  room,  and  began  to  strike  the  furniture  and  doors  violently  with 
the  hand,  as  she  passed  near  them,  the  sound  of  which  afforded  her  great 
satisfaction.  The  fourth  attack  was  at  night ;  was  very  violent,  and 
ended  with  sickness  and  vomiting.  She  went  to  bed  at  half-past  eleven. 
Her  nights  were  invariably  good.  The  last  three  attacks  were  more  vio- 
lent than  the  former  ones,  but  they  continued  only  half  an  hour  each. 

"  February  27.  The  attack  commenced  in  bed,  and  was  violent,  but 
of  short  duration.  When  she  arose  about  ten,  she^had  a  second  attack, 
continuing  an  hour,  except  an  interval  of  five  minutes.  She  now  struck 
the  furniture  more  violently  and  more  repeatedly.  Kneeling  on  one 
knee,  with  the  bands  upon  the  back,  she  often  sprang  up  suddenly  and 
struck  the  top  of  the  room  with  the  palm  of  the  hand.  To  do  this,  she 
rose  fifteen  inches  from  the  floor,  so  that  the  family  were  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  drawing  all  the  nails  and  hooks  from  the  ceiling.     Slie  fre- 


154  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

quently  danced  upon  one  leg,  bolding  the  other  with  the  hand,  and 
occasionally  changing  the  legs.  In  the  evening,  the  family  observed  tlie 
blows  upon  the  furniture  to  be  more  continuous,  and  to  assume  the 
regular  time  and  measure  of  a  musical  air.  As  a  strain  or  series  of 
strokes  was  concluded,  she  ended  with  a  more  violent  stroke  or  a  more 
violent  spring  or  jump.  Several  of  her  friends  also  at  this  time  noticed 
the  regular  measure  of  the  strokes,  and  the  greater  regularity  the  disease 
was  assuming  ;  the  motions  being  evidently  aifected,  or  in  some  measure 
modified,  by  the  strokes  upon  the  surrounding  bodies.  She  chiefly  struck 
a  small  slender  door,  the  top  of  a  chest  of  drawers,  the  clock,  a  table,  or 
a  wooden  screen  placed  near  the  door.  The  aftection  ceased  about  nine 
o'clock,  when  the  patient  went  to  bed. 

"  February  28.  She  arose  very  well  at  eight.  At  half-past  nine  the 
motions  recommenced ;  they  were  now  of  a  more  pleasant  nature ;  the 
involuntary  actions,  instead  of  possessing  their  former  irregularity  and 
violence,  being  changed  into  a  measured  step  over  the  room,  connected 
with  an  air,  or  series  of  strokes,  and  she  beat  upon  the  adjacent  bodies 
as  she  passed  them.  In  the  commencement  of  the  attack,  the  lips 
moved  as  if  words  were  articulated,  but  no  sound  could  be  distinguished 
at  this  period.  It  was  curious  indeed  to  observe  the  patient  at  this 
time,  moving  around  the  room  with  all  the  vivacity  of  the  country  dance, 
or  the  graver  step  of  the  minuet,  the  arms  frequently  carried,  not  merely 
with  ease,  but  with  elegance.  Occasionally  all  the  steps  were  so  di- 
rected as  to  place  the  foot  constantly  where  the  stone  flags  joined  to 
form  the  floor,  particularly  when  she  looked  downwards.  When  she 
looked  upwards,  there  was  an  irresistible  impulse  to  spring  up  to  touch 
little  spots  or  holes  in  the  top  of  the  ceiling ;  when  she  looked  around, 
she  had  a  similar  propensity  to  dart  the  forefinger  into  little  boles  in  the 
furniture,  &c.  One  hole  in  the  wooden  screen  received  the  point  of  the 
forefinger  many  hundred  times,  which  was  suddenly  and  involuntarily 
darted  into  it  with  an  amazing  rapidity  and  precision.  There  was  one 
particular  part  of  the  wall  to  which  she  frequently  danced,  and  there, 
placing  herself  with  the  back  to  it,  stood  two  or  three  minutes.  This 
by  the  family  was  called  *  the  measuring  place.'' 

"  In  the  afternoon  the  motions  returned,  and  proceeded  much  as  in 
the  morning.  At  this  time  a  person  present,  surprised  at  the  manner 
in  which  she  beat  upon  the  doors,  «fcc.,  and  thinking  he  recognised  the 
air,  without  further  ceremony  began  to  sing  the  tune  ;  the  moment  this 
struck  her  ears,  she  turned  suddenly  to  the  man,  and  dancing  directly 
up  to  him,  continued  doing  so  till  he  was  out  of  breath.  The  man  now 
ceased  a  short  time,  when  commencing  again,  he  continued  till  the  at- 
tack stopped.  The  night  before  this,  her  father  had  mentioned  his  wish 
to  procure  a  drum,  associating  this  dance  of  his  daughter  with  some 
ideas  of  music.  The  avidity  with  which  she  danced  to  the  tune  when 
sung  as  above  stated,  confirmed  this  wish,  and  accordingly  a  drum  and 

••         •  -  '  >f.     '^       ^ 


APPENDIX.  155 

fife  were  procured  in  the  evening.  After  two  hours  of  rest,  the  motions 
again  reappeared,  when  the  drum  and  fife  began  to  play  the  air  to  which 
she  had  danced  before,  viz.  the  '  Protestant  Boys,'  a  favourite  popular 
air  in  this  neighbourhood.  In  whatever  part  of  the  room  she  happened 
to  be,  she  immediately  turned  and  danced  up  to  the  drum,  and  as  close 
as  possible  to  it,  and  there  she  danced  till  she  missed  the  step,  when 
the  involuntary  motions  instantly  ceased.  The  first  time  she  missed  the 
step  in  five  minutes ;  but  again  rose,  and  danced  to  the  drum  two  mi- 
nutes and  a  half  by  her  father's  watch,  when,  missing  the  step,  the  mo- 
tions instantly  ceased.  She  rose  a  third  time,  and  missing  the  step  in 
half  a  minute,  the  motions  immediately  ceased.  After  this,  the  drum 
and  fife  commenced  as  the  involuntary  actions  were  coming  on,  and  be- 
fore she  rose  from  her  seat ;  and  four  times  they  completely  checked 
the  progress  of  the  attack,  so  that  she  did  not  rise  upon  the  floor  to 
dance.     At  this  period  the  aftection  ceased  for  the  evening. 

"  March  1.  She  arose  very  Avell  at  half-past  seven.  Upon  my  visit 
this  morning,  the  circumstances  of  the  preceding  afternoon  being  stated, 
it  appeared  clear  to  me  that  the  attacks  had  been  shortened.  Slow  as  I 
had  seen  the  eftects  of  medicine  in  the  comparatively  trifling  disease  of 
young  females,  I  was  very  willing  that  the  family  should  pursue  the 
.    experiment,  whilst  the  medical  means  were  continued. 

"  As  I  wished  to  see  the  efiect  of  the  instrument  over  the  disease,  I 
was  sent  for  at  noon,  when  I  found  her  dancing  to  the  drum,  which  she 
continued  to  do  for  half  an  hour  without  missing  the  step,  owing  to  the 
slowness  of  the  movement.  As  I  sat  counting  the  pulse,  which  I  found 
to  be  120,  in  the  short  intervals  of  an  attack,  I  noticed  motions  of  the 
lips,  previous  to  the  commencement  of  the  dance,  and  placing  my  ear 
near  the  mouth  I  distinguished  a  tune.  iVfter  the  attack,  of  which 
this  was  the  beginning,  she  informed  me,  in  answer  to  my  inquiry,  that 
there  always  was  a  tune  dwelling  upon  her  mind,  which  at  times  be- 
coming more  pressing,  irresistibly  impelled  her  to  commence  the  in- 
voluntary motions.     The  motions  ceased  at  four  o'clock. 

"  At  half-past  seven  the  motions  commenced  again,  when  I  was  sent 
for.  There  were  two  drummers  present,  and  an  unbraced  drum  was 
beaten  till  the  other  was  braced.  She  danced  regularly  to  the  unbraced 
drum,  but  the  moment  the  other  commenced  she  instantly  ceased.  As 
missing  the  time  stopped  the  aftections,  I  wished  the  measure  to  be 
changed  during  the  dance,  which  stopped  the  attack.  It  also  ceased 
upon  increasing  the  rapidity  of  the  beat,  till  she  could  no  longer  keep 
time;  and  it  was  truly  surprising  to  see  the  rapidity  and  violence  of  the 
muscular  exertion,  in  order  to  keep  time  with  the  increasing  movement 
of  the  instrument.  Five  times  I  saw  her  sit  down  the  same  evening,  at 
the  instant  that  she  was  unable  to  keep  the  measure  ;  and  in  conse- 
quence of  this  I  desired  the  drummers  to  beat  one  continued  roll,  in- 
stead of  a  regular  movement.     She  arose  and  danced  five  minutes,  when 


156  THE   DANCING    MANIA. 

both  drums  beat  a  continued  roll :  the  motions  instantly  stopped,  and  tlie 
patient  sat  down.  In  a  few  minutes  the  motions  commencing  again,  she 
was  suffered  to  dance  five  minutes,  when  the  drums  again  began  to  roll, 
the  effect  of  which  was  instantaneous  ;  the  motions  ceased,  and  the  pa- 
tient sat  down.  In  a  few  minutes  the  same  wasrepeatedwith  the  same 
eflect.  It  appeared  certain  that  the  attacks  could  now  be  stopped  in  an 
instant,  and  I  was  desirous  of  arresting  them  entirely,  and  breaking  the 
chain  of  irregular  associations  which  constituted  the  disease.  As  the 
motions  at  this  period  always  commenced  in  the  fingers,  and  propagated 
themselves  along  the  upper  extremities  to  the  trunk,  I  desired  the  drum- 
mers, when  the  patient  arose  to  dance,  to  watch  the  commencement  of 
the  attack,  and  roll  the  drums  before  she  arose  from  the  chair.  Six 
times  successively  the  patient  was  hindered  from  rising,  by  attending  to 
the  commencement  of  the  affection  ;  and  before  leaving  the  house,  I  de- 
sired the  family  to  attend  to  the  commencement  of  the  attacks,  and  use 
the  drum  early. 

"  March  2.  She  arose  at  seven  o'clock,  and  the  motions  commenced 
at  ten  ;  she  danced  twice  before  the  drummer  was  prepared,  after  which 
she  attempted  to  dance  again  four  several  times  ;  but  one  roll  of  a  well- 
braced  drum  hindered  the  patient  from  leaving  her  seat,  after  which  the 
attacks  did  not  recur.  She  was  left  weakly  and  fatigued  by  the  disease, 
but  with  a  good  appetite.  In  the  evening  of  this  day  an  eruption  ap- 
peared, particularly  about  the  elbows,  in  diffused  patches  of  a  bright 
red  colovir,  which  went  off  on  the  third  day." 

Other  cases  might  be  adduced  (see  23rd  vol.  of  the  Edinburgh  Medical 
and  Surgical  Journal,  p.  261  ;  31st  vol.  of  ditto,  p.  299  ;  5th  vol.  of  the 
Medico- Chirurgical  Transactions,  pp.  1  to  23,  &c.),  but  as  there  is  none 
more  striking  than  this,  they  would  unnecessarily  swell  this  number  of 
the  Appendix,  which  has  already  extended  to  an  undue  length. 


VL 


MUSIC  FOR  THE  DANCE  OF   THE  TARANTATI, 


ATHAN.  KIRCHER. 


Magness.  de  Arte  magnetica.  Rom.  1654^.  foL  p.  591. — Repeated  in 
Sam.  Hafenreffer,  NosodocTiium,  in  quo  cutis  affectus  traduntur. 
Ulm.  1660.  8t7o.  p.  485. 


I.  Primus  modus  Tarantella. 


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II.  Secundus  modus. 


-^-^ ■ ! ^ 1—^.^^ 1 :  ^^  * 


158 


THE    DANCING    MANIA. 


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Stu  pettu  e  fattu  Cimbalii  d'Amuri: 
Testi  li  seusi  mobili,  e  accorti : 
Cordi  li  chianti,  sospiri,  e  duluri : 
Rosa  e  lu  Cori  miu  feritu  a  morti : 
Strali  e  lu  ferru,  chiai  so  li  miei  arduii : 
Marteddu  e  lu  pensieri,  e  la  mia  sorti : 
Mastra  e  la  Donna  mia,  cli'a  tutti  I'huri 
Cantando  canta  leta  la  mia  m  rti. 

Some  strophes,  which  are  no  longer  extant,  were  usually  sung  be- 
tween these  and  the  following  lines  : — 

Allu  mari  mi  portati, 

Se  voleti  che  mi  sanati. 

Allu  mari,  alia  via  : 

Cosi  m'ama  la  Donna  mia. 

Allu  mari,  allu  mari : 

Menti'c  campo,  t'aggio  amari. 


160  THE    DANCING   MANIA. 

VI.  Tarantella. 


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THE  SWEATING  SICKNESS. 


U 


PEEFACE. 


The  present  work  is  a  continuation  of  my  treatises  on  collateral 
subjects,  and,  like  thera,  maintains  the  opinion,  that  great  epi- 
demics are  epochs  of  development,  wherein  the  mental  energies  of 
mankind  are  exerted  in  every  direction.  The  history  of  the  world 
bears  indisputable  testimony  to  this  fact.  The  tendencies  of  the 
mind,  the  turn  of  thought  of  whole  ages,  have  frequently  depended 
on  prevailing  diseases  ;  for  nothing  exercises  a  more  potent  influ- 
ence over  man,  either  in  disposing  him  to  calmness  and  submission, 
or  in  kindling  in  hira  the  wildest  passions,  than  the  proximity  of 
inevitable  and  universal  danger.  Often  have  infatuation  and 
fanaticism,  hatred  and  revenge,  engendered  by  an  overwhelming 
fear  of  death,  spread  fire  and  flames  throughout  the  world. 
Famine  and  diseases,  among  which  may  be  instanced  the  fiery 
plague  of  St.  Anthony,  were  no  less  powerful  in  calling  forth  the 
chivalrous  spirit  of  the  crusades  than  the  enthusiastic  eloquence  of 
Peter  the  Hermit — the  Black  Death  brought  thousands  to  the 
stake,  and  aroused  the  fearful  penances  of  the  Flagellants — while 
the  oriental  leprosy  cast  a  gloomy  shade  over  society  throughout 
the  whole  course  of  the  middle  ages. 

"With  all  such  commotions,  the  most  striking  events  of  the 
world  are  in  intimate  relation,  and  unquestionably,  amid  the 
changing  forms  of  existence  in  the  human  race,  more  has  always 
depended  on  the  prevailing  tone  of  thought  than  on  the  rude 
powers  by  which  those  events  were  produced.  The  historian, 
therefore,  who  would  investigate  the  hidden  influence  of  mind, 
cannot  dispense  with  medical  research.  The  fiicts  themselves  con- 
vince him  of  the  organic  union  of  the  corporeal  and  the  spiritual 
in  all  human  affairs,  and  consequently  of  the  innate  vital  con- 
nexion of  all  human  knowledge.  Hence,  in  a  medical  point  of 
view,  how  vast  is  the  field  for  observation  presented  by  the  history 


TREFACE.  165 

of  popular  diseases.  Present  bodily  sufferings '  are,  collectively, 
but  a  step  in  the  development, — but  one  phase  of  morbid  life 
amid  a  long  series  of  phenomena,  and  hence  are  not  fully  under- 
stood without  a  previous  knowladge  of  the  past,  and  historical 
research.  How  can  we  recognise  the  ring  of  Saturn  as  such,  so 
long  as  our  axis  of  vision  is  in  its  plane,  and  we  see  it  only  as  a 
line.  Great  pestilences  have  vanished  or  been  dispersed  ;  from 
causes  apparently  the  most  insignificant,  the  most  important  con- 
sequences have  resulted,  and  throughout  the  vicissitudes  of  danger 
and  devastation,  the  operations  of  mighty  laws  of  nature  arc  every- 
where manifested  in  the  social  tendencies  of  entire  centuries. 

This  is  no  aerial  realm  of  transitory  conjectures — facts  them- 
selves speak  in  a  thousand  reminiscences.  If  we  do  but  investigate 
the  past  with  unprejudiced  assiduity — if  we  do  but  consider  even 
the  few  successful  researches  which  have  hitherto  been  made  in 
historical  pathology  (perhaps  those  who  are  kindly  disposed  will 
recognise  even  mine),  we  shall  not  fail  to  arrive  at  a  centre  of 
reality,  which  the  healing  art,  to  its  great  detriment,  has  hitherto 
been  far  from  reaching,  whilst  it  has  occasionally  penetrated  into 
a  less  fertile  soil,  or  even  encumbered  itself  with  the  accumulated 
rubbish  of  the  pedantic  dogmas  of  the  schools. 

The  state,  which  founds  its  legislation  on  a  knowledge  of 
realities,  which  expects  from  the  physical  sciences  information 
respecting  human  life  collectively,  considered  in  all  its  relations, 
has  a  right  to  demand  from  its  physicians  a  general  insight  into 
the  nature  and  causes  of  popular  diseases.  Such  an  insight,  how- 
ever, as  is  worthy  the  dignity  of  a  science,  cannot  be  obtained  by 
the  observation  of  isolated  epidemics,  because  nature  never  in  any 
one  of  them  displays  herself  in  all  her  bearings,  nor  brings  into 
action,  at  one  time,  more  than  a  few  of  the  laws  of  general  disease. 
One  generation,  however  rich  it  may  be  in  stores  of  important 
knowledge,  is  never  adequate  to  establish,  on  the  foundation  of 
actually  observed  phenomena,  a  doctrine  of  popular  diseases  worthy 
of  the  name.  The  experience  of  all  ages  is  the  source  whence  we 
must  in  this  case  draw,  and  medical  investigation  is  the  only  road 
which  leads  to  this  source,  unless,  indeed,  we  would  be  unprepared 
to  meet  new  epidemics,  and  would  maintain  the  unfounded  opinion 
that  medical  science,  as  it  now  exists,  is  the  full  result  of  all  pre- 
ceding efforts. 

1  The  author  seems  to  me  here  to  alhide  to  what  Sydculiani  calls  the  "  eonstitufio 
cpulemica,"  as  if  he  would  say,  "  The  epidemic  constitution,  as  it  exists  at  any  one  time, 
is  but  a  step,"  &c. 


166  PREFACE. 

An  insight,  not  only  into  general  visitations  of  disease,  which 
in  the  course  of  ages  have  appeared  in  divers  forms,  but  also  into 
every  single  disease,  whether  it  occurs  in  intimate  connexion  with 
others  or  not,  is  rendered  more  distinct  by  a  knowledge  of  the 
contemporary  circumstances  which  attend  its  development.  I 
would  fain  hope,  therefore,  that  the  future  research  and  diligence 
of  physicians,  devoted  to  the  pursuit  of  truth  and  science,  will  be 
more  generally  directed  to  historical  investigation ;  and  that 
universities  and  academies  will  concede  to  it  that  prominent  place 
which,  from  its  high  importance  as  an  extensive  branch  of  natural 
philosophy,  it  justly  demands. 

Whether  the  following  inquiry  into  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
diseases  on  record  corresponds  with  these  views,  I  must  leave  ray 
readers  to  judge.  The  historian  will  discern  what  social  feelings 
are  produced  among  nations  by  great  events,  and  to  the  physician 
a  picture  of  suffering  will  be  unveiled,  to  which  the  diseases  of  the 
present  time  afford  no  parallel.  I  have  throughout  kept  in  view 
the  spirit  and  the  dignity  of  the  sixteenth  century,  which  was  as 
remarkable  for  military  triumphs  as  for  tragic  events ;  and  I  look 
with  confidence  for  the  same  indulgence  and  goodwill  now,  which, 
through  the  kindness  of  friends,  I  have  already  enjoyed  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  in  a  higher  degree  than  my  sincere  gratitude 
can  find  words  to  express. 


THE  SWEATING  SICKNESS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

THE    FIRST    VISITATION    OF    THE    DISEASE.  — 1485. 

"  Sound  drums  and  trumpets,  boldly  and  cheerfully, 
God  and  Saint  George !  Richmond  and  victory !  "— Sdakspeare. 

Sect.  I. — Ertptiox. 

After  the  fate  of  England  had  been  decided  by  the  battle  of 
Bosworth,  on  the  22nd  of  August,  1485/  the  joy  of  the  nation  was 
clouded  by  a  mortal  disease  which  thinned  the  ranks  of  the  war- 
riors, and  following  in  the  rear  of  Henry's  victorious  army,  spread 
in  a  few  weeks  from  the  distant  mountains  of  Wales  to  the  rae- 
ti'opolis  of  the  empire.  It  was  a  violent  inflammatory  fever, 
which,  after  a  short  rigor,  prostrated  the  powers  as  with  a  blow ; 
and  amidst  painful  oppression  at  the  stomach,  head-ache,  and 
lethargic  stupor,  suffused  the  whole  body  with  a  fetid  perspiration. 
All  this  took  place  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours,  and  the  crisis  was 
always  over  within  the  space  of  a  day  and  night.  ^  The  internal 
heat  which  the  patient  suflfered  was  intolerable,  yet  every  refriger- 
ant was  certain  death.  The  people  were  seized  with  consterna- 
tion when  they  saw  that  scarcely  one  in  a  hundred  escaped,^  and 
their  first  impression  was  that  a  reign  commencing  with  such 
horrors  would  doubtless  prove  most  inauspicious.* 

'  Grafton,  Vol.  11.  pp.  147.  15.5.  *  Hall,  p.  425. 

3  For  suddenlie  a  deadlie  burning  sweat  so  assailed  tlieir  bodies  and  distempered 
their  blood  with  a  most  ardent  heat,  that  scarce  one  amongst  an  hundred  that  sickened 
did  escape  with  life ;  for  all  in  maner  as  soone  as  the  sweat  tooke  them,  or  within  a 
short  time  after,  yeelded  the  ghost.  Holinshcd,  Vol.  III.  p.  482.  Godicin,  p.  98. 
Poll/dor.  Vergiliiis,  L.  XXVI.  p.  5G7.  Wood,  T.  I.  A.  1485.  p.  233.  Wood  takes 
his  testimony  respecting  the  symptoms  of  the  disease  at  third  hand  from  Carol.  Va- 
lesius  (Cap.  XIV.  p.  226),  a  Fpcnch  physician  at  Rome,  about  1650,  who  employs 
P.  Foreest's  words.  This  last  author,  however,  did  not  himself  observe  the  Ilnglish 
sweating  sickness. 

*   Bacon,  p.  36. 


1G8  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

At  first  the  new  foe  was  scarcely  heeded  ;  citizens  and  peasants 
went  in  joyful  processions  to  meet  the  victorious  army.  Henry's 
march  from  Bosworth  towards  London  resembled  a  triumph, 
which  was  everywhere  celebrated  by  festivals ;  for  the  nation, 
after  its  manj'-  years  of  civil  war,  looked  forward  to  happier  days 
than  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  blood-thirsty  E,ichard. 

Yei'y  shortly,  however,  after  the  king's  entry  into  the  capital 
on  the  28th  of  August/  the  Sweating  Sickness,^  as  the  disease 
was  called,  began  to  spread  its  ravages  among  the  densely  peo- 
pled streets  of  the  city.  Two  lord  mayors  and  six  aldermen  died 
within  one  week,^  having  scarcely  laid  aside  their  festive  robes ; 
many  who  had  been  in  perfect  health  at  night,  were  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning  numbered  among  the  dead.  The  disease  for  the 
most  part  marked  for  its  victims  robust  and  vigorous  men  ;  and  as 
many  noble  families  lost  their  chiefs,  extensive  commercial  houses 
their  principals,  and  wards  their  guardians,  the  festivities  were 
soon  converted  into  o^rief  and  mournino-.  The  coronation  of  the 
king,  which  was  expected  to  overcome  the  scruples  that  many 
entertained  of  his  right  to  the  throne,  was  of  necessity  postponed 
in  this  general  distress,''  and  the  disease,  in  the  mean  time,  spread 
without  interruption  and  over  the  whole  kingdom  from  east  to 
west.'^ 

It  is  agreed  that  the  pestilence  did  not  commence  till  the  very 
beginning  of  August,  1485,  and  was  in  obvious  connexion  with 
the  circumstances  of  the  times.  To  return  to  their  native  country 
had  long  been  the  ardent  desire  of  the  Earl  of  Richmond  and  his 
faithful  followers.  At  the  age  of  15  (1471),  having  escaped  the 
vengeance  of  the  House  of  York,  and  the  assassins  of  Edward,  he 
was  overtaken  by  a  storm,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  Francis  II., 
Duke  of  Bretagne,  who  long  detained  him  prisoner,  but  on  the 
death  of  Edward,  in  1483,  supplied  him  with  means  to  enforce 
his  claims  to  the  English  throne,  as  the  last  descendant  of  the 
House  of  Lancaster.  This  first  undertaking  miscarried.  A  storm 
drove  back  the  bold  adventurer  to  Dieppe,  and  compelled  hira 
once  more  to  throw  himself,  with  his  five  hundred  English  fol- 
lowers, on  the  hospitality  of  Duke  Francis.  Richard's  influence 
with  the  Duke,  however,  rendered  his  stay  there  somewhat 
dangerous.     Richmond  withdrew  privately,  and  endeavoured  to 

1  Fabian,  p.  673. 

-  Swetynge  syketiesse  in  the  Chronicles. 

'  The  Mayors'  names  were  Thomas  Hylle  and    Williain   Stockrr.     Fabian,  loo.  cit. 

^  Until  the  30th  of  October.      Grafto7i,  \i.  lo^.  »   TI  oorf,  loc.  cit. 


ERUPTION.  1 69 

gain  over  to  his  cause  Charles  VIII.,  who  was  yet  a  minor.  A 
small  subsidy  of  French  troops,  some  pieces  of  artillery,  and  an 
adequate  supply  of  moue}^,  were  finally  granted  to  his  repeated 
solicitations.  This  little  band  was  quickly  augmented  to  2000 
men,  who  were  all  embarked,  and  on  the  25th  of  July,  1485,  they 
weighed  anchor  at  Havre,  and  seven  days  after,  the  standard  of 
Richmond  was  raised  in  Milford  Haven.' 

They  landed  at  the  village  of  Dale,  on  the  west  side  of  the  har- 
bour, and  on  the  evening  of  their  arrival,  or  very  early  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning,  Kichmond  hastened  to  Haverfordwest,  where  no 
messenger  had  yet  announced  the  renewal  of  the  civil  war.  It 
appears  that  he  reached  Cardigan,  on  the  northern  shore,  on  the 
3rd  of  August,  and  for  the  first  time  granted  to  his  small  but  in- 
creasing army  the  repose  of  an  encampment. 

After  a  short  halt  he  set  forward  with  confidence,  crossed  the 
Severn  at  Shrewsbury,^  turned  from  thence  to  Newport  and  Staf- 
ford, and  pitched  his  camp  at  Litchfield,  probably  before  the  18th 
of  August.^  The  distance  to  this  place  from  Milford  Haven  is 
170  miles,  and  the  road  leads  over  wooded  mountains  and  culti- 
vated fields  without  touching  upon  any  swampy  lands.  Litchfield, 
however,  lies  low,  and  it  was  here  that  the  army  encamped  in  a 
damp  situation,  till  it  broke  up  for  the  neighbouring  field  of  Bos- 
worth.  Thither  Richmond,  with  scarcely  5000  men,  and  having 
his  right  wing  covered  by  a  moz'ass,  went  to  meet  his  deadly  foe, 
whose  army  doubled  his  own.  The  combat  was  at  first  furious, 
but  in  two  hours  Lord  Stanley  crowned  the  conqueror  with 
Richard's  diadem.* 

All  these  events  so  rapidly  succeeded  each  other  in  the  course 
of  three  weeks,  that  the  knights  and  soldiers  of  Richmond,  more 
and  more  excited  every  day  by  fear  and  hope,  were  scarcely  equal 
to  such  exertions.  Yet  the  very  rapidity  of  the  movements  of  the 
army  was  the  cause  why  the  disease  could  not  spi-ead  so  quickly, 
nor  obstruct  the  final  decision  of  Bosworth,  although  the  report 
of  it  had  already,  before  this  event,  spread  universal  terror ;  so 
that  Lord  Stanley,  when  authoritatively  summoned  by  Richard 

1  riiil.  de  Comiiies,  Tom.  I.  p.  344.  Compare  the  English  chronicles  quoted. 
The  history  of  Croyland  Abbey  states  that  the  1st  of  August  was  the  day  of  Richmond's 
arrival  at  Milford  Haven.  There  exists  no  reason  for  departing  from  this  statement 
\vith  some  modern  writers,  namely,  Kay  da  Chcsne,\).  11 92,  Lilie,  p.  382,  and  Mar- 
solier,  who  assert  the  landing  of  the  army  to  have  taken  place  on  the  7th  of  August. 
Historia  Croylandensis,  p.  573,  in  Jo.  Fell. 

2  Grafton,  p.  147.  ^  ^toic,  p.  779. 
*  Accordins;  to  the  unanimous  statements  of  the  chi-oniclers. 


170  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

to  repair  to  his  standard,  sought  to  gain  time,  and,  by  way  of  ex- 
cuse, alleged  the  prevalence  of  the  new  disease.' 

After  the  victory  of  Bosworth,  King  Henry  remained  two  days 
in  Leicester,  and  then  without  further  delay  hastened  to  London, 
which  he  reached  in  less  than  four  days,  unaccompanied  by  mili- 
tary parade,  and  attended  only  by  a  select  body  of  followers.  The 
remainder  of  his  army,  which  stood  greatly  in  need  of  repose  after 
its  severe  toils,  were  not  in  a  condition  for  marching,  they  there- 
fore halted  in  the  neighbouring  towns,  and  were  probably  dis- 
banded, according  to  the  custom  of  the  age.- 

The  Sweating  Sickness  is  said  not  to  have  made  its  appearance 
in  London  till  the  21st  of  September,^  but  historians  have  most 
likely  intended  by  that  day  to  mark  the  commencement  of  its 
virulence,  which  continued  to  the  end  of  the  following  month,  and 
lasted,  therefore,  in  all,  about  five  weeks. 

During  this  short  period  a  large  portion  of  the  population  ^  fell 
victims  to  the  new  epidemic,  and  the  lamentation  was  without 
bounds  so  long  as  the  people  were  ignorant  that  this  fearful  dis- 
ease, unable  to  establish  its  dominion,  would  only  pass  through 
the  country  like  a  flash  of  lightning,  and  then  again  give  place 
to  the  active  intercourse  of  society  and  the  cheering  hope  of  life. 

There  was  no  security  against  a  second  attack ;  for  many  who 
had  recovered  were  seized  by  it,  with  equal  violence,  a  second, 
and  sometimes  a  third  time,  so  that  they  had  not  even  the  slender 
consolation  enjoyed  by  sufferers  in  the  plague ''  and  sraall-pox,  of 
entire  immunity  after  having  once  surmounted  the  danger.** 

Thus  by  the  end  of  the  year  the  disease  had  spread  over  the 
whole  of  England,  and  visited  every  place  with  the  same  severity 
as  the  metropolis.     Many  persons  of  rank,  of  the  ecclesiastical 

'  Ilistor.  Croj'landeiis.  p.  573.     Fell. 

^  Baco7i,  p.  7.  Marsolier,  p.  142.  Yet  in  the  Autumn  of  that  same  year  Henry 
established,  what  no  prior  king  of  England  ever  had,  'a  body-guard.  It  consisted  of 
only  50  "Yemen  of  the  Crowne,"  to  each  of  whom  there  were  appointed  two  men  on 
foot — an  archer  and  a  demi-lance,  and  a  groom  to  attend  to  his  tliree  horses.  The 
first  commander  of  this  body-guard,  which  formed  the  most  ancient  stock  whence 
sprang  the  English  standing  army,  was  Henry  Bozirchier,  Earl  of  Essex.  Herbert  of 
Cherbiiri/,  p.  9.     Grafton,  and  the  other  chroniclers,  loc.  cit.     Baker,  p.  254. 

^  Bacon,  Stow,  Baker,  loc.  cit.  Rapin  considered  the  middle  of  September  as  the 
period  of  the  outbreak.     T.  IV.  p.  38G. 

*  "Infinite  persons."  Bacon.  "A  wonderful  number."  Stow.  "Many  thou- 
sands."     Baker,  loc.  cit. 

'  The  plague  can  scarcely  be  said  to  furnish  this  immunity,  for  though  the  second 
attack  is  an  exception  to  a  pretty  general  rule,  it  is  one  of  by  no  means  unfrequent  oc- 
currence.—  Transl.  note. 

0  Holinshed,  Vol.  III.  p.  482. 


THE   PHYSICIANS.  171 

and  the  civil  classes,  became  its  victims ;  and  great  was  the  con- 
sternation when,  in  the  month  of  August,  it  broke  out  in  Oxford. 
Professors  and  students  fled  in  all  directions ;  but  death  overtook 
many  of  them,  and  this  celebrated  university  was  deserted  for  six 
weeks.  ^  Three  months  later  it  appeared  at  Croyland,  and  on  the 
14th  of  November,  carried  off  Lambert  Fossedyke,  abbot  of  the 
monastery.-  No  authentic  accounts  from  other  quarters  have  been 
handed  down  to  our  times,  but  we  may  infer,  from  the  general 
grief  and  anxiety  which  prevailed,  that  the  loss  of  human  life  was 
very  considerable. 

Sect.  2, — The  Physicians. 

The  physicians  could  do  little  or  nothing  for  the  people  in  this 
extremity.'  They  are  nowhere  alluded  to  througliout  this  epi- 
demic, and  even  those  who  might  have  come  forward  to  succour 
their  fellow-citizens,  had  fallen  into  the  errors  of  Galen,  and  their 
dialectic  minds  sank  under  this  appalling  phenomenon.  This  holds 
good  even  of  the  famous  Thomas  Linacre,  subsequently  physician 
in  ordinary  to  two  monarchs,*  and  founder  of  the  College  of 
Physicians,  in  1518,  In  the  prime  of  his  youth  he  had  been  an 
eye-witness  of  the  events  at  Oxford,  and  survived  even  the  second 
and  third  eruption  of  the  Sweating  Sickness  ;  but  in  none  of  his 
writings  do  we  find  a  single  word  respecting  this  disease,  which  is 
of  such  permanent  importance.  In  fact,  the  restorers  of  the  medi- 
cal science  of  ancient  Greece,  who  were  followed  by  all  the  most 
enlightened  men  in  Europe,  with  the  single  exception  of  Linacre, 
occupied  themselves  rather  with  the  ancient  terms  of  art  than 
with  actual  observation,  and  in  their  critical  researches  overlook- 
ed the  important  events  that  were  passing  before  their  cyes.'^  This 
reminds  us  of  the  later  Greek  physicians,  who  for  four  hundred 

'    Wood,  p.  233.  2  Histor.  Croyland.  p.  569.     FeU. 

*  No  physick  afforded  any  cure.     linker,  p.  254. 

■*  Henry  VII.,  and  Henry  Vllf.  Compare  the  excellent  biographical  account  of 
this  learned  man  by  Aikin. 

^  Erasmus  expresses  himself  on  this  subject  in  his  usual  manner.  He  was  on  terms 
of  strict  friendship  with  Linacre,  whom  on  other  occasions  he  greatly  lauds.  This, 
however,  does  not  prevent  him  from  lashing  him  with  his  satire  a.s  a  philological  pe- 
dant. "Xovi  quendam  ■KoXvTf.xvoraTov,  gra^cum,  latinum,  mathcmaticum,  philoso- 
phum,  medicum,  Kai  ravra  j^arriXiKov,  jam  sexagenarium  (he  was  born  in  1460,  and 
died  in  I52i),  qui  ceteris  rebus  omissis,  annis  plus  viginti  se  torquet  ac  discruciat  in 
grammatica,  ;?rors!«/e/('ce»i  se  fore  ratus,  sitamditi  liceat  vivere,  donee  certo  statuat, 
quomodo  distinguend(e  sint  octo  partes  orationis,  quod  hactenus  nemo  Grajcorum  aut 
Latinorum  ad  plenum  pnestare  valuit."  Laus  Stultitiae,  p.  200.  That  Linacre  is 
here  meant  is  quite  plain  ;  the  passage  applies  to  no  other  contemporary. 


172  THE  SWEATING  SICKNESS. 

years  paid  no  attention  to  the  small-pox,  because  they  could  find 
no  description  of  it  in  the  immortal  works  of  Galen.' 

No  resource  was  therefore  left  to  the  terrified  people  of  Eng- 
land but  their  own  good  sense,  and  this  led  them  to  the  adoption 
of  a  plan  of  treatment,  than  which  no  physician  in  the  world  could 
have  given  them  a  better ;  namely,  not  to  resort  to  any  violent 
medicines,  but  to  apply  moderate  heat,  to  abstain  from  food, 
taking  only  a  "small  quantity  of  mild  drink,  and  quietly  to  wait 
for  fo'ur-and-twenty  hours  the  crisis  of  this  formidable  malady. 
Those  who  were  attacked  during  the  day,  in  order  to  avoid  any 
chill,  immediately  went  to  bed  in  their  clothes,  and  those  who 
sickened  by  night  did  not  rise  from  their  beds  in  the  morning ; 
while  all  carefully  avoided  exposing  to  the  air  even  a  hand  or 
foot.  Thus  they  anxiously  guarded  against  heat  or  cold,  so  as  not 
to  excite  perspiration  by  the  former,  nor  to  check  it  by  the  latter 
for  they  well  knew  that  either  was  certain  death. ^ 

The  report  of  the  infallibility  of  this  method  soon  spread  over 
the  whole  kingdom,  and  thus  towards  the  commencement  of  1-186, 
many  were  rescued  from  death.  On  New  Year's  Day,  a  violent 
tempest  arose  in  the  south-east,  and  by  purifying  the  atmosphere 
relieved  the  oppression  under  which  the  people  laboured,  and  thus, 
to  the  joy  of  the  whole  nation,  the  epidemic  was  swept  away  with- 
out leaving  a  trace  behind.^ 

Sect.  3. — Causes. 

It  was  thought  remarkable,  even  at  that  time,  that  the  Sweat- 
ing Sickness  did  not  extend  beyond  the  limits  of  England,  and 
that,  remaining  the  unenviable  property  of  that  nation,  it  did  not 
even  spread  to  Scotland,  Ireland,  or  Calais,  which  belonged  to 
Britain.  Much,  doubtless,  was  owing  to  the  peculiarity  of  the 
climate,  more  still  to  atmospherical  changes,  and  something  also 
to  the  habits  of  the  people  and  the  circumstances  of  the  times. 
It  plainly  appeared  in  the  sequel  that  the  English  Sweating 
Sickness  was  a  spirit  of  the  mist,  which  hovered  amid  the  dark 
clouds.  Even  in  ordinary  years,  the  atmosphere  of  England  is 
loaded  with  these  clouds  during  considerable  periods,  and  in  damp 
seasons  they  would  prove  the  more  injurious  to  health,  as  the 
Eno-lish  of  those  times  were  not  accustomed  to  cleanliness,  modera- 

o 

1  See  the  author's  History  of  Medicine,  Book  II.  p.  311. 

2  Grafton,  p.  161,  and  the  other  clironirlers. 
'    Wood,  loo.  cit. 


CAUSES.  173 

tion  in  their  diet,  or  even  comfortable  refinements.  Gluttony 
was  common  among  the  nobility  as  well  as  among  the  lower 
classes ;  all  were  immoderately  addicted  to  drinking,'  and  the 
manners  of  the  age  sanctioned  this  excess  at  their  banquets  and 
their  festivities.  If  we  consider  that  the  disease  mostly  attacked 
strong  and  robust  men — that  portion  of  the  people  who  abandon- 
ed themselves  without  restraint  to  all  the  pleasures  of  the  table 
— while  women,  old  men,  and  children,  almost  entirely  escaped, 
it  is  obvious  that  a  gross  indulgence  of  the  appetite  must  have  had 
a  considerable  share  in  the  production  of  this  unparalleled  plague. 
To  this  may  be  added,  the  humidity  of  the  year  1485,  which 
is  represented  by  most  chronicles  as  very  remarkable."  Through- 
out the  Avhole  of  Europe  the  rain  fell  in  torrents,  and  inunda- 
tions were  frequent.  Damp  weather  is  not  prejudicial  to  health 
if  it  be  merely  temporary,  but  if  the  rain  be  excessive  for  a  series 
of  years,  so  that  the  ground  is  completely  saturated,  and  the  mists 
attract  baneful  exhalations  out  of  the  earth,  man  must  necessarily 
suffer  from  the  noxious  state  of  the  soil  and  atmosphere.  Under 
these  circumstances  epidemics  must  inevitably  follow.  The  five 
preceding  years  had  been  unusually  wet,^  1485  proved  equally  so ; 
the  last  hot  and  droughty  summer  was  that  of  1479.'*  Extensive 
inundations  of  the  Tiber,  the  Po,  the  Danube,  the  Ilhine,  and 
most  of  the  other  great  rivers,  took  place  in  1480,  and  were  at- 
tended with  the  usual  consequences,  the  deterioration  of  the  air, 
misery,  and  disease.^  The  greatest  inundation  ever  remembered 
in  England  was  that  of  the  Severn,  in  October,  1483.  It  was 
long  afterwards  called  the  Duke  of  Buckingham's  Great  Water," 
because  it  frustrated  the  rebellion  of  this  powerful  subject  against 
Richard  III.,  whom  he  had  been  instrumental  in  placing 
upon  the  throne ;  and  consequently  defeated  also  the  first  enter- 
prise of  Henry  VII.  It  lasted  full  ten  days,  and  the  tremend- 
ous ravages  occasioned  by  the  overwhelming  torrent  dwelt  long 
in  the  memory  of  the  people. 

1  The  luscious  Greek  wines  were  at  this  time  the  most  in  vogue,  especially  Cretan 
wine,  Malmsey,  and  Muschat.     Lenmius,  de  compl.  \j.  II.  fol.  111.  b.  Beitsner,  p.  70. 

2  Werlich,  p.  2  18.  3  Spangenberg,  Munsf.  Chr.  fol.  395.  f. 

*  Werlich,  p.  236.  Sjmngenberg,  loc.  cit.  Overflow  of  the  Lech,  1484.  Werlich, 
p.  239. 

5  Franck  von  Word,  fol.  211.  a. 

s  Grafton,  p.  133,  and  all  the  other  chroniclers.  Short,  Vol.  I.  p.  201,  and  several 
others,  even  Schnurrer,  erroneously  asserted  this  inundation  to  have  taken  place  in  the 
year  1485. 


174  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 


Sect.  4. — Other  Epidemics. 

During  the  whole  of  this  period  the  nations  of  Europe  were 
visited  with  various  and  destructive  plagues.  In  1477,  the  Bubo- 
plague  broke  out  in  Italy,  and  raged  without  interruption  till 
1485.'  It  was  accompanied  by  striking  natural  phenomena, 
among  which  we  may  reckon  an  enormous  flight  of  locusts  in 
1478  -  and  1482,  and  remarkable  intercurrent  diseases,  such  as 
inflammatory  pain  in  the  side,  throughout  the  whole  of  Italy 
in  1482.^  In  Switzerland  and  Southern  Germany  malignant 
epidemics  *  appeared  in  the  train  of  drought  and  famine  in  1480 
and  1481,  while  putrid  fever  accompanied  by  phrenites,^  prevail- 
ed in  Westphalia,  Hesse,  and  Friesland.  There  had  never  been  in 
the  memory  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  districts  so  many  ignes 
fatui  as  during  this  period.  There  too  the  people  suffered  from 
the  failure  of  the  harvest,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  obtain 
supplies  from  Thuringen.*"  France,  where,  under  the  fearful  reign 
of  Louis  XL,  oppression  and  misery  seemed  to  mock  the  gifts  of 
heaven,  became  in  1482,  after  a  two  years'  scarcity,  the  scene  of 
a  devastating  plague.  It  was  an  inflammatory  fever  with  delirium, 
accompanied  by  such  intense  pain  in  the  head  that  many  dashed 
out  their  brains  against  the  wall,  or  rushed  into  the  water ;  while 
others,  after  incessantly  running  to  and  fro,  died  in  a  state  of  the 
greatest  agony.  According  to  the  notion  of  the  age,  this  disease 
was  attributed  to  astral  influences,  for  it  could  not  have  been 
brought  on  only  by  famine,  which  left  to  the  poor  peasantry, 
south  of  the  Loire,  nothing  but  the  roots  of  wild  herbs  to  support 
their  miserable  existence,^  since  the  higher  classes  were  also 
frequently'  attacked.*     This  fever  was  without  doubt  accompanied 

'   Catnpo,  p.  132.     r/eafer,  p.  32. 

2  Franckv.  Word,  fol.  211.  a.  In  the  pLigue  which  followed,  about  20,000  people 
died  in  Brixen,  and  30,000  in  Venice. 

3  Fracastor.  p.  182.     ISIorb.  Contag.  L.  II. 

*  Wurstisen,  p.  474.  cap.  15.  Fracastor.  p.  136.  Sjmngenherg  (Pcstilentz)  calls 
this  Epidemic  of  1482,  which  spread  all  over  Germany,  Switzerland,  and  France,  "■das 
jihrenitische,  schicerhitzig  Pestilentzfieher,"  i\iG])\\r(imt\<i,  intensely  ardent,  plague-fever. 
Compare  Stiimpjf.  fol.  742.  b. 

5  The  so  called  Hauj^tkrankhcit.  "  Spangenhcrg,  Mansfeld.  Chr.  fol.  396.  a. 

"  In  many  places  women  and  children  were  obliged  to  draw  the  plough,  from  the 
want  of  draught  cattle ;  they  were  obliged  too  to  carry  on  the  cultivation  by  night, 
that  they  might  not  be  observed  by  the  king's  iuhuman  revenue  officers. — Mezeray, 
Tom.  II.  p.  750. 

*  "II  couroit  alors  (1482)  dans  la  France  unc  dangereuse  et  mortellc  maladie,  qui 
affligeoit  inditfcremment  les  grands  et  les  petits,  bicn  qu'clle  nc  fut  pas  contagieuse. 


Richmond's  army.  175 

by  inflammation  of  the  meninges,  or  even  of  the  brain  itself,  and 
was,  perhaps,  identical  with  that  which  at  the  same  period  desolat- 
ed the  north-west  of  Germany  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the  North 
Sea,  only  that  it  was  heightened  by  the  greater  natural  vivacity  and 
miserable  situation  of  the  French  people,  who  were  kept  in  a  state 
of  perpetual  dread  by  the  cruel  executions  of  Louis.'  This  pesti- 
lence occasioned  the  king  to  follow  the  advice  of  his  morose 
physician  ^  in  ordinary,  and  to  keep  himself  closely  confined  with- 
in the  town  of  Plessis  des  Tours.  It  was  prohibited  under  a 
heavy  penalty  to  speak  in  his  presence  of  death  which  was  car- 
rying off  its  victims  in  all  directions,  and  forty  crossbowmen  kept 
guard  in  the  fosse  of  the  castle  to  put  to  death  every  living  thing 
which  might  approach.^  Two  years  after,  in  1484,  virulent  dis- 
eases'* again  visited  Germany  and  Switzerland  ;  and  thus  it  seemed 
as  if  the  nations  were  everywhere  threatened  with  death  and 
destruction. 

Sect.  5. — Richmond's  Army. 

From  these  data,  which  might  easily  be  extended/  it  is  evident 
that  the  Sweating  Sickness  of  1485  did  not  make  its  appearance 
without  great  and  general  premisory  events,  which  for  a  series  of 
years  imparted  to  the  people  of  England  a  susceptibility  to  danger- 
ous and  unusual  diseases.  If,  besides  this,  we  take  into  account 
the  gloomy  temperament  of  the  English,  and  the  general  depres- 
sion of  their  spirits,  in  consequence  of  the  sanguinary  wars  of 
the  red  and  white  roses,  a  series  of  events  which  seems  to  have 
shaken  their  faith  in  an  overruling  Providence,  we  may  readily 
conceive  that  it  would  require  but  a  very  slight  impulse  to  excite 

C'ctoit  uue  espece  de^evre  chaude  et  frenetique,  qui  s'allumoit  tout  d'wi  coup  dans  Ic 
cerveau,  et  le  bruloit  avec  de  si  cruelles  douleurs,  que  les  uns  s'en  cassoient  la  teste 
contre  les  murailles,  les  autres  se  precipitoient  dans  les  putts,  on  se  tuoieiit  ii  force  dc 
courir  {,*a  et  la.  On  cu  attribu  la  cause  a  quclque  malignc  inlluencc  des  astres,  et  k 
la  corruption,  que  la  mauvaise  nourriture  de  I'annee  precedente  avoit  forme  dans  le 
corps;  d'autant  que  los  vins  et  les  bleds  n'otant  point  vcnus  a  maturite,  la  disctte  avoit 
ete  si  gi-ande,  principalement  dans  les  provinces  de  dela  la  Loire,  que  les  peuples  u'avoi- 
entvecu  que  de  racines  et  d'herbes."     Mezeraij,  Tom.  II.  p.  746. 

*  It  is  expressly  affirmed  by  the  historians  tliat  many  of  the  higher  classes  were 
sleepless  from  the  constant  alarm  and  fear  of  Tristan's  sword.  How  greatly  must 
such  a  condition  have  predisposed  the  mind  to  receive  this  destructive  fever ! 

■-  Jacques  Cotier.  He  extorted  from  his  patients  10,000  dollars  a  month,  but,  after 
his  master's  death,  was  obliged  to  refund  to  CharlesWU.  100,000  dollars.  Comines, 
L.  VI.  c.  12.  p.  400.  ^  Mezeray,  loc.  cit. 

*  Spangenberg,  Mansfeld.  Chron.  fol.  379.  a.     Pestilentz,  1485. 

*  Compare  Webster,  T.  I.  p.  147. 


176  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

a  powerful  commotion  in  the  mysterious  meclianism  of  the  human 
body.  This  impulse  was  evidently  given  by  the  landing  of 
Richmond's  army  in  the  very  year  when  great  and  portentous 
evils  were  anticipated;  for  on  the  16th  of  March,  the  same  day 
when  Queen  Ann,  the  unfortunate  wife  of  Richai'd  III.,  expired, 
a  total  eclipse  of  the  sun  enveloped  all  Europe  in  darkness,  and 
gave  rise  to  gloomy  prognostications.^  Even  under  ordinary 
circumstances,  wars  begat  pestilential  disorders — how  much  more 
inevitably  must  these  have  risen  in  the  then  existing  state  of  affairs  ! 
Richmond's  army  consisted  not  of  brave  men  animated  by  zeal  to 
avenge  their  dishonoured  country  or  to  serve  a  good  cause.  It 
was  composed  of  wandering  freebooters,  "vile  landskneckte,"  as 
they  were  called  in  Germany,  who  assembled  under  his  banner  at 
Havre, — sharpshooters  formed  under  Louis  XL,  who  recklessly 
jjillaged  Normandy,  and  whom  Charles  VII I.  gladly  made  over 
to  Henry,  in  order  to  free  his  own  peaceful  territories  from  so 
great  a  scourge.^  This  army  may  not  have  been  worse  than 
others  of  the  same  period  ;  ^  but  cooped  up  as  they  were  for  a 
whole  week  in  dirty  ships,  they  doubtless  carried  about  with 
them  all  the  material  for  germinating  the  seeds  of  a  pestilential 
disorder,  which  broke  out  soon  after  on  the  banks  of  the  Severn 
and  in  the  camp  at  Litchfield. 

Sect-.  6. — Nature  of  the  Sweating  Sickness. 

PKELIMIXARY    IXVESTIGATION. 

Before  we  proceed  further,  some  account  is  hero  required  of 
the  nature  of  this  disease.  It  was  inflammatory  rheumatic  fever, 
with  great  disorder  of  the  nervous  system.  This  assumption  is 
supported  by  the  manner  of  its  origin  and  its  especial  character- 
istic of  being  accompanied  by  a  profuse  and  injurious  perspiration. 

'  Spangetiberg,  Mausftkl.  Chron.  fol.  398.  a.,  and  many  other  chroniclers.  The 
reader  will  have  the  goodness  to  observe,  here  and  in  similar  places,  that  the  text  is 
not  stating  the  opinion  of  the  author,  but  the  way  in  which  these  events  were  viewed 
in  that  age. 

2  —  II  y  avoit  seulement  en  Xorraandie  quchiue  troupes  de  franc-archers,  de  ceux, 
que  Louis  XI.  avoit  licenciez,  qui  couroit  la  campagne  :  et  plusieurs  faineants  s'etant 
joints  avcc  eux,  ils  detruisoient  tout  le  pais,  et  on  devoit  meme  craindre,  que  ce  mal 
ne  se  communiquut  aux  provinces  voisines.  Mais  11  se  presenta  alors  une  belle  occa- 
sion de  delivrer  la  France  de  ces  pillards  .  .  .  et  lui  donna  {Charles  VIII.) 
tout  ces  francs-archers  et  brigands  de  Normaudie  jusqu'au  nombre  de  3000.  Mezeray, 
T.  II.  p.  762. 

•'  "  La  milicc  cstoit  plus  crucllc  ct  plus  desordonncc  que  jamais."  So  says  Mezeray 
of  the  French  soldiers  in  general.     T.  II.  p.  750. 


NATURE    OF    THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS.  177 

From  the  judgment  that  we  are  now  capable  of  forming  of  the 
pernicious  influences  which  prevailed  in  the  3^ear  1485,  it  may, 
without  hesitation,  be  admitted  that  the  humidity  of  that  and  of 
the  preceding  years  affected  the  functions  of  the  lungs  and  of  the 
skin,  and  disturbed  the  relation  of  this  very  important  tissue  to 
the  internal  organs  of  life.  This  is  the  usual  commencement  of 
rheumatic  fevers,  which  bear  the  same  relation  to  the  sweatino- 
sickness  as  slight  symptoms  bear  to  severe  ones  of  the  same  kind. 
The  predominance  of  affections  of  the  brain  and  of  the  nerves 
however,  gave  to  the  English  epidemic  a  peculiar  character.  The 
functions  of  the  eighth  pair  of  nerves  were  violently  disordered 
in  this  disease,  as  was  shown  by  oppressed  respiration  and  extreme 
anxiety  with  nausea  and  vomiting,  symptoms  to  which  tlie  moderns 
attach  much  importance.'  The  stupor  and  profound  lethargy 
show  that  there  was  injury  of  the  brain,  to  which,  in  all  pro- 
babilit}',  was  added  a  stagnation  of  black  blood  in  the  torpid 
veins.  We  must  also  take  into  the  account  a  previous  corruption 
and  decomposition  of  the  blood,  which,  even  if  we  should  be 
disinclined  to  infer  their  existence  from  the  offensive  perspiration 
of  the  disease  itself,  were  proved  by  striking  phenomena  of  a  simi- 
lar nature  that  occurred  in  Central  Europe  about  the  same  time ; 
for  the  scurvy  prevailed  as  an  epidemic,  more  especially  in 
Germany,  in  the  year  1486,  and  with  such  severe  and  unusual 
symptoms,  that  people  were  inclined  to  regard  it  as  a  totally  new 
malady."  Now  such  is  the  vital  connexion  of  different  functions 
that  every  impediment  to  respiration,  whether  in  consequence  of 
pressure  from  without,  or  through  spasm  and  irritation  of  the 
nerves  from  within,  or  even  from  a  morbid  condition  of  the  cir- 
culating fluid,  infallibly  calls  forth  the  compensating  activity  of 
the  skin,  and  the  body  becomes  suffused  with  an  alleviating 
perspiration. 

Thus  it  plainly  appears  that  the  profuse  perspiration  in  the 
disease  of  which  we  are  treating,  notwithstanding  its  apparently 
injurious  tendency,  was  the  result  of  a  commotion  excited  on  the 
part  of  the  lungs,  which  was  critical  with  respect  to  the  disease 
itself;  and  this  is  in  accordance  with  all  the  causes  of  which  we 
still  have  any  knowledge.     Noxious  and  even  stinking  fogs  penc- 

'   Hchiller,  Sect.  II.  c.  1.  p.  131.  b. 

2  AjKjelus,  p.  2.53.  Spaijgenberg,  'M.  Chr.  fol.  398.  b.  Tbc  scurvy  affected  society 
far  more  in  the  1.5th  and  16th  centuries  than  it  docs  at  present,  and  made  its  appearance 
on  several  occasions  as  an  epidemic.  Compare,  in  particular,  lieusner,  whose  work  on 
the  history  of  epidemics  is  one  of  general  importance.     Senncrt,  II'iV?-,  and  others. 

12 


178  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

trated  into  the  organs  of  respiration,  and  as  the  blood  was  thus 
so  much  affected  in  its  composition  and  in  its  vitality  that  its 
corrupt  state  was  only  to  be  obviated  by  profuse  perspiration, 
the  inevitable  consequence  was  an  interference  with  the  extensive 
functions  of  the  eighth  pair  of  nerves,  which  interference,  as  later 
writers  relate,  extended  in  many  cases  to  the  spinal  marrow,  and 
brought  on  violent  convulsions.'  AVe  have  here  only  one  essen- 
tial cause,  out  of  many,  for  this  gigantic  disease,  and  one  too  which 
accounts  for  its  advance  and  spread.  It  is  highly  probable,  for 
the  reasons  stated,  and  as  according  with  all  human  experience, 
that  it  first  broke  out  in  the  army  of  Henry  the  Yllth,  and 
beyond  all  doubt  that  it  spread  from  west  to  east,  and  afterwards 
in  a  retrograde  course  from  east  to  west.  With  the  perfectly 
equable  operation  of  the  predisposing  causes,  from  which  the 
diseases  ought  indubitably  to  have  broken  out  all  over  England 
at  the  same  time,  had  the  condition  of  the  atmosphere  been  its 
sole  occasion,  we  must  additionally  presume  a  special  cause  for  its 
progress  through  towns  and  villages.  This,  according  to  all  ap- 
pearance, was  to  be  found  in  the  air,  impregnated  with  foul 
odours,  which  surrounded  the  sick,  and  abounded  in  the  tents  and 
dwellings  in  which  Henrj^  the  Yllth's  soldiers,  after  various 
privations  and  hard  service,  amid  storms  and  rain,  were  closely 
crowded  together.  Of  both  causes  modern  observation  furnishes 
analogous  examples.  Intermittent  fevers  spread  more  easily  in 
air  which  is  contaminated  by  sick  people,  and  bands  of  soldiers, 
themselves  in  perfect  health,  have  not  unfrequently  conveyed 
camp  fever  to  remote  places.  It  signifies  very  little  by  what  ex- 
pressions of  the  schools  these  occurrences  are  designated ;  it  is 
best  perhaps  to  abstain  from  them  altogether,  for  they  are  all  in- 
adequate and  occasion  misconceptions.  Contemporaries,  however, 
were  certainly  justified  in  not  admitting  the  notion  of  contagion 
in  the  same  sense  as  when  the  term  is  applied  to  the  plague,  with 
which  they  were  well  acquainted.'^  For  very  frequently  cases, 
which  were  not  to  be  explained  on  the  principle  of  contagion 
communicated  by  persons  diseased,  occurred  among  people  of 
rank,  and  manifestly  arose  independently  of  the  usual  causes.  In 
these  cases  the  fear  of  death,  which  everj'where  was  the  harbinger 
of  the  disease,  and  threw  the  nerves  of  the  chest  into  spasmodic 

^   Schiller,  loc.  cit. 

2  It  was  conceived  not  to  bee  an  epidemicke  disease,  but  to  proceed  from  a  malig- 
nitie  in  the  constitution  of  the  aii-e,  gathered  by  the  predispositions  of  seasons :  and 
the  speedie  cessation  declared  as  much.     Baco}i,  p.  9. 


MERCENARY    TROOPS.  179 

commotion,  gave  an  impulse  to  the  malady  for  which  the  quality 
of  the  atmosphere  and  luxury  had  long  made  preparation.  Had 
this  view  of  contemporaries  been  even  less  impartial  than  it  really 
was,  it  would  have  found  the  most  striking  confirmation  in  the 
sudden  cessation  of  the  pestilence  throughout  the  wliole  country. 
For  the  destructive  spirits  of  air,  which  would  not  have  been 
discerned  even  by  the  proud  naturalists  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, dispersed  and  vanished  for  half  an  age  in  the  fury  of  the 
tempest  which  raged  on  the  1st  of  January,  1486. 


CHAPTER   II. 

THE    SECOND    VISITATION    OF   THE    DISEASE.  — 1506. 

"The  times  were  rough  and  fviU  of  mutations  and  rare  incidents." — Bacon. 

Sect.   1. — Mekcex.vry  Troops. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth  century,  society  was  very 
differently  constituted  from  what  it  was  at  the  period  when 
Henry  the  Yllth  unfurled  his  banner  for  victory.  The  darkness 
of  the  mictale  ages  had  receded,  as  at  the  approach  of  a  sun  still 
hidden  behind  a  cloud.  The  mind  unconsciously  expanded  in  the 
unwonted  light  of  day — the  whole  earth  was  on  the  eve  of  renova- 
tion — new  energies  were  to  be  called  into  action — events  more 
stupendous  had  never  occurred,  nor  had  more  creative  ideas  ever 
aroused  the  spirit  of  man.  The  invention  of  Guttenberg  burst 
through  the  bonds  of  mental  darkness,  and  gave  to  freedom  of 
thought  imperishable  wings  ;  unsuspected  powers  successively  de- 
veloped themselves ;  and,  while  in  Western  Europe  an  ardent 
desire  arose  boldly  to  overstep  the  ancient  limits  of  human  activity, 
the  hopes  of  the  more  enlightened  fell  far  short  of  the  actual  re- 
sult of  such  unexpected  events.  The  discovery  of  the  New  World, 
and  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa,  laid  the  foundation  for  great 
improvements ;  yet  the  events  in  Central  Europe,  though  less 
striking  to  contemporaries,  were  in  their  consequences  infinitely 
more  important  and  beneficial.  The  establishment  of  civil  order 
among  all  the  nations  of  the  West  took  place  at  this  period,  wliich 
forms  so  important  a  boundary  between  the  middle  ages  and  mod- 
ern times.  Regal  power  was  fixed  on  a  firm  basis,  and  when  the 
castles  had  fallen  before  the  artillery  of  the  princes  and  imperial 
cities,  so  that  the  petty  feudal  barons  were  compelled  to  swear 

12  * 


180  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

obedience  to  the  laws,  an  end  was  put  to  the  incessant  predatory 
feuds  which  had  so  long  desolated  Europe,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  internal  peace  was  followed  by  the  security  of  life  and 
property — the  first  essential  of  refinement  in  manners  and  of  the 
free  development  of  human  society. 

This  great  result  of  a  concatenation  of  circumstances  was  not, 
however,  brought  about  without  violent  struggles  and  innovations, 
the  eflfects  of  which  were  felt  for  centuries  ;  but  it  was  probably 
the  estaUishmcnt  of  standing  armies  which  had  the  greatest  in- 
fluence on  European  civilization.  They  became  indeed  the  pillars 
of  civil  order,  but  having  proceeded  immediately  from  the  per- 
nicious mercenary  system,  they  long  nourished  the  seeds  of  unre- 
strained depravity,  and  transmitted  to  later  generations  the 
corruptions  of  the  middle  ages.  The  Lansquenets  ^  (Landsknecte) 
of  the  emperor,  and  the  mercenaries  of  the  kings  of  France  and 
England,  who,  during  the  war>  had  joined  the  smaller  branches 
of  the  standing  army,  were  homeless  adventurers  from  every 
country  in  Europe,  and  were  allured,  not  by  military  ambition, 
but  solely  by  the  prospect  of  booty. ^  In  whatever  country  the 
drum  beat  to  arms,  they  flocked  together  like  swarms  of  locusts — 
no  one  knew  from  whence — and  defying  the  feeble  restraints 
of  militaiy  discipline,  indulged,  during  the  continuance  of  the 
war,  in  all  the  unbridled  licence  of  a  predatory  life. 

Hence  the  unbounded  barbarit}''  of  their  mode  of  warfare,  which 
was  restrained  only  by  the  individual  exertions  of  more  humane 
commanders.  There  was,  however,  a  decided  contrariety  between 
this  system  and  the  moral  condition  of  the  people  of  Western  Eu- 
rope ;  a  contrariety  which  was  never  entirely  removed  by  the  sub- 
sequent introduction  of  a  more  strict  military  discipline,  and 
which  has  been  done  away  only  in  modern  times,  by  the  establish- 
ment of  regular  armies  on  a  system  more  congenial  to  the  feelings 
of  the  people.  Hence  the  consequences  were  the  more  pernicious, 
for  when  the  armies  were  disbanded  on  the  conclusion  of  peace, 
the  Landsknechts  dispersed  in  all  directions,  not  to  follow  the 
plough  again,  or  to  resume  their  former  occupations,  but  to  pass 
their  time  in  idleness  and  dissipation,  if  enriched  by  booty,  and  if 

1  The  name  passed  into  the  French,  English,  and  Italian  languages — I-ausqueuct, 
Lancichinecho. 

2 "floek  together  like  flies  in  summer,  so  that  any  one  would  wonder  where 

all  these  swarms  have  sprung  from,  and  how  they  are  maintained  during  the  winter ; 
and  tridy  they  are  such  a  miserable  crew,  that  one  ought  rather  to  pity  than  envy  the 
kind  of  life  they  lead  and  their  precarious  fortune."  Franck's  Chronicle.  "  0/t  the 
destructive  Lansquenets,"  fol.  217.  b. 


NEW    CIRCUMSTAXCES.  181 

reduced  to  poverty  by  intemperance  and  gambling,  to  infest  the 
country  as  mendicants  or  robbers,  till  a  new  war  again  summoned 
them  from  their  dishonourable  mode  of  life.^  Probably  but  very 
few  were  ever  able  to  rise  from  such  deep  degradation,  and  many 
fell  early  victims  to  their  vices/  while  the  infection  of  their  ex- 
ample brought  fresh  accessions  from  every  town  and  village  to  the 
mercenary  legions. 

Sect.  2. — New  Circum.stances. 

It  is  evident  that  in  such  a  condition  of  affairs,  the  effect  which 
the  plague  produced  on  civil  society  must  have  been  different  from 
that  of  former  times.  Pernicious  influences  which,  during  the 
middle  ages,  had  endangered  the  health  of  the  inhabitants  of 
towns,  and  had  often  rendered  disorders,  naturally  slight,  in  the 
highest  degree  malignant,  were  for  ever  removed.  Under  this 
head  may  be  mentioned  more  particularly  the  ill-contrived  con- 
struction of  the  houses  and  streets,  which  even  yet,  in  large  cities, 
destroys  the  comfort  of  the  inhabitants  of  whole  districts,  and 
those  not  of  the  poorest  class  only.  As  people  acquired  confidence 
in  the  security  of  peace,  it  ceased  to  be  necessar}'  to  protect  every 
country  town  by  fortifications.  The  walls  were  thrown  down, 
the  stagnant  moats  were  filled  up,  and  as  people  were  no  longer 
limited  to  a  narrow  space,  they  built  more  convenient  houses  in 
airy  streets ;  the  dark  alleys  and  damp  dwellings  under  gi'ound 
were  gradually  abandoned,  and  a  more  comfortable  mode  of 
living  superseded  the  former  misery.  By  this  means  the  mor- 
tality was  considerably  diminished,  and  the  power  of  epidemics 
was  checked ;  nor  can  it  be  doubted,  that  the  better  administration 
of  the  laws  greatly  obviated  the  dissolution  of  social  ties  in  times 
of  plague,  and  the  effects  of  superstition  and  religious  animosity, 
which  had  formerly  been  so  frightful.  These  inestimable  nation- 
al improvements,  however,  took  place  but  gradually,  and  were  not 
a  little  retarded  for  a  time  by  the  new  evil  of  the  employment  of 
mercenaries.  For  as  the  germs  of  vice  were  scattered  in  all  di- 
rections by  the  wandering  Lansquenets,  so  also  the  infection  of 
noxious  diseases  found  easier  entrance  into  the  towns  and  villages 
through  the  medium  of  this  dissolute  and  widely-spread  class  of 

1  1518.  "This  year  there  was  a  great  gathering  of  the  Landsknccts,  who,  as  soon 
as  they  had  assembled,  went  forth  from  Friesland,  committed  great  ravages,  and  made 
an  incursion  into  the  country  at  Gellcrn,"and  were  beaten  by  Vernhw."  Wintzen- 
berger,  fol.  23.  a. 

*  "Not  to  mention  too  the  curtaihnmt  nf  life,  f.)r  one  seldom  meets  irlth  an  old 
Landskneckt."     Franck,  loc.  cit. 


182  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

men.  The  Lansquenets  of  the  sixteenth  centur}^  as  spreaders  of 
contagion,  supplied  the  place  of  the  former  Romish  pilgrims  and 
flagellants;  they  even  proved  a  more  permanent  scourge  than 
those  wanderers  of  the  middle  ages,  who  only  made  their  appear- 
ance on  extraordinary  occasions.  We  need  here  only  call  to  mind 
the  malignant  and  beyond  measure  noisome  lues  which  at  the 
end  of  the  fifteenth  century  spread  with  the  rapidity  of  lightning 
over  all  Europe.  It  was  not  an  importation  from  the  innocent 
inhabitants  of  the  New  World,  nor  was  it  bred  by  the  ill-treated 
Marrani,'  the  victims  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  It  was  the 
mercenary  army  of  Charles  the  VII Ith  in  Naples  (1495),  whose 
excesses  gave  to  the  already  existing  poison  a  malignity  till  then 
unknown,  and  prepared  for  the  deeply-rooted  depravity  a  scourge 
at  which  all  the  world  shuddered  with  horror.  It  is,  moreover, 
in  place  here  to  observe  that,  in  the  larger  armies  which  the  new 
military  system  now  brought  into  the  field,  the  ordinary  camp  dis- 
eases, to  which  another  very  fatal  one  was  added,^  were  of  course 
much  more  extensively  propagated  than  in  the  less  numerous 
forces  of  preceding  centuries,  and  consequently  that  the  peaceful 
inhabitants  of  the  towns  and  of  the  country  at  large  were  thereby 
exposed  to  much  danger. 

Sect.  3. — Sweating  Sickness. 

Meantime  Europe  was  frequently  and  very  severely  visited  by 
the  epidemics  of  the  middle  ages,  the  terrors  of  the  constantly  re- 
curring plague  being  borne  with  gloomy  resignation  to  the  inevit- 
able evil  with  which,  as  a  merited  chastisement,  the  anger  of  God, 
according  to  the  notion  of  the  times,  afflicted  the  human  race. 
Even  the  English  were  not  exempt  from  this  fearful  visitation, 
which,  in  the  year  1499,  carried  off  30,000  people  in  London 
alone,  so  that  the  king  found  it  advisable  to  retire  with  all  his 
court  to  Calais.^  Thus  the  recollection  of  the  Sweating  Sickness 
of -1485  was  gradually  obliterated.  No  one  thought  of  its  possible 
return,  and  all  the  world  was  occupied  with  other  matters,  when 
the  old  enemy  unexpectedly  again  raised  his  head  in  the  summer 
of  1506,  and  scared  away  this  comfortable  state  of  false  security. 
The  renewed  eruption  of  the  epidemic  was  not,  on  this  occasion, 
connected  with  any  important  occurrence,  so  that  contemporaries 

'  Those  Moors  were  so  called  who,,  in  order  to  remain  in  Spain  after  tlie  conquest  of 
Granada,  embraced  Christianity. —  Transl.  note. 

-  The  petechial  fever,  which  vnW  be  spoken  of  furtlier  on. 
3  Grafton,  p.  220.      Wtbster,,  Vol.  I.  p.  149. 


ACCOMPANYING    PHENOMENA.  183 

have  not  even  mentioned  the  month  in  which  it  be^an  to  rajje. 
Towards  the  autumn  it  had  again  disappeared,  and  as  no  new 
symptoms  were  added  to  the  disease,  the  form  of  which  was 
identified  by  a  reference  to  the  old  descriptions,  it  was  immediate- 
ly treated  by  the  same  means,  the  efficacy  of  which  those  who  had 
witnessed  the  epidemic  of  1485  lauded  with  so  much  reason.'  ■ 
Every  exposure  to  heat  or  cold  was,  as  at  that  time,  avoided,  and 
the  malignant  fever  was  left  to  the  curative  powers  of  nature, 
the  patient  being  kept  moderately  warm  in  bed  ;  and  no  powerful 
medicines  being  administered.  The  result  was  beyond  all  ex- 
pectation favourable,  for  in  few  houses  did  any  fatal  cases  occur. 
The  victory  over  this  dreaded  enemy  was  now,  by  a  pardonable 
error,  attributed  more  to  human  skill  than  to  the  mildness  of  the 
malady  on  this  occasion,  which,  even  under  a  less  judicious  treat- 
ment of  the  sick,  would  certainly  not  have  been  marked  by  any 
considerable  degree  of  severity. 

The  disease  broke  out  in  Loudon,  but  whether  it  penetrated  to 
the  west  or  not,  contemporary  writers,  being  soon  convinced  of 
its  slight  character,  have  left  us  no  intelligence.  However  widely 
it  may  have  spread,  it  certainly  was  confined  to  England,  and  no- 
where occasioned  any  great  mortality. 

Sect.  4. — Accompanying  Phenomena. 

As  the  epidemic  was  on  this  occasion  so  very  mild,  it  was  not 
accompanied  by  any  remarkable  phenomena  in  England,  but  the 
case  was  otherwise  in  the  rest  of  Europe,  as  will  be  proved  by  the 
following  details.  After  a  wet  summer,  in  the  year  1505,  a  severe 
winter  set  in,''  Comets  were  seen  in  this  as  in  the  following  year. 
An  eruption  of  Vesuvius  also  took  place  in  1506,^  which  may  be 
mentioned,  although  it  is  well  established  that  volcanic  commo- 
tions are  to  be  taken  into  account  only  in  great  pestilences,  not  in 
less  extensive  epidemics.  In  England  there  blew  a  violent  storm 
from  the  south-west,  from  the  15th  till  the  26th  of  January,  1508, 
which  drove  the  king  of  Castillo,  Philip  of  Austria,  with  his  con- 
sort Johanna,  from  the  Netherlands  to  Weymouth  ;  and  as,  some 
days  before,  a  golden  eagle  falling  from  St.  Paul's  church,  in 
London,  had  crushed  a  black  eagle  wliich  ornamented  some  lower 
building,  evil  predictions  were  promulgated  among  the  people  re- 

»  Stow,  p.  809.  Fabian,  p.  689.  IJall,  p.  502.  Grafton,  p.  230.  Ilotinshed, 
p.  536.     Bacon,  p.  225. 

2  Spangenberg,  M.  Clir.  ful.  403.  a.     restilenz,  A.  1505. 

3  Webster,  Vol.  I.  p.  151.     Fmuch,  lul.  210.  a.     Pingre,  T.  I.  p.  4S1. 


184  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

specting  the  fate  of  this  son  of  the  emperor.'  This  event,  how- 
over,  could  not  be  considered  as  at  all  connected  with  the  pesti- 
lence which  broke  out  about  half  a  year  afterwards.  ]\Iore  con- 
sideration is  due  to  the  gloom  and  anxiety  which  at  that  time 
depressed  the  spirit  of  the  English  nation.  The  reckless  avarice 
of  Henry  the  Vllth,  named  the  English  Solomon,-  gave  just 
ground  for  doubts  regarding  the  security  of  property ;  and  the 
pious  foundations — those  accustomed  means  of  softening  the 
dreaded  wrath  of  Heaven,  which  the  king,  who  became  gradually 
more  and  more  broken  down  by  disease,  established,  could  not 
efface  the  recollection  of  the  arbitrary  violence  and  extortions  of 
his  corrupt  servants.^  xA.lthough  these  extortions  principally 
affected  the  wealthy  nobility,  who  were  much  in  need  of  restraint, 
yet  dark  mistrust  was  general,  and  all  cheerfulness  was  banished 
from  the  minds  of  the  people.  This  state  of  feeling  might  have 
been  favourable  to  the  propagation  of  the  returning  disease,  but 
the  genius  of  the  year  1506  would  not  suffer  it  to  be  more  than  a 
slight  and  transient  reminiscence  of  a  mystically  hidden  danger, 
the  import  of  which  was  not  apparent  to  any  medical  inquirer  of 
the  16th  century. 

Skct.  5. — Petfxhial  Fever  in  Italy,  1505. 

Thus,  if  we  paid  attention,  as  usual,  only  to  the  palpable  oc- 
currences which  take  place  on  the  earth  and  beneath  its  surface, 
the  Sweating  Sickness  of  the  above-mentioned  year  might  appear  to 
be  unconnected  with  more  considerable  commotions  of  organic  life. 
The  powers  of  nature,  however,  are  in  their  operations  too  subtle 
to  be  comprehended  by  our  dull  senses  and  by  the  coarse  me- 
chanism of  our  organs  ;  nay,  precisely  at  a  time  when  neither  the 
one  nor  the  other  indicate  any  alteration  around  us,  those  opera- 
tions bring  to  light  the  most  extraordinary  phenomena  in  the 
human  frame — that  most  sensitive  index  of  secret  influences  on 
life.  This  observation  was  fully  confirmed  at  the  time  of  the  first 
return  of  the  sweating  fever.  For  whilst  this  disease  remained 
confined  to  England,  there  appeared  in  the  southern  and  central 
parts  of  Europe  a  new  and  fatal  epidemic,   which  thenceforth 

^  Bacon,  p.  22-5.  Slow,  p.  809.  Compare  the  other  chroniclers,  who  most  of  them 
notice  this  event  in  great  detail. 

2  Bacon,  p.  231. 

3  Einpsoii  and  Dudley,  ministers  of  Henry  VII.,  who  left  behind  him  treasure  to  the 
amount  of  £1,800,000  sterling.  C(mipare  Ihune,  Hist,  of  Eng.  Yul.  III.,  Bacon,  and 
almost  all  the  chroniclers.  Both  ministers  were  executed  in  the  following  reign,  in 
the  year  1509.      Grafton,  p.  236. 


PETECHIAL   FEVER    IN    ITALY,   1505.  185 

visited  these  nations  almost  continually  with  intense  malignity. 
This  was  the  petechial  fever,  a  disease  unknown  to  the  older  phy- 
sicians, which  was  first  observed  in  1490,  in  Granada,  where  it 
threatened  to  annihilate  the  army  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  and 
made  great  havoc  also  among  the  Saracens.'  The  bubo  plague  had 
immediately  preceded  it  (1483,  1485,  1486, 1488, 1489,  and  1490),^ 
and  it  may  with  no  small  probability  be  assumed  that  the  petechial 
fever  had  resulted  from  this  as  a  peculiar  variety,  since  in  other 
countries  also,  fifteen  years  later,  the  bubo  plague  degenerated  in 
various  ways,  and  examples  are  not  wanting  in  which  particular 
forms  or  constituent  parts  of  great  epidemics  thus  branch  off  from 
them,  in  the  same  manner  as,  under  favourable  circumstances, 
these  will  combine  together,  and  united  into  one  destructive  whole, 
multiply  the  sources  of  danger. 

Yet  some  contemporaries  were  of  opinion  that  the  petechial 
fever  had  been  brought  over  to  Granada  ^  by  Venetian  mercena- 
ries from  Cyprus,  where  they  had  fought  against  the  Turks, 
and  where  this  disorder  was  said  to  have  been  indigenous.  Not- 
withstanding some  good  works  ^  already  existing,  this  matter  has 
need  of  a  more  thorough  examination,  which  might  bring  to  light 
important  and  instructive  results,  respecting  the  rise  and  spread 
of  the  petechial  fever,  and  especially  respecting  its  relation  to 
other  plagues.  Whatever  ma}^  be  held  with  regard  to  the  true 
origin  of  this  fever,  thus  much  is  established,  that  it  was  at  first 
an  independent  European  disease,  and  that,  at  the  commencement, 
having  occupied  the  southern  part  of  this  quarter  of  the  world,  it 
then  became  connected,  in  a  manner  as  extraordinary  as  it  was 
worthy  of  observation,  with  the  sweating  sickness  of  the  north  ; 
since  the  nearly  simultaneous  eruption  of  the  sweating  fever  in 
England,  with  the  great  epidemic  petechial  fever  in  the  year 
1505,  may  be  justly  attributed  to  an  influence  common  to  both, 
although  unquestionably  of  greater  power  in  the  latter. 

The  epidemic  petechial  fever,  of  which  we  are  now  treating, 
prevailed  principally  in  Italy,  and  is  described  by  Fracastoro 
as  the  first  plague  of  tliis  kind    which   ever  appeared   in    that 

1  Villalba,  T.  T.  pp.  69.  99.— Fenlinand's  conflicts  with  the  Saracens  began  in  1481, 
and  ended  with  the  fall  of  Granada  in  1492.  The  disease  is  called  in  Spanish  Tabar- 
dillo,  which  name,  however,  Villalba  has  not  qnotcd  at  so  early  a  period  as  1490. 

"    Villalba,  loc.  cit.  p.  66. 

3  Ibid.  p.  Q9.—  Fracastor.  de  raorbis  contagios.  L.  II.  c.  6.  p.  loo.—Miencke  vo7t 
Grafenberg,  L.  YI.  p.  553.  T.  II. 

■»  Besides  those  already  named,  tlie  writings  of  Omodei  and  Pfeufer.  Compare 
Schnurrer,  Book  II.  p.  27. 


186  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

country.  Of  this  new  disease,'  wliich  was  placed  by  this  great 
physician  midway  between  the  bubo  plague  and  the  non-pestilen- 
tial fever,  the  contagious  quality  showed  itself  from  the  beginning; 
yet  it  was  plainly  perceived,  that  the  contagion  did  not  take 
effect  so  quickly  as  in  the  bubo  plague,  that  it  was  not  conveyed 
so  easily  by  means  of  clothing  and  other  articles,  and  that  phy- 
sicians and  attendants  on  the  sick  were  the  only  persons  who  in- 
curred much  danger  of  infection.  The  fever  began  insidiously, 
and  with  very  slight  symptoms,  so  that  the  sick  in  general  did 
not  so  much  as  seek  medical  aid.  Many  persons,  and  even  phy- 
sicians among  the  number,  suffered  themselves  to  be  deceived  by 
this  circumstance,  and  thus,  not  being  aware  of  the  danger,  they 
hoped  to  effect  an  easy  cure,  and  were  not  a  little  astonished  at 
the  sudden  development  of  malignant  phenomena.  The  heat  was 
inconsiderable,  in  proportion  to  the  fever,  yet  those  affected  felt  a 
certain  inward  indisposition,  a  general  depression  of  all  the  vital 
powers,  and  a  weariness  as  if  after  great  exertion.  They  lay  upon 
their  backs  with  an  oppressed  brain,  their  senses  were  blunted, 
and  in  most  cases  delirium  and  gloomy  muttering,  with  bloodshot 
eyes,  commenced  from  the  fourth  to  the  seventh  day.  The  urine 
was  usually  clear  and  copious  at  the  beginning,  it  then  became  red 
and  turbid,  or  resembling  pomegranate  wine  (granatwein),  the 
pulse  was  slow  and  small,  the  evacuations  putrid  and  offensive, 
and  either  on  the  fourth  or  seventh  day  red  or  purple  spots,  like 
flea-bites,  or  larger,  or  resembling  lentils  (lenticuloe),  which  also 
gave  a  name  to  the  disorder,  broke  out  on  the  arms,  the  back,  and 
the  breast.  There  was  either  no  thirst  at  all,  or  very  little ;  the 
tongue  was  loaded,  and  in  many  cases  a  lethargic  state  came  on. 
Others,  on  the  contrary,  suffered  from  sleeplessness,  or  from  both 
these  symptoms  alternately.  The  disease  reached  its  height  on  the 
seventh  or  on  the  fourteenth  day,  and  in  some  cases  still  later.  In 
many  there  existed  a  retention  of  urine  with  very  unfavourable 
prognosis.  Women  seldom  died  of  this  fever,  elderly  people  still 
more  rarely,  and  Jews  scarcely  ever.  Young  people,  on  the  other 
hand,  and  children  died  in  great  numbers,  and  especially  from 
among  the  higher  ranks,  while  the  plague,  on  the  contrary,  used 
generally  to  commit  its  ravages  only  among  the  poorer  classes.  An 
inordinate  loss  of  power  in  the  commencement  betokened  death,  as 
also  a  too  violent  effect  from  mild  aperient  means,  and  a  failure  in 
alleviation  after  a  complete  crisis.     Patients  were  seen  to  die  who 

-  It  was  called  Puncticula  or  Peticulie,  also   Fubris  stigniatica,  Testis  pctecliiosa. 
Reusner,  p.  11.     For  later  synonimes,  see  Burserius,  Vol.  II.  p.  293. 


PETECHIAL   FEVER   IN    ITALY,    1505.  187 

Lad  lost  to  the  extent  of  three  pounds  of  blood  from  the  nose.  It 
was  also  a  very  bad  sign  when  the  spots  disappeared,  or  broke  out 
tardily,  or  were  of  a  blackish-blue  colour.  Phenomena  of  an  oppo- 
site character,  on  the  contrary,  afforded  hope  of  recovery. 

The  best  physicians  were  agreed  on  the  importance  of  the 
petechioe  as  an  indication  of  the  nature  of  the  crisis ;  for  those 
cases  in  which  tliey  were  abundant  and  of  a  good  quality  were 
cured  much  more  easily  than  those  in  which  the  eruption  was 
suppressed.  An  abundant  perspiration  also  was  particularly  con- 
ducive to  recovery,  whereas  all  other  evacuations,  especially  a  flux 
from  the  bowels,  proved  to  be  injurious  and  even  fatal. 

If  we  keep  these  phenomena  in  view,  and  consider,  moreover, 
that  in  the  widely  extending  lues  venerea  of  those  times  cutane- 
ous eruptions  predominated  over  the  other  symptoms,  the  Eng- 
lish sweating  sickness  in  the  north  of  Europe  will  appear,  as  in 
connexion  with  this  circumstance,  of  a  ver}'  important  character ; 
and  the  supposition,  that  the  morbid  activity  of  the  system  during 
the  whole  of  this  age  maintained  a  decided  determination  to  the 
skin,  may  thence  be  fairly  considered  as  something  more  than  a 
mere  conjecture. 

This  fact  speaks  for  itself,  but  the  causes  of  this  altered  tem- 
perament of  the  body  it  is  not  an  easy  matter  to  discover.  Fra- 
castoro,  who  knew  much  better  than  his  modern  followers  how  to 
manage  his  sagacious  doctrine  of  contagion,  looked  for  these 
causes  in  the  quality  of  the  air,  which  was  manifest  by  much 
more  evident  phenomena  in  the  epidemic  petechial  fever  of  1528 
than  in  that  of  1505,  and  he  traced  an  active  connexion  between 
this  quality,  which  he  called  ''infection  of  the  atmosphere,"  '  and 
the  condition  of  the  blood  ;  thus  indicating  unknown  influences 
by  an  obscure  notion.  lie  considered  the  altered  quality'  of  the 
blood  according  to  the  established  views  of  that  period,  which  the 
petechial  spotted  fever  seemed  clearly  to  confirm,  as  a  putrefaction ; 
and  he  even  assumed  that,  in  the  non-epidemic  petechial  fevers, 
which,  from  the  year  1505  forward,  frequently  occurred,  isolated 
causes  must  have  given  rise  to  changes  in  the  blood,  as  well  as 
that  quality  of  the  air,  to  which  this  great  physician  attributed 
the  general  and  continued  alterations  which  take  place  in  the 
nature  of  diseases. 

'  Consimilcm  ergo  infectionem  in  acre  primum  fuisse  censcndum  est,  quae  niox  in 
nos  ingesta  tale  febrium  genus  attulerit,  qu;e  tanietsi  pcstilentes  verie  non  sunt,  in  limine 
tamen  earura  videntur  esse.  Analogia  vcro  ejus  coutagionis  ad  sanguinem  pr»cipue 
esse  constat,  quod  et  maculai  ilkc,  quic  expelli  consuevere,  demunstrant,  etc.,  p.  IGl. 


188  TITE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

The  petechial  fever  made  the  same  impression  on  the  pliysiciana 
of  Italy  as  new  disorders  have  ever  made ;  for  although  they 
Avere  the  best  in  Europe,  their  view  was  bounded  by  the  horizon 
of  Galen,  within  the  limits  of  which  the  novel  phenomenon  was 
not  to  be  found.  They  were  therefore  soon  perplexed,  and  whilst 
thev  sought  to  entrammel  the  dreaded  enemy  with  scholastic 
doctrines  of  repletion  and  acrimony  and  occult  qualities,  and  be- 
took themselves  first  to  one  remedy  and  then  to  another,  they 
exposed  themselves  to  the  derision  of  the  people,  who  soon  per- 
ceived their  disagreement  and  indecision,  and,  as  usual,  charged 
on  the  whole  medical  profession  the  well-merited  blame  of  in- 
dividuals.^ 

Sect.  6. — Other  Diseases. 

About  this  same  period,  in  October,  1505,  a  very  fatal  disease 
broke  out  in  Lisbon,  the  further  progress  of  which  was  marked 
by  the  terror,  the  flight,  and  the  confusion  of  the  inhabitants.^ 
Of  what  kind  it  was,  wliether  a  petechial  fever  or  a  bubo  plague, 
and  what  connexion  it  had  with  the  pestilence  in  Spain  which 
had  just  preceded  it,  it  would  perhaps  be  difiicult  now  to  ascer- 
tain. This  latter  pestilence  had  spread  from  Seville,  following  an 
earthquake,  and  violent  storms  of  wind  and  rain,  in  1504,  and 
may  very  likely  have  been  a  bubo  plague.  Similar  notices  are 
met  with  of  pestilences  occurring  in  that  country  in  1506,  the 
year  of  the  English  sweating  sickness,  in  1507  and  1508,  in 
which  years  mention  is  made  of  swarms  of  locusts  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Seville,  and  finally  in  1510,  the  year  of  a  great  in- 
fluenza,^ and  1515.  Exact  descriptions,  however,  of  these  dis- 
orders are  entirely  wanting. "* 

With  all  the  above  phenomena,  the  epidemics  which  took  place 
in  Germany  and  France  at  the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  evidently  unite  to  form  a  connected  whole.  Varying  in 
intensity  and  extent,  they  continued  without  intermission  for  full 
five  years,  and  moreover  were  accompanied  by  unusual  circum- 
stances, such  as  occur  only  in  the  time  of  great  pestilences.  The 
century  was  ushered  in  by  the  appearance  of  a  comet,''  which, 

'  Compare  the  -n-liole  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  chapters  of  Fracastor.  loc.  cit.  What 
was  the  f^eneral  judgment  of  the  Italian  physicians  respecting  the  spotted  fever,  may  be 
gathered  from  N'ic.  Massa,  whose  confused  work,  however,  contributes  nothing  to  the 
history  of  the  disease.  Cap.  IV.  fol.  67,  seq.  Compare  Schenck  von  Grafenberg's 
excellent  and  very  copious  treatise,  de  febre  stigmatica.     L.  YT.  p.  553,  Tom.  II. 

2   Osorio,  fol.  113.  b.,  114.  a.         »  See  further  on.         *   Villalhn,  p.  78,  etseq. 

5  Spangenherg,  M.  Chr.  fol.  402.  a.     Angelas,  p.  261.     Pingrd,  T.  I.  p.  479. 


OTHER  DISEASES.  189 

on  this  occasion,  seemed  to  confirm  the  long-cherished  belief  that 
the  appearance  of  these  heavenly  bodies  was  prognostic  of  evil. 
For  mankind  are  in  the  habit  of  concluding  that  phenomena 
which  are  simultaneous  must  have  some  internal  connexion,  and 
many  examples  were  called  to  mind  in  which  great  pestilences 
affecting  the  whole  world  had  been  either  preceded  or  accompanied 
by  comets.^  Immediately  afterwards  a  great  murrain  among 
cattle  took  place,  which  may  have  proceeded  from  some  injurious 
quality  in  their  food.  A  notion  immediately  arose  that  the  pas- 
tures were  poisoned,  and  of  this  there  was  so  firm  a  conviction, 
that  the  most  violent  resentment,  as  of  old,  in  the  time  of  the 
black  death,  prevailed  against  the  supposed  poisoners,  and  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Meissen  some  "bose  Buben"  (wicked  knaves) 
who  had  fallen  under  suspicion,  were  actually  executed.^ 

A  very  considerable  blight  of  caterpillars,  which,  in  the  north  of 
Germany,  stripped  the  gardens  and  woods  far  and  wide  of  their 
foliage,  deserves  to  be  here  mentioned  as  a  phenomenon  appertain- 
ing to  the  lower  grades  of  the  animal  kingdom.^  ISTatural  history 
has  shown  that  occurrences  of  this  kind  arc  by  no  means  occasion- 
ed by  new  and  wonderful  influences,  but  rather  by  unusual  com- 
binations of  circumstances,  appearing  to  occur  together  almost 
accidentally,  at  a  given  time ;  especially  by  the  simultaneous 
union  of  warmth  and  humidity  in  the  atmosphere,  whereby  some- 
times one  and  sometimes  another  of  the  lower  grades  of  animal 
existences  becomes  extraordinarily  developed.  It  is  on  this  oc- 
count  that  unusual  phenomena  in  the  insect  world,  whether  it  be^ 
the  appearance  or  the  disappearance  of  particular  kinds,  take 
place  much  more  frequently  when  the  order  of  succession  in  the 
seasons  and  the  condition  of  the  atmosphere  are  in  a  greater  de- 
gree than  usual  and  more  permanently  disturbed  ;  and  thus  those 
phenomena  have,  with  much  reason,  ever  been  considered  as  fore- 
runners of  pestilences,  whenever  the  human  frame  has  become, 
through  atmospherical  causes,  generally  susceptible  of  disease. 
Swarms  of  locusts  have  appeared  before  and  during  most  great 
pestilences,  and  indeed  the  exuberant  production  of  this  insect  ap- 
pears, at  least  in  Europe,  to  require  the  most  unusual  combination 
of  causes. 

1  Compare  Il'eis^e?-,  who  has  collected  together  whatever  could  be  found  on  this  sub- 
ject.    Yol.TI.  p.  28. 

*   Spangenhcrg,  M.  Chr.  f'ol.  402.  a. 
••  The  same.     Fra7ick.  fol.  219.  a. 


100  THE   SWEATING.  SICKNESS. 


Sect.  7, — Blood  Spots. 

Of  rarer  occurrence,  but  quite  as  important  in  reference  to  the 
general  tendencies  of  life,  are  the  liirnriant  groictJis  of  the  minutest 
cni2>togamic  plants  in  the  water,  and  on  damp  things  of  all  kinds, 
which,  from  their  spots  of  various  forms  and  colours,  produced  the 
utmost  horror  both  before  and  during  great  pestilences,  and  ex- 
cited superstitious  fears,  as  appearing  to  be  something  miraculous. 
These  spots  (signacula),  and  especially  the  hlood-spots,  were  seen 
at  a  very  early  period,  as  for  instance  during  the  great  general 
plague  in  the  sixth  century,'  and  again,  during  the  plague  of  the 
years  786^  and  959,  when  it  is  said  to  have  been  remarked,  that 
those  on  whose  clothes  they  frequently  appeared,  and  seemingly 
imparted  to  them  a  peculiar  odour,  were  more  susceptible  than 
other  people  of  attack  from  leprosy,  on  which  account  this  spotted 
appearance  was  inconsiderately  called  the  clothes  leprosy^  (Lepra 
vestium)  ;  not  to  mention  other  examples ,  in  which  plagues  affect- 
ing the  human  species  did  not  take  place.  The  same  signs  also, 
in  the  years  from  1500  to  1503,  threw  the  faithful  into  great  con- 
sternation, because,  as  on  former  occasions,  they  fancied  they  re- 
cognised in  them  the  form  of  the  cross.^  The  phenomenon  on  this 
occasion  spread  throughout  Germany  and  France,  and  from  its 
great  extent  and  long  duration,  may  be  reckoned  among  the  most 
remarkable  of  the  kind.  The  spots  were  of  different  colours, 
principally  red,  but  also  white,  yellow,  grey,  and  black,  and  arose, 
often  in  a  very  short  time,  on  the  roofs  of  houses,  on  clothes,  on 
the  veib  and  neck  handkerchiefs  of  wo7nen,  on  various  household 
utensils,  on  the  meat  in  larders,  &c.  A  historian,  who  speaks  also 
of  blood-rain,*"'  recounts  that  they  could  not  be  got  rid  of  in  less 

'  Author's  History  of  Medicine.     Book  II.  p.  146. 

*  Sigeberl.  Gembl.  fol.  58.  a.     Spangcnbery,  M.  Chr.  fol.  6G.  b. 

3  Sigebert.  Gembl.  fol.  82.  a.     Ue}-tnan?i.  Contract,  p.  186.      Witic/u?id.  p.  34. 

*  Compare  on  this  subject  Xees  v.  Esenbeck's  Supplement  to  R.  Brown's  Miscel- 
laneous Botanical  "Writings,  Book  I.  p.  571  ;  and  Ehrenberg's  New  Observations  on 
Blood-like  Appearances  in  Egypt,  Arabia,  and  Siberia,  together  with  a  review  and  cri- 
tique on  what  was  earlier  known,  in  Poggendorff' s  Annalen,  1830  ;  the  two  best  works 
on  this  subject;  wherein  is  also  contained  a  criticism  ou  Chladni's  Hypermeteorological 
Views. 

*  Crusiiis  is  the  most  circumstantial  on  this  point,  for  he  gives  the  names  of  many 
persons  on  whose  clothes  crosses  were  visible.  On  a  maiden's  shawl  the  instruments  of 
Christ's  martyrdom  were  supposed  to  have  been  seen  marked.  In  the  vicinity  of 
Biberach,  a  miller's  lad  made  rude  sport  of  the  painting  of  crosses,  but  he  was  seized 
and  burned.     Book  II.  p.  loG. 

6  Mezerarj,  T.  II.  p.  819. 


BLOOD   SPOTS.  191 

than  ten  or  twelve  days,  and  that  they  frequently  occurred  in 
closed  chests,  on  linen  and  on  articles  of  clothing,'  Much  in- 
formation is  not  to  be  expected  from  the  researches  of  the  natural- 
ists of  those  times,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  what  is  described  was 
some  one  or  more  kinds  of  mould,^  inasmuch  as  the  whole 
phenomenon  evidently  corresponds  with  modern  observations.-^ 
Scientific  physicians  of  the  sixteenth  century,  among  whom  the 
naturalist  George  Agricola,  who  was  born  in  149-1,  and  died  in 
1555,  ought  especially  to  be  mentioned,  recognised,  even  then, 
these  spots  as  lichens,  and  without  seeking  to  account  for  them  by 
supernatural  agencies,  or  lending  credence  to  popular  superstition, 
they  gave  them  their  just  interpretation  as  indications  of  ex- 
tensive disease.^  Should  the  too  bold  notion  of  Nees  v.  Esenbeck, 
that  funfji  of  the  most  minute  forms  have  their  orij^in  in  the 
hiffher  regions  of  the  firmament,  and  descendinf?  to  the  surface  of 
the  earth,  produce  spots  and  stains,  be  confirmed,  which  is  not  j-et 
the  case,  these  "  signacula  "  would  have  a  much  more  important 
connexion  with  epidemics  than  can  be  otherwise  conceded  to  them  ; 
for  though  it  be  highly  probable  that  they  have  their  origin  only 
in  the  dissemination  of  germs  in  the  lower  strata  of  the  atmosphere, 
it  must  yet  be  granted,  that  if  they  appear  over  a  considerable 
space,  and  during  a  long  time,  as  at  the  commencement  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  the  causes  favouring  their  generation  and  spread 
must  be  ranked  among  those  of  an  extraordinary  kind,  and  on  this 
very  account  may  exercise  an  influence  over  human  organism,  as 
was  then  evident. 

For  so  early  as  the  fruitful  year  1503,  the  plague,  which  had 
already  appeared  partially,  made  great  advances,  and  France  in 
particular  was  visited  by  so  fatal  a  pestilence,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  towns  and  villages,  in  order  to  escape  the  infection,  fled  in 
bodies  to  the  woods,  and  even  the  house-dogs  became  wild,  which 
never  happens,  unless  a  country  be  extensively  depopulated.'' 
They  were  obliged  to  establish  great  hunts,  in  order  to  free  the 

'  Angelun,  p.  261. 

2  Perhaps  Sporotrichum  vcsicanmi,  or  a  kind  of  ^lycodcrma. 

3  Vincenzo  Sette  describes  a  kind  of  red  mould,  which  in  the  year  1819  coloured 
vegetable  and  animal  substances  in  the  province  of  Padua,  and  excited  superstitious 
apprehensions  among  the  people.     Sec  his  work  on  this  subject. 

*  "  Autumnal!  vero  tempore,  cum  jam  vestcs,  lintea,  culcitrre,  panes,  omnis  generis 
obstmia,  sub  dio,  vel  in  conclavibus  patentibus  locata  talem  situ  mucorcm  eontraxcrunt, 
qualis  oritur  in  penore,  in  opacis  domus  ccllis  coUocato,  aut  etiam  in  ipsis  cellis  diu  non 
rcpurgatis,  pestis  pripsentes  ad  noccndum  vires  habct."  L.  I.  p.  45.  Agricola' s  Treatise 
on  the  Plague  is  among  the  cleverest  which  the  sixteenth  century  produced. 

*  For  example,  at  the  time  of  the  Justinian  Plague,  and  of  the  Black  Death. 


192  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

country  from  these  new  beasts  of  prey,  and  from  wolves  which 
appeared  in  great  multitudes.'  The  dry  and  continued  heat  of 
the  following  year,  1504,  having  given  rise  to  still  more  extensive 
sickness,  and  caused  a  failure  in  the  crops,  the  b^bo  plague  raged 
in  Germany  with  such  violence,  that  in  some  places  a  third  part, 
and  in  others  as  many  as  half  the  inhabitants  perished.  Various 
kinds  of  fevers  accompanied  this  overwhelming  disease,  among 
which  there  was  one  distinguished  by  head-ache  and  phrensy 
similar  to  that  which  appeared  in  France,  in  1482.^  Various 
putrid  fevers  and  putrid  inflammations  of  the  lungs  with  bloody 
expectoration,  are  also  no  less  plainly  discernible  from  the  ac- 
counts.^ This  diversified  and  general  sickness  throughout  the 
whole  of  Germany,  terminated  in  the  cold  winter  of  1504-5  and 
the  following  summer,  during  which  there  was  a  continued  mur- 
rain among  cattle.  It  is  certain,  that  at  that  time  the  petechial 
fever  in  Italy  had  not  yet  passed  the  Alps. 

From  all  these  facts  it  is  a  probable  conjecture,  that  the  sweatincj 
sickness  trhich  visited  England  in  the  year  1506,  although  accom- 
imnied  in  that  country  itself  hi/  no  prominent  circumstances,  was  not 
tcithout  connexion  with  the  morbid  commotion  of  human  and  animal 
life  in  the  south  and  middle  of  Europe,  and  mag  perhaps  be  re- 
garded as  having  been  the  last  feeble  effort  of  mysterious  agencies 
in  the  domain  of  organized  being. 

1  Mezcray,  T.  II.  p.  828.  -  See  above,  p.  174. 

3  The  former  mortality  was  so  far  from  having  ceased,  yea,  rather  iu  the  great  heat 
(of  summer)  was  still  more  velicment,  that  in  some  places  a  third  part,  and  in  some 
even  the  lialf  of  the  people  were  snatched  away  by  death,  and  that  not  by  one  only,  but 
by  various  and  hitherto  unheard  of  diseases.  Men  caught  the  burning  fever  so  rapidly 
and  violently,  that  they  thought  they  must  be  totally  consumed.  Some  were  seized  with 
such  severe  and  insupportable  head-ache  that  they  were  deprived  of  their  senses,  some 
with  such  a  violent  cough  that  they  expectorated  blood  incessantly — some  with  such  a 
very  rapid  llux,  that  it  broke  their  hcai'ts:  the  bodies  of  some  putrefied,  and  were  so 
offensive  that  no  one  could  remain  near  tlium.  And  by  reason  of  such  extraordinary 
diseases,  it  was  a  most  sorrowful  and  troublous  year,  and  there  followed  a  hard  winter, 
in  the  which  the  cold  lasted  for  three  months.  Spangenberg,  M.  Chr.  fol.  402.  b. 
Compare  Angelas,  p.  263,  who,  following  some  contemporaries,  mentions  a  comet 
(doubted  by  Pingi-e,  I.  479)  as  having  appeared  in  the  year  1504. 


POVERTY.  193 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE    THIRD    VISITATION    OF    THE    DISEASE. — 1517. 

"  This  learned  Lord,  this  Lord  of  wit  and  art. 
This  metaphysick  Lord,  holds  forth  a  Glasse, 
Through  which  we  may  behold  in  every  part 
This  boisterous  prince."— Howell.' 

Sect.  1. — Poverty. 

The  ordinances  of  Henry  the  Vllth,  which,  although  adapted  to 
the  times,  bore  hard  upon  the  people,  soon  produced  their  fruits. 
The  great  diminished  the  number  of  their  servants,  and  as,  more- 
over, many  of  the  peasantry  were  thrown  out  of  employment  in 
consequence  of  a  conversion  of  large  tracts  of  arable  land  into 
pasture,-  the  population  of  towns  increased  even  to  an  overflow, 
and  the  consequent  activity  of  trade  gradually  rendered  the  towns 
flourishing.  But  this  change  took  place  too  rapidly.  Wealth 
and  luxury  engendered,  it  is  true,  numerous  wants  which  were  a 
source  of  gain,  so  that  the  English  were  at  this  time  considered 
luxurious  and  effeminate,^  but  there  was  a  general  scarcity  of 
workmen  and  artists,  and  hence  it  happened,  that  from  Genoa, 
Lombardy,  France,  Germany,  and  Holland,  innumerable  foreigners 
immigrated  and  took  possession  of  the  most  lucrative  branches  of 
employment.  This  was  a  peculiar  hai'dship  on  the  natives,  Avho, 
from  their  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  arts,  could  not  compete 
with  the  more  skilful  foreigners,  and  were  besides  treated  by  them 
with  insolence  and  contempt.  The  distresses  of  the  poor  thus  in- 
creased yearly,   and  their  indignation  at  length  broke  oiit.     A 

great  insurrection  of  the  Eng-lish  artizans  arose  throuo^hout  Lon- 
o  o  o 

don,  and  might  have  proved  destructive  to  the  foreigners,  had 
affairs  been  in  a  less  orderly  state.  The  popular  commotion  was 
however  suppressed  without  any  considerable  sacrifice,  and  Henry 
the  Vlllth  on  a  solemn  day,  appointed  at  Westminster,  for  pass- 
ing judgment  upon  the  prisoners,  bestowed  a  pardon  on  them ;  for 
he  saw  into  the  causes  of  their  discontent,  and  very  soon  after 
caused  restrictive  alien  laws  to  be  enacted.'* 

'   From  a  Poem  on  Henry  VIII.  in  Herbert  of  Cherburt/. 

'  They  found  grazing  more  profitable,  and  converted  large  tracts  of  aralde  land  into 
pasture.     Hume,  T.  IV.  p.  277.  ■*  Lemnitts,  fol.  III.  h. 

*  Grafton,  p.  294.     This  insurrection  is  called  by  the  Chroniclers,  "  Insurrection  of 
Evill  },la\-da\:"— Hume,  T.  IV.  p.  274. 

13 


J  94  •  THE  SWEATING    SICKNESS. 


Sect.  2. — Sweating  Sickness. 

All  this  took  place  in  April  and  May  of  the  ever  memorable 
year  1517,  and  London  was  again  indulging  in  hopes"  of  better 
days,  when  the  Sweating  Sickness  once  more  broke  out  quite  ixn- 
cxpcctedly'in  July,  and  in  spite  of  all  former  experience,  and  the 
most  sedulous  attention,  inexorabl}^  demanded  its  victims.  On 
this  occasion  it  was  so  violent  and  so  rapid  in  its  course,  that  it 
carried  off  those  who  were  attacked  in  two  or  three  hours,  so  that 
the  first  shivering  fit  was  regarded  as  the  announcement  of  certain 
death.  It  was  not  ushered  in  by  any  precursory  symptoms. 
INIany  who  were  in  good  health  at  noon  were  numbered  among 
the  dead  by  the  evening,  and  thus  as  great  a  dread  was  created  at 
this  new  peril  as  ever  was  felt  during  the  prevalence  of  the  most 
suddenly  destructive  epidemic  :  for  the  thought  of  being  snatched 
away  from  the  full  enjoyment  of  existence  without  any  prepara- 
tion, without  any  hope  of  recover}^,  is  appalling  even  to  the 
bravest,  and  excites  secret  trepidation  and  anguish.  Among  the 
lower  classes  the  deaths  were  innumerable.'  The  city  was  more- 
over crowded  with  poor  ;  but  even  the  ranks  of  the  higher  classes 
were  thinned,  and  no  precaution  averted  death  from  their  palaces. 
Ammonius  of  Lucca,  a  scholar  of  some  celebrity,  and  in  this  ca- 
pacity private  secretary  to  the  king,  was  cut  off  in  the  flower  of 
his  age,  after  having  boasted  to  Sir  Thomas  More,  only  a  few 
houi's  before  his  death,  that  by  moderation  and  good  management 
he  had  secured  both  himself  and  his  family  from  the  disease.^ 
Also  of  those  immediately  about  the  king.  Lords  Grey  and  Clinton 
were  carried  off,  besides  many  knights,  officers,  and  courtiers. 
Mourning  supplanted  the  hilarity  and  brilliancy  of  the  festivals, 
and  the  king,  while  in  miserable  solitude,  into  which  he  had  re- 
tired with  a  few  followers,  received  message  after  message  from 

J   "  Of  the  common  sort  tlicy  were  numberless,  that  perished  by  it."    Gocluyn,  p.  23. 

-  Is  valde  sibi  videbatur  adversus  contaf^ioncm  victus  moderationc  munitus :  qua 
factum  putavit,  ut  quum  in  nullum  pcne  inciderct,  cujus  non  tota  familia  laboravcrat, 
nemiucm  adhuc  e  suis  id  malum  attigerit,  id  quod  et  mihi  ct  multis  praterea  jactavit, 
no)i  admodum  multis  horis  antequam  extinctus  est." — Erasm.  Epist.  L.  YII.  ep.  4.  col. 
386.  The  date  of  the  year  of  this  letter  from  Sir  Thomas  More  to  Erasmus,  lo'iO,  is 
clearly  erroneous,  as  is  that  of  many  other  letters  in  tliis  collection,  for  at  that  time  the 
Sweating  Sickness  did  not  prevail  in  London ;  it  is  also  sufficiently  well  known  froni 
other  researches  (Biographic  Universelle  —  General  Biograpliical  Dictionary),  that 
Ammonius  died  in  1517.  The  date  of  the  month,  however,  19th  August,  seems  to  be 
correct.  Sprengel  lias,  in  consequence  of  this  false  date  of  the  year,  been  misled  to  as- 
sume a  specific  epidemic  Sweating  Sickness  as  having  taken  place  in  the  year  1520 
(Book  II.  p.  G86),  which  is  wholly  unconfirmed. 


SWEATING    SICKNESS.  195 

different  towns  and  villages,  announcing,  that  in  some  a  third,  in 
others  even  half  the  inhabitants  were  swept  off  by  this  pestilence. 
It  had  never  before  raged  with  so  mucli  fatality.  The  minds  of 
men  had  never  before  been  so  frightfully  appalled.  The  festival 
of  Michaelmas  (29th  September),  which  in  England  was  always 
kept  with  much  religious  pomp,  was  of  necessity  postponed  ;  nor 
was  the  solemnity  of  Christmas  observed,  for  there  was  a  dread  of 
collecting  together  large  assemblies  of  people/  on  account  of  the 
contagion;  and  just  about  this  time,  when  the  Sweating  Sickness 
had  abated,  the  plague,  according  to  the  account  of  some  historians, 
began,  which,  although  probably  not  very  virulent,  prevailed 
during  the  whole  winter  in  most  English  towns,  and  continued  to 
keep  up  the  distress  of  the  people.  The  king  on  this  occasion  also 
quitted  his  capital,  and  retreated,  in  company  with  a  few  attend- 
ants, before  the  contagion,  frequently  shifting  his  court  from  place 
to  place.  It  was  during  this  period  of  trouble  (11th  of  February, 
1518)  that  the  Princess  JNIary,  afterwards  Queen,  was  born." 

Thus  the  Sweating  Sickness  lasted  full  six  months,  reached  its 
greatest  height^  about  six  weeks  after  its  appearance,  and  pro- 
bably spread  from  London  over  the  whole  of  England.  In  Oxford 
and  Cambridge  it  raged  with  no  less  violence  than  in  the  capital. 
Most  of  the  inhabitants  of  those  places  were,  in  the  course  of  a 
few  days,  confined  to  their  beds,  and  the  sciences,  which  then 
flourished,  for  they  were  never  more  zealously  cultivated  in  Eng- 
land than  at  that  time,  suffered  severe  losses  by  the  death  of  many 
able  and  distinguished  scholars.^  Scotland,  Ireland,  and  all  other 
countries  bej'ond  sea,  were  on  this  occasion  spared.  The  neigli- 
bouring  town  of  Calais  alone  was  reached''  by  the  pestilence  ;  and 
according  to  later  observations,  it  may  be  considered  as  certain, 
that  only  the  English  who  resided  there,  and  not  the  French  in- 
habitants, were  affected,  as  it  is  also  ascertained  that  the  rest  of 
France  continued  throughout  free  from  the  disease.  Had  this  not 
been  the  case,  contemporary  writers  would  undoubtedly  not  have 
omitted  to  make  mention  of  so  important  an  occurrence. 

'   Grafton,  p.  294,  is  very  detailed.     Compare  IloUnshcd,  p.  C26.     Baker,  p.  28G. 
Hall,  p.  592. 

-  Godwyn,  p.  23.     Stoic,  p.  849. 

•''  Tliis,  from  the  foregoing  remark  upon  the  deatli  of  Ammonius,  may  be  eoneludcd 
with  the  greatest  probal)ility. 

*  —  "  omnibus  fere  intra  paucos  dies  decumbentibus,  amissis  plurimis,  optimis  atquc 
honestissimis  amicis."      Th.  More  in  Erasmus's  Epist.  L.  YII.  ep.  4.  col.  886. 

5  Ibid.     The  only  place  where  the  disease  is  spoken  of  as  having  spread  acoss  tlie 
Channel. 

13* 


196  THE    SWEATIISG    SICKNESS. 


Sect.  3. — Causes. 

The  influences  which  gave  rise  to  this  third  eruption  of  the  dis- 
order among  the  English  nation  are  obscure,  and  do  not  altogether 
correspond  with  those  of  the  years  1485  and  1506.  Thus  it  is 
especially  remarkable  that,  on  this  occasion,  there  is  no  express 
mention  of  the  humidity  which  had  so  decided  a  share  in  the 
origin  of  the  two  former  visitations  of  the  Sweating  Sickness,  and 
the  year  1517  was  in  most  respects  one  of  an  ordinary  kind.  The 
English  Chronicles  state  nothing  remarkable  on  the  subject,  and 
from  those  of  Germany  we  only  learn  that  the  winter  of  1516  was 
very  mild,  and  that  a  fruitful  summer  with  an  abundant  vintage ' 
and  a  cold  winter  followed.  The  summer  of  1517  was  unfruitful, 
although  not  on  account  of  wet  weather,  so  that  in  some  parts, 
especially  in  Swabia,  provision  was  made  against  a  scarcity.^  A 
great  comet  appeared  in  1516,^  and  in  1517  an  earthquake  was 
felt  at  Tiibingen,  Nordlingen,  and  Calw,  during  a  violent  storm, 
whereupon  the  "  Haupt  Krankheit"^  (encephalitis),  accompanied 
by  fever,  became  more  prevalent,  although  not  remarkably  fatal.^ 
This  phenomenon  (the  earthquake)  was  by  no  means  unimportant^ 
in  its  effects,  and  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  it  was  followed  by 
subterraneous  commotions  of  still  greater  extent,  for  earthquakes 
occurred  also  in  Spain.^  As  the  date  of  this  event  is  specified  as 
the  16th  of  June,  and  as  earthquakes  occurring  in  unusual  lo- 
calities, that  is  to  say,  in  districts  not  volcanic,  are  frequently  cited 
as  prognostics  of  great  diseases,  although  in  volcanic  districts  they 
evidently  betoken  nothing  of  the  kind,  we  may  hence  with  some 
reason  assume  a  telluric  influence,  which  perhaps  reached  the  lo- 
cality of  the  pestilence  that  broke  out  at  the  beginning  of  July,  if 

'    Spangcnberg.     M.  Clir.  fol.  408.  a.  -   Crusiiis,     T.  II.  p.  187. 

3  Wintzenbtrger,  fol.  21.  a.  Angelas,  p.  282.  Spangetibcrg,  loc.  cit.  Pingre 
T.  I.  p.  483. 

■*  Such  was  the  name  given  in  Germany  to  the  already  oft-mentioned  pernicious  fever 
with  inflammation  of  the  brain.  We  recognise  it  for  the  first  time,  as  an  epidemic,  in 
France,  in  the  year  1482.  (See  above,  p.  174.)  It  frequently  made  its  appearance 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

5  Crusius,  T.  II.  p.  187. 

*  On  the  16th  of  June,  1517,  there  was  a  great  earthquake,  and  a  tremendous  storm 
of  wind  at  NiJrdlingen,  so  that  tlie  parish  church  at  St.  Emeran  was  completely  forced 
out  of  the  ground  and  thrown  down,  and  it  was  reckoned  that  there  were  2000  houses 
and  stables  in  that  place  which,  for  a  space  of  two  miles  long,  were  overthrown  and 
rent,  and  there  were  few  houses  there  which  were  not,  like  the  church,  damaged  and 
shaken  to  pieces.      Wintzenberger,  fol.  21.  b. 

''  In  Xativa.      Villalba,  T.  I.  p.  83. 


HABITS    OF    THE    ENGLISH.  197 

not  earlier.  Besides,  we  cannot  find  any  greater  phenomenon, 
which,  according  to  human  conception,  could  have  had  a  more  im- 
mediate connexion  with  the  English  Sweating  Sickness ;  and  in 
this  instance,  too,  inquiry  the  most  circumspect  does  not  penetrate 
through  the  thick  veil  which  envelopes  the  inscrutable  causes  of 
epidemics. 

Sect.  4. — Habits  of  the  English. 

That,  next  to  the  peculiar  constitution  which  England  imparts 
to  her  inhabitants,  the  predisposing  causes  of  the  Sweating 
Sickness  lay  in  the  habits  of  the  English  of  those  times,  no  one 
can  possibly  doubt.  The  limitation  of  the  pestilence  to  England 
plainly  indicates  this,  Not  a  single  ship  conveyed  it  to  the 
French,  or  to  the  Dutch,  who  breathed  a  much  moister  atmosphere  ; 
and  yet  the  intercourse  between  the  English  sea-ports  and  these 
immediately  neighbouring  nations  was  very  frequent.  Of  in- 
temperance, which  most  generally  laj'S  the  foundation  for  dis- 
orders, both  high  and  low  were  at  this  time  accused.  This  vice 
of  the  English  was  proverbial  in  foreign  countries.'  Flesh  meats 
highly  seasoned  with  spices  were  indulged  in  to  excess ;  noisy 
nocturnal  carouslngs  were  become  customary,  and  it  was  also  the 
practice  to  drink  strong  wine  ^  immediately  after  rising  in  the 
morning.  Cyder,  which  in  some  parts,  as  for  instance  in  Devon- 
shire, is  the  common  beverage,^  was,  even  in  those  times,  con- 
sidered by  medical  men  as  injurious,  for  it  was  observed  that  its 
use  caused  debility  with  paleness,  and  sapped  the  vigour  of  youth 
in  both  sexes.'*  Other  similar  facts  respecting  the  mode  of  living 
at  that  time  might  perhaps  be  adduced,  from  which  it  would  appear 
that,  owing  to  the  total  want  of  refinement  in  diet,  much  that 
was  improper  was  employed  in  English  cookery,  and  that  on 
this  account  the  constitution  was  much  injured.  Horticulture, 
which  the  French  had  already  brought  to  a  state  of  great  im- 
provement,'^ was  still  quite  in  its  infancy  in  England.  It  is  even 
said  that  Queen  Catherine  had  pot-herbs  brought  from  Holland 
for  the  preparation  of  salads,  as  they  were  not  procurable  in  Eng- 

'  "  II  est  saoul  conime  U7i  Angloys.'* —  Bondelet,  de  dign.  morb.  fol.  35.  b. 

-  F.lyot,  in  his  "  Castell  of  Health,"  quoted  by  Aikin,  p.  64.  Bandelet,  loc.  cit. 

^  In  17'2-1,  which  was  a  great  fruit  year,  there  arose  in  this  very  country,  from  the 
immoderate  use  of  cyder,  an  epidemic  cholic  ;  the  Colica  Damnoniorum.  Vide  Hiixhafn, 
Opera.  (Lips.  1764.)  Tom.  TIT.  p.  .54. 

*  Elyot,  in  Aikin,  p.  63.  *  jg  Grand  d' Artssy,  T.  I.  p.  143. 


198  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

land.'  Allowing  that  this  account  may  not  be  strictly  true, 
since  it  admits  of  other  explanations,  still  it  proves  in  itself  what 
we  would  here  enforce,  and  leaves  us  to  draw  conclusions  from  it 
bcj^ond  tlie  raez'e  fact  of  there  being  a  scarcity  of  culinary  veget- 
ables. Much  more  important,  however,  as  respects  our  subject, 
was  the  custom  of  wearing  immoderately  warm  clothing,  of  which 
we  have  accounts  worthy  of  credence.  From  youtli  upwards  the 
head  was  covered  with  thick  caps,  in  order  to  secure  it  from  every 
chance  of  cold,  and  from  the  least  draugKt  of  air ;  and  as,  by 
this  injurious  practice,  the  brain  was  subjected  to  a  continual  de- 
termination of  blood,  and  a  tenderness  of  the  skin  was  induced, 
there  Avas  no  disorder  more  frequent  among  the  English  in  this 
century  than  catarrh,^  which  was  constantly  reproduced  by  relax- 
ing perspirations  and  heating  medicines.  If  this  malady  be 
complicated  with  a  scorbutic  habit,  or  if  it  befall  persons  of  de- 
bauched habits,  whose  vessels  contain  nourishment  not  properly 
concocted,  the  preservative  vital  power  seeks  a  vent  through  the. 
relaxed  skin,  and  that  which  in  itself  is  a  needful  and  alleviat- 
ing excitement  of  this  tissue  becomes  a  disease ;  the  wholesome 
excretion  degenerates  into  a  colliquative  drain,  which  forcibly 
carries  oif  with  it  unusual  animal  matters  that  ought  not  to  pass 
away  through  such  an  outlet,  and  the  body  yields  to  an  attack  to 
which  it  has  been  thus  long  predisposed.  When  we  consider  this 
debilitated  state  of  the  skin  as  the  general  complaint  in  England, 
taking  into  account  the  prejudicial  influence  of  hot  baths,^  which 
were  much  in  use,  and  the  diaplioretic  medicines  employed  in 
most  disorders  ;  when  we  bear  in  mind  the  rare  use  of  soap  at  that 
time,  and  the  high  price  of  linen,  as  also  the  extreme  indigence  of 
the  lower  classes,  which  almost  always  "breeds  pestilences,  the  ut- 
terly miserable  condition  and  truly  Scythian  filth  of  the  English 
habitations,''  and  finally,  the  crowded  state  of  London  in  the  year 

>  Ihunc,  T.  IV.  ]).  273.     Aikin,  p.  59. 

=  '•  N;)w-a-day.s,  if  a  boy  of  seven  years  of  age,  or  a  young  man  of  twenty  years,  liave 
not  two  caps  on  his  liead,  lie  and  his  friends  will  thiiik  tliat  he  may  not  continue  in 
heallh  ;  and  yet,  if  the  inner  cap  be  not  of  velvet  or  satin,  a  serving-man  feareth  to 
lose  his  credence."     Elyot,  in  Aikin,  p.  64. 

^  7 "  u^i  homines  pcrpetuo  in  hypocauslisdegunt,  multoque  carnium  csu  se  in- 

gurgitant,  et  alimentis  piperatis  contiuuo  utuntur.  Quare  factum  est,  ut  continua  hy- 
pocaustorum  a;stuatione  meatuum  cutis  relaxatio  consequeretur,  qutc  sudoris  promptis- 
sima  et  potcntissima  causa  esse  solet,  cuius  materia  in  humorum  exsuperantia  consts- 
tebat,  quamfreqaens  alimentorum  multum  mdrientitim  et  pijieratorum  usus  collujerat." 
B.ondeht,  loc.  cit. 

^  The  floors  of  the  houses  generally  are  made  of  nothing  but  loam,  and  are  strewed 
with  rushes,  which  being  constantly  put  on  fresh,  without  a  removal  of  the  old,  remain 


CONTAGION.  199 

1517,  we  shall,  as  far  as  human  research  can  penetrate,  find  the 
origin  of  the  Sweating  Sickness  in  this  very  year  explicable  from 
causes  which  have  long  been  known  to  be  capable  of  producing 
such  effects.  Something  remains  in  the  background,  of  which 
hereafter. 

Sect.  5. — Contagion. 

The  rapid  spread  of  the  Sweating  Sickness  all  over  England  as 
far  as  the  Scottish  borders,  and  across  to  Calais,  now  demands  a 
more  especial  consideration.  Most  fevers  which  are  produced  by 
general  causes,  as  well  transient  (epidemic),  as  constant  and  pe- 
culiar to  the  country  (endemic),  or  a  nnion  of  both,  which  almost 
always  takes  place,  and  was  here  evidently  the  case,  propagate 
themselves  for  a  time  spontaneously.  The  exhalations  of  the  / 
affected  become  the  germs  of  a  similar  decomposition  in  those  i 
bodies  which  receive  them,  and  produce  in  these  a  like  attack  ] 
upon  the  internal  organs ;  and  thus  a  merely  morbid  phenomenon  ' 
of  life  shows  that  it  possesses  the  fundamental  property  of  all 
life,  that  of  propagating  itself  in  an  appropriate  soil.  On  this 
point  there  is  no  doubt, — the  phenomena  which  prove  it  have 
been  observed  from  time  immemorial,  in  an  endless  variety  of 
circumstances,  but  always  with  a  uniform  manifestation  of  the 
fundamental  law.  All  nations  too,  and  from  the  most  ancient 
times,  have  invented  ingenious  designations  for  these  occurrences, 
which,  however,  seldom  represent  the  general  notion,  but  common- 
ly only  the  peculiar  propagation  of  individual  diseases.  Certainly 
one  of  the  best  and  the  most  ingenious  is  that  which  is  conveyed 
by  the  German  word  "  Ansteckung,"  "setting  on  fire,"  which 
compares  the  exciting  a  disease  in  the  appropriate  body,  with  the 
inflammation  of  combustible  matter  by  the  application  of  fire,  or 
with  the  kindling  of  powder  by  a  spark.  But  how  various  are 
these  "  Ansteckungen !",  from  the  purely  mental,  on  the  one 
hand,  which,  through  the  mere  sight  of  a  disagreeable  nervous 
malady — through  an  excitement  of  the  senses  that  shakes  the 
mind,  penetrates  into  the  nerves,  those  channels  of  its  will  and  of 
its  feelings,  and  produces  the  same  disorder  in  the  beholder,  to 
those,  on  the  other  hand,  which  propagate  diseases  that  princii^allv 

lying  there,  in  some  cases  for  twenty  years,  ^\•itl^  iish-boncs,  broken  victuals,  and  other 
filth  underneath,  and  impregnated  witli  the  urine  of  dogs  and  men.  Erasm.  Epist.  I,, 
xxii.  ep.  12.  col.  1140.  This  description  is  in  all  probability  overdrawn,  and  applicable 
only  to  the  poorest  huts.  It  is,  however,  certainly  not  fictitious,  and  is  not  refuted  by 
Kayc. 


200  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

operate  only  upon  matter,  and  are  distinguishable  but  little,  if  at 
all,  from  animal  poisons.  The  reader  must  not  here  expect  all 
the  features  of  a  doctrine  Avhich  extends  through  tlie  whole  im- 
measurable domain  of  life.  They  are  clearly  derived  from  the 
confirmed  and  well-applied  experience  of  the  past,  and  have  been 
delineated  by  men  ^  who  had  not  forgotten,  like  their  modern 
successors,  to  take  a  comprehensive  view  of  epidemic  diseases.  It 
may,  however,  be  permitted  me  just  to  call  to  mind  the  diiFerence 
between  those  infectious  diseases  which  are  permanent  and  for 
centuries  together  unchaugealjle,  and  those  which  are  temporary 
and  transient.  The  infecting  matter  of  the  former  may  aptly  be 
called  the  perfect  or  unchangeable  in  contradistinction  to  the  im- 
perfect or  mutable  character  of  the  latter.  The  former,  when 
once  formed,  whether  in  diseased  persons  or  inanimate  substances 
(fomites),  are  always  in  existence,  and  are  but  called  into  activity 
by  those  causes  of  general  disease  (epidemic  constitutions)  which 
are  favourable  to  their  propagation  ;  and  it  is  to  be  remarked  that 
under  all  circumstances,  and  at  all  times,  they  excite  the  same 
unchangeable  diseases,  and,  varying  only  in  particular  ramifica- 
tions or  degenerations  and  mild  forms,  never  lose  their  proper 
essence.  Examples  are  furnished  in  the  small-pox,  the  plague, 
the  measles,  and,  if  we  may  include  diseases  not  febrile,  the 
leprosy,  the  itch,  and  the  venereal  disease.  The  latter,  on  the 
other  hand,  are  not  always  in  existence,  they  are  called  forth 
from  nonentity,  by  the  causes  of  general  diseases  or  epidemic 
constitutions,  and  they  disappear  again  after  the  extinction  of  the 
epidemic  diseases  by  which  they  were  bred  ;  they  likewise  vary  in 
their  development  and  their  course  in  each  particular  epidemic. 
Examples  are  found  in  the  yellow  fever,  in  catarrh  or  influenza, 
in  nervous  and  putrid  fever,  and,  among  many  other  disorders, 
in  miliary  fever,  a  disease  which  first  grew  to  a  national  pestilence 
in  the  17th  century,  and  which,  in  the  kind  and  manner  of  its 
infecting  power,  approaches  nearest  to  the  sweating  fever.  To 
this  latter  category  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  likewise 
belongs ;  a  disease  altogether  of  a  temporary  character,  which, 
after  its  cessation,  left  no  infecting  material  behind,  and  con- 
sequently was  incapable  of  propagating  itself  after  the  manner 
of  those  diseases  which  are  completely  contagious.  The  animal 
matters  which  were  expelled  along  with  the  profuse  perspiration, 
and  spread  so  horrible  a  stench  around  the  sick,  contained  amid 

'   Fracastoro,  Fernel,  Valleriola,  Uoulier,  and  most  of  the  other  learned  physicians 
of  the  sixteenth  century. 


CONTAGION.  201 

their  alkaline  salts  (probably  ammonia  in  various  states  of  com- 
bination), and  their  superabundant  acid,  the  ferment  of  the  dis- 
ease ;  and  this  penetrated  into  the  lungs  of  the  bystanders  as  they 
breathed,  and  provided  they  were  but  predisposed  for  its  reception, 
as  above  stated,  continually  produced  it.  It  may  be  considered  as 
certain  that  mere  manual  contact  was  not  sufficient  to  communi- 
cate the  infection,  and  that  this  was  propagated,  either  by  the  pes- 
tilential atmosphere  which  surrounded  the  beds  of  the  sick,  or  by 
exhalations  generated  in  unclean  situations  where  there  was  no 
vent  for  their  escape.  On  this  account  it  was  that  the  residence 
at  common  inns  and  public-houses  was  looked  upon  as  dangerous.' 
I  would  not,  however,  be  understood  to  maintain  that,  during 
the  three  epidemics  with  which,  up  to  the  present  stage  of  our 
inquiry,  we  have  become  acquainted,  the  spread  of  the  sweating 
fever  alone  was  occasioned  by  infection ;  for  if  the  general  epi- 
demic causes  were  powerful  enough  to  excite  the  disease,  without 
any  previously  existing  poison,  why  might  they  not  produce  the 
same  effect  still  more  independently  throughout  the  course  of  the 
pestilence,  since,  as  is  the  case  in  all  epidemics,  those  causes  in 
all  probability  continued  to  increase  in  intensity  ?  That  the 
plague  grew  worse  on  the  occasion  of  any  great  assemblages  of  the 
people,  was  at  that  time  known,  and  the  notion  of  contagion 
thence  very  naturally  arose.  Yet,  must  it  here  be  taken  into 
account,  that  even  without  this  notion,  and  merely  from  the  as- 
semblage itself  of  many  people  in  whom  the  like  malady  was 
germinating,  and  already  had  shown  tokens  of  its  approach,  that 
approach  might  easily  be  accelerated,  and  the  disease  increased 
among  those  merely  slightly  indisposed,  by  the  reciprocal  com- 
munication of  morbid  exhalations.  For  as  the  predisposition 
to  any  malady,  which  is  an  intermediate  condition  between  that 
malady  and  the  previous  state  of  good  health,^  plainly  displaj's 
the  properties  of  the  disease  in  those  whom  it  threatens  to  attack, 
so  these  exhalations  (or  epidemic  causes  which  give  rise  to  Sweat- 
ing Sickness  in  the  first  instance)  certainly  differ  from  those 
which  occur  in  a  sweating  sickness  which  has  already  broken  out, 
only  in  unessential  respects,  and  might  consequently  stimulate 
the  mere  disposition  to  the  disease  more  and  more,  even  to  the 
actual  eruption  of  the  disease  itself.     Yet  a  contagion  was  like- 

'  "  quod  vitlgaria  diversoria  pariim  iiita  sunt  a  co/itagio  sceleratee  pestis,  quaj 

nuper  ab  Aiiglis — in  nostras  regiones  demigravit,"  speaking  of  the  English  Sweating 
Sickness  in  Germany  (1529).     Erasm.  Epist.  L.  xxvii.  ep.  16.  col.  1519.  c. 

2  Brown's  "Opportunity." 


202  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

wise  in  operation  at  the  same  time,  whicli  was  destructive  even  to 
the  temperate,  and  to  those  who  were  apparently  in  health,  nay, 
even  to  foreigners,  who  were  living  in  an  English  atmosphere  and 
on  English  food,  as  the  example  of  the  Italian  Ammonias  plainly 
proves.' 

Tn  all  epidemics  which  increase  to  such  a  degree  as  to  become 
contagious,  it  is  of  importance  to  distinguish  which  of  these 
causes  are  the  more  powerful,  the  predisposing  or  epidemic  causes, 
which  originate  the  proneness  to  the  disease,  or  the  proximate 
causes,  among  which,  in  the  generality  of  cases,  contagion  is  the 
most  prominent.  The  predisposing  were  here  evidently  the  more 
operative  ;  contagion  was  not  added  till  the  disease  was  at  its 
height,  and  although  it  contributed  not  a  little  to  its  spread,  yet 
it  always  remained  subordinate  to  the  other  sources  of  the  disease, 
and  all  the  matter  of  infection  vanished  without  a  trace,  on  the 
cessation  of  the  disorder,  so  that  the  subsequent  eruptions  of  it 
were  always  produced  by  the  renewal  of  those  general  causes 
which  are  in  operation  upon  and  under  the  earth.  It  is,  howevei*; 
as  little  within  the  compass  of  human  knowledge  to  discover  the 
essential  foundation  of  this  renewal,  as  the  proximate  causes  of 
the  appearance  of  the  mould  spots  at  the  commencement  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  or  any  other  of  those  processes  which  are  pre- 
pared and  brought  into  activity  b}^  the  hidden  powers  of  nature. 

Sect.  G. — Influenzas. 

Several  epidemics  thus  originating  in  causes  beyond  human 
comprehension  appeared  in  the  16th  century.  Among  the  most 
remarkable  was  a  violent  and  extensive  catarrhal  fever  in  1510, 
of  that  kind  which  the  Italians  call  Influenza,  thus  recognising 
an  inscrutable  influence  which  affects  numberless  persons  at  the 
same  time.  It  prevailed  principally  in  France,  but  probably 
also  over  the  rest  of  Europe,  of  which,  however,  the  accounts  do 
not  inform  us,  for  in  those  times  they  took  little  pains  to  record 
the  particulars  of  epidemics  which  were  not  of  a  character  to 
aflect  life.  According  to  recent  experience  we  should  be  warrant- 
ed even  in  supposing  that  this  malady  had  its  origin  in  the  re- 
motest parts  of  the  East.  During  the  whole  of  the  winter, 
which  was  very  cold,  violent  storms  of  wind  prevailed,  and  the 
north  and  middle  of  Italy  were  shaken  by  frequent  earthquakes ; 
whereupon  there  followed  so  general  a  sickness  in  France,  that 

'   Erasm.  Epist.  L.  vii.  cp.  4.  col.  386. 


INFLUENZAS.  203 

we  are  assured  by  tlie  liistorians  that  few  of  the  inhabitants 
escaped  it.  The  catarrhal  symptoms,  Avhich  on  the  appearance  of 
disorders  of  this  kind  usually  form  their  commencement,  seem  to 
have  been  quite  thrown  into  the  background  by  those  of  violent 
rheumatism  and  inflammation.  The  patient  was  first  seized  with 
giddiness  and  severe  headache;  then  came  on  a  shooting  pain 
through  the  shoulders,  and  extending  to  the  thighs.  The  loins 
too  were  affected  with  intolerably  painful  dartings,  during  which 
an  inflammatory  fever  set  in  with  delirium  and  violent  excitement. 
In  some  the  parotid  glands  became  inflamed,  and  even  the  digest- 
ive organs  participated  in  the  deep-rooted  malady ;  for  those 
affected  had,  together  with  constant  oppression  at  the  stomach,  a 
great  loathing  for  all  animal  food,  and  a  dislike  even  to  wine. 
Among  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich  many  died,  and  some  quite 
suddenly,  of  this  strange  disease,  in  the  treatment  of  which  the 
physicians  shortened  life  not  a  little  by  their  purgative  treatment 
and  phlebotomy,  seeking  an  excuse  for  their  ignorance  in  the  in- 
fluence of  the  constellations,  and  allewino;  that  astral  diseases 
were  beyond  the  reach  of  human  art.^ 

From  this  prejudicial  effect  of  our  chief  antiphlogistic  remedy, 
bleeding,  as  well  as  of  evacuations  from  the  bowels,  we  may  con- 
clude that  the  disease,  though  in  its  commencement  rheumatic, 
yet  had  an  essential  tendency  to  produce  relaxation  and  debility 
of  the  nerves,  and  in  this  respect,  as  well  as  in  its  extension  to  all 
classes,  accorded  with  the  modern  influenzas,  in  which  the  same 
phenomena  have  manifested  themselves,  only  much  less  vividly 
and  plainly.  The  French,  who,  from  the  levity  of  their  character, 
have  always  called  serious  things  by  jocose  names,  designate  this 
disease  "  Coqueluche  "  (tlie  monk's  hood),  because,  owing  to  the 
extreme  sensibility  of  the  skin  to  cold  and  currents  of  air,  this 
kind  of  hood  was  generallj''  necessary,  and  was  a  protection 
against  an  attack  of  the  malady,  as  well  as  against  its  increase. 
That  in  the  accounts,  which  are,  to  be  sure,  very  incomplete, 
there  should  be  no  express  mention  of  any  affection  of  the  air- 
passages,  is  remarkable,  since  this  could  not  in  all  likelihood  have 
failed  to  exist  ;  although  it  might  perhaps  have  been  only  slight- 
ly manifested.  Nearly  a  century  before  (1414),  this  affection 
appeared  far  more  prominently  on  the  occurrence  of  a  no  less 
general  disorder  of  the  same  kind  ;  so  that  all  those  who  had  the 
complaint,  suffered  from  a  considerable  hoarseness,  and  all  public 

'  Mezeray,  T.  II.  p.  853.  Pare,  p.  823.  lloUer,  Comm.  II.  in  secunJ.  sect.  Coac. 
Hippocrat.  p.  323. 


204  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

business  in  Paris  was  interrupted  on  this  account.'  It  was  on 
that  very  occasion  that  the  name  Coqueluche  was  first  employed, 
and  this  having,  as  is  well  known,  been  transferred  to  the 
whooping-cough,  it  is  easier  to  suppose,  with  respect  to  the  in- 
fluenza of  1510,  which  was  similarly  named,  an  omission  in  the 
account,  than  the  real  absence  of  a  symptom  so  very  generally 
prevalent ;  for  in  these  kinds  of  comparisons  and  denominations, 
the  conmion  sense  of  the  people  errs  much  less  than  the  learned 
profundity  of  political  historians. 

We  must  not  omit  here  to  remark  that  three  years  before 
(1411),  and  thirteen  years  afterwards,  two  diseases,  entirely 
similar  and  equally  general,  made  their  appearance  in  France, 
of  which  we  nowhere  find  that  any  notice  has  been  taken  up  to 
the  present  time.  The  first  was  called  Tae,  the  second  Ladenclo, 
which  designations  have  since  entirely  gone  out  of  use.  Both 
were  accompanied  by  very  severe  cough,  so  that  in  the  former, 
ruptures  not  unfrequently  occurred,  and  pregnant  women  were  in 
consequence  prematurely  confined,  and  by  the  latter,  from  its 
universality,  the  public  worship  was  disturbed.  In  the  ladendo, 
there  seems  to  have  been  an  affection  of  tKe  kidney  of  an  inflam- 
matory character,  and  much  more  severe  than  in  the  coqueluche 
of  1510,  a  memorable  example  of  epidemic  influence,  and  without 
a  parallel  in  modern  times.  This  pain  in  the  kidneys,  which 
was  as  severe  as  a  fit  of  the  stone,  was  followed  by  fever  with 
loss  of  appetite,  and  an  incessant  cough  that  terminated  in  dis- 
agreeable eruptions  about  the  mouth  and  nose.  The  disorder  ran 
a  course  of  about  fifteen  days,  and  was  generally  prevalent 
throughout  October,  being  unattended  with  danger,  notwithstand- 
ing the  severity  of  its  symptoms.  One  might  almost  be  tempted 
to  regard  the  tac  of  1411  as  the  coqueluche  of  1414,  which  is 
only  slightly  alluded  to  by  Mezeray,  and  whereof  the  author 
from  whom  we  are  now  quoting  has  made  no  mention  ;  for  a 
false  date  might  easily  occur  here.  Yet  this  must  remain  un- 
decided until  wc  can  obtain  fuller  information,  for  we  have  ex- 
perienced, even  in  the  most  recent  times,  an  example  of  influenzas 
(1831  and  1833)  following  each  other  in  quick  succession.  Gas- 
tric symptoms  and  an  inordinate  degree  of  irritability  accompanied 
the  spasmodic  cough,  and  the  complaint  terminated  with  evacu- 

'  "  Un  etrange  rbume  qu'on  nomma  coqueluche,  Icquel  tourmenta  toute  sorte  de 
personnes,  et  leur  rendit  la  voix  si  cnrouee,  que  le  barrcau  et  les  colleges  en  furent 
muets." — Mezeray.  Compare  Diderot  et  d' Alemhert,  Encyclopedic  ou  Dictionnaire 
raisonne  des  Sciences,  etc.  T.  lY.  p.  182. 


INFLUENZAS.  205 

ations    of  blood.       However,  the    disease    was  unattended  with 
danger,  and  lasted  upon  the  whole  only  three  weeks.' 

Four  other  epidemics  similar  to  that  of  1510  appeared  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  two  which  were  quite  general  in  the  years  1557 
and  1580,  and  two  less  extensively  prevalent  in  the  years  1551 
and  1564.^  Of  the  two  former  we  possess  accurate  descriptions; 
it  will  therefore  aid  us  in  forming  a  correct  judgment  respecting 
the  influenza  of  1510,  if  we  here  take  a  review  of  these  also,  since 
the  most  experienced  contemporaries  classed  all  these  disorders 
together  as  of  a  similar  kind.  During  the  dry  unfavourable  sum- 
mer of  1557,  invalids  were  suddenly  seized  with  hoarseness  and 
oppression  at  the  chest,  accompanied  with  a  pressure  on  the  head, 
and  followed  by  shivering  and  such  a  violent  cough,  that  they 
thought  they  should  be  suSbcated,  especially  during  the  night. 
This  cough  was  dry  at  first,  but  about  the  severith  day,  or  even 
later,  an  abundant  secretion  took  place  either  of  thick  mucus  or  of 
thin  frothy  fluid.  Upon  this  the  cough  somewhat  abated,  and  the 
breathing  became  freer.  During  the  whole  course  of  the  disorder, 
however,  patients  complained  of  insuflerable  languor,  loss  of 
strength,  want  of  appetite,  and  even  nausea  at  the  sight  of  food, 
restlessness  and  want  of  sleep.  The  malady  ended  in  most  cases 
in  abundant  perspiration,  but  occasionally  in  diarrhoea.     Eich  and 

'  Pasquier,  Ia\i.1\.  Ch.  28,  p.  375,  376.  The  following  is  the  passage.  "Enraii 
1411,  y  eut  une  autre  sorte  de  maladie,  doiit  une  infinite  de  personnes  fuveiit  touchez, 
par  laquelle  on  perdoit  le  boire,  le  manger  et  le  dorniir,  et  toutefois  et  quautes  que  Ic 
malade  mangeoit,  il  auoit  une  forte  fievre ;  ce  qu'il  maugeoit  luy  sembloit  amcr  ou 
puant,  tousiours  trembloit,  et  auec  ce  estoit  si  las  et  rompu  de  ses  membres,  que  I'on  ne 
rosoit  toucher  en  quclque  part  que  ce  fust :  Aussi  estoit  cc  mal  accompagne  cV  une  forte 
toux,  qui  tournientoit  son  hoiunie  iour  et  nuit,  laquelle  maladie  dura  trois  semaines  en- 
tieres,  sans  qu' une  2iersonne  en  mourust.  Bien  est  vray  que  par  la  vehemence  de  la 
toux  plusieurs  hommes  se  rompirent  par  les  genitoires,  ct  plusieurs  femmes  accoucherent 
avant  le  terme.  Et  quand  venoit  au  guerir,  ils  iettoient  graude  effusion  de  sang  par  la 
bouche,  le  ncz  et  lefondement,  satis  qu'aucun  me'decin  peust  iuger  dont  2)>'ocedoit  ce  mal, 
sinon  d'mie  generate  contagion  de  fair,  dont  la  cause  leur  estoit  cache'e.  Cette 
maladie  fut  appellee  le  Tac :  et  tel  autrefois  a  souhaite  par  risoc  ou  imprecation  le  mal 
du  Tac  a  son  corapuguon,  qui  ne  scjavoit  pas  que  c' estoit. — L'an  1427,  vers  la  S.  Remy 
(1  Oct.)  cheut  un  autre  air  corrompu  qui  engendra  une  tres  raauvaise  maladie,  que  Ton 
appelloit  Ladendo  (dit  uu  auteur  de  ce  temps  la)  e  n'y  auoit  homme  ou  femme,  qui 
presque  ne  s'cn  sentist  durant  le  temps  qu'elle  dura.  Elle  coniinen<;oit  aux  7-eins,  conime 
si  on  eust  eu  une  forte  gravelle,  en  aprcs  venoient  les  frissons,  et  estoit  en  bien  huict  ou 
dix  iours  qu'on  ne  pouvoit  bouuement  boire,  ne  manger,  ne  dormir.  Api-es  ce  venoit 
line  toux  si  mauvaise,  que  quand  on  estoit  au  Sermon,  on  ne  pouvoit  entendie  ce  que  Ic 
Sermonateur  disoit  par  la  grande  noise  dcs  tousseurs.  Item  elle  eust  une  tres  forte 
durec  jusques  aprcs  la  Toussaincts  (1  Nov.)  bien  quinze  iours  ou  plus.  Et  n'eussiuz 
gueres  veu  homme  ou  feramc  qui  n'eust  la  bouche  ou  le  nez  tout  esscue  de  grosse  rongue, 
ct  s'cntre-mocquoit  le  pcuplc  I'un  dc  1' autre,  disant :  As  tu  point  cu  Ladendo  r" 

'   Reiisiicr,  p.  7-3. 


206  THE  .swExVriNG  sickness. 

poor,  people  of  every  occupation  and  of  all  ages,  were  seized  with 
this  disease  in  whole  crowds  simultaneously,  and  it  passed  easily 
from  a  single  case  to  a  whole  household.  On  this  occasion  death 
rarely  occurred,  except  in  children  who  had  not  power  to  endure 
the  severity  of  the  cough,  and  medicine  was  of  little  avail,  either 
in  alleviating  the  disorder  or  arresting  its  destructive  course.  The 
already  established  name  of  this  disease  was  immediately  called  to 
mind  again  in  France.  It  was  not,  however,  confined  to  that 
kingdom,  but  prevailed  as  generally,  with  some  considerable 
varieties  of  form,  in  Italy,  Germany,  Holland,  and  doubtless  over 
a  still  wider  range  of  country.^  The  same  was  the  case  with  the 
influenza  of  1580,  which  spread  over  the  whole  of  Europe,  and 
seems  to  have  been  less  severe  ;  thus  bearing  a  closer  resemblance''^ 
to  that  of  1831  and  1833,  which  is  still  in  the  recollection  of  most 
of  our  readers  from  their  own  experience.  A  more  elaborate  re- 
search into  this  very  important  subject  would  far  surpass  the 
limits  of  this  treatise,  for  phenomena  deeply  affecting  the  whole 
system  of  human  collective  life  are  here  to  be  considered,  which 
can  only  become  apparent  when  received  as  a  connected  whole, 
yet  we  must  at  least  point  out  the  relation  which  the  influenzas 
bear  to  the  greater  epidemics.  This  is  quite  apparent ;  for  as 
catarrhs  are  not  unfrequently  the  forerunners,  accompaniments,  or 
sequela)  of  important  diseases  in  individual  cases,^  excitement  of 
the  mucous  membrane  being  often  merely  an  outward  sign  of  more 
deeply-seated  commotion,  so  also  are  influenzas  usually  only  the 
■first  manifestations,  hut  sometimes  also  the  last  remains  of  ex- 
tensive epidemics.  The  most  recent  example  is  still  fresh  in  our 
memories.     The  influenza  of  1831  was  immediately  followed  by 

•  Valleriola,  Loc.  mcd.  Comm.  Appcjid.  p.  45.  Schenck  a  Grafenberg,  Lib.  VI.  p. 
552.     Compare  Short,  T.  I.  p.  221. 

2  Eeusner,  p.  72.  Some  of  the  sj-nonymes  here  adduced  will  show  the  medical  views 
of  the  period  respecting  these  diseases:  Catarrhusfebrilis.  Fcbris  catarrhosa.  Ardores 
sufTocantcs.  Febris  suffocativa.  Catarrhus  epidcmicus.  Tiissis  popularis.  Cephalaa 
catarrhosa.  Cephalalgia  contagiosa.  Gravedo  atihclosa,  Feriiel.  Der  biJhmischc  Zicp 
(the  Bohemian  pip).  Der  .schafh listen  (the  sheep-cough).  Die  schafkranklu^it  (the 
sheep  disease).  Die  lungensucht  (pli(hisis).  Das  Hiihnerweh  (the  poultry  cough,  or 
chicken  contracted  to  chin-cough),  and  many  others.  In  the  influenza  of  1580,  violent 
perspiration  was  occasionally  observed,  so  that  some  ])hysicians  thought  that  the  English 
sweating  sickness  was  about  to  return,  just  as  in  the  Griininger  intermittent  (1826),  and 
in  the  cholera  of  1831,  without  any  knowledge  on  the  subject,  thoy  talked  of  the  Black 
Donth.— Schneider,  L.  lY.  c.  6.  p.  203. 

•*  That  the  physicians  of  the  sixteenth  century  were  familiar  with  this  observation,  is 
proved  by  the  following  quotation  from  Iloulier.  "  XuUafere  corporis  humani  tegritudo 
est,  que  non  defluxione  humoris  alieuius  c  capite  aut  excitari  aut  incrcmcntum  accipcrc 
possit."     Morb.  int.  L.  I.  fol.  08.  b. 


EPIDEMICS  OF    1517.  207 

the  Indian  cholera,  and  scarceh'  had  this,  after  its  revival  in 
Eastern  and  central  Europe,  vanished,  when  the  influenza  of  1833 
appeared,  as  if  to  announce  a  general  peace.  After  the  influenza 
of  1510,  a  plngue  followed  in  the  north  of  Europe,  which  in  Den- 
mark carried  off  the  son  of  King  John  ; '  1551  was  the  year  of  the 
fifth  epidemic  sweating  sickness.  In  155T,  the  influenza  in  Hol- 
land Avas  followed  by  a  bubo  plague,  which  lasted  the  following 
year,  and  carried  off  5000  of  the  inhabitants  at  Delft. '-^  In  15G4, 
a  very  destructive  plague  raged  in  Spain,  of  which  10,000  people 
died  at  Barcelona,  and  finally,  in  1580,  the  last  year  of  influenza 
in  that  century,  a  plague  of  which  40,000  died  in  Paris,  appeared 
over  the  greater  part  of  Europe  and  in  Egypt." 

,    Sect.  7. — Epidemics  of  1517. 

We  now  revert  to  the  year  1517,  and  shall  consider  the  epi- 
demics which  accompanied  the  English  sweating  sickness.  First 
of  all,  the  Ilaupihranliheit,  that  brain  fever  which  so  often  re- 
curred in  the  central  parts  of  Europe,  appeared  extensively 
throughout  Germany.  Many  died  of  this  dangerous  disease,  and 
we  are  assured  by  contemporaries  that  other  intercurrent  inflam- 
matory fevers  were  also  very  fatal.*  Such  was  the  case  in  Ger- 
many, the  heart  of  Europe.  Another  disease,  however,  much  more 
important,  and  till  that  time  wholly  unknown  to  medical  men, 
appeared  in  Holland,  which  broke  out  in  January,  1517,  and  from 
its  dangerous  and  quite  inexplicable  symptoms,  spread  fear  and 
horror  around.  It  was  a  malignant,  and,  according  to  the  assur- 
ance of  a  very  respectable  medical  ej'e-witness,  an  infectious  in- 
flammation of  the  throat,  so  rapid  in  its  course  that,  unless  assist- 
ance were  procured  within  the  first  eight  hours,  the  patient  was 
past  all  hope  of  recovery  before  the  close  of  the  da}'.  Sudden 
pains  in  the  throat,  and  violent  oppression  of  the  chest,  especially 
in  the  region  of  the  heart,  threatened  sufibcation,  and  at  length 
actually  produced  it.  During  the  paroxysms  the  muscles  of  the 
throat  and  chest  were  seized  with  violent  spasm,  and  there  were 
but  short  intervals  of  alleviation  before  a  repetition  of  such  seizures 
terminated  in  death.  Unattended  by  any  premonitory  symptoms, 
the  disease  began  with  a  severe  catarrhal  affection  of  the  chest, 
which  speedily  advanced  to  inflammation  of  the  air  passages,  and 

'  Ilvilfeldt,  Daninarks  Rigcs  KiDiiikc.  -  Forest,  Lib.  Yl.     Obs.  IX.  p.  159. 

3   Webster,  vol.  I.  p.  1.57.  165.      Villalba,  T.  I.  p.  102.  117.,  and  Schnurrcr. 
•«  Spaiiffcnberff,  M.  Chr.  fol.  408.  b. 


208  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

where  death  did  not  occur  on  the  day  of  the  attack,  ran  on  to  a 
dangerous  inflammation  of  the  lungs,  which  followed  the  usual 
course,  but  was  accompanied  by  a  very  high  fever.  Occasionally 
u  less  perilous  transition  into  intermittent  fever  was  observed,  but 
in  no  case  did  a  sudden  recovery  take  place  ;  for  even  when  the 
fever  subsided,  the  patient  continued  to  suffer,  for  at  least  a  month, 
from  pain  in  the  stomach  and  great  debility,  which  symptoms 
admit  of  easy  explanation  to  a  medical  man  of  the  present  day, 
from  tlie  fissures  and  small  ulcers  of  the  tongue,  which  appeared 
when  the  fever  was  at  its  height,  and  obstinately  resisted  the 
usual  treatment. 

The  remedies  employed  show  the  circumspection  and  ability  of 
the  Dutch  physicians.  They  had  recourse,  as  soon  as  possible,  at 
the  latest  within  six  hours,  to  venesection,  and  followed  this  up 
immediately  by  purgatives,  of  Avhich,  however,  some  eminent  men 
disapproved,  and  this  to  the  great  detriment  of  their  patients,  for 
without  the  combined  effect  of  both  these  means,  the  sudden  suffo- 
cation could  not  be  averted.  Moreover,  the  employment  of 
detergent  gargles,  whereby  the  extension  of  the  affection  to  the 
lungs  was  prevented,  as  also  of  demulcent  pectoral  remedies,  was 
decidedly  beneficial,  and  it  is  affirmed  that  all  who  were  thus 
treated  were  easily  restored.' 

Extraordinary  and  peculiar  as  this  disease,  for  which  contem- 
poraries found  no  name,  was,  its  rapid  onset  and  its  sudden  dis- 
appearance were  still  more  so.  Most  of  those  affected  were  taken 
ill  at  the  same  time,  and  eleven  daj's  of  suffering  and  misery  had 
scarcely  elapsed  when  not  another  case  occurred  ;  the  numbers 
who  had  fallen  victims  were  buried  ;  and  but  for  the  journal  of 
the  worth}'  Tyengius,^  no  distinct  record  would  have  existed  of 
this  remarkable  epidemic,  which  however,  it  is  certain,  spread 
further  than  merely  over  the  misty  territory  of  Holland,  and  ap- 
parently with  still  greater  malignity ;  for  in  the  same  year  we 
find  it  in  Basle,  where,  within  the  space  of  eight  months,  it 
destroyed  about  2000  people,  and  its  symptoms  would  seera  to 
have  been  still  more  strongly  marked.  Hespecting  the  interme- 
diate countries,  which  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  disease  pass- 
ed through  from  Holland  before  it  reached  Basle,  we  unfortunate- 
ly have  no  information.  The  tongue  and  gullet  were  white  as  if 
covered  with  mould,   the  patient  had  an  aversion  to  food  and 

'    Ti/enr/ius,  in  Forest:  Lib.  VI.   Obs.  II.  Schol.  p.  152. 

-  Forest  availed  himself  of  the  imprinted  and  probably  lost  wm-ks  of  tliis  distinguish- 
ed physician,  of  whom,  but  for  him,  wc  should  have  known  nothing. 


EPIDEMICS  OF   1517.  209 

drink,  and  suffered  from  malignant  fever,  accompanied  with 
continued  headache  and  delirium.  Here  also,  in  addition  to  an 
internal  method  of  euro  which  has  not  been  particularly  detailed, 
the  cleansing  of  the  mouth  was  perceived  to  be  an  essential  part 
of  the  treatment :  the  viscous  white  coating  was  removed  every 
two  hours,  and  the  tongue  and  fauces  were  afterwards  smeared 
with  honey  of  roses,'  whereby  patients  were  restored  more  easily 
than  when  this  precaution  was  omitted.^ 

It  appears,  according  to  modern  experience,  to  admit  of  no 
doubt  that  this  disease  consisted  of  an  inflammation  of  the  mu- 
cous membrane  which,  accompanied  by  a  secretion  of  lymph, 
spread  from  the  oesophagus  to  the  stomach,  and  likewise  through 
the  air  passages  to  the  lungs,  being  thus  identical  with  pharyngeal 
croup,  which  was  represented  a  few  years  ago  as  a  new  disease, 
and  has  in  consequence  been  designated  by  a  special  name.^  Its 
subsequent  appearance  in  the  memorable  year  1557,  respecting 
which  we  have  a  still  more  complete  account,  gives  additional 
weight  to  this  supposition.  In  that  year  it  broke  out  in  October, 
and  was  observed  by  Forest,  who  was  himself  the  subject  of  it, 
at  Alkmaar,  where  it  attacked  whole  families,  and  in  the  course 
of  a  few  weeks  destroyed  more  than  200  people.  It  was  not, 
however,  so  excessively  rapid  in  its  course  as  in  1517,  but  began 
with  a  slight  fever  like  a  common  catarrh,  and  showed  its  great 
malignity  only  by  degrees.  Sudden  fits  of  suffocation  then  came 
on,  and  the  pain  of  the  chest  was  so  dreadfully  distressing  that 
the  sufferers  imagined  they  must  die  in  the  paroxysm.  The  com- 
plaint was  increased  still  more  by  a  tight  convulsive  cough,  and 
until  this  was  relieved  by  a  secretion  of  mucus,  proved  dangerous, 
especially  to  pregnant  women,  sixteen  of  whom  died  within  the 
space  of  eight  days,  whilst  those  who  survived  were  all  permature- 
ly  brought  to  bed.  The  fever  which  accompanied  the  inflamma- 
tion was  very  various  in  its  course.  It  was  rarely  observed  to 
continue  without  intermission,  but  where  this  was  the  case,  was 

'  The  modems,  wlio  prefer  powerful  remedies,  employ  for  this  pxirpose,  without  any 
better  cfFeet,  the  lunar  caustic. 

2  Wurstisen,  p.  707.  In  this  seventeenth  year  there  arose  an  imknown  epidemic. 
The  patients'  tonj^ues  and  gullets  were  white,  as  if  coated  with  mould ;  they  could 
neither  cat  nor  drink,  but  suffered  from  headache  together  with  a  pestilential  fever 
which  rendered  them  delirious.  By  this  disease  2000  persons  perished  in  Basle  with- 
in the  space  of  eight  months.  Besides  other  means,  it  was  found  very  efficacious  to 
cleanse  the  mouth  and  gullet  every  two  hours,  even  to  the  extent  of  making  the  surface 
bleed,  and  then  to  soften  them  with  honey  of  roses. 

^  Bretoiincaxi' s  Diphthcritis.  Compare  Naumanns  treatise  on  the  subject  in  the 
author's  Wissenschaftlichen  Annalen  der  ges.  Ileilkunde,  Vol.  XXV.  II.  3.  p.  271. 

14 


210  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS, 

attended  with  the  greatest  peril.  Yet  death  did  not  take  place 
on  this  visitation  until  the  ninth  or  fourteenth  day,  whereas  in 
the  year  1517  as  many  hours  would  have  sufRccd  to  produce  a 
fatal  termination.  After  this  period  the  danger  diminished,  and 
those  patients  were  most  secure  from  suffocation,  provided  they 
had  good  medical  attendance,  whose  complaint  had  been  accom- 
panied throughout  its  course  by  fever  of  only  an  intermittent 
character.  So  marked  was  the  influence  of  the  Dutch  soil,  that 
until  this  intermittent  passed  into  continued  fever  of  different 
gradations,  it  appeared  of  the  purest  and  most  unmixed  type. 
In  these  cases  the  inflammation  was  less  completely  formed,  so 
that  even  bleeding,  a  remedy  otherwise  indispensable,  was  some- 
times unnecessary.  Those  affected  all  suffered  most  at  night  and 
in  the  morning,  the  latter  generally  bringing  with  it  the  inflam- 
mation of  the  larj^nx  and  trachea,  which,  however,  they  had  not 
at  that  time  experience  enough  to  recognise  as  such,  perceiving 
as  they  did  only  a  slight  redness  in  the  fauces.  The  painful 
affection  of  the  stomach  was  also  in  this  epidemic  very  distinctly 
marked,  so  that  a  sense  of  pressure  at  the  prsecordia,  accompanied 
by  continual  acid  eructations,  continued  to  exist  even  after  a  suc- 
cession of  six  or  seven  fits  of  fever ;  and  convalescents  were 
troubled  for  a  long  time  with  dyspepsia,  debility,  and  hypochon- 
driasis. The  inflammation  of  the  mucous  membrane,  no  doubt, 
affected  the  nervous  plexuses  of  the  abdomen,  as  is  usually  the  case, 
and  totally  changed  the  secretion.  This  was  proved  by  the  treat- 
ment, for,  by  administering  the  necessary  purgative  remedies,  a 
vast  quantity  of  oflensive  mucus,  mixed  with  bile,  was  evacuated. 
Our  excellent  eye-witness  assures  us  that  the  people  sickened 
as  suddenly  as  if  they  had  inhaled  a  poisonous  blast,  so  that  more 
than  a  thousand  people  in  Alkmaar  betook  themselves  to  their 
beds  in  a  single  day,  a  thick  stinking  mist  having  previously  for 
several  daj's  spread  over  the  land.  This  pestilence  did  not  ter- 
minate so  speedily  as  that  of  the  year  1517 ;  on  the  contrary,  it 
delayed  until  the  winter,  and  seems  to  have  formed  the  conclusion 
of  a  whole  series  of  morbid  phenomena,  particularly  of  the  already- 
mentioned  influenza  throughout  Europe,  and  of  the  bubo  plague 
in  Holland,  which  had  occurred  in  the  middle  of  the  summer, — 
phenomena  that  were  accompanied  by  the  usual  attendants  of 
epidemics,  namely,  great  scarcity,  and  unusual  occurrences  in  the 
atmosphere,  such,  for  instance,  as  electric  illuminations  of  promi- 
nent objects,  and  so  forth.'     " 

^  Forest.     Lib.  VI.  obs.  ix.  p.  1-59. 


EPIDEMICS   OF  1517.  211 

The  close  connexion  between  this  inflammation  of  the  air- 
passages  and  gullet  and  the  epidemic  catarrh  is  quite  apparent ; 
for  these  are  but  gradations  and  gradual  transitions  in  the  affec- 
tion of  the  mucous  membrane,  as  also  in  the  power  of  atmospheri- 
cal causes,  which  especially  influence  the  organs  of  respiration. 
"We  believe,  therefore,  that  we  are  fully  justified  in  classing  the 
epidemic  described  to  have  taken  place  in  Holland  and  Germany 
in  1517,  with  the  influenzas ;  and  in  declaring  the  morbid  com- 
motion in  human  collective  life  which  thus  manifested  itself,  to 
have  been  a  forerunner  of  the  English  pestilence,  which  was 
simultaneously  prepared  by  the  altered  condition  of  the  atmo- 
sphere, and  broke  out  a  few  months  later. 

We  ought  not  to  omit  here  to  mention  that,  in  this  same  year, 
1517,  the  small-pox,  and  with  it,  as  field-poppies  among  corn,  the 
measles,  was  conveyed  by  Europeans  to  Hispaniola,  and  commit- 
ted dreadful  ravages  at  that  time,  as  afterwards,  among  the  un- 
fortunate inhabitants.  Whether  the  eruption  of  these  infectious 
diseases  in  the  New  World  was  favoured  by  an  epidemic  influence 
or  not,  can  no  longer  be  ascertained ;  yet  the  affirmative  seems 
probable  from  the  fact,  that  the  small-pox  did  not  commit  its 
greatest  ravages  in  Hispaniola^  until  the  following  year,  and,  ac- 
cording to  recent  experience,  those  epidemic  influences  which  ex- 
tend from  Europe  westward,  always  require  some  time  to  reach 
the  eastern  coasts  of  America. 

But  even  without  this  phenomenon  in  the  New  World,  which 
is  now  for  the  first  time  placed  within  the  pale  of  observations  on 
epidemics,  we  have  facts  at  hand  sufiiciently  numerous  and 
worthy  of  credit  to  prove — that  the  Englkh  Sweating  Sickness  of 
1517  made  its  appearance,  not  alone,  hat  surrounded  hrj  a  ichole 
group  of  epidemics,  and  that  these  were  called  forth  by  general 
morbific  influences  of  an  nnhioion  nature. 

'  Petr.  Martyr.     Dec.  IV.  cap.  10.  p.  321.     Compare  Moore,  p.  106. 


14  * 


212  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    FOURTH    VISITATION   OF    THE    DISEASE. 1528,   1529. 

"  Und  wenn  die  Welt  vol!  Teufcl  war', 
Und  wollten  uns  verschlingon ; 
So  fiirchten  wir  uns  uicht  so  sehr, 
Es  soil  uns  doch  gelingen  I " — Luther. 

Sect.  1. — Destrdction  of  the  Fkench  Army  before  Naples,  1528. 

The  events  to  which  we  are  now  about  to  allude,  demonstrate, 
by  their  surprising  course,  that  the  fate  of  nations  is  at  times  far 
more  dependent  on  the  laws  of  physical  life  than  on  the  will  of 
potentates  or  the  collective  efforts  of  human  action,  and  that  these 
prove  utterly  impotent  when  opposed  to  the  unfettered  powers  of 
nature.  These  powers,  inscrutable  in  their  dominion,  destructive 
in  their  effects,  stay  the  course  of  events,  baffle  the  grandest 
plans,  paralyse  the  boldest  flights  of  the  mind,  and  when  victory 
seemed  within  their  grasp,  have  often  annihilated  embattled  hosts 
with  the  flaming  sword  of  the  angel  of  death. 

To  obliterate  the  disgrace  of  Pavia,'  Francis  I.,  in  league  with 
England,  Switzerland,  Rome,  Genoa,  and  Venice  against  the  too 
powerful  Emperor  of  Germany,  sent  a  fine  army  into  Italy.  The 
emperor's  troops  gave  way  wherever  the  French  plumes  appeared, 
and  victory  seemed  faithful  only  to  the  banners  of  France  and  to 
the  military  experience  of  a  tried  leader.^  Everything  promised 
a  glorious  issue ;  Naples  alone,  weakly  defended  by  German 
lansquenets  and  Spaniards,^  remained  still  to  be  vanquished.  The 
siege  was  opened  on  the  1st  of  May,  1528,  and  the  general  con- 
fidently pledged  his  honour  for  the  conquest  of  this  strong  city, 
which  had  once  been  so  destructive  to  the  French.'*  It  was  easy 
with  an  army  of  30,000  veteran  warriors'"  to  overpower  the  im- 
perialists ;  and  a  small  body  of  English  •"  seemed  to  have  come 
merely  to  partake  in  the  festivals  after  the  expected  victor}'.  The 
city  too  suffered  from  a  scarcity,  for  it  was  blockaded  by  Doria, 
with  his  Genoese  gallej^s  ;  and  water,  fit  to  drink,  failed  after 
Lautrec  had  turned  off  the  aqueducts  of  Poggio  reale ;  so  that  the 

1  21th  of  Feb.  1.52.5.  '  Lautrec. 

3  At  first  under  Hugo  de  Moncada ;  afterwards  under  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
*  149.5,  the  year  of  tlie  epidemic  Lues. 
'  Among  them  some  regiments  of  Swiss. 

^  Two  hundred  kniglits  under  Sir  Robert  Jerningham,  and  afterwards  under  Careio : 
both  died  of  the  Camp  Fever.     Herbert  of  Chcrbury^  p.  212.  seq. 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE   FKENCH    ARMY,    1528.  213 

plague,  which  had  never   entirely  ceased  among  the   Germans 
since  the  sacking  of  Rome/  began  to  spread. 

But  amidst  this  confidence  in  the  success  of  the  French  arms, 
the  means  for  ensuring  it  were  gradually  neglected.  The  valour 
of  the  intrepid  and  prudent  commander  was  doubtless  equal  to 
the  minor  vicissitudes  of  war,  but  whilst  the  length  of  the  delay 
paralysed  the  activity,  nature  herself  suddenly  proved  fatal  to 
this  hitherto  victorious  army ;  pestilences  began  to  rage  among 
the  troops,  and  human  courage  could  no  longer  withstand  the 
"  far-shooting  arrows  of  the  god  of  day."  The  consequence  was, 
that  within  the  space  of  seven  weeks,  out  of  the  whole  host  which 
up  to  that  period  had  been  eager  for  combat,  a  mere  handful 
remained,  consisting  of  a  few  thousands  of  cadaverous  figures, 
who  were  almost  incapable  of  bearing  arms  or  of  following  the 
commands  of  their  sick  leaders.  On  the  29th  of  August  the  siege 
was  raised,  fifteen  days  after  the  heroic  Lautrec,  bowed  down  by 
chagrin  and  disease,  had  resigned  his  breath  ;  the  wreck  of  the 
army  retreated  amid  thunder  and  heavy  rain/  and  were  soon 
captured  by  the  imperialists,  so  that  but  few  of  them  ever  saw 
their  native  land  again. 

This  siege  brought  still  greater  misery  upon  France  than  even 
the  fatal  battle  of  Pavia,  for  about  5000  of  the  French  nobility, 
some  from  the  most  distinguished  families,  had  perished  under 
the  walls  of  Naples  ;  its  remoter  consequences  too  were  humiliat- 
ing to  the  king  and  the  people  ;  since  owing  to  its  failure  all 
those  hitherto  feasible  schemes  were  blighted,  which  had  for  their 
object  the  establishment  of  French  dominion  beyond  the  Alps. 
It  behoves  us,  therefore,  to  pay  so  much  the  more  attention  to 
those  essential  causes  of  this  event,  which  fall  within  the  province 
of  medical  research. 

The  mortality  which  occurred  in  the  camp  began  probably  as 
early  as  June,  after  the  usual  calamities  which  surround  an  army 
in  an  enemy's  country.  The  French  and  Swiss  were  insatiable 
in  their  indulgence  in  fruit,  which  the  gardens  and  fields  furnish- 
ed them  in  abundance,  whilst  there  was  a  scarcity  of  bread  and  of 
other  proper  food.^  Hence  fevers  soon  broke  out,  which  increased 
in  malignity  the  longer  they  existed,  accompanied  no  doubt  by 
debilitating  diarrhcsas,  which  never  fail  to  make  their  appearance 
under  circumstances  of  this  kind,  and  are  in  themselves  among 
the  most  pernicious  of  camp  diseases,  since  they  not  only  destroy 

1  The  Cth  of  May,  1527. 
2  Jovlus,  L.  XXVI.  Tom.  II.  p.  129.  '  Ibid.  p.  114. 


214  THE   SWEATING   SICKNESS. 

in  the  Individual  case  by  tlie  exhaustion  which  they  occasion, 
but  likewise,  by  infecting  the  air,  prepare  the  way  for  the  worst 
pestilences. 

These  diseases  were,  however,  little  noticed,  and  there  was  con- 
sequently no  attempt  made  to  diminish  their  causes.  It  became 
daily  more  and  more  apparent,  that  the  cutting  off  of  the  sources 
near  Poggio  reale,  which  Lautrec  had  commanded,  in  order  to 
compel  the  besieged  to  a  more  speedy  surrender,  was  in  the  high- 
est degree  injurious  to  the  besiegers  themselves  ;  for  the  water, 
having  now  no  outlet,  spread  over  the  plain  where  the  camp  was 
situated,  which  it  converted  into  a  swamp,  whence  it  rose,  morn- 
ing and  evening,  in  the  form  of  thick  fogs.  From  this  cause,  and 
while  a  southerly  wind  continued  to  prevail,  the  sickness  soon  be- 
came general.  Those  soldiers,  who  were  not  already  confined  to 
bed  in  their  tents,  were  seen  with  pallid  visages,  swelled  legs,  and 
bloated  bellies,  scarcely  able  to  crawl ;  so  that,  weary  of  nightly 
watching,  they  were  often  plundered  by  the  marauding  Neapo- 
litans. The  great  mortality  did  not  commence  until  about  the 
15th  of  July,  but  so  dreadful  was  Its  ravages,  that  about  three 
weeks  were  suiEcIent  to  complete  the  almost  entire  destruction  of 
the  army.^  Around  and  within  the  tents  vacated  by  the  death  of 
their  inmates,  noxious  weeds  sprang  up.  Thousands  perished 
without  help,  either  in  a  state  of  stupor,  or  in  the  raving  delirium 
of  fever.^  In  the  entrenchments,  in  the  tents,  and  wherever 
death  had  overtaken  his  victims,  there  unburled  corpses  lay,  and 
the  dead  that  were  interred,  swollen  with  putridity,  burst  their 
shallow  graves,  and  spread  a  poisonous  stench  far  and  wide  over 
the  camp.  There  was  no  longer  any  thought  of  order  or  military 
discipline,  and  many  of  the  commanders  and  captains  were  either 
sick  themselves,  or  had  fled  to  the  neighbouring  towns,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  contagion.^ 

The  glory  of  the  French  arms  was  departed,  and  her  proud 
banners  cowered  beneath  an  unhallowed  spectre.  Meanwhile,  the 
pestilence  broke  out  among  the  Venetian  galleys  under  Pletro 
Lando.     Doria  had  already  gone  over  to  the  Emperor,*  and  thus 

-  According  to  Mezeray,  the  pestilence  was  at  its  height  at  the  end  of  July.  This 
is  in  accordance  with  Jovius,  who  fixes  the  termination  of  the  great  mortality,  with 
rather  too  much  precision  perhaps,  on  the  7th  of  August. 

^  With  reference  to  this  seemingly  inflammatory  state  of  excitement,  it  is,  perhaps, 
worthy  of  notice,  that  the  commander-in-chief  himself  is  stated  to  have  been  twice  bled. 
Jovius,  loc.  cit.  p.  125. 

'  Jovius,  loc.  cit.  p.  IIG — 118. 

*  Mfzeray,  T.  II.  p.  9G3. 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE  FUENCII  ARMY,   1528.  215 

was  this  expedition,  begun  under  the  most  favourable  auspices, 
frustrated  on  every  side  by  the  malignant  influence  of  the 
season. 

No  medical  contemporary  has  described  the  nature  of  this 
violent  disease,  and  historians  have  on  this  point  preserved  only 
general  outlines,  which  do  not  afibrd  sufficient  materials  to  ground 
an  investigation,  Cei'tain  it  is,  that  in  the  year  1528,  a  very  laa- 
lignant  petechial  far  r  extended  throughout  Italy,  and  in  the  pro- 
per sense  of  the  word  prevailed  so  decidedly,  that  it  even  followed, 
the  Italians  abroad  in  the  same  way  as  the  Sweating  Sickness  did 
the  English,  as  is  proved  by  the  case  of  the  learned  Yenetian 
Naugerio,  who,  being  despatched  on  an  embassy  to  Francis  the  1st, 
died  at  Blois  on  the  Loire,  of  this  very  disease,  with  which  the 
French  had  yet  no  acquaintance.'  Contemporaries  assure  us,  that 
this  epidemic  committed  great  ravages  in  the  country,  already 
distracted  by  wars  and  feuds,  and  it  is  therefore  hardly  to  be 
doubted,  that,  occurring  as  it  did  in  those  same  years,  it  was  the 
disease  of  which  we  have  been  treating,  the  malignity  of  which 
was  increased  on  extraordinary  occasions.  A  pestilence  -which, 
just  before  the  siege  of  Naples,  destroyed  one-third  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Cremona,  was  in  all  probability  the  petechial  fever.^  Yet, 
here  and  there,  the  old  bubo  plague  made  its  appearance.  This 
it  was  which  in  the  year  152-1  carried  off  50,000  people  in  Milan,'* 
and  this  appears  likewise  to  have  been  the  disease  which,  after  the 
sacking  of  Rome,  broke  out  among  the  German  lansquenets,  and 
in  a  short  time  annihilated  two-thirds  of  these  troops.  Contem- 
poraries saw  therein  God's  just  punishment  of  their  desecration  of 
the  Holy  See,  for  in  the  succeeding  years,  all  the  remaining  par- 
ticipators in  the  storming  of  the  eternal  city  also  met  with  an 
end  worthy  of  their  crimes.''  They  did  not  take  into  account, 
however,  the  beastly  intemperance  and  excesses  of  the  soldiery, 
whose  eagerness  after  plunder  led  them  to  encounter  the  plague 
poison  in  the  most  secret  holes  and  corners  ;  nor  did  they  reflect, 
that  the  plague  penetrated  the  Castle  of  St.  iVngelo  itself,  and 
destroyed  some  of  the  courtiers  almost  under  the  eyes  of  the 
Pope.'^  Of  these  lansquenets,  many  went  to  Naples  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  under  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  it  may  with  good 

1  Fracastor.  Isloxh.  Contag.  L.  II.  c.  6.  p.  15.),  156. 

•  It  broke  out  in  the  beginning  of  February,  and  prevailed  throughout  the  following 
month.     Campo,  p.  151. 

3   Giiicciardmi,  p.  1054.  *  Mezcraij,  T.  II.  p.  957. 

5  Guicciardini,  p.  1276. 


21 G  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

ground  be  supposed,  that  they  took  with  them  to  that  city  fresh 
germs  of  plague ;  to  which  may  be  added,  the  by  no  means  incre- 
dible story,  that  the  besieged  sent  infected  and  sick  soldiers  to  the 
French,  in  order  to  cause  poisonous  pestilences  to  break  out 
among  them.^  This  very  circumstance  tells  in  favour  of  bubo 
plague,  for  the  decided  certainty  of  its  contagious  nature  was 
known,  and  seemed  beyond  all  comparison  greater  than  the  more 
conditional  communicability  of  the  new  disease.^  Moreover,  the 
same  attempt  at  impestation  had  been  already  often  made  in 
earlier  times. 

It  is,  however,  also  to  be  considered,  on  the  other  side,  that  the 
French  army  was  more  exposed  to  the  epidemic  influence  of  the 
air,  the  water,  and  the  general  powers  of  nature,  than  any  other 
assemblage  of  men,  and,  that  this  influence  was  probably  more 
powerful  in  the  year  1529,  than  at  any  other  time  during  the 
sixteenth  century.  The  formation  of  fog  in  the  heat  of  summer 
is  at  all  times  an  extraordinary  phenomenon,^  which  decidedly 
indicates  a  disproportion  in  the  mutual  action  of  the  components 
and  powers  of  the  lower  strata  of  the  atmosphere.  This  was 
not  dependent  merely  on  the  local  peculiarities  of  Naples,  for 
during  the  summer  of  1528,  grey  fogs  were  observed  through- 
out Itah^,  which  rendered  the  unwholesome  quality  of  the  air 
visible  to  the  eye.*  This  was  increased  by  the  prevalence  of 
southerly  winds,  which  are  always,  in  Italy,  prejudicial  to  health, 
as  also  by  the  thousand  privations  of  a  camp,  so  that  a  disease 
which  was  already  prevalent  all  over  Italy — we  allude  to  the 
petechial  fecer — might  well  break  out  on  the  damp  soil  of  Poggio 
reale.  In  the  history  of  national  diseases,  w^e  find  a  moral  proof 
of  the  predominance  of  epidemic  influence,  which  plainly"  and 
intelligibly  manifests  itself  under  the  greatest  variety  of  circum- 
stances. This  is  a  belief,  that  the  water  and  even  tlie  air  is 
poisoned.''  Nor  is  this  proof  wanting  in  the  deplorable  history  of 
the  French  army  before  Naples,  for  it  was  generally  believed, 
that  some  Spaniards  of  Moorish  descent,  to  whom  was  attributed 
an  especial  degree  of  skill  in  the  management  of  poison,  and 
some  Jews  from  Germany,  who,  for  the  sake  of  gain,  had  follow- 
ed the  lansquenets  to  truckle  for  their  booty,  had  stolen  out  of  the 

1  Guicciardini,  p.  1315. 

2  See  above,  p.  186. 

'  It  was  also  observed,  as  is  well  known,  in  the  summer  of  1831,  before  the  breaking 
out  of  the  cholera. 

♦   Gratiol,  p.  129,  130.  5  gee  above,  p.  189. 


DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    FRENCH    ARMY,    1528.  217 

eitv  uuder  cover  of  the  nig-lit,  in  order  to  poison  the  water  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  canip.^  It  was  also  surmised,  that  an 
Italian  apothecarj^  had  administered  to  the  French  knights  poi- 
son in  their  medicine."  "\Ye  will  not  anticipate  on  this  occasion 
the  researches  of  naturalists,  whose  experiments  on  air  and  water, 
during  important  epidemics,  have  not  yet  led  to  any  results  ;  it 
is,  however,  not  improbable  that  pond  and  spring  water,  under 
such  circumstances  as  are  here  described  to  have  occurred,  might 
become  impregnated  with  a  noxious  quality,  not  inherent  in  it, 
which  would  very  naturally  give  rise  to  the  belief  that  a  poison 
had  been  thrown  into  it.  On  the  whole,  this  accusation  may 
certainly  be  judged  acccording  to  the  same  views  wliich  have 
been  stated  in  our  treatise  on  the  Black  Death. 

From  all  these  circumstances,  the  notion  is  highly  probable 
that  it  was  the  petechial  fever  which  raged  in  the  French  camp  ; 
and  if  we  may  attach  any  importance  to  the  incidental  accounts 
of  historians,  it  may  perhaps  be  to  the  purpose  to  state  that  Pru- 
dencio  de  Sandoval,  who  has  written  from  authentic  materials,  calls 
the  disease  "  las  bubas."  ^  This  name,  it  is  true,  presupposes  a 
rather  strange  confusion  of  petechial  fever  with  lues  ;  and,  indeed, 
the  diseases  among  the  French  troops  from  1495  to  1528,  have 
been  oddly  jumbled  together  by  Sandoval.  It  shows,  however, 
that  there  still  existed  a  recollection  of  the  prevalent  eruptions 
which  occurred  in  the  pestilence  of  1528  ;  and,  therefore,  this 
whole  account  might  perhaps  be  the  more  justly  applied  to 
petechial  fever,  as  this  same  historian  states,  that  the  French 
called  the  disease  after  the  village  of  Poggio  reale  "les  Poches," '' 
by  which  name  the  well-known  bubo  plague  woidd  hardly  have 
been  designated.  If,  however,  we  choose  to  suppose  that  at  one 
and  the  same  time  different  diseases  prevailed  in  the  French 
army,  this  notion  is  not  only  supported  by  the  express  testimony 
of  a  contemporary,^  but  also  by  many  observations  ancient  and 
modern,''  that  have  been  made  in  cases  wliiere  the  circumstances 

1  Jovius,  loc.  cit.  p.  115.  *  Mezeray,  p.  963. 

*  The  Spanish  name  for  the  lues  venerea,  which  it  obtained  in  consequence  of  the 
prevailing  eruptions.  It  corresponds  wath  the  French  "  la  verole,"  and  with  the  Ger- 
man "  franzosische  Pocken."  We  must  not,  therefore,  think  that  it  means  "  buboes.'* 
Sandoval,  Part  II.  pp.  12.  14.     Compare  Astruc,  T.  I.  p.  4. 

■»  In  the  Madrid  edition  of  the  same  work,  1675.  fol.  L.  XVII.  p.  232.  b. 

5  "  Auster  namque  ventus  per  eos  dies  pcrflare  et  mortiferum  crassioris  nebuliu  va- 
porem  ex  palustri  ortum  uligine,  per  castra  dissipare  ct  circumferre  ita  ea?perat,  ut  aliis 
ex  causis  concepts  febres  in  contagiosum  morbum  vcrtcrentur."  Jovius,  L.  XXVI.  p. 
127. 

6  In  Torgau,  where,  in  1813  and  1814,  30,000  Frenchmen  foimd  their  graves,  there 


218  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

have  been  similar  to  those  which  then  prevailed.  It  is  ever  to  be 
regretted  that  there  was  no  intelligent  Machaon  to  be  found  in 
the  camp  before  Naples ;  such  a  one  would  undoubtedly  have 
left  us  some  pithy  observations  on  the  combination  and  afFuiity 
of  petechial  fever  and  bubo  plague. 

Sect.  2. — Trousse-Galant  in  France. — 1528,  and  the 

FOLLOWING    years. 

Deeply  as  the  irreparable  loss  of  such  an  army  was  felt  by  the 
French,  yet  were  they  destined  to  suffer  still  greater  misfortunes 
at  home.  The  dark  power  which  threatened  all  Europe  regarded 
neither  distance  nor  limits.  It  seized  on  the  French  nation  in 
their  own  country,  whilst  their  military  youth  were  destroyed 
before  Naples.  The  cold  spring  and  wet  summer  of  1528  destroy- 
ed the  growing  corn/  and  a  famine  was  thus  produced  through- 
out France,  even  more  grievous,  on  account  of  its  duration,  than 
the  period  of  scarcity  in  the  time  of  Louis  the  Xlth,^  for  the 
failure  of  the  harvest  continued  for  five  years  in  succession, 
during  which  all  order  of  the  seasons  seemed  to  have  ceased.  A 
damp  summer  heat  prevailed  in  autumn  and  winter,  a  frost  of  a 
single  day  only  occasionally  intervening.  The  summer,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  cloudy,  damp,  and  ungenial.  The  length  of  the 
days  alone  distinguished  one  month  from  another.  It  appears 
plainly  from  detached  accounts  how  much  the  usual  course  of 
vegetation  was  disturbed.  Scarcely  had  the  fruit  trees  shed  their 
leaves  in  the  autumn  when  they  began  to  bud  again,  and  to  bear 
fruitless  blossoms.  No  returns  rewarded  the  toil  of  the  husband- 
man, and  the  longed-for  harvest  again  and  again  deceived  the 
hopes  of  the  people.  Thus,  even  during  the  first  of  these  calami- 
tous years,  the  distress  became  general,  and  the  increasing  indi- 
gence was  no  longer  to  be  checked  by  human  aid.  Bands  of 
beggars  wandered  over  the  country  in  lamentable  procession. 
The  bonds  of  civil  order  became  more  and  more  relaxed,  and 
people  soon  had  to  fear  not  only  robbery  and  plunder  on  the 
part  of  these  unfortunate  beings,  but  the  contagion  of  a  pestilence, 
the  offspring  of  their  distress,  which  followed  in  their  train. 

This  disease  was  a  new  production  of  the  French  soil,  and 
when  it  spread  generally  throughout  the  country,  was  the  more 

prevailud  two  diseases,  typhus  and  diarrhoea,  altogether  distinct  from  one  another.  See 
Richter. 

'  Schtcelin,  p.  143.  2  See"  page  174. 


TKOUSSE-GALANT    IN    FRANCE.    '  219 

sensibly  felt,  as  it  especially  carried  off  young  and  robust  men  ; 
on  which  account  it  was  designated  by  the  very  significant  name 
of  Trousse-Galant.^  It  consisted  of  a  highly  inflammatory  fever, 
which  destroyed  its  victims  in  a  very  short  time,  even  within  the 
space  of  a  few  hours  ;  or  if  they  escaped  with  their  lives,  de- 
prived them,  of  their  hair  and  nails,  and  from  a  long-continued 
disinclination  for  all  animal  food,  left  behind  it,  as  sequela},  a 
protracted  debility  and  diseases  which  endangered  the  recovery 
of  the  sick,  whose  constitutions  were  already  so  much  shaken. 
Hence  it  appears  that  this  fever  was  combined  with  a  great  decom- 
position of  the  fluids,  and  a  very  morbid  condition  of  the  functions 
of  the  bovvels,  not  to  mention  the  effects  produced  by  continued 
hunger,  w^hich  contemporaries  paint  in  the  most  dreadful  colours. 

The  stock  of  provisions  was  already  so  far  consumed  in  the 
first  year  that  people  made  bread  of  acorns,  and  sought  with 
avidity  all  kinds  of  harmless  roots,  merely  to  appease  hunger. 
These  miserable  sufferers  wandered  about,  houseless  and  more 
like  corpses  than  living  beings,  and  finally,  failing  even  to  excite 
commiseration,  perished  on  dunghills  or  in  out-houses.  The 
larger  towns  shut  their  gates  against  them,  and  the  various  char- 
itable institutions  proved,  of  necessity,  insufiicient  to  afford  relief 
in  this  frightful  extremity  !  It  was  the  lot  of  very  few  to  obtain 
the  tender  care  and  attendance  of  the  Sisters  of  Charity.  In 
most  of  those  affected  their  livid  swollen  countenances,  and  the 
dropsical  swelling  of  their  limbs,  betrayed  the  sickly  condition  in 
which  they  dragged  on  their  languishing  existence.  Every  one 
fled  from  these  pestiferous  spectres,  for  they  were  saturated  with 
the  poison  of  this  deadly  disease,  and  the  remark  was  no  doubt 
made  a  thousand  times  over,  that  this  poison  might  be  conveyed 
to  persons  in  health  without  affecting  the  carrier,  since  want  and 
ill  healtli  occasionally  afford  a  miserable  protection  against  dis- 
ease of  this  kind.^ 

The  necessary  data  for  furnishing  a  complete  account  of  the 
Trousse-galant  of  1528  do  not  exist,  for  physicians  passed  over 
this  epidemic  with  the  same  coolness  and  indifference  which  un- 
fortunately they  may  be  justly  accused  of  having  shown  with 
respect  to  other  important  phenomena.  But  it  returned  once 
again  in  1545  46,  appearing  in  Savoy  and  over  a  great  part  of 
France ;  and  we  possess  from  Pare,^  and  from  Sander,  a  Flemish 

'  Trousser,  in  an  obsolete  sense,  signifies  to  cause  speedy  death. 
'  Mezeraij,  T.  II.  p.  965,  where  the  best  notices  of  it  are  to  be  found. 
^  Ilis  account  applies  to  the  town  of  Puy  in  the  Auvergne,  where  he  seems  himself 
to  have  seen  the  disease.     Livr.  XXII.  c.  5.  p.  823. 


220  THE    .SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

physician/  though  still  a  defective,  yet  a  move  satisfactory,  de- 
scription of  its  s^^mptoms  on  this  occasion.  Its  course  was,  as 
before,  very  rapid,  so  that  it  destroyed  the  patient  in  two  or  three 
days  ;  again  it  attacked  the  strong  rather  than  the  weak,  as  if  in 
justification  of  its  old  name,  and  those  who  recovered  remained 
for  a  long  time  distinguishable  by  the  loss  of  their  hair  and  their 
wretched  appearance.  Patients  felt  at  the  commencement  an 
insufferable  weight  in  the  body,  with  exti'emely  violent  headache, 
which  soon  deprived  them  of  all  consciousness,  and  passed  into  a 
profound  stupor,  even  the  sphincter  muscles  losing  their  power. 
In  other  cases  a  continued  state  of  sleeplessness  was  followed  by 
feverish  delirium,  so  violent  that  it  was  necessary  to  have  recourse 
to  means  of  restraint.  Such  opposite  states  are  usual  in  all  t}^- 
phous  fevers.  Sander  expressly  mentions  that  in  most  of  those 
affected,  eruptions  made  their  appearance.  He  does  not,  however, 
state  their  nature  or  describe  the  course  and  crisis  of  the  disease, 
otherwise  than  that  it  terminated  about  the  fourth  or  the  eleventh 
day.  Even  the  eruptions  that  did  appear,  which  were  probably 
petechiae,  and  perhaps  also  (rother  friesel)  red  miliary  vesicles, 
came  at  an  indefinite  period  ;  either  at  the  commencement,  when 
they  afforded  an  unfavourable  prognosis,  or  later,  when  they  be- 
tokened a  favourable  crisis.  Thread-worms,  in  great  numbers, 
were  evacuated  alive  under  great  torment,  and  generally  increas- 
ed the  sufferings  of  the  patient.  The  disease  was  scarcely  less 
contagious  than  plague,  and  with  respect  to  its  treatment,  bleed- 
ing, copious  and  even  ad  deliquium,  was  decidedly  successful, 
which,  coupled  with  the  attacks  on  the  head  just  described,^  leads 
to  the  conclusion  that  there  existed  a  fulness  of  blood  and  an  in- 
flammatory state  of  circulation,  together,  perhaps,  with  inflam- 
mation of  the  brain.  We  must  not  omit  to  observe  that,  during 
the  pestilence  of  1546,  the  bubo  plague  made  its 'appearance  here 
and  there,  especially  in  the  Netherlands;^  and  in  the  following- 
year,  broke  out  and  sjDread  to. a  greater  extent  in  France,''  whence 
it  seems  to  follow,  with  respect  to  the  malady  of  which  we  are  now 
treating,  that  its  nature  resembled  the  petechial  fever,  since  that 
disease  usually  precedes  the  occurrence  of  pestilences.'* 

'  Forest.  L.  YI.  obs.  7.  p.  lo6.  Sander  writes  from  mimerous  observations  ■which 
he  made  in  and  about  Cambray. 

2  Sauvages,  T.  I.  p.  487,  hence  calls  the  Trousse-galant  "  Cephalitis  vcrminosa," 
although  neither  inflammation  of  the  brain  nor  worms  existed  in  all  cases,  and  takes 
his  description  from  Sander,  as  again  Ozanam  has  taken  it  from  Sauvages,  T.  III.  p.  27- 

^   Forest,  p.  157.  Schol.  *  Pare,  loc.  cit. 

*  So  small-pox  and  measles,  it  is  well  known,  are  the  forerunners  of  plague. 


SWEATING    SICKNESS   IN    ENGLAND,    1528.  221 

The  assertion  of  historians,  that  in  1528,  and  the  following 
years,  France  lost  a  fourth  part  of  her  inhabitants  by  famine  and 
pestilence,  seems,  according  to  ovir  representation,  not  to  be  by 
any  means  exaggerated.  The  consequences,  as  regarded  the  future 
destinies  of  that  country,  were  likewise  very  important.  For 
Francis  the  1st  saw  that  no  new  sacrifices  could  be  borne  by  his 
people,  who  were  already  so  sorely  afflicted  ;  and  therefore  aban- 
doned his  schemes  of  greatness  and  foreign  power,  consenting,  on 
the  5th  of  August,  1529,  to  the  disadvantageous  treaty  of 
Cambray. 

Sect.  3. — Sweating  Sickness  in  England,  1528. 

"Whoever,  following  the  above  facts,  will  represent  to  himself 
the  state  of  Europe  in  1528,  will  readily  believe  that  a  poisonous 
atmosphere  enveloped  this  quarter  of  the  globe,  and  continuall}' 
brought  destruction  and  death  over  its  nations.  Kuin  broke  in 
upon  them  in  a  thousand  forms,  destroying  their  bodies  and  be- 
nisrhtino:  their  minds,  and  if  to  this  we  add  the  discord  and  the 
deadly  party  hatred  which  at  that  time  prevailed  in  the  world,  it 
seems  as  if  every  circumstance  that  could  affect  mankind  was  im- 
plicated in  this  gigantic  conflict,  which  threatened  in  its  fatal 
result  to  annihilate  all  traces  of  the  times  that  were  past. 

A  heavier  affliction  than  has  yet  been  described  was  in  store  for 
England  :  for  in  the  latter  end  of  May,  the  Sweating  Fever  broke 
out  there  in  the  midst  of  the  most  populous  part  of  the  capital, 
spreading  rapidly  over  the  whole  kingdom  ;  and  fourteen  months 
later,  brought  a  scene  of  horror  upon  all  the  nations  of  northern 
Europe,  scarcely  equalled  during  any  other  epidemic.  It  appeared 
at  once  with  the  same  intensity  as  it  had  shown  eleven  years  be- 
fore, was  ushered  in  by  no  previous  indications,  and  between  health 
and  death  there  lay  but  a  brief  term  of  five  or  six  hours.  Public 
business  was  postponed :  the  courts  were  closed,  and  four  weeks 
after  the  pestilence  broke  out,  the  festival  of  St.  John'  was  stopped, 
to  the  great  sorrow  of  the  people,  who  certainly  would  not  have 
dispensed  with  its  celebration  had  they  recovered  from  the  con- 
sternation arising  from  the  great  mortality.  The  king's  court  was 
ao-ain  deserted,  and  to  the  various  passions  and  mental  emotions 
which  had  been  clashing  there  since  the  year  1517,  as,  for  instance, 
those  arising  from  the  theological  zeal  which  had  been  excited 
by  Henry  Vlllth's  defence  of  the  faith,  was  added  once  more  the 

1    Fabian,  p.  G99. 


222  THE   SWEATING  SICKNESS. 

old  alarm  and  distress,  which  seemed  to  be  justified  by  the  death 
of  some  favoured  courtiers  ;  particularly  of  two  chamberlains,^  and 
of  Sir  Francis  Poynes,  who  had  just  returned  from  an  embassy  to 
Spain.  The  king  left  London  immediately,  and  endeavoured  to 
avoid  the  epidemic  by  continually  travelling,  until  at  last  he  grew 
tired  of  so  unsettled  a  life,  and  determined  to  await  his  destiny  at 
Tytynhangar.  Here,  with  his  first  wife  and  a  few  confidants,  he 
resided  quietly,  apart  from  the  world,  surrounded  by  fires  for  the 
purification  of  the  air,  and  guarded  bj''  the  precautions  of  his 
physician,  who  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  that  the  pestilence  kept 
aloof  from  this  lonely  residence.^ 

How  many  lives  were  lost  in  this,  which  some  historians  have 
called  the  great  mortality,  can  be  estimated  only  by  the  facts  which 
have  been  stated,  and  which  betoken  an  uncommonly  violent  de- 
gree of  agitation  in  men's  minds.  Accurate  data  are  altogether 
wanting,  yet  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  whole  English  nation, 
from  the  monarch  to  the  meanest  peasant,  was  impressed  with  a 
feeling  of  alarm  at  the  uncertainty  of  life,  to  which  neither  the 
rude  state  of  society,  nor  a  constant  familiarity  with  the  effects 
of  laws  written  in  blood,^  had  blunted  their  sensibility.  Such  a 
state  does  not  exist  without  very  numerous  cases  of  mortality 
which  bring  the  danger  home  to  every  individual,  so  that  it  is  to 
be  presumed  that  the  churchyards  were  everywhere  abundantly 
filled.  Nor  did  this  destructive  epidemic  come  alone.  Provisions 
were  scarce  and  dear,  and  whilst  hundreds  of  thousands  lay 
stretched  upon  the  bed  of  death,  many  perished  with  hunger,^  and 
the  same  scenes  would  have  been  experienced  as  in  France,  had 
not  the  corn  trade  afibrded  some  relief.^ 

As  soon  as  the  occurrences  of  this  unfortunate  year  could  be 
more  closely  surveyed,  a  conviction  was  at  once  felt,  that  it  was  one 
and  the  same  (jencral  cause  of  disease  ichich  called  forth  the  poison- 
ous pe^itilence  in  the  French  camp  before  Naples,  the  jmtrid  fever 
among  the  youth  in  France,  and  the  sweating  sickness  in  England, 
and  that  the  varying  nature  of  these  diseases  depended  only  on  the 
conditions  of  the  soil  and  the  qualities  of  the  atmosphere  in  the 

'  Bir  William  Compton  and  William  Carcu\  besides  manj'  other  distinguished  per- 
sons who  are  not  named. 

-  Grafton,  p.  412,  the  principal  passage.  Compare  Ilolinshed,  p.  735.  Baker,  p. 
293.     Hall,  p.  750.     Herbert  of  Chcrhury,  p.  215. 

'^  During  Henry  the  Eighth's  reign  (1509  to  1547)  72,000  malefactors  were,  accord- 
ing to  Harrison,  executed  for  theft  and  robbery,  making  nearly  2000  for  each  year. 
Htimc,  T.  IV.  p.  275. 

*  iitoiD,  p.  885.  *  Fabian,  loc.  cit. 


NATURAL   OCCURRENCES.  —  PROGNOSTICS.  223 

countries  which  loero  msited}  If,  in  opposition  to  these  notions,  a 
narrow  view  of  human  life  in  the  aggregate  should  raise  a  doubt, 
this  would  be  strikingly  refuted  by  the  wonderful  coincidence,  in 
point  of  time,  of  all  these  phenomena,  occurring  in  such  various 
parts  of  Europe  ;  for  while  the  French  army,  after  an  exposure 
of  four  weeks  to  the  miseries  and  poisonous  vapours  of  its  camp 
before  Naples,  perceived  the  first  forebodings  of  its  destruction, 
the  great  famine  with  the  Trousse-galtint  in  its  train  was  in  full 
advance  on  the  other  side  the  Alps,  and  almost  on  the  same  day 
the  Sweating  Sickness  broke  out  upon  the  Thames. 

Sect.  4. — Natural  Occurrences. — Prognostics. 

The  chronicles  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe  are  full  of  remark- 
able notices  respecting  the  commotions  of  nature  in  these  parti- 
cular years,  which  were  so  utterly  hostile  to  the  animal  and 
vegetable  kingdoms.  In  England  the  period  of  distress  was  al- 
ready approaching  ;  towards  the  end  of  the  year  1527.  Through- 
out the  whole  winter  (November  and  December,  1527,  and  January, 
1528),  heavy  rains  deluged  the  country,  the  rivers  overflowed  their 
banks,  and  the  winter  seed  was  thus  rotted.  The  weather  then 
remained  dry  until  April ;  but  scarcely  was  the  summer  seed 
sown,  when  the  rain  again  set  in,  and  continued  day  and  night  for 
full  eight  weeks,  so  that  the  last  hope  of  a  harvest  was  now  de- 
stroyed," and  the  soaked  earth,  in  the  thick  mists  that  arose  from 
its  surface,  hatched  the  well-known  demon  of  the  Sweating  Dis- 
ease. It  was  now  of  no  avail  that  the  torrents  of  rain  ceased,  for  the 
softened  soil  gave  the  pestilence  constant  nourishment,  and  the 
damp  warmth  which,  alternating  with  unseasonable  cold,  remained 
prevalent  during  the  following  years  all  over  Europe,  rendered 
men's  bodies  more  and  more  susceptible  to  severe  diseases. 

The  historians  of  that  time  were  too  much  occupied  v/ith  the 
intricate  affairs  of  the  court  and  of  the  church  to  devote  any  at- 
tention to  nature,  and  on  this  account  they  have  left  us  no  satis- 
factory information  of  the  state  of  the  weather  and  the  course  of 
the  seasons  of  those  years  in  England,  yet  there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  they  were  essentially  different  from  those  of  the  rest 
of  Europe.  This  may  be  proved  by  the  following  collection  of 
important  natural  occurrences,  when  taken  in  conjunction  with 
the  circumstances  already  stated  respecting  France  and  Italy. 

1 "  it  seeming  to  be  but  the  same  contagion  of  the  aire,  varied  according  to  the 

clime."     Herbert  of  C/ierbitri/,  \oc.  c'lt.  ^  Nto?<',  loc.  cit. 


224  THE   SWEATING   SICKNESS. 

In  Upper  Italy  such  considerable  floods  occurred  in  all  the 
river  districts,  in  the  year  1527,  that  the  astrologers  announced  a 
now  Deluge.  There  was  a  repetition  of  them  to  an  equal  extent, 
and  with  equal  damage,  in  the  following  year,  so  that  it  may  have 
been  concluded,  not  without  some  ground,  that  there  was  an  ac- 
cumulation of  snow  on  the  highest  mountain  ranges  of  Europe. 
On  the  third  of  July,  1529,  there  followed  a  violent  earthquake  in 
Upper  Italy,  and  immediately  afterwards  a  blood-rain,  as  it  was 
called,  in  Cremona. • 

In  October,  1530,  the  Tiber  rose  so  much  above  its  banks  that 
in  Rome  and  its  neighbourhood  about  12,000  people  were  drowned. 
A  month  later,  in  the  Netherlands,  the  sea  broke  through  the 
dykes,  and  Holland,  Zealand,  and  Brabant  suffered  very  consider- 
abl}'  from  the  overflow  of  the  waters,  which  again  took  place  two 
years  afterwards." 

In  1528  there  appeared  in  the  March  of  Brandenburg,  during 
the  prevalence  of  a  south-east  wind  and  a  great  drought^  (the  rains 
did  not  commence  in  Germany  before  1529),  swarms  of  locusts ,^  as 
if  this  prognostic  too  of  great  epidemics  was  not  to  be  wanting. 
Of  fiery  meteors,  which  also  frequently  appeared  in  the  following 
years,  and  in  the  aggregate  plainly  indicated  an  unusual  condition 
of  the  atmosphere,  much  notice,  after  the  manner  of  the  times,  is 
occasionally  taken.''  Particular  attention  was  excited  by  a  long 
fiery  train  which  was  seen  on  the  7th  of  January,  1529,  at  seven 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  throughout  Mecklenburg  and  Pomerania.'' 
Another  fiery  sign  (chasma)  was  seen  in  the  March  on  the  9th  of 
Januarj'-,  at  ten  o'clock  at  night,^  as  likewise  similar  atmospherical 
phenomena  in  other  localities. 

Comets  appeared  in  the  course  of  this  j'ear  in  unusual  number.*' 
The  first  on  the  11th  of  August,  1527,  before  daybreak;  it  was 
seen  throughout  Europe,  and  it  has  often  been  confounded  by  more 
recent  writers  with  an  atmospherical  phenomenon  resembling  a 
comet  which  appeared  on  the  11th  of  October.'-'  The  second  was 
seen  in  July  and  August,  1529,  in  Germany,  France,  and  Italy. 

'   Campo,  pp.  150,  lol.  ^  Graftoii,  p.  431.      Wagenaar,\ i)\.  II.  p.  516. 

^  Ilaftitz,  p.  130.  ■*  Annalcs  Bcrolino-Marchici  (no  numbers  to  the  pages). 

■^  Magnus  Ilimdt,  fol.  4.  b.,  and  many  others. 

"  Bonn,  p.  143.     A  girl  in  Liibeck  died  of  fright  at  this  meteor. 

'  Haftitz,  p.  131.     Angelus,  p.  317. 

"  It  must  not  be  thought  tliat  the  author,  because  he  has  brought  forward  these  no- 
tices, has  any  pre-forraed  opinions  whatever  respecting  the  import  of  these  heavenly 
bodies.  The  historian  cannot  pass  over  contemporaneous  occurrences,  whatever  may  be 
the  conclusion  which  the  limited  extent  of  our  knowledge  enables  us  to  draw  from  them, 

»  ringn^,  T.  I.  p.  485.     Spangenberg,  M.  Chr.  fol.  410.  a. 


NATUEAL   OCCURRENCES. — PROGNOSTICS.  225 

Four  other  comets  are  also  said  to  have  made  their  appearance  this 
year  at  the  same  time  ;  but  it  is  probable  that  these  were  only 
fiery  meteors  of  an  unknown  kind.'  The  third  was  in  1531,  and 
was  visible  in  Europe  from  the  1st  of  August  till  the  3rd  of  Sep- 
tember. This  was  the  great  comet  of  Halley,  which  returned  in 
the  5^ear  1835.^  The  fourth  was  in  1532,  visible  from  the  2nd  of 
October  to  the  8th  of  November  ;  it  appeared  again  in  1661.^ 
Lastly,  the  fifth,  in  1533,  seen  from  the  middle  of  June  till 
August,* 

Contemporaries  agree  remarkably  in  their  accounts  of  the  in- 
sufferable state  of  the  weather  in  the  eventful  year  1529.  The 
winter  was  particularly  mild,  and  the  vegetation  was  far  too  early, 
so  that  all  the  world  was  rejoicing  at  the  mildness  and  beauty  of 
the  spring.  The  people  wore  violets,  at  Erfurt,  on  St.  Matthew's 
day  (the  21:th  of  February),  little  expecting  that  this  friendly 
omen  was  to  precede  so  severe  a  calamity.^  Throughout  the 
spring  and  summer  wet  weather  continued  to  prevail.  Constant 
torrents  of  rain  overflowed  the  fields,  the  rivers  passed  their 
banks ;  all  hopes  of  the  cultivation  were  entirely  frustrated,''  and 
misery  and  famine  spread  in  all  directions.  A  heavy  rain  of  four 
days'  continuance,  which  took  place  in  the  south  of  Germany  in 
the  middle  of  June,  and  was  called  the  St.  Vitus's  Torrent,  is  still 
remembered  in  modern  times  as  an  unheard-of  event.  Whole  dis- 
tricts of  country  were  completely  laid  under  water,  and  many 
persons  perished  who  had  not  time  to  save  their  lives.^  A  similar, 
very  widely-extended,  and  perhaps  universal,  storm  again  occur- 
red on  the  10th  of  August,  and  occasioned  great  floods,  especially 
in  Thuringia  and  Saxony.^  Upon  the  whole,  the  sun  rarely 
broke  through  the  heavy  dark  clouds.  The  latter  part  of  the 
summer  and  the  whole  of  the  autumn,  with  the  exception  of  a 
series  of  hot  days  which  commenced  the  24th  of  August,^  remain- 

'  Pingre,  p.  486.     Ant/ehis,  p.  318.     Crusius,  Vol.  II.  p.  223. 

-  Pingre,  p.  487.  Catirpo,  p.  154.  A^igelus,  p.  320,  and  numerous  other  accounts.  It 
performs  its  revolution  in  76  years,  and  was  observed  in  1456,  1531,  1607,  16S2,  and 
1759. 

3  Pingre,  p.  491.     Spangenberg,  M.  Chr.  fol.  433.  b. 

*  Pingre,  p.  496.     Angelus,  p.  322.     Spangeriberg,  M.  Chr.  fol.  435.  a. 

'  Erfurt  Chronicle.  Spaiigetiberg,  who  has  availed  himself  frequently  of  tliis 
chronicle,  makes  use  of  the  same  words,  M.  Chr.  fol.  431.  b. 

6  They  called  the  sour  wine  of  this  year  den  ]Viedertciufcr-Wein ;  the  Anabaptist 
wine.     ScJnoelin,  p.  144. 

'  Crusius,  Vol.  II.  p.  323.  St.  Vitus's  day  is  on  the  15th  of  Jime.  On  the  river 
Neckar,  at  Heidelberg,  they  took  out  a  child  which  had  lloatcd  down  the  stream  in  its 
cradle  unharmed  for  a  distance  of  six  (German)  miles.     Franck,  fol.  252.  b. 

«  Spangenberg,  M.  Chr.  fol.  432.  a.  »  Klcmzau  p.  254. 

15 


226  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

ed  gloomy,  cold,  and  wet.  People  fancied  they  were  breathing 
the  foggy  air  of  Britain.^ 

We  ought  not  to  omit  hez'o  to  notice  that  in  the  north  of  Ger- 
many, and  especially  in  the  March  of  Brandenburg,  eating  fish, 
which  were  caught  in  great  abundance,  was  generally  esteemed 
detrimental.  IMalignant  and  contagious  diseases  were  said  to 
have  been  traced  to  this  cause,  and  it  was  a  matter  of  surprise 
that  the  only  food  which  nature  bounteously  bestowed  was  so  de- 
cidedly injurious.^  It  might  be  difficult  now  to  discover  the  cause 
of  this  phenomenon,  of  which  we  possess  only  isolated  notices, 
yet,  passing  over  all  other  conjectures,  it  is  quite  credible  either 
that  an  actual  fish  poison  was  developed,^  or,  if  this  notion  be  re- 
jected, that  a  disordered  condition  of  life,  such  as  must  be  sup- 
posed to  have  existed  in  a  great  ftimine,  rendered  fish  prejudicial 
to  health,  in  the  same  way  as  sometimes  occurs  after  protracted 
intermittent  fevers,  when  the  functions  of  the  bowels  are  disturb- 
ed in  a  manner  peculiar  to  this  disease. 

But  it  was  not  the  inhabitants  of  the  water  alone  which  were 
affected  by  hidden  causes  of  excitement  in  collective  organic  life ; 
the  fowls  of  the  air  likewise  sickened,  who,  in  their  delicate  and 
irritable  organs  of  respiration,  feel  the  injurious  influence  of  the 
atmosphere  much  earlier  and  more  sensitively  than  any  of  the 
unfeathered  tribes,  and  have  often  been  the  harbingers  of  great 
danger,  ere  man  was  aware  of  its  approach.  In  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Freyburg  in  the  Breisgau,  dead  birds  were  found  scatter- 
ed under  the  trees,  with  boils  as  large  as  peas  under  their  wings, 
which  indicated  among  them  a  disease,  that  in  all  probability 
extended  far  beyond  the  southern  districts  of  the  Rhine.* 

The  famine  in  Germany,  during  this  year,  is  described  by  re- 
spectable authorities  in  a  tone  of  deep  sympathy.  S wabia,  Lorraine, 
Alsace,  and  the  other  southern  countries  bordering  on  the  Rhine, 
were  especially  visited,  so  that  misery  there  reached  the  same 
frightful  height  as  in  France.  The  poor  emigrated  and  roved 
over  the  country,  solely  to  prolong  their  wretched  existence. 
Above  a  thousand  of  these  half-starved  mendicants  came  to  Stras- 
burg  out  of  Swabia.     They  obtained  shelter  in  a  monastery,  and 

^  Schwelin,  p.  144.  Newenar,  fol.  69.  a.  "fecit  tamen  huius  anni,  ac  fortasse  etiam 
prfficedentium  intemperies,  fluminum  exundationes,  frigora  cum  humiditatc  perpetuo 
coniuncta,  ut  jam  in  Germania  Britannicus  quidam  aer  suscitatus  videri  possit." 
Similar  accounts  arc  met  with  in  almost  all  the  chronicles. 

*  Leuthinfjer,  p.  90.  see  "  Scriptorum,"  etc. 

3  Compare  Autetirieth' s  &\c(i\\cni  work  on  this  subject. 

*  Schiller,  sect.  I.  cap.  2.  fol.  3.  h. 


NATURAL   OCCUKRENCES. — PROGNOSTICS.  227 

attempts  were  made  to  revive  them,  yet  many  were  unable  to 
bear  the  food  that  was  placed  before  them.  Attention  and 
nourishment  did  but  hasten  their  death.  Another  body  of  more 
than  eight  hundred  came  in  the  autumn  from  Lorraine.  These 
unfortunate  people  were  kept  in  the  city,  and  fed  during  the 
whole  winter,^  yet  it  is  easy  to  conceive  that  this  benevolence, 
which  was  no  doubt  likewise  exercised  in  other  cities,^ — for  when 
was  humanity  ever  found  wanting  in  Germany  ? — could  only  oc- 
casionally alleviate  this  deeply-rooted  calamity.  In  the  Venetian 
territories,  many  hundreds  are  said  to  have  perished  with  hunger, 
and  a  like  distress  probably  prevailed  all  over  Upper  Italy. 

In  the  north  of  Germany,  including  the  extensive  sandy  plains, 
on  which  wet  weather  is  not  so  injurious  in  its  effect  as  on  a  heavy 
clayey  soil,  the  state  of  the  country  was  upon  the  whole  more 
tolerable  f  yet,  independently  of  the  innumerable  evils  to  which 
a  scarcity  gives  rise,  suicide  was  more  frequent*  which  was  cer- 
tainly a  rarity  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  only  explicable  by 
supposing  that  the  powers  of  the  mind  became  exhausted  by  the 
many  and  various  passions,  which  in  every  individual  locality 
excited  a  spirit  of  hatred  and  party  feeling.  The  consequence  of 
such  a  state  of  turmoil  is  a  cold  disgust  of  life,  which  finds,  in 
the  first  adverse  event  that  may  occur,  a  pretext  for  self-destruc- 
tion, that  want  alone  would  seldom  if  ever  occasion  :  for  man,  if 
his  spirit  be  unbroken,  runs  the  chance  of  starvation  in  times  of 
famine,  and  trusts  to  the  faintest  gleam  of  hope,  rather  than,  of 
his  own  accord,  abandon  the  enjoyment  of  life. 

It  is  no  less  in  point  here  to  notice  a  kind  of  faint  lassitude, 
which,  to  the  great  astonishment  of  the  people,  was  felt,  especial- 
ly in  Pomerania,  in  June  and  July,'"^  up  to  the  very  period  when 
the  Sweating  Sickness  broke  out.  In  the  midst  of  their  work,  and 
without  any  conceivable  cause,  people  became  palsied  in  their 
hands  and  feet,  so  that  even  if  their  lives  had  depended  upon  it, 
they  were  incapable  .of  the  slightest  exertion.**  The  treatment 
which  was  found  successful,  was  to  cover  the  patients  warmly,  and 
to  supply  them  with  nourishing  food,  of  which  they  ate  plcnti- 

•  Franck,  fol.  243.  b. 

2  Basle  among  others  was  particularly  distinguisliud.  Stettler,  part  II.  p.  34. 

3  Spangenberg,  loo.  cit.  *  Leuthinger,  p.  89. 

*  From  Whitsuntide  till  towards  St.  James's  day,  the  25tli  of  July.  Kkmzen, 
p.  254. 

6  Two  masters  of  vessels,  who  had  quitted  the  helm  from  a  sudden  attack  of  this 
kind,  were  in  danger  of  grounding  upon  the  Mole.  Their  situation  was,  however, 
noticed,  and  they  were  saved.     Klemzcn. 

15  * 


228  THE    SWEATING  SICKNESS. 

fully,  and  thus  recovered  again  in  three  or  four  days.  Pheno- 
mena of  this  kind,  which  in  the  present  instance  evidently 
depended  on  atmospherical  influence,  are  but  the  extreme  grada- 
tions of  a  generally  morbid  dulness  of  vital  feeling,  which  might 
easily  pass  into  an  actual  disgust  of  life,  such  as  would  lead  to 
suicide. 

The  following  years  were  by  no  means  all  marked  by  a  com- 
plete failure  in  produce.  The  year  1530  was,  on  the  contrary, 
plentiful,  there  being  only  some  partial  failures,  as,  for  example, 
that  which  arose  from  a  great  flood  in  the  district  of  the  Saal, 
which  occurred  in  the  midst  of  the  harvest  time.'  A  very  cold 
spring  and  a  wet  cold  summer  followed  in  1531,  with  only  oc- 
casional fine  days  ;  yet  the  ground  was  not  altogether  unpro- 
ductive, and  the  great  distress  which  would  otherwise  have  been 
felt  in  Thuringia  and  Saxony,  was  checked  by  the  establishment 
of  granaries,  so  that  the  people  were  not  obliged,  as  they  often 
were  in  Swabia,  to  mow  the  green  corn  that  they  might  dry  the 
ears  in  ovens,  and  support  life  upon  the  yet  unripe  grain. 

The  years  1532  and  1533  were  again  very  sterile,  as  also 
1534,  in  consequence  of  the  great  heat  and  drjaiess  of  the  summer. 
Finally,  in  the  year  1535,  the  regular  change  of  the  seasons,  and 
with  it  a  prosperous  state  of  cultivation,  seemed  to  be  restored, 
and  the  scarcity  ceased.^  The  reports  from  different  localities  in 
Germany  vary  much,  but  the  scarcity  prevailed  for  full  seven 
years -"^  (from  1528  to  1534),  and  since  its  causes  were  not  dis- 
coverable, because  it  was  only  seen  by  each  observer  in  his  own 
narrow  circle,  the  old  German  adage  was  often  called  to  mind  : 
"  If  there  is  to  be  a  scarcit}^  it  is  of  no  avail  even  should  all  the 
mountains  be  made  of  flour." '' 

Sect.  5. — Sweating  Sickness  in  Germany,  1529. 

These  facts  are  sufficient  for  a  preliminary  sketch  of  the  back- 
ground on  which  moved  the  spectre  of  England,  to  which  we 
now  return.  How  long  the  sweating  sickness  may  have  raged 
there  after  Henry  the  Vlllth  quitted  his  secluded  place  of  refuge 
in  order  to  return  to  his  capital,  no  one  has  left  any  written  ac- 
count to  show.     That  it  spread  very  rapidly  over  the  whole  king- 

'   Spangenberg,  M.  Chr.  fol.  432.  a. 
-  Ibid.  fol.  433.  a.  435.  b.     Schicelm,  pp.  149.  150. 

3  A  Cbroniclcr  of  the  Marches  even  assures  us  that  it  lasted  until  1546.     Annales 
Bcrol.  Marchic :  but  the  other  contemporary  writers  contradict  this. 
*  >>2^angenberg,  fol.  432.  a. 


SWEATING    SICKNESS    IN    GERMANY.  229 

dom  is  decidedl}^  to  be  presumed,  and  might  probably  still  be 
easily  ascertainable  from  the  written  records  of  different  places. 
The  notion  that  it  did  not  rage  violently  in  any  town  more  than 
a  few  weeks,  is  justified  by  corresponding  phenomena  of  more  re- 
cent occurrence,  yet  no  doubt  it  continued  to  exist  among  the 
j)eople,  though  in  a  mitigated  degree,  till  the  mild  winter  season. 
But  there  are  not  even  the  slightest  data  by  which  it  can  be  made 
out  that  it  was  still  in  England  during  the  summer  of  1529.  As 
an  epidemic  it  certainly  existed  no  longer,  yet  on  a  consideration 
of  the  state  of  the  air  in  that  year,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that 
isolated  cases  of  Sweating  Fever  may  have  appeared  ;  for  in  pesti- 
lences of  this  kind,  provided  their  original  causes  continue,  there 
always  occur  some  straggling  cases.'  The  Sweating  Sickness  did 
not  advance  westward  to  Ireland,  nor  did  it  pass  the  Scottish 
border  ;  the  historians,  who  would  certainly  have  recorded  so 
calamitous  an  event,  are  entirely  silent  respecting  such  an  occur- 
rence. The  tragedy  was,  however,  destined  to  be  enacted  else- 
where ;  other  nations  were  to  play  their  part  in  it. 

Hamburgh  was  the  first  place  on  the  continent  in  which  the 
Sweating  Sickness  broke  out.  Men's  minds  were  still  in  great 
excitement  there  in  consequence  of  the  events  of  the  few  preced- 
ing months.  The  Protestants  had,  after  long  and  stormy  contests, 
at  length  vanquished  the  Papists.  Under  the  wise  direction  of 
Bugenhagen  the  great  work  of  Reformation  was  just  completed. 
The  monasteries  were  abolished,  the  monks  dismissed,  schools 
were  established,  and  peace  again  returned  with  the  enjoyment  of 
ecclesiastical  freedom.  Just  at  this  moment  ^  the  dreaded  pesti- 
lence, of  which  wonderful  accounts  had  been  so  long  and  so  often 
heard,  unexpectedly  made  its  appearance.  It  immediately  ex- 
cited, as  it  had  ever  done  in  England,  general  dismay,  and  before 
any  instructions  as  to  its  treatment  could  be  obtained,  either  from 
the  English  or  from  Germans  who  had  been  in  England,  it  de- 
stroyed daily  from  forty  to  sixty,  and  altogether,  within  the  space 
of  twenty- two  days,^  about  1100  inhabitants,  for  such  was  the 
number  of  coffins  which  were  at  this  time  manufactured  by  the 
undertakers.     The  duration  of  the  great  mortality,  for  thus  we 

'  Newenar  indeed  maintains  that  the  Sweating  Fever  used  to  break  out  in  Eng-land 
every  year,  fol.  68.  b.,  but  such  general  and  unsupported  assertions  coming  from 
foreigners  (the  Graf  Hermann  von  Newenar  was  provost  of  Cologne)  are  wholly  un- 
worthy of  credence. 

2  About  the  25th  of  July. 

3  From  St.  James's  day,"  the  2.5th  of  July,  until  the  Assumption  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 
Mary  on  the  15th  of  August.     Staphorst. 


2S(y  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

would  designate  tlie  more  violent  raging  of  this  pestilence,  was, 
however,  much  shorter,  and  may  be  roughlj'-  estimated  at  about 
nine  days,  for  from  the  fragment  of  a  letter  received  from  Ham- 
burgh, which  was  dispatched  to  Wittenberg  on  the  8th  of  August, 
by  a  person  who  was  at  that  time  burgomaster,  it  appears  that, 
for  some  days  past,  no  one  had  died  of  the  Sweating  Fever,  ex- 
cepting one  or  two  drunkards,  and  that  the  citizens  wei"e  then  be- 
ginning to  take  breath  again.  We  may  thus  judge,  from  the 
unauthenticated  account  here  mentioned,  that  the  disease  lasted 
about  a  fortnight  longer,  and  that  the  loss  of  lives  amounted  to  2000. 
At  all  events,  however,  the  pestilence  manifested  itself  on  the 
continent  with  the  same  malignity  which  was  peculiar  to  it  from 
the  first,  and  if  the  assertion  made  at  a  distance  respecting  the 
mortality  in  Hamburgh  were  overcharged,'  yet  there  certainly 
existed  sufficient  foundation  for  exaggerations  of  this  sort,  which 
are  never  wanting  in  times  of  such  great  danger.  The  historians 
of  this,  even  at  that  time,  powerful  and  civilized  commercial  town, 
have  on  the  whole  said  but  little  regarding  this  important  event 
— a  circumstance  easily  explicable  from  the  constant  occupation 
of  men's  minds  in  religious  affairs,  and  from  the  well-known  short 
visitation  of  the  epidemic,  which,  like  a  transient  meteor,  needed 
quick  and  cautious  observation  if  any  valuable  information  re- 
specting the  occurrence  was  to  be  transmitted  to  posterity.  Some 
jDarticulars  of  its  first  origin  have,  however,  been  preserved  amid 
a  mass  of  general  assertions  which  convey  no  information.  Thus 
it  appears  that  the  Sweating  Sickness  did  not  show  itself  in  the 
town  until  a  Captain  Hermann  Ev^ers,  just  about  the  time  men- 
tioned (the  2otli  of  July),  returned  from  England,  bringing  on 
board  with  him  a  number  of  young  people  (probablj'"  travellers  as 
well  as  sailors),  of  whom  at  least  twelve  died  of  this  disease  with- 
in  two   days.^     According  to  another  account,  those  who  died 

'  It  appears,  for  instance,  somewhere  in  the  second  volume  of  Leibnitz,  Scriptores 
rerum  Brunsvieensium,  that  8000  people  had  died  of  the  Sweating  Fever  in  Ilamhurgh. 
An  unknown  Chronicler  in  Staphorst,  Part  II.  vol.  I.  p.  85,  states  2000. 

=  "  Moreover  in  the  year  1529,  about  St.  James's  day,  Almighty  God  sent  a  terrible 
disease  upon  the  city  of  Hamburgh;  it  was  the  Sweating  Sickness,  which  showed  itself 
in  a  different  manner,  and  began  when  Captain  Hermann  Evers  came  from  England  on 
St.  James's  day  with  many  young  companions,  of  whom,  in  the  course  of  two  days, 
twelve  died  of  this  disease,  which  was  unknc-wn  as  well  in  Hamburgh  as  in  other 
countries,  so  that  the  oldest  person  did  not  recollect  to  have  seen  a  similar  disease." 
An  unknown  eye-witness,  quoted  in  Staphorst,  Tart  II.  Vol.  I.  p.  83.  Another  person 
expresses  himself  to  the  same  effect,  p.  85.  "  The  disease  had  its  origin  in  England, 
for  the  people  were  there  attacked  in  the  street  when  they  came  on  shore,  and  those 
who  came  in  contact  with  them,   many  of  whom  were  of  the  lower  class,  took  it." 


SWEATING  SICKNESS    IN    GERMANY.  231 

were  not  taken  ill  in  England,  but  on  the  voyage,  and  the  pesti- 
lence broke  out  after  the  rest  of  the  crew  had  disembarked.  On 
this  point  we  have  further  a  most  respectable  testimony  to  the 
fact,  that  in  the  night  after  the  landing  of  Hermann  Evers,  four 
men  died  in  Hamburgh  of  the  Sweating  Sickness.' 

If  we  examine  a  little  more  closely  these  very  valuable  accounts, 
the  credibility  of  which  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  it  must  espe- 
cially be  taken  into  account,  that  at  this  time  the  Sweating  Sick- 
ness had  ceased  to  exist  as  an  epidemic  in  England  for  at  least 
half  a  year,  that  its  appearance  in  single  cases,  although  not  con- 
tradictory to  general  views,  is  nevertheless  by  no  means  borne 
out  by  proof  from  historical  evidence,  and  that  thus  it  is  a  gratui- 
tous and  unsupported  assumption  that  the  return  of  Hermann 
Evers'  crew  was  connected  with  any  Sweating  Sickness  at  all  in 
England.  If  we  consider,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  North  Sea, 
even  in  ordinary  years,  is  very  foggy,  so  that,  owing  to  the  pre- 
valence of  north-west  winds,  it  pi'ecipitatcs  very  heavy  rain  clouds 
over  Germany ;  and  if  we  bear  in  mind,  that  in  the  year  1529  it 
produced  far  heavier  fogs  than  usual,  we  shall  perceive  in  its  waters 
the  principal  cause  why  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  was  then 
developed  in  its  greatest  violence,  and  we  may  thence  assume, 
with  a  greater  degree  of  probability,  that  this  pestilence  broke 
out  among  the  crew  of  Hermann  Evers  spontaneously,  and  with- 
out any  connexion  with  England,  in  the  same  way,  perhaps,  as 
it  did  formerly  on  board  Henry  the  Vllth's  fleet.  This  supposi- 
tion is  strengthened  by  the  circumstance  that  the  ships  of  those 
times  were  excessively  filthy,  and  the  kind  of  life  spent  on  board 
thera  was,  independently  of  the  wretched  provision,  uncomfortable 
in  the  highest  degree,  nay,  almost  insupportable,  so  that  even  in 
short  voyages,  the  scurvy,  which  was  the  dread  of  sailors  in  those 
days,  was  of  very  common  occurrence.  Finall}^  we  still  possess 
the  most  distinct  accounts,  that  unusual  occurrences  took  place  in 
the  North  Seas.  Thus  during  Lent  it  was  observed  with  astonish- 
ment at  Stettin,  that  porpoises  came  in  numbers  up  the  frische 
HafF  as  far  as  the  bridge,  and  that  the  Baltic  cast  on  its  shores 
many  dead  animals  of  this  kind,^  so  that  we  arc  fully  justified  in 

Notices  of  uncertain  date  to  be  found  in  Adelung,  at  p.  77.  Steltzncr,  Part  II.  p.  219. 
In  the  abbrcv.  Ilamb.  Chron.  p.  45,  and  elsewhere. 

1  "  As  soon  as  the  ship  arrived  in  Hamburgh  people  began  to  die  throughout  the  city, 
and  in  the  morning  it  was  rumoured  that  four  persons  had  died  of  it."  From  Reimar 
Kock's  MS.  Chron.  of  Liibeck.  For  the  extract  from  it  the  author  is  indebted  to  the 
kindness  of  Professor  Ackermann  of  Liibeck. 

-  Klemzen,  p.  25  i.     It  was  thought  that  the  waters  of  the  Baltic  were  poisoned. 


232  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

concluding  that  there  existed  at  that  time  a  more  intense  develop- 
ment than  usual  of  morbific  influences  in  the  marine  atmosphere. 

With  respect,  however,  to  the  influence  which  the  companions 
of  Hermann  Evers,  impregnated  as  they  were  with  the  odour  of 
the  Sweating  Sickness,  had  on  the  inhabitants  of  Hamburgh,  it 
cannot  be  denied,  that  their  intercourse  with  those  inhabitants,  in 
the  filthy  and  narrow  lanes  of  that  commercial  city,  may  have 
given  an  impulse  to  the  eruption  of  the  pestilence,  so  far  as  to 
make  the  already  existing  fuel  more  inflammable,  or  to  furnish 
the  first  sparks  for  its  ignition  :  yet  it  is  equally  undeniable  that, 
under  the  existing  circumstances,  the  epidemic  Sweating  Sick- 
ness would  have  broken  out  in  Germany  even  without  the  pre- 
sence of  Captain  Evers,  although  it  might,  perhaps,  have  been 
some  weeks  later,  and  not  have  made  its  first  appearance  in 
Hamburgh,  Avhose  inhabitants,  owing  to  the  constant  prevalence 
of  the  North  Sea  fog,  were,  to  all  appearance,  already  prepared 
for  the  first  reception  of  this  fatal  disease. 

To  determine  to  a  day  when  epidemics  which  have  been  long 
in  preparation  have  broken  out,  is,  even  for  an  observer  who  is 
present,  exceedingly  difficult,  nay,  sometimes,  under  the  most 
favourable  circumstances,  impossible  ;  for  there  occur  in  these 
visitations,  certain  transitions  into  the  epidemic  form  of  dis- 
eases which  are  allied  to  it,  as  well  as  a  gradual  conversion  into 
it  of  morbid  phenomena,  which  have  usually  begun  some  time 
before.  Unless  we  are  greatly  mistaken,  such  was  the  case  in 
the  pestilence  of  which  we  are  now  treating  ;  although  it  must  be 
confessed,  that  we  can  obtain  no  precise  information  on  this 
point  from  the  physicians  of  those  times.  The  following  state- 
ments, for  the  absolute  precision  of  which  we  cannot  pledge  our- 
selves after  a  lapse  of  300  years,  must  therefore  be  judged  ac- 
cording to  this  general  experience  ;  and  though  singly  they  may 
prove  little,  yet  taken  all  together,  they  are  capable  of  demonstrat- 
ing the  peculiar  and  almost  wonderful  manner  in  which  the 
Sweating  Fever  spread  over  Germany. 

In  Lubeck,  the  next  city  in  the  Baltic,  the  Sweating  Sickness 
appeared  about  the  same  time  ;  for  so  early  as  the  Friday  before 
St.  Peter  in  rincuHs  (30th  of  July),  it  was  known,  that  on  the 
preceding  night  a  woman  had  died  of  it.'  On  the  following  days 
cases  of  death  fearfully  increased,  and  the  disorder  soon  raged  so 
violentl\%  that  people  were  again  reminded  of  the  Black  Death 

'   Reimar  Rock's  Chronicle  of  Lubeck. 


SWEATING    SICKNESS    IN    GERMANY.  233 

of  1349.  The  inhabitants  died  without  number,  as  well  in  the 
city  as  in  the  environs,  and  the  consternation  was  equal  to  that 
felt  in  Hamburgh.^  In  general,  as  was  everywhere  the  case, 
robust  young  people  of  the  better  classes  were  affected,  while  on 
the  other  hand,  children  and  poor  people  living  in  cellars  and 
garrets  almost  all  of  them  escaped." 

Now  one  might,  either  on  the  supposition  of  a  progressive 
alteration  in  the  atmosphere,  such  as  occurs  in  the  influenza,  or 
on  that  of  a  communication  of  the  disease  from  man  to  man, 
which,  however,  cannot  be  considered  as  a  principal  cause  of  this 
epidemic,  have  expected  a  gradual  extension  of  the  Sweating 
Sickness  from  Hamburgh  and  LUbeck  to  the  surrounding  country. 
This  did  not,  however,  in  fact  take  place ;  for  the  disease  next 
broke  out  at  Twickau,  at  the  foot  of  the  Erzgebirge,  distant 
from  Hamburgh  fifty  German  miles,  and  without  having  pre- 
viously visited  the  rich  commercial  city  of  Leipzig.  By  the  14th 
of  August,  nineteen  persons  who  had  died  of  it  were  buried  at 
Twickau  ;  and  on  one  of  the  following  nights  above  a  hundred  ^ 
sickened,  whence  it  is  to  be  deduced  that  the  pestilence  was 
severe  at  that  place. 

Possibly  the  great  storm  on  the  10th  of  August  may  have 
given  an  impulse  to  the  development  of  this  very  remarkable 
epidemic  ;  for  a  highly  electrical  state  of  the  atmosphere  in- 
creases the  susceptibility  for  diseases.  It  is  likewise  not  to  be 
overlooked,  that  on  the  24th  of  August,  while  the  sky  was  over- 
cast there  came  on  an  insufferable  heat,^  which  must  have  de- 
bilitated the  body  after  such  long-continued  cold  wet  weather. 
At  all  events,  in  the  beginning  of  September,  we  find  that  the 
Sweating  Fever  broke  out  at  the  same  time  at  Stettin,  Dantzig, 
and  other  Prussian  cities ;  at  Augshiirg,  far  to  the  south  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Danube,  at  Cologne  on  the  Rhine,  at  Strasbourg, 
at  Frankfort  on  the  IMaine,  at  Marburg,^  at  Guttingen,  and  at 
Hanover^  The  position  of  these  cities  gives  an  impressive 
notion  of  the  extent  of  country  of  which  the  English  Sweating 
Sickness  took  possession,  as  it  were  by  a  magic  stroke.  It  was 
like  a  violent  conflagration,  which  spread  in  all  directions ;  the 
flames,  however,  did  not  issue  from  one  focus,  but  rose  up  every- 

1  "In  the  year  1529,  this  violent  disease  passed  in  a  very  short  time  all  over  Ger- 
many, and  in  Liibeck  many  of  its  most  distinguished  citizens  died  on  the  vigil  of  St. 
Peter  in  Yinculis."       Biykman,  p.  135.      Compare  Kirchring,  p.  143.      Bonn,  p.  144. 

2  Reimar  Kock.  ^  Schmidt,  p.  307. 
*  Sec  above,  p.  225  ;  and  Klemzen,  p.  254. 

5  FAiric.  Cordus.  "  Gniner,  It.  p.  23. 


234  THE   SWEATING   SICKNESS. 

where,  as  if  self-ignited  ;  and  whilst  all  this  occurred  in  Germany 
and  Prussia,  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  northern  countries, 
Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden,  perhaps  also  Lithuania,  Poland, 
and  Russia,  were  likewise  visited  by  this  violent  disease. 

The  malady  appeared  in  Stettin  on  the  31st  of  August,  among 
the  servants  of  the  Duke.^  On  the  1st  of  September,  the 
Duchess  herself  sickened,  in  common  with  many  people  about 
the  court,  and  burgesses  in  the  city.  A  few  days  afterwards 
several  thousands  were  affected  by  the  disease,  so  that  there  w'as 
not  a  street  from  which  some  corpses  were  not  daily  carried  out. 
This  dreadful  period  of  terror,  however,  did  not  last  much  longer 
than  a  week,  for  about  the  8th  of  September  the  pestilence  abated 
in  its  violence,  so  as  no  longer  to  be  regarded  with  terror  ;  and 
after  this  time  only  a  fcAV  isolated  cases  occurred.^ 

On  the  same  day,  namely,  the  1st  of  September,  the  disease 
appeared  in  Dantzig,  fifty  German  miles  further  to  the  eastward, 
and  was  here  also  so  destructive  that  it  carried  off  in  a  short 
time  3000  inhabitants,^  some  say  even  6000 — but  this  seems 
certainly  too  high  an  estimate  for  Dantzig,  and  probably  includes 
the  greater  part  of  Prussia.  If  we  were  to  give  credence  to  an 
anonymous  reporter,"*  this  plague  abated  injii'e  clays,  and  reliev- 
ed the  inhabitants  from  the  mortal  anxiety  which,  until  they  re- 
covered their  senses,  led  them  everywhere  to  commit  acts  of  in- 
justice and  injury  to  avert  the  danger. 

In  Augsburg  we  find  the  Sweating  Sickness  on  the  6th  of 
September.  It  lasted  tliere  also  only  six  days,  affected  about 
1500  of  the  inhabitants,  and  destroyed  more  than  half  that 
number,  or,  as  it  is  said,  about  800.^ 

At  Cologne  it  appeared  precisely  at  the  same  time,  as  we  learn 
from  the  expressions  of  the  Count  von  Newenar,  a  prelate  of  that 
place,  who  finished  his  account  of  this  disorder  on  the  7th  of  Sep- 
tember.'' At  Strasburg  it  broke  out  some  ten  or  twelve  days 
earlier,  namely,  on  the  24th  of  August.  In  this  place  about 
3000  people  sickened  in  one  week,  but  very  few  of  them  died.^ 
At  Frankfort  on  the  Maine  they  were  holding  the  autumn  fair 
(which  began  on  the  7th  of  September)  just  at  the  time  when 

'  Namely,  on  the  Tuesday  after  the  Beheading  of  John  the  Baptist  (29th  Aug.),  whicli 
fell  on  a  Sunday,  for  S.  ^EgiJius  was  on  the  Wednesday.  The  dates  are  given  through- 
out aecording  to  Pilgrim's  Calendarium  chronologicum. 

-  Klemzen,  p.  255.  ^  Curicke,  p.  271. 

*  Kronica  der  Preussen,  fol.  191.  h. 

5  Stcttler,  II.  p.  33.  «  Tn  Gratorol.  fol.  74.  h. 

"   Gruner,  It.  p.  25,  according  to  MS.  Chronicles. 


SWEATING    SICKNESS    IN    GERMANY.  235 

the  Sweating  Sickness  prevailed,'  whence  arose  the  opinion, 
which  has  been  broached  again  in  more  modern  times,^  that  the 
traders  on  their  return  carried  the  disease  thence  throughout  the 
whole  of  Germany,  and  that  in  the  intercourse  by  means  of  this 
fair,  the  main  cause  of  the  spread  of  the  epidemic  was  to  be  found. 
After  the  facts  which  have  been  broaght  forward,  such  a  narrow 
view  needs  no  refutation.  The  Sweating  Sickness  was  fleeter 
tlian  the  conveyances  of  goods  and  people,  which  at  that  time 
made  their  way  along  the  pathless  and  unbeaten  roads  ;  for  "no 
sooner  did  a  rumour  of  the  approach  of  the  disease  reach  any 
place  than  the  disease  itself  accompanied  it."  ^ 

Between  the  boundaries  which  have  been  indicated,  only  a  few 
isolated  towns  and  villages  escaped,  and  there  are  probabl}' 
few  of  the  chronicles  of  that  age,  so  proline  of  great  events,  in 
which  the  dreadful  scourge  of  the  year  1529  is  not  expressly 
mentioned  ;  yet  the  sweating  fever,  like  other  great  epidemics, 
spread,  doubtless,  very  unequally,  and  it  is  ascertained  that  the 
further  south  it  extended,  the  milder  it  was  upon  the  whole  ; 
and  also  that  all  those  places  where  it  broke  out  late  suffered  be- 
yond comparison  less  than  those  which  were  visited  early  in  Sep- 
tember and  in  the  latter  part  of  August ;  for  not  to  lay  much 
stress  on  the  sultry  heat  from  the  24th  of  August,  which  proba- 
bl}^  did  not  last  long,  the  chief  cause  of  its  great  malignity  at 
first  was  the  violent  method  resorted  to  in  the  treatment  of  the 
sick,  the  inapplicability  of  which  was  fortunately  soon  perceived. 
Only  one  citizen  was  affected  with  the  Sweating  Sickness  in  Mar- 
burg, and  even  he  recovered,*  whilst  at  Leipzig  the  pestilence 
either  never  broke  out  at  all  or  very  much  later,  perhaps  in  Octo- 
ber or  November ;  for  the  physicians  of  that  place  gave  it  clearly 
to  be  understood  in  their  pamphlets,  that  they  knew  notliing  of 
the  disease  from  their  own  observations,^  and  no  sooner  did  the 
report  get  abroad  that  the  dreaded  enemy  had  not  penetrated 
within  the  walls  of  this  commercial  cit}^,  than  crowds  of  fugitives 
came  thither  from  far  and  near  in  order  to  seek  protection  and 
security,  although  the  place  in  itself  was  by  no  means  fitted  for  a 
place  of  refuge,  for  the  swampy  atmosphere  which  rose  from  the 

•  Frarick,  fol.  253.  a. 

'  By  Joseph  Franck,  in  the  latest  edition  of  liis  Praxeos  Medicoe  Univcrsaj  Prsecepta. 
Compare  Gruner,  It.  p.  28. 

3  KIcmzen,  p.  254. 

^  This  appears  from  a  letter  of  Euricius  Cordus  to  the  Hessian  private  secretary, 
Joh.  Ban  voti  Nordeck,  at  the  end  of  the  2nd  edition  of  his  Eegimen. 

'  Mcif/nns  Uundt  closed  his  on  the  7  th  October. 


236  THE  SWEATING  SICKNESS. 

city  ditches  begot,  even  in  those  days,  in  the  narrow  and  dark 
streets,  many  lingering  diseases.' 

Sect.  6. — In  the  Netherlands. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  Netherlands  were  visited  by  the 
Sweating  Fever  -  full  four  weeks  later,  although  the  commercial 
intercourse  with  England,  if  we  were  to  attach  any  especial  im- 
portance to  this  circumstance,  was  far  more  considerable  than  that 
of  the  German  cities  in  the  North  Sea,  It  appeared  for  the  first 
time  in  Amsterdam  on  the  27th  of  September  in  the  forenoon, 
whilst  the  city  was  enveloped  in  a  thick  fog,^  and  just  at  the  same 
time,  perhaps  a  day  earlier,  in  Antwerp,  where,  on  the  29th  of 
September,  they  made  a  solemn  procession  in  order  by  prayer  to 
avert  greater  harm  from  the  city ;  for  in  the  last  days  of  Sep- 
tember 400  to  500  people  died  of  the  English  Sweating  Sickness 
at  that  place."*  It  might  have  been  supposed  that  the  damp  soil 
of  Holland,  and  its  impenetrable  fogs,  would  invite  the  pestilence 
much  earlier  than  the  high  and  sei'cne  country  between  the  Alps 
and  the  Danube,  or  the  far  distant  land  of  Prussia,  but  the  de- 
velopment of  epidemics  follows  no  human  calculation  or  medical 
views  !  In  the  towns  around  Amsterdam  the  Sweating  Fever  ap- 
pears not  to  have  broken  out  until  the  mortality  had  ceased  in 
that  city,  that  is  to  say,  five  days  after  the  27th  of  September, 
so  that  we  cannot  be  far  wrong  in  assuming  that  in  the  latter 
end  of  that  month,  and  the  commencement  of  October,  it  had 
spread  over  the  whole  territory  of  the  Netherlands,  including 
Belgium.^  Alkmaar  and  Waterland  remained  free,^  as  doubtless 
had  been  the  case  with  particular  places  both  in  England  and 
Germany. 

The  exceedingly  short  time  that  the  Sweating  Sickness  lasted  in 
the  different  places  that  it  visited,  was  as  astonishing  as  its 
original  appearance.     For  since  it  raged  in  Amsterdam  for  only 

'   Bayer  von  Elbogeti,  cap.  7. 

2  It  was  called  there  the  Ingelsche  Sweetsieckte,  or  the  Sweating  Sickness. 

3  Forest.  L.  VI.  Obs.  YII.  Schol.  p.  157.  Obs.  VIII.  c.  Schol.  p.  158.  Wagenaar, 
T.  II.  p.  508. 

*  Pontan.  p.  762.  Haraeus,  T.  I.  p.  581.  Antwcrpsch  Chronykje,  p.  31.  Ditinnr, 
p.  473. 

5  "Laquelle  (sa  suette)  s'estcndit  par  le  pays  d'Oostlande,  de  Ilollandc,  Zeelande, 
et  autres  dcs  pays  bas,  on  en  etoit  endcdens  vingt  et  quatre  heurcs  mort  ou  guarry,  ello 
ne  dura  in  Zeelande  pour  le  plus  que  15  jours,  dont  plusieurs  cu  moururent."  Le  Petit, 
T.  I.  Livr.  VII.  p.  81. 

'^  Forest,  loc.  cit. 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY.         237 


L,      ^D,,l^±^^x^J 


five  days,  and  not  much  longer,  as  we  have  shown,  in  Antwerp 
and  many  German  towns,  it  could  hardly  have  continued  more 
than  fifteen  days  in  any  other  places  ;  thus  displaying  the  same 
peculiarity  on  this  occasion  by  which  it  had  already  been  marked 
in  its  former  visitations.  This  short  period,  however,  must  not 
be  understood  to  include  the  sporadic  occurrence  of  the  disease, 
otherwise,  as  a  contemporary  of  credit  assures  us,  that  the  sweat- 
ing fever  attacked  some  persons  twice  and  others  three  or  even 
four  times,'  we  might  thence  conclude,  that,  although  perhaps  in 
some  places  the  pestilence  did,  after  raging  for  a  certain  number 
of  days,  suddenly  cease,  so  that  no  isolated  cases  afterwards 
occurred,  yet  that  the  general  duration  of  its  prevalence  v»  as  long- 
er than  has  been  stated. 

Sect.  7. — Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway. 

The  eruption  of  the  Sweating  Fever  in  Denmark  -  took  place 
at  the  latter  end  of  September,  for  on  the  29th  of  that  month,  four 
hundred  of  the  inhabitants  died  of  it  at  Copenhagen.^  Elsinore 
was  likewise  severely  visited,'*  and  probably,  about  the  same  time, 
most  of  the  towns  and  villages  in  that  kingdom.  But  the  ac- 
counts on  this  subject  in  the  Danish  Chronicles  are  extremely 
defective,^  as  owing  to  the  extraordinary  rapidity  of  this  mortal 
malady,  contemporary  writers  neglected  to  record,  for  the  in- 
formation of  posterity,  the  details  of  a  phenomenon,  which  there, 
as  in  other  countries,  must  certainly  have  been  striking  from 
its  general  prevalence.  Even  from  the  imperfect  notices  that 
were  given  respecting  it,  thus  much,  however,  is  clearly  percept- 
ible, that  it  was  the  same  well-known  disease  as  elsewhere,  which 
was  now  observed  to  pass  through  Denmark.  In  proof  of  this, 
it  was  principally  young  and  strong  people,  as  had  been  origin- 
ally the  case  in  England,  who  sickened,  the  old  and  infirm  being 
less  affected,  and  in  the  course  of  four  and  twenty  hours,  or 
at  most  within  two  days  (?),  the  life  or  death  of  the  patient  was 
decided. 

'  Erasm.  Epist.  Lib.  XXVI.  ep.  58.  col.  1477.  b.  At  Zerhst  the  Sweating  Fever 
lasted,  in  like  manner,  only  five  days.     Gnmer,  It.  p.  29. 

-  It  was  called  there  "den  engelske  Sved." 

3  Frederick  I.  Ilistor.  p.  181.     The  same  words  in  Huitfeld,  T.  II.  p.  131o. 

*  Boesens  Beskrivelse  over  Helsingoer.  For  this  statement  the  author  has  to  thank 
Dr.  Mansa,  regimental  physician  at  Copenhagen. 

5  Dr.  Baden,  D.C.L.,  took  much  pains,  at  the  request  of  Gnmer,  in  making  re- 
searches, but  has  elicited  nothing  more  than  Huitfeld  has  given.  A  copy  of  his  Latin 
letter  to  Gnmer  on  this  subject  has  likewise  reached  the  author  through  Dr.  Mansa. 


238  THE  SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

At  the  same  period  us  in  Denmark,  the  Sweating  Sickness 
spread  over  the  Scandinariaii  Peninsula,  and  was  productive  of 
the  same  violent  symptoms  in  the  sick,  the  same  terror,  and  the 
same  mortal  anguish  in  those  who  were  affected  by  it,  not  only 
in  the  capital  of  Sweden,  where  Magnus  Erikson,  brother  of  king 
Gustavus  JVasa,  died  of  it,  but  also  over  the  whole  kingdom,  and 
in  Norway.  The  northern  historians  gave  graphic  accounts  of  it, 
which,  on  a  careful  examination  of  manuscript  documents,  might 
perhaps  gain  still  more  in  colouring  and  spirit.^  That  the  Sweat- 
ing Sickness  likewise  penetrated  into  Lithuania,  Poland,  and 
Livonia,  if  not  into  a  part  of  Russia,  we  know  only  in  a  general 
way,"^  but  doubtless  there  are  written  documents  still  in  existence 
in  these  countries,  which  only  need  some  careful  inquirer  to 
bring  them  to  light.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  it  is  to  be  pre- 
sumed, from  the  early  appearance  of  the  disorder  in  Prussia,  that 
it  prevailed  in  those  countries  at  the  same  time  as  in  Germany, 
Denmark,  and  the  Scandinavian  Peninsula.  No  certain  trace  is 
anywhere  to  be  discovered  that  the  Sweating  Sickness  appeared 
so  late  as  December,  1529,  or  in  January  of  the  following  year, 
so  that,  after  having  lasted  upon  the  whole  a  quarter  of  a  year, 
it  disappeared  everywhere,  without  leaving  behind  it  any  sign  of 
its  existence,  or  giving  rise  to  the  development  of  any  other  dis- 
eases. Among  these,  it  pursued  its  course  as  a  comet  among 
planets,  without  interfering  either  with  the  French  Hunger 
Fever,  or  the  Italian  Petechial  Fever,  proving  a  striking  example 
to  all  succeeding  ages  of  those  general  shocks  to  which  the  lives 
of  the  human  race  are  subject,  and  a  fearful  scourge  to  the  gener- 
ation which  it  visited. 

'  Dalin,  D.  III.  p.  221.  Eiigelske  Svetten.  In  TeijeVs  History  of  King  Gustavus  I. 
Part  I.  p.  267,  general  notices  only  arc  to  be  found  respecting  the  English  Sweating 
Sickness  in  Sweden,  without  any  exact  date  (auturun  of  1529)  Or  description  of  the 
disease,  such  as  are  met  with  without  number  in  the  German  Chronicles.  Sven  Hcdin 
clearly  estimates  the  mortality  in  the  epidemic  sweating  fever  too  highly,  when  he 
compares  it,  p.  27,  with  the  depopulation  caused  by  the  Black  Death.  He  gives  (p. 
47)  a  striking  passage  on  the  Sweating  Sickness  from  Linneus's  pathological  praelections. 
The  great  naturalist  has,  however,  allowed  free  scope  to  his  imagination,  and,  like  all 
the  physicians  of  modern  times  who  have  delivered  their  sentiments  on  the  English 
Sweating  Sickness,  knows  far  too  little  of  the  facts  to  be  able  to  form  a  right  judgment 
on  the  subject.  (Supplement  till  Handboken  for  Praktiska  Lakarevetenskapen,  riJraude 
epidemiska  och  smittosamma  sjukdomar  i  allmanhct,  och  siirdeles  de  Pcstilentialiska. 
1  sta  St.  Stockholm,  1805.  8vo.) 

-  From  Reimar  Kock's  MS.  Chronicle  of  Liibeck,  and  Forest,  loc.  cit.  Compare 
Gruner's  Itinerarium,  which  is  prepared  throughout  with  laudable  and  even  tedious 
diligence,  but  which  met  with  so  little  acknowledgment  in  the  Brunonian  age,  that  it 
has  already  become  a  rare  work. 


TEKROR.  289 


Sect.  8.  — Terror. 


The  alarm  which  prevailed  in  Germany  surpasses  all  descrip- 
tion, and  bordered  upon  maniacal  despair.  As  soon  as  the  pesti- 
lence appeared  on  the  continent,  horrifying  accounts  of  the 
unheard-of  sufferings  of  those  affected,  and  the  certainty  of  their 
death,  passed  like  wild-fire  from  mouth  to  mouth.  Men's  minds 
were  paralysed  with  terror,  and  the  imagination  exaggerated  the 
calamity,  which  seemed  to  have  come  upon  them  like  a  last 
judgment.  The  English  Sweating  Sickness  was  the  theme  of  dis- 
course everywhere,  and  if  any  one  happened  to  be  taken  ill  of 
fever,  no  matter  of  what  kind,  it  was  immediately  converted  into 
this  demon,  whose  spectre  form  continually  haunted  the  oppressed 
spirit.  At  the  same  time,  the  unfortunate  delusion  existed,  that 
whoever  wished  to  escape  death  when  seized  with  the  English 
pestilence,  must  lyerspire  for  twenty-four  hours  tcithout  inter- 
missio7i}  So  they  put  the  patients,  whether  they  had  the  Sweat- 
ing Sickness  or  not  (for  who  had  calmness  enough  to  distinguish 
it  ?),  instantly  to  bed,  covered  them  with  feather-beds  and  furs, 
and  whilst  the  stove  was  heated  to  the  utmost,  closed  the  doors 
and  windows  with  the  greatest  care  to  prevent  all  access  of  cool 
air.  In  order,  moreover,  to  prevent  the  sufferer,  should  he  be 
somewhat  impatient,  from  throwing  off  his  hot  load,  some  persons 
in  health  likewise  lay  upon  him,  and  thus  oppressed  him  to  such 
a  degree,  that  he  could  neither  stir  hand  nor  foot,  and  finally,  in 
this  rehearsal  of  hell,  being  bathed  in  an  agonizing  sweat,  gave 
up  the  ghost,  when,  perhaps,  if  his  too  officious  relatives  had 
manifested  a  little  discretion,  he  might  have  been  saved  without 
difficulty.^ 

There  dwelt  a  physician  in  Zwickau — we  no  longer  know  the 
name  of  this  estimable  man — who,  full  of  zeal  for  the  good  of 
mankind,  opposed  this  destructive  folly.     He  went  from  house  to 

'  "  According  to  which  it  was  given  out  by  some,  that  a  sweat  must  be  kept  up  for 
twenty-four  hours  in  succession,  and  in  the  mean  time,  that  no  air  should  be  admitted 
to  the  patient.     This  treatment  sent  many  to  their  graves." — Erfurt  Chronicle. 

-  Erfurt  Chronicle,  and  in  the  same  strain  ^ipatigenberg,  M.  Chr.  fol.  402.  b. 
Pomarius,  p.  617,  and  Schmidt,  p.  305.  Ge7nma  writes  of  the  Netherlands,  L.  I. 
c.  8.  p.  189,  having  received  his  account  from  his  father,  who  was  himself  the  subject 
of  the  Sweating  Sickness :  "  Consuti  (sewn  up)  et  ^iolenter  operti  clamitabant 
misere,  obtestabantur  Deum  atquc  hominum  fidem,  sese  dimitterent,  se  suffocari 
iniectis  molibus,  sese  vitam  in  suminis  angxcstiis  exhalare,  sed  assistentes  has  querelas 
ex  rabie  proficisci,  med'tcorum  opinione  jjcrsuasi,  urgebant  continue  usque  ad  24 
horas,"  etc. 


24:0  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

house,  and  wherever  he  found  a  patient  buried  in  a  hot  bed,  dragged 
him  out  with  his  own  hands,  everj^where  forbad  that  the  sick  should 
thus  be  tortured  with  heat,  and  saved  by  his  decisive  conduct 
many,  who  but  for  him,  must  have  been  smothered  like  the  rest.' 
It  often  happened,  at  this  time,  that  amidst  a  circle  of  friends,  if 
the  Sweating  Sickness  was  only  brought  to  mind  by  a  single  word, 
first  one,  and  then  another,  was  seized  with  a  tormenting  anguish, 
their  blood  curdled,  and,  certain  of  their  destruction,  they  quietly 
slunk  away  home,  and  there  actually  became  a  prey  to  death. ^ 
This  mortal  fear  is  a  heavy  addition  to  the  scourge  of  rapidly  fatal 
epidemics,  and  is,  properly  speaking,  an  inflammatory  disease  of 
the  mind,  which,  in  its  proximate  effects  upon  the  spirits,  bears 
some  resemblance  to  the  nightmare.  It  confuses  the  understand- 
ing, so  as  to  render  it  incapable  of  estimating  external  circum- 
stances according  to  their  true  relations  to  each  other ;  it  magni- 
fies a  gnat  into  a  monster,  a  distant  improbable  danger  into  a 
horrible  spectre  which  takes  a  firm  hold  of  the  imagination  ;  all 
actions  are  perverted,  and  if,  during  this  state  of  distraction,  any 
other  disease  break  out,  the  patient  conceives  that  he  is  the  devoted 
victim  of  the  much-dreaded  epidemic,  like  those  unfortunate  per- 
sons, who,  having  been  bitten  by  a  harmless  animal,  nevertheless 
become  the  subjects  of  an  imaginary  hydrophobia.  Thus,  during 
the  calamitous  autumn  of  1529,  many  may  have  been  seized  with 
only  an  imaginary  Sweating  Sickness,  and  under  the  towering 
heap  of  clothing  on  their  loaded  beds  have  met  with  their  graves.^ 
Others  among  these  brain-sick  people  who  had  the  good  fortune 
to  remain  exempt  from  bodily  ailments,  many  of  them  even  boast- 
ing of  their  firmness,  fell,  through  the  violent  commotions  in  their 
nerves,  into  a  state  of  chronic  hypochondriasis,  which,  under  cir- 
cumstances of  this  sort,  is  marked  by  shuddering,  and  a  feeling  of 
uneasiness  and  dread  at  the  bare  mention  of  the  original  cause  of 
terror,  even  when  there  is  no  longer  any  trace  of  its  existence.^ 
A  person  thus  disordered  in  his  mind,  was  recently  seen  to  destroy 
himself  on  receivino-  false  intelliocence  of  the  return  of  the  late 


*  Schmidt,  loc.  cit. 

2  "  Animos  omnium  terrore  pcrculU  adeo   tit  mullis  metiis  ct  itnar/inatio  mor- 

bum  conciliarit."     ^ras/n.  Epist.  L.  XXVI.  cp.  56.  c.  1476.  a.     Spangenherg,  loc.  cit. 

3  "  Many  an  one  sweats  for  fear  and  thinks  he  has  the  English  sweat,  and  when  he 
afterwards  hath  slept  it  off,  acknowledges  that  it  was  all  nonsense."  Bayer  v.  Elbogen, 
cap.  8. 

*  The  author  could  adduce  some  extraordinary  instances  of  this  kind  which  have  oc  • 
currcd  in  his  own  practice. 

5  It  was  a  greengrocer  in  Paris.     Berliner  T'ossische  Zeitiaig,  Sept.  2,  1833. 


TERROE.  '  241 

epidemic  ;  thus  betraying  conduct  even  n;ore  dastardly  than  those 
cowardly  soldiers,  who,  when  the  cannon  begin  to  roar,  inflict  on 
themselves  slight  wounds  that  they  may  avoid  sharing  the  dangers 
of  the  battle. 

To  have  a  full  notion  how  men's  minds  were  previously  pre- 
pared for  this  state,  we  have  but  to  think  on  the  monstrous  events 
which  took  place  in  Germany.  Twelve  years  earlier  the  gigantic 
work  of  the  Heformation  had  been  begun  by  the  greatest  German 
of  that  age,  and,  with  the  Divine  power  of  the  gospel,  triumphantly 
carried  through  up  to  that  period.  The  excitement  was  bej'ond 
all  bounds.  The  new  doctrine  took  root  in  towns  and  villages, 
but  nevertheless,  the  most  mortal  party  hatred  raged  on  all  sides, 
and,  as  usually  happens  in  times  of  such  impassioned  commotion, 
selfishness  was  the  animating  spirit  which  ruled  on  both  sides,  and 
seized  the  torch  of  faith,  in  order,  for  her  unholy  purposes,  to  en- 
velope the  world  in  fire  and  flames. 

So  early  as  the  year  1521,  during  Luther's  concealment  within 
the  walls  of  Wartburg,  false  prophets'  arose,  and  desired,  without 
the  aid  of  their  great  master,  who  was  the  soul  of  that  age,  to 
complete  a  work  with  the  spirit  of  which  they  were  not  imbued. 
They  brought  the  wdldest  passions  into  action,  but,  destitute  of  in- 
nate firmness,  and  incapable  of  curbing  themselves,  they  became 
incendiaries  and  iconoclasts.  Immediately  upon  this  the  unhappy 
peasant- war  broke  out— a  consequence  of  the  arbitrary  conduct 
and  oppression  practised  from  times  of  old,  for  which  the  abettors 
of  Dr.  Eck's  sentiments  would  charge  Luther  himself  as  answer- 
able ;  not  perceiving  that  it  was  the  excitement  of  the  times  and 
of  the  false  proph.  ts  which  had  given  occasion  to  the  rebellion. 
Events  occurred,  from  the  recollection  of  which  human  feeling 
still  recoils.  Never  w^as  the  fair  soil  of  Germany  the  scene  of 
more  atrocious  cruelties ;  and  after  vengeance  had  played  her  in- 
sane part  without  opposition,  the  melancholy  result  was,  that 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  once  peaceful,  and  for  the  most  part  mis- 
led, peasants,  fell  by  the  sword  of  the  Lansquenets  and  of  the 
executioner,  while  their  numerous  survivors  became  a  prey  to  the 
dearth  which  visited  the  country  in  the  following  years.  The 
battle  of  Frankenhausen  on  the  15th  of  May,  1525,  and  Miinzer's 
subsequent  execution,  closed  this  bloody  scene.  The  consequences 
of  such  intestine  commotions  continued  however  to  bo  felt  long 
after,  and  considered  apart  from  their  highly  prejudicial  influence 

'   Carhtadt,  N'tc.  Storch,  Marcus    Thonui,  Mariis  S/ubner,  Martin  Cdlarius,  and 
Thomas  Miinzer. 

16 


242  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

on  the  prosperity  of  tlie  people,  conduced  not  a  little  to  brcalf  the 
spirit  of  mankind,  signs  of  which  the  wise  men  of  those  times 
have  plainly  pointed  out.' 

Sect,  9. — Moral  Consequences. 

The  dejection  was  increased  by  the  universally  active  spirit  of 
persecution  with  which  it  was  still  hoped  to  eradicate  the  new 
doctrine.  Even  whilst  the  English  pestilence  was  raging,  two 
Protestants  were  burnt  at  Cologne.'-  In  the  same  year  faggots 
blazed  at  iNJecklin,  Yerden,  and  Paris,  by  the  flames  of  which  the 
ancient  fiiith  was  to  be  protected  against  the  pestilence  of  freedom 
of  thought.  Sentences  of  death  were  also  quite  commonly  pro- 
nounced against  the  Anabaptists  in  Protestant  countries.  The 
University  of  Leipzig  pronounced  a  condemnation  of  this  sort  in 
the  year  1529,  and  in  Freistadt  eleven  women  were  drowned  after 
a  nominal  trial  and  sentence,  because  they  acknowledged  that  they 
were  of  this  sect.''  Amidst  these  dissensions,  and  when  the  empire 
was  in  this  helpless  condition,  came  the  fear  of  the  barbarians  of 
the  south,  who  had  already  conquered  Hungary  under  their  Sultan 
Soliman,  and,  whilst  the  English  Sweat  was  raging  in  the  coun- 
tries of  the  Danube,  threatened  to  overwhelm  Germany.  It  was 
a  time  of  distress  and  lamentations,  in  which  even  the  most  un- 
daunted could  scarcely  sustain  their  courage  ;*  but  to  the  everlast- 
ing honour  of  the  Germans  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  they 
withstood  this  purifying  fire  with  unsullied  honour,  and  in  a  man- 
ner worthy  of  themselves.  For  their  noble  spirits  were  aroused  to 
unheard-of  exertions  of  energy,  and  whilst  the  pusillanimous  gave 
themselves  up  to  despair,  they  impressed  on  the  gigantic  work  of 
their  age  the  stamp  of  imperishable  truth. 

1  "  For  all  love  hath  grown  cold  in  all  nations ;  the  axe  licth  at  the  root  of  the  tree, 
the  rope  is  already  applied,  no  one  observeth  it.  For  the  world  is  stricken  with  thick 
blindness,  faith  is  cxtingnishcd.  All  singleness  and  Godly  fear  hath  withdrawn  from 
the  land  for  ever,  and  nothing  but  false  hj-pocritical  make-believe  work  is  to  be  found 
among  the  Baptists,  and  at  most  a  false,  fictitious,  fruitless,  dead,  tottering  faith  in  the 
other  sects,  and  yet  the  world  thinks,  notwithstanding,  that  she  sees  and  sits  in  light. 
In  short,  for  the  one  devil  of  the  Baptists  whom  she  has  driven  out,  she  is  beset  with 
seven  more  subtle  and  wickeder  spirits,  though  she  think  that  she  be  freed,  and  that 
they  be  all  gone  forth."  Franck,  fol.  248,  a.  This  same  Chronicle  contains  a  very 
lively  description  of  the  Peasant-war. 

2  Ad.  Clarenbach  and  Peter  FUstedt.  ^  Schmidt,  p.  308. 

*  Nusqnam  pax,  nullum  iter  tutum  est,  rerum  charitate,  penuria,  fame,  pcstileutia 
laboratur  ubique,  sectis  dissecta  stint  omnia  :  ad  tantam  malorum  lernam  accessit  letalis 
sudor,  nndtos  intra  horas  octo  toUens  c  medio,  etc.  Erasm.  Epist.  L.  XXVI.  ep.  58.  c. 
1477.  b. 


MOEAL    CONSEQUENCES.  243 

The  siege  of  Vienna  began  on  the  22nd  of  September,  after  the 
English  pestilence  had  broken  out  in  this  capital  of  Austria,  j-et 
nobody  regarded  this  internal  danger..  The  repeated  attempts 
made  by  the  Turks  to  storm  the  town  were  repulsed  with  great 
courage,  and,  on  the  15th  of  October,  Soliman  raised  the  siege, 
after  the  Sweating  Sickness  had  raged  with  as  much  violence 
among  his  troops  as  among  the  besieged.^  There  is  no  accu- 
rate intelligence  extant  upon  this  subject,  because  the  pestilence 
was  less  regarded  here  than  elsewhere,  in  consequence  of  the 
great  distress  of  the  country  from  other  causes,  yet  the  mortality 
in  Austria,  under  such  unfavourable  circumstances,  was  doubtless 
more  considerable  than  in  the  neighbouring  states.^ 

In  the  north  of  Germany  another  struggle  was  to  be  decided. 
The  evangelical  party  wished  to  declare  their  faith  before  the  em- 
pire and  its  ruler,  to  reveal  the  object  of  their  efforts,  and  to  defend 
the  purity  of  their  creed  against  danger  and  assault.  For  this 
purpose  they  prepared  themselves  with  wise  discretion,  and  in  the 
measures  taken  by  the  reformers  for  the  fortification  of  the  great 
work,  not  the  slightest  trace  was  to  be  observed  of  the  anxietj' 
which  at  that  time  agitated  the  people.  In  the  midst  of  a  country 
whose  inhabitants  trembled  at  the  new  disease,  and  were  perhaps 
already  severely  afflicted  with  it,  did  Luther,  whilst  at  Marburg,^ 
sketch  the  first  outlines  of  a  profession  of  faith,  which,  as  filled 
up  by  Melancthon,  has  become  the  foundation-stone  of  the  evan- 
gelical church  ;  and  in  the  following  spring,  during  his  stay  at 
Coburg,  he  composed  his  sublime  hymn,  "  Eine  feste  burg  ist 
unser  Gott,"  a  strong  fortress  is  our  God. 

It  could  not  but  happen  that,  in  the  religious  struggles  which 
took  place  in  these  years,  especial  importance  would  be  attributed 
to  the  English  pestilence.  Epidemics  readily  appear  to  man,  in 
the  narrow  circle  of  his  view,  as  scourges  of  God  ;  and,  indeed, 
this  representation  of  them  has  ever  been  the  prevailing  one  in 
all  religions.  For  it  is  easier  to  estimate  the  ever-existing  sins  of 
humanity  than  the  grand  commotions  comprehending  both  mind 
and  body,  of  a  terrestrial  organism,  which  can  only  be  perceived 
by  a  superior  insight  into  things  ;  and  the  mean  selfishness  of 
mankind  and  their  delusions  respecting  their  own  qualities  induce 
them  to  adopt  the  more  easily  the  partial  view,  that  the  Supreme 
Being  allows  pestilences  to  exist  only  to  destroy  their  enemies  of 
another  faith.     On  this  account,  not  only  do  most  contemporary 

'   Fuhrmann,  Part  II.  p.  74-5. 

2  Chronicon  Monastciii  Mclliccnsis.     In  Fez,  T.  I.  col.  285. 

3  The  Assembly  of  the  Eeformers  began  there  on  the  2nd  of  October. 

16* 


244  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

writers  speak  of  the  just  wrath  of  God,  and  of  the  chastisement 
thus  prepared  for  the  sins  of  the  worhl,'  but  the  papal  party  took 
every   possible  pains    to   represent   the  English    pestilence  as  a 
punishment  for  heresy  and  an  evident  warning  against  the  tri- 
umphant doctrines  of  Luther.     The  cases  in  Hamburgh,  where  the 
eruption  of  the   Sweating   Sickness  almost  immediately  followed 
the  abolition  of   the  monasteries,   may  certainly  have  obtained 
credit  for  such  representations  among  the  wavering  and  short- 
sighted, and,  in  a  hundred  other  towns  also,  the  Papists  may  have- 
taken  advantage  of  a  similar  occurrence  of  circumstances,   for 
1529  was  a  year  when  great  and  important  questions  were  decid- 
ed.    At  Liibeck,  the  monks  in  general  preached  that  the  Eng- 
lish sweating  fever  was  but  a  punishment  which  heaven  inflicted 
on  the   Martineans,  for  so  they  called  the  followers  of,  Luther, 
and  the  people  were  not  undeceived  until  they  saw  with  astonish- 
ment that   Catholics  also  fell  sick  and  died.^     They  went,  how- 
ever, much  further,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  employ  even  falsehood 
and  cruel  revenge  to  gain   their  ends.     Thus  it  was  asserted  that 
the  meeting  of  the  reformers  at  Marburg,  on  the  2nd  of  October, 
had  led  to  no  union  among  them,  because  a  panic  at  the  new  dis- 
ease had  seized  the  heretics.^     Never  did  a  dastardly  fear  of  death 
enter  the  heart  of   Luther,  who,  when  the  plague  broke  out  at 
^^ittenbcrg  in    1527,  cheerfully  and  courageously  remained  at 
his  post  whilst  all  around   him    fled,  and  the    high  school  was 
removed  to  Jena.       Moreover,  as  wc  have  seen,    the  Sweating 
Sickness  never  once  came  near   Marburg,  and  the  union  of  the 
two  evengelical  churches  failed  on  totally  different  grounds. 

In  Cologne  the  zealots  were  of  opinion  that  they  ought  to  en- 
deavour to  appease  the  visible  wrath  of  God  by  the  punishment  of 
the  heretics,  and  it  was  this  sanguinary  delusion,  worthy  of  savage 
barbarians,  which  hastened  the  burning  of  Flistedt  and  Claren- 
bach.''  To  the  completion  of  this  picture  of  the  times,  many 
other  minor  touches  might  be  added,  of  which  the  following  may 

'  Tlic  pamphlet  written  by  Magnus  JIundt  is  ornamented  with  a  wood-eut,  where, 
under  the  throne  of  God  and  seated  on  lions  who  are  spitting  forth  fire,  a  great  host  of 
angels,  armed  with  swords,  arc  hovering  round  men,  whom  they  treat  worse  than 
Herod's  soldiers  treated  the  children  of  Bethlehem. 

2  Reimar  Kock's  Chronicle  of  Liibeck. 

3  Kersenbroick  in  Sprengel,  II.  p.  687.  Compare  Sleidan,  L.  YI.  Tom.  I.  p.  380, 
who  plainly  and  simply  states  the  fact. 

*  Ciilpam  eins  rei  plcriquc  confcrcbant  in  theologos  conoionatores,  qui  suppliciis  im- 
piorum  placandam  esse  clamabant  iram  Dei,  novo  morbi "  genere  nos  verberantis- 
Sleidan,  loc.  cit.  p.  380. 


THE    PHYSICIANS.  245 

be  taken  as  an  example.  In  tlic  March  of  Brandenburg  tlie 
evangelical  faith,  notwithstanding  great  obstacles,  spread  every 
day  more  and  more,  and  the  Catholic  priests  soon  found  them- 
selves deserted.  Just  as  the  Sweating  Sickness  broke  out  at 
Friedeberg,  in  the  Newmark,  a  curate  there  delivered  a  sermon 
full  of  enthusiasm  and  passion,  and  endeavoured  to  convince  his 
apostate  congregation  that  God  had  invented  a  new  plague  in 
order  to  chastise  the  new  heresy.  A  solemn  procession,  accord- 
ing to  ancient  usage  and  orthodox  prescription,  was  to  be  held 
on  the  following  day,  and  thus  the  congregation  was  to  be  led 
back  into  the  bosom  of  the  onl}^  true  church.  But  behold,  in 
the  course  of  the  night,  the  zealous  curate  died  of  some  sudden 
disease ;  and  as  mankind  are  ever  read}^  to  interpi'et  even  the 
thunders  of  the  Eternal  according  to  their  own  wishes  and  narrow 
notions,  the  Protestants,  it  seem.s,  did  not  fail  in  their  turn  to 
represent  this  event  as  a  miracle.^ 

Sect.  10. — The  Physicians. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  faculty  had  a  very  difficult 
problem  before  them,  for  the  very  imperfect  solution  of  which 
they  cannot  justly  be  reproached.  A  learned  and  active  phy- 
sician is  certainly  one  of  the  noblest  of  the  diversified  forms  of 
humanity ;  for  he  unites  in  himself  the  power  arising  from  an 
insight  into  the  works  of  nature,  with  the  exercise  of  a  pure 
philanthropy  inseparable  from  his  office.  Few  men,  however, 
of  this  ideal  perfection  lived  in  those  times,  and  their  mitigating 
influence  over  the  violence  of  the  epidemic,  which  was  generally 
past  before  they  could  closely  examine  their  new  enemy  and 
give  any  deliberate  advice,  was  doubtless  but  very  inconsiderable. 
By  so  much  the  more  busy  were  the  ignorant  and  covetous,  who, 
from  time  immemorial,  the  more  numerous  body  in  the  profession, 
have  always  injured  it  in  its  moral  dignity.  They  attacked  the 
disease  with  bold  assertions,  alarmed  the  people  with  inconsider- 
ate representations,  lauded  the  infallibility  of  their  remedies,  and 
were  the  promulgators  of  injurious  prejudices.  In  the  Nether- 
lands, as  we  are  assured  by  Tyemjhis,  a  physician  whom  we 
reckon  among  the  learned  and  benevolent,  a  vast  number  of 
patients  died  of  the  effects  produced  by  the  distribution  of  per- 
nicious pamphlets,  with  which  the  Sweating  Sickness  was  to  be 
combated  by  those  ignorant  interlopers,  who  many  of  them  gave 

'  llnftitz,  p.  131.     Anyeliis,  p.  319.     Cramer,  Book  III.  p.  76,  and  many  others. 


246  THE   SWEATING   SICKNESS. 

it  out  that  tliey  had  been  in  England,  boasting  to  the  inhabitants  of 
their  experience  and  skill,  and  with  their  pills  and  their  "  hellish 
electuaries,"  flitting  about  from  place  to  place,'  especially  where 
rich  merchants  were  to  be  found,  from  whom,  should  they  be  re- 
stored, they  obtained  the  promise  of  mines  of  gold.^  The  like 
occurred  in  Germany,  where,  at  the  commencement,  the  sound 
sense  of  the  people  was  overcome  by  this  officio usness,  and  violent 
remedies  were  recommended  as  certain  means  of  cure,  in  a  deluge 
of  pamphlets,  some  of  which  were  written  by  persons  not  in  the 
profession. 

From  this  impure  source  was  derived  the  prescription  of  the 
compulsory^  perspiration  for  twenty-four  hours,  which,  in  the 
districts  of  the  Khine,  was  called  the  Netherlands  regimen ;  *  and 
it  is  unpardonable,  that  the  physicians,  either  with  blind  pride 
disregarded,  or  were  totally  unacquainted  with  the  prior  expe- 
rience of  the  English,  which  advocated  discretion  and  the  most 
ajDpropriate  line  of  treatment.  This  neglect,  which  was  not  com- 
pensated until  thousands  had  already  fallen,  may  possibly  have 
arisen  from  the  blameable  silence  of  the  English  ph5'sicians,  of 
whom,  as  if  England  had  not  yet  been  enlightened  by  the  dawn  of 
science,  not  an  individual  had  written  on  the  Sweating  Sickness, 
or  proposed  a  reasonable  line  of  treatment,  since  the  year  1485. 
Between  England  and  Germany  there  existed,  nevertheless,  a 
constant  intercourse  ;  and  it  is  incredible  that  that  mode  of  jiro- 
cedure,  which  did  not  originate  from  a  formal  medical  school,  but 
from  the  sound  sense  of  the  people,  should  not  have  become  ear- 
lier known  on  this  side  of  the  North  Sea. 

We  must  not  here  overlook  the  habits  and  domestic  manners 
of  the  Germans,  for  these  favoured  not  a  little  the  baneful  pre- 
judice with  regard  to  heat,  for  which  we  would  not  altogether 
make  the  physicians  responsible.     Housewives,  even  at  that  time, 

1  "  Yerum  quampluiimi,  tarn  nobiles  quam  popiilares  viri  ac  mulieres,  hoc  morbo 
misere  sufFocati  sunt,  ob  libellos  erroneos,  ab  indoctissimis  hominibus  in  vulgus  emissos, 
qui  in  ciusmodi  lue  curanda  peritiam  et  experientiam  jactabant,  multosque  in  Anglia 
aliisque  regionibus  sese  curasse  dicebant,  cum  omnia  falsa  esscnt.  Tales  inquam  mi- 
nima pictate  fulti  crga  a^grotos,  illoriun  loculos  tantum  expilabant,  ac  in  sui  commodum 
convertebant,  nuUam  de  aliorum  damnis  nee  mortc  ipsa  curam  gcrentes,  scd  qua;  sua 
sunt  tantum  curantes,  nulla  arte  instructi  miseros  oegros,  passim  sua  ignorantia  truci- 
dabant."     Forest.  L.  VI.  obs,  8.  p.  158.  a. 

2  "Ditissimi  negociatores,  Icctis  adfixi  medicos  ad  se  vocabant,  montes  auri  promit- 
tentes,  si  curarentur."     Ditmar,  p.  473. 

3  Nam  occlusis  rimis  omnibus,  ct  excitato  igne  copioso,  opertisque  stragulis,  quo 
magis  tutiusque  suderent,  restu  proofocati  sunt."     Forest,  loc.  cit.  p.  157.  b. 

*    Wild,  in  Baldiiujer,  p.  278. 


THE   PHYSICIANS*  247 

set  far  too  much  store  by  high  beds,  which  annually  received  the 
feathers  of  the  geese  consumed  at  the  table.  The  comforts  of  a 
warm  feather-bed  were  highly  appreciated,  and  least  of  all  were 
they  disposed  to  deny  them  to  the  sick.  Thus  all  inflammatory 
disorders  were  stimulated  to  much  greater  malignity,  because 
such  a  bed  either  caused  a  dry  heat,  even  to  the  extent  of  burning 
fever,  or  a  useless  debilitating  perspiration.  To  this  effect  the 
very  extensive  misuse  of  hot  baths  conduced  ;  and  no  less  so  the 
custom  of  clothing  much  too  warmly.  Upon  the  whole  the  notion 
was  prevalent,  as  well  with  the  people  as  with  medical  men,  that 
diseases  were  to  be  combated  by  warmth  and  sudorifics.  To  new 
epidemics,  however,  the  prevailing  notions  and  customs  are  al- 
ways applied ;  for  the  great  mass  of  mankind,  among  whom  may 
be  included  medical  men,  are  entirely  ruled  by  them  ;  so  that  in 
this  instance,  the  Sweating  Sickness  fell  upon  a  country  in  which 
its  utmost  malignity  would  be  called  forth. 

Yet  after  the  first  few  days,  in  which  man}"  unfortunate  cases 
occurred,  people  became  aware  of  the  error  they  had  committed. 
An  advocate  of  the  twenty- four  hours'  sudation,  who,  though  not 
a  medical  man,  had  lauded  this  practice  in  a  pamphlet  on  the  sub- 
ject,^ died  in  Zwickau  on  the  5th  of  September,  the  victim  of  his 
own  imprudence.  A  few  days  after  him  died  an  apothecary,  like- 
wise treated  with  the  heated  bed.  Upon  this  the  physicians  im- 
mediately abandoned  the  practice,  directed  that  their  patients 
should  be  sweated  only  for  five  or  six  hours,  and  in  a  more  moderate 
degree :  and  the  estimable  anonymous  writer  to  whom  we  have 
already  alluded,  thus  seemed  to  meet  with  converts  to  his  belief. 
In  Hamburgh  also,  men  became  convinced  of  the  pernicious  effects 
of  feather-beds,  and  gave  the  preference  to  coverings  of  blankets  ;  ^ 
for  the  English  plan  of  treatment  was  presently  known,  and  in- 
telligent philanthropists,  who  saw  its  curative  powers,  made  it 
public^  in  all  quarters,  through  the  medium  of  their  correspond- 
ence. In  Liibeck  there  lived  at  the  time  of  the  Sweating  Fever  a 
learned  Protestant  Englishman,  Dr.  Anthony  Barns,  who,  with 
great  kindness,  made  known  everywhere  the  English  treatment  of 
the  disease.  He  was,  however,  after  the  cessation  of  the  pestilence, 
banished  the  city,  because  he  had  petitioned  the  bigoted  Catholic 
senate  to  tolerate  his  Protestant  brethren.  IMany  were  saved  by 
him ;  for  it  was  the  practice  in  this  city  also,  to  steio  to  death* 

1  The  printer  Fmntz.     Schmidt,  p.  307.  *  Stelzner,  Part  II.  p.  219. 

3  This  appears  from  the  ■\Yittenhcrg  regimen. 
■•  Jieimar  Kock's  Chronicle  of  Liihetk. 


248  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

those  affected  with  the  disease.  In  Stettin  the  English  treatment 
was  promulgated  in  good  time,  and  two  travelling  artisans  who 
had  come  thither  from  Hamburgh,  were  of  the  greatest  assistance  to 
the  inhabitants  of  this  city,  by  advising  them  to  take  the  feathers 
out  of  their  upper  beds  ;  they  made  known  likewise  how  the  sick- 
ness had  been  treated  with  success.  They  had  seen  cases  them- 
selves, and  could  therefore  distinguish  by  their  odour  those  who 
were  suffering  from  the  true  sweating  epidemic,  from  those  who 
were  seized  Avith  fever  arising  from  panic.  They  were  constantly 
besieged  by  persons  asking  questions  and  seeking  assistance  ;  and 
when  the  disease  was  at  its  greatest  height,  the  streets  were  quite 
illuminated  at  night  by  the  lights  of  the  relatives  of  the  patients,' 
who  were  running  in  all  directions  in  a  state  of  distraction.  The 
abhorrence  of  feather-beds,  and  the  hot  plan,  now  followed  so  quickly 
the  blind  recommendation  of  the  twenty-four  hours'  sweat,  that 
by  the  middle  of  September,  and  in  many  places  still  earlier,  more 
correct  views  were  generally  adopted,  and  some  intelligent  men, 
after  the  sad  experience  which  had  been  gained,  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity of  doing  more  good  to  the  public  than  their  noisy  predecess- 
ors, who  had  by  this  time  so  abundantlj'  supplied  the  churchyards 
with  bodies.  Among  these  literally  and  truly  beneficent  physi- 
cians may  be  reckoned  Peter  "Wild,  at  Worms,^  who  warned  his 
countrymen  against  the  Netherlands  practice  ;  ^  as  also  an  anony- 
mous person  (the  names  of  the  best  often  remain  vmknown  in 
times  of  confusion),  who,  in  popular  language,  strenuously  dis- 
suaded the  people  against  the  use  of  feather-beds.'*     It  also  soon 

'  Klemzen,  p.  255. 

-  In  GratoroU :  Petrus,  proto  medicus,  fol.  90.  ^  Sec  liis  pamphlet. 

*  I  here  give  the  whole  pamphlet,  which  only  occupies  five  pages.  It  is  entitled, 
"  The  Remedy,  Advice,  Succour,  and  Consolation  against  the  dreadful,  and  as  yet  by  us 
Germans  unheard-of,  speedy,  and  mortal  Disease,  called  the  English  Sweating  Sickness, 
from  Avhich  may  Almighty  God  mercifully  protect  us." 

"When  the  disease  and  sweating  sets  in,  ask  what  o'clock  it  is,  and  note  it. 

"  If  any  one  he  afflicted  with  this  pestilence  (may  God  protect  us  from  it !)  it  attacks 
him  cither  with  heat  or  with  cold,  and  he  will  sweat  violently ;  and  this  will  take  place 
all  over  his  body.  Some  take  the  disease  with  sudden  eructations,  and  do  not  sweat ; 
and  to  those  who  do  not  sweat,  a  fiower  of  mace  with  warm  beer  is  given,  and  then  they 
sweat. 

"  But  if  the  pestilence  and  disease,  from  which  may  God  preserve  us  !  attack  any  one 
after  he  has  lain  down  in  bed,  he  must  be  left  there  ;  hut  if  he  has  a  feather-bed,  though 
a  thin  one,  over  him,  cut  it  open  and  take  the  feathers  out,  that  it  may  consist  only  of 
the  ticking  or  covering.  If  it  be  too  thin,  add  a  cool  coverlet,  and  let  the  patient  lie 
under  that,  covered  up  to  the  neck,  and  take  care  that  the  air  do  not  touch  or  strike  upon 
liis  breast,  or  under  his  arms,  and  the  soles  of  his  feet,  and  let  him  not  toss  about. 

"  Item.  Two  men  should  attend  the  patient,  to  prevent  him  from  uncovering  him- 
self, and  from  going  to  sleep. 


THE   PHYSICIANS.  249 

became  a  common  saying,  "  The  Sweating  Sickness  will  bear  no 
medicine." ' 

There  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  the  influence  of  the 
faculty  was  much  greater  in  the  country  where  the  Sweating 
Sickness  originated  than  it  was  in  Germany,  for  the  number  of 
learned  physicians  there  was  still  fewer,  and  the  knowledge  of 
medicine  not  nearly  so  extended  as  it  was  in  Italy,  German}^,  and 
France.  The  learned  Linacrehad  already  died  in  the  year  1524. 
John  Chanibre,-  Edward  Wotton,^  and  George  Owen,''  were  the 
King's  body  physicians  about  the  time  of  the  fourth  epidemic 
visitation  of  the  Sweating  Sickness.     "William  Butts,'  of  whom 

"  Item.  The  same  two  men  must  watch  the  patient,  and  guard  him  against  sleeping : 
if  they  neglect  this,  and  do  not  so  prevent  him,  and  the  patient  sleep,  he  will  lose  his 
senses,  and  go  raving  mad. 

"  In  order,  however,  that  he  may  be  prevented  from  sleeping,  take  a  little  rose-water, 
and  by  means  of  a  sponge  or  clean  napkin,  bathe  his  temples  with  it  between  the  eyes 
and  the  ears,  and  by  means  of  a  sponge  or  napkin,  apply  pungent  wine  or  beer  vinegar 
to  his  nose,  and  talk  constantly  to  him  so  that  he  fall  not  asleep. 

"  If  he  would  drink,  give  him  a  thin  beverage,  which  should  be  a  little  warm  ;  and 
he  ought  not  to  be  given  more  than  two  spoonfuls  at  a  time. 

"  Item.  On  the  patient's  head  should  be  placed  a  linen  night-cap,  and  a  woollen  one 
over  it. 

"  Item.     A  warm  towel  should  be  taken,  and  with  it  the  sweat  wiped  from  the  face. 

"  Item.  AVhoever  is  attacked  in  the  day-time  must  be  put  to  bed  ;  if  iPbe  a  man,  in 
his  stockings  and  breeches ;  if  a  woman,  in  her  clothes  ;  and  let  them  be  covered  over 
■\vith  not  more  than  two  thin  coverings  ;  and  above  all  things,  no  feather-bed ;  and  then 
treat  them  as  above  written. 

"  Item.  The  disease  attacks  most  people  from  great  dread  and  from  irregular  living, 
from  which  a  man  should  guard  himself  with  great  pains. 

"  Once  for  all,  the  patient  must  not  have  his  own  way ;  what  he  would  have  you  do 
for  him,  that  must  not  be  done. 

"  Item.  With  respect  to  those  whom  it  attacks  in  the  night,  and  who  lie  naked,  if 
they  will  not  lie  still,  let  them  be  se\\TT  up  in  the  sheets,  and  let  the  sheets  be  sewn  to 
the  bed,  so  that  no  air  can  come  from  beneath ;  and  then  cover  them  as  before. 

"  Summa.  Whoever  can  thus  endure  for  twenty-four  hours,  by  the  blessing  of  God, 
will  be  cured  of  the  sickness,  and  get  well. 

"  If  a  man  has  held  out  for  twenty-four  hours,  let  him  be  taken  up,  and  wrapped  in 
a  warm  sheet  lest  he  become  cold,  and  throw  something  over  his  feet,  and  bring  him  to 
the  fire ;  and,  above  all  things,  let  him  not  go  into  the  aii-  for  four  days,  and  let  him 
avoid  much  and  cold  drink. 

"  If  he  would  sleep,  provided  twenty-four  hours  have  been  passed,  let  him  sleep  freely  ; 
and  may  God  preserve  him  ! 

"  The  Lord  is  Almighty  over  us !     Amen." 

The  place  of  publication  is  wanting.     It  was  probably  either  Leipzig  or  Wittenberg. 

>  Magnus  Hundt,  fol.  27.  a.  "XuUis  vero  aliis  medicamentis  utuntur  adversus 
ipsam,  quam  cxpectatione  sudoris,  nam  quibus  advenit,  omues  fere  evadunt,  quibus 
autem  retinetur,  maxima  pars  perit."     Forest,  loc.  cit.  p.  159.  a.  Schol. 

*  Born  about  1483  ;  died  1549.  ^  Born  1492  ;  died  1555.  ■•  Died  1558. 

5  Died  1545.  "  Vir  gravis  ;  eximia  litteranira  cognitione,  singulari  judicio,  summa 
experientia,  et  prudenti  consilio  Doctor."     Aikin,  p.  47. 


250  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

Shakespeare '  has  made  honourable  mention,  in  all  probability  like- 
wise held  a  similar  office.  These  were  certainly  distinguished  and 
worthy  men,'^  but  posterity  has  gained  nothing  from  them  on  the 
subject  of  the  English  Sweating  Sickness.  All  these  phj^sicians 
were  well  informed,  zealous,  and  doubtless  also  cautious  followers 
of  the  ancient  Greek  school  of  medicine,  but  their  merits  were  of 
no  advantage  to  the  people,  who,  when  they  departed  from  the 
dictates  of  their  own  understanding,  and  did  not  content  them- 
selves with  domestic  remedies,  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  a  set  of  surgeons  so  rude  and  ignorant  that 
they  could  only  exist  in  the  state  of  society  which  then  prevailed.^ 

'   III  Henry  VIII.  ^  See  their  biography,  in  Aikin. 

3  Thomas  Gale's  description  of  this  class  of  medical  practitioners  gives  the  best  no- 
tion of  their  abilities.  "I  remember,"  says  he,  "when  I  was  in  the  wars  at  Montreuil 
(lo4i),  in  the  time  of  that  most  famous  Prince,  Henry  VIII.,  there  was  a  great  rabble- 
ment  there,  that  took  upon  them  to  be  surgeons.  Some  were  sow  gelders,  and  some 
horse  gelders,  with  tinkers  and  cobblers.  This  noble  sect  did  such  great  cures,  that  they 
got  themselves  a  perpetual  name  ;  for  like  as  Thessalus'  sect  were  called  Thessalions,  so 
was  this  noble  rabblenient,  for  their  notorious  cures,  called  dog-leeches ;  for  in  two 
dressings  they  did  commonly  make  their  cures  whole  and  sound  for  ever,  so  that  they 
neither  felt  heat  nor  cold,  nor  no  manner  of  pain  after.  But  when  the  Duke  of  Nor- 
folk, who  was  then  general,  understood  how  the  people  did  die,  and  that  of  small  wounds, 
he  sent  for  me  and  certain  other  surgeons,  commanding  us  to  make  search  how  these 
men  came  to  their  death,  whether  it  were  by  the  grievousncss  of  their  wounds,  or  by  the 
lack  of  knowledge  of  the  surgeons,  and  we,  according  to  our  commandment,  made  search 
through  all  the  camp,  and  found  many  of  the  same  good  fellows  which  took  upon  them 
the  names  of  surgeons,  not  only  the  names,  but  the  wages  also.  We  asking  of  them 
whether  they  were  surgeons  or  no,  they  said  they  were ;  we  demanded  with  whom  they 
were  brought  up,  and  they,  with  shameless  faces,  would  answer,  either  with  one  cunning 
man,  or  another,  which  was  dead.  Then  we  demanded  of  them  what  chirurgery  stuflF 
they  had  to  cure  men  withal ;  and  they  would  show  us  a  pot  or  a  box,  which  they  had 
in  a  budget,  wherein  was  such  trumpery  as  they  did  use  to  grease  horses'  heels  withal, 
and  laid  upon  scabbed  horses'  backs,  with  verval  and  such  like.  And  others  that  were 
cobblers  and  tinkers,  they  used  shoemakers'  wax,  with  the  rust  of  old  pans,  and  made 
therewithal  a  noble  salve,  as  they  did  term  it.  But  in  the  end  this  worthy  rabblenient 
was  committed  to  the  Marshalsea,  and  threatened  by  the  Duke's  Grace  to  be  hanged  for 
their  worthy  deeds,  except  they  woidd  declare  the  truth,  what  they  were  and  of  what 
occupations,  and  in  the  end  they  did  confess,  as  I  have  declared  to  you  before." 

In  another  place  Gale  says,  "I  have,  myself,  in  the  time  of  King  Henry  YIII.,  holpe 
to  furnish  out  of  London,  in  one  year,  which  served  by  sea  and  land,  threescore  and 
twelve  surgeons,  which  were  good  workmen,  and  well  able  to  serve,  and  all  English 
men.  At  this  present  day  there  arc  not  thirty-four,  of  all  the  whole  company,  of  Enn^- 
lishmen,  and  yet  the  most  part  of  them  be  in  noblemen's  service,  so  that  if  we  should 
have  need,  I  do  not  know  where  to  find  twelve  sufficient  men.  What  do  I  say  ?  suffi- 
cient men  :  nay,  I  would  there  were  ten  amongst  all  the  company,  worthy  to  be  called 
surgeons." 


PAMPHLETS.  251 


Sect.  11. — Pamphlets. 

Inexplicable  as  the  silence  of  tlie  learned  physicians  of  Eng- 
land, on  the  Sweating  Sickness,  appears  at  first  view,  (for  where 
is  the  nse  of  learning  if  it  fail  to  throw  any  light  on  the  stormy 
phenomena  of  life  ?)  we  may  yet  find,  perhaps,  its  cause  in  a  per- 
fectly simple  external  circumstance.  The  Reformation  had  not  yet 
begun  in  England,  the  Catholic  Church  still  stood  on  its  ancient 
foundations,  and  an  intellectual  intercourse  between  the  learned 
and  the  people  was  not  by  any  means  among  the  acknowledged 
desiderata.  The  faculty  would  hence  have  been  able  to  treat 
of  the  new  disorder  only  in  ponderous  Latin  works,  for  they 
wrote  unwillingly  in  their  own  language,  and  the  subject  could 
not  seem  to  them  an  appropriate  one  for  this  purpose,  because 
they  found  it  unnoticed  and  uninvestigated  by  their  highly  rever- 
ed masters  the  Greeks.  They  were  ignorant  that  a  sweating 
fever  had  ever  appeared  among  the  ancients,  which,  otherwise, 
might  have  incited  them  to  make  researches  of  their  own  on  the 
subject ;  for  Aurelian,  who  describes  it  to  the  life,  was  either  un- 
known to  them,  or,  what  at  that  time  was  a  valid  ground,  was 
despised  by  them,  on  account  of  his  bad  (unclassical)  language. 

In  Germany,  on  the  contrary,  the  intellectual  wants  of  the 
people  and  of  the  educated  classes  had  already  manifested  them- 
selves very  differently.  Twelve  years  before,  the  age  of  pamphlets 
had  there  commenced.  The  thoughts  of  Luther  and  of  his  dis- 
ciples, as  also  of  his  opposers,  were  winged  by  the  rapid  press, 
and  the  people  took  an  impassioned  part  in  the  endeavours  of  the 
learned  to  effect  their  conviction,  and  by  this  altogether  novel 
and  authoritative  mode  of  religious  instruction,  became  gradually 
educated  and  guided.  Hence  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that 
people  began  to  investigate,  in  pamphlets,  other  important  sub- 
jects likewise,  and  thus  we  see  this  weight)'-  branch  of  intellectual 
commerce,  with  all  its  advantages  and  defects,  also  turned  towards 
the  discussion  of  popular  diseases,  and  for  the  first  time  unfolding 
its  numerous  leaves  on  the  subject  of  the  English  epidemic.  In 
the  maritime  cities  nothing  of  this  kind  happened,  because  the 
eruption  of  the  pestilence  took  them  by  surprise,  and  as  it  was 
over  again  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks,  it  seemed  no  longer 
worth  while  to  instruct  the  people  respecting  it. 

This  surprise  was  very  plainly  shown  in  the  answer  of  the 
doctors  and  licentiates  who  were  assembled  together  at  the  bed- 


252  THE  SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

side  of  the  Duchess,  at  Stetthi :  "  the  disease  was  new  and  un- 
known to  them :  they  were  at  a  loss  what  to  advise,  excepting 
strengthening  medicines."^  In  the  central  parts  of  Germany,  on 
the  contrary,  where,  as  early  as  the  month  of  August,  the  report 
of  the  new  plague  had  excited  the  utmost  alarm,  and  where  an 
eruption  of  the  pestilence  in  Zwickau  had  caused  a  general  flight, 
publications  on  the  Sweating  Sickness  were  even  within  that 
month,  and  still  more  numerously  in  September,  disseminated  in 
all  directions.  As  scientific  productions,  they  are  almost  all  of 
them  worthless.  Many  of  them,  indeed,  did  harm,  and  but  very 
few  promulgated  correct  views.  Most  of  them  are  now  lost,  as, 
for  example,  that  which  was  published  by  the  printer  Frantz,  at 
Zwickau,  on  the  3rd  of  September :  but  in  what  vast  numbers 
they  were  published  appears  from  the  circumstance  that  Dr. 
Bayer,  at  Leipzig,  who  brought  out  his  own  on  the  4th  of  Sep- 
tember, states  that  he  has  read  many  of  them,  and  expresses  his 
indignation  against  these  "new  unfounded  little  books,"  by  which 
the  people  were  misled  to  their  own  sorrow  and  suffering.^  This 
same  Dr.  Bayer  writes  in  the  style  of  an  intelligent  practical  phy- 
sician, inveighs  boldly  against  the  prejudices  of  mankind,  and  the 
ignorance  of  medical  journeymen,  and  against  their  senseless 
bleedings  whenever  they  see  the  barber's  basin  and  his  pole. 
Some  of  his  advice  too  is  not  bad,  especially  where  he  is  speaking 
of  the  Arabian  use  of  harmless  syrups.  He,  however,  religiously 
preserves  all  the  rubbish  of  his  age,  and  has  a  great  opinion  of 
preventive  bleedings,  purgatives,  and  powerful  medicines,  of 
which  he  prescribes  so  many  that  his  reader  is  necessarily  confused 
by  their  multiplicity.  His  precepts  respecting  the  sweat  are 
very  appropriate,  for  he  gives  a  caution  against  forcing  perspira- 
tion, prescribes  according  to  the  circumstances,  and  even  com- 
mences the  treatment  with  an  emetic,  if  the  state  of  the  stomach 
seems  to  indicate  its  employment.  In  order  to  guard  against  con- 
tagion, he  recommends,  at  the  approaching  autumnal  fair,  that 
foreigners  from  "  (ly'^n<J  Ifinds  "  should  he  aeeonimodatcd  in  dis- 
tinct inns,  that  fumigation  should  be  carefully  employed,  and  that 
before  each  booth  at  the  fair  a  fire  should  be  kept  up. 

Another  pamphlet  by  Caspar  Kcgeler,  of  Leipzig,  is  a  melan- 
choly monument  of  the  credulity  which,  from  Ilerophilus  to  the 
present  day,  has  pervaded  the  whole  medical  art.  It  is  a  regular 
pharmacopccia  for  the  Sweating  Sickness,  thrown  together  at  a 
venture,  without  any  insight  into  the  nature  of  the  disease.     A 

'  Klemzen,  p.  255.  "^  Part  I.  cap.  8. 


PAMPHLETS.  253 

mine  of  wonderful  pills  and  electuaries  composed  of  numberless 
ingredients  wherewith  this  "  mysterious  worthy  "  undertakes  to 
raise  a  commotion  in  the  bodies  of  his  patients.  If  he  had  but 
seen  even  a  single  case  of  the  disease  he  would  at  least  have 
known  how  impossible  it  would  be  to  administer,  within  the  space 
of  four-and-twenty  hours,  the  hundredth  part  of  his  pills  and 
draughts.  AVith  what  approbation  this  little  pharmacopoeia  was 
received  by  physicians  of  equal  penetration  and  understanding  as 
himself,  is  shown  by  the  eight  editions  which  it  passed  through, • 
and  the  melancholy  reflection  is  therefore  forced  upon  us,  that 
possibly  thousands  of  sick  persons  were  maltreated  and  sacrificed 
from  the  employment  of  Kegeler's  medicines. 

A  third  physician  at  Leipzig,  Dr.  John  Hcllwetter,  states  in 
his  pamphlet,  that  he  has  become  acquainted  wnth  the  Sweating 
Fever  in  foreign  countries,  and  on  the  subject  of  perspiration 
gives  some  very  good  advice,  evidently  the  result  of  his  own  ex- 
perience, which  reminds  us  of  the  original  English  mode  of  treat- 
ment. His  notion  that  fish  is  injurious  seems  to  have  originated 
in  the  fact  that  the  continued  employment  of  fish  as  an  article  of 
diet  gives  rise  to  offensive  perspirations,  and  his  admonition  to 
his  medical  brethren  not  to  flee  from  the  sick,  but  to  visit  them 
sedulously  and  give  them  consolation,  furnishes  ground  for  sup- 
posing that  some  of  them  had  been  pusillanimous  and  dishonour- 
able enough  to  withdraw  themselves  or  to  refuse  their  assistance 
to  the  poor. 

Almost  all  the  medical  men  of  those  times  were  in  possession 
of  arcana,  which  they  emplo3"cd  either  in  all  or  at  least  in  most 
diseases,  in  a  very  unprofessional  manner,  and  the  efficacy  of 
which  the  sweet  delusions  of  self-interest  did  not  permit  them  to 
call  in  question.  The  severe  metallic  remedies  of  the  Spagyric 
school,  which  was  then  in  its  infancy,  were  not  yet  introduced, 
but  there  were  not  wanting  strong  heating  medicines  from  the 
ancient  stores  of  the  empyrics,  which  almost  universally  obtained 
the  preference  over  the  mild  potions  and  syrups  of  the  Arabians. 
Hellwctter  sold  a  powder  of  unknown  composition,  and  a  number 
of  distilled  waters,  which  Dr.  Magnus  llundt,  of  Leipzig,  notices 
with  much  approbation.  The  pam})hlet  of  this  phj'sician  is  in 
every  respect  of  the  most  ordinary  kind  ;  it  affords  no  proof  that 
the  author  had  any  sound  comprehension  of  the  disease,  and  be- 
longs to  that  class  of  low  medical  compositions  which,  in  times  of 
danger,  is  so  easily  derided  by  the  public,  and  so  much  diminishes 
'   G inner,  Script,  p.  11. 


254  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

the  estimation  of  the  profession,  to  the  material  injury  of  the 
general  welfare. 

It  must  not,  however,  be  supposed  that  the  people,  who  in  such 
times  of  commotion  often  confound  together  the  good  and  the  bad, 
listened  everywhere  so  readily  to  these  pamphleteers.  The  com- 
position of  one  Dr.  Klump,  at  Uebcrlingen,  who,  on  the  breaking 
out  of  the  disease,  attacked  his  patients  with  theriac  and  all  kinds 
of  heating  plague  powders,  excited  great  derision,^  and  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  the  people  had  on  their  side,  at  least  occasionally, 
the  advantage  of  sound  sense,  as  opposed  to  the  endless  prescrip- 
tions of  the  physicians,  and  it  is  gratifying  to  observe  how  this 
sound  sense,  which  doubtless  was  guided  by  respectable  medical 
men,  operated  in  a  great  many  towns  to  the  advantage  of  those 
affected. 

This  is  proved  by  a  pamphlet,  written  in  popular  language,  by 
a  physician  in  Wittenberg,^  which  contains  such  correct  medical 
views,  that  our  highest  approbation  is,  even  now,  justly  due  to 
its  unknown  author,  as  showing,  throughout,  great  judgment  and 
a  very  competent  knowledge  of  the  Sweating  Fever.  His  whole 
treatment  is  mild  and  cautious  ;  he  forbids  the  use  of  feather-beds, 
but  sti'ongly  inculcates  the  necessity  of  avoiding  every  kind  of 
chill,  and  therefore  recommends  a  practice  in  use  at  that  time, 
called  "  the  aeioing  of  the  sick,"  that  is  to  say,  fastening  the  edge 
of  the  bed  clothes  to  the  bed  with  a  needle  and  thread.  He  or- 
ders his  patients  a  moderate  quantity  of  warm  but  not  heating 
beverage,^  refreshes  them  with  syrup  of  roses,  and  impresses  upon 
his  readers  that  the  majority  of  those  affected  will  recover  with- 
out medicine.  In  order  to  guard  against  the  stupor  which  was 
so  exceedingly  fatal,  in  addition  to  continual  conversation,  refresh- 
ing odours  of  rose  water  and  aromatic  vinegar  were  held  before 
the  patients'  nose,  in  a  moderately  damp  cloth,  or  their  temples 
were  cautiously  bathed  with  them.  Convalescents  were  watched 
with  great  care,  and  it  is  not  the  least  excellence  of  this  very 
sterling  pamphlet  that  it  likewise  combated  the  timidity  of  the 
sick  with  the  inculcation  of  mild,  but  manly,  religious  principles, 
such  as  corresponded  with  the  spirit  of  that  age.     The  rules  here 

'  "  Yix  malcvolorum  cachinnos  morsusquc  pr;ctciiit."  Schiller,  Epist.  nuncupator, 
the  title  wliicli  Gnincr,  Script,  p.  12,  gives  to  the  ori.i,anal  work,  still  existing  in  the 
lihrary  at  S trash urg,  and  a  Latin  extract  from  it.     Gratoroli,  fol.  39. 

-  Sec  the  Catalogue  in  the  Appendix,  "Ein  Regiment,"  &c. 

3  Any  kind  of  weak  beer  with  the  chill  off.  Warm  beer  was  a  beverage  in  general 
use  iu  the  north  of  Germany.  The  beer  of  Eimbeck  and  Bcrnau  was  stronger,  and 
was  recommended  by  medical  men  during  the  convalescence. 


PAMPHLETS.  255 

laid  down  are,  in  essentials,  the  original  English  precepts,  which 
had  already  broken  the  force  of  the  epidemic  Sweating  Sickness 
in  the  year  1485,  and  the  author  does  not  conceal  his  having  in 
this  matter  received  information  from  Hamburgh,  so  far  back  as 
the  7th  of  August.  That  by  this  mode  of  treatment  not  only  in- 
dividual patients  ^  were  saved,  but  also  that  whole  cities  were 
protected  against  any  very  great  mortality,  we  are  willino-  with 
the  author  to  believe,  and  on  this  account  we  cannot  but  lament 
the  more,  that  the  medical  science  of  the  rigid  schools  of  those 
days  so  completely  mistook  its  office  as  the  guardian  of  life,  and 
that  it  caused  greater  sacrifices  by  its  hazardous  remedies  than 
the  pestilence  would  otherwise  have  occasioned. 

How  soon  the  English  treatment  met  with  the  recognition 
which  it  deserved  may  be  gathered  from  a  Latin  composition 
nearly  of  the  same  tenour  as  the  above,  and  which  appears  to  be 
an  extract  from  some  German  pamphlets.^  Besides  aromatic 
odoriferous  waters,  the  very  harmless  and  only  remedies  therein 
recommended  are  pearls  and  corals  given  internally  by  tablespoon- 
fuls  in  warm  rose  water.  As  a  prophylactic,  treacle,  which  was 
in  very  common  use,  was  recommended  to  be  taken  in  the  juice 
of  roasted  onions,  but  only  in  very  small  doses.  Similar  just 
views  with  respect  to  the  excitement  of  perspiration  were  also 
subscribed  to  by  other  physicians,^  and  finally  the  great  council 
at  Berne,  on  the  18th  of  December,  published  an  exhortation  to 
patience  and  unshaken  courage,  in  which  the  use  of  feather-beds 
and  of  all  medicines,  except  cinnamon  water,  was  earnestly  de- 
precated *  during  the  disease.  The  court  of  Holland  also  recom- 
mended a  method  of  cure''  apparently  English,  these  two  docu- 
ments being  the  only  traces,  on  the  part  of  any  governments,  of  a 
paternal  solicitude  for  their  subjects. 

The  learned  and  accomplished  Euricius  Cordus,^'  of  Marburg, 
had,  when  he  wrote,^  no  information  respecting  the  successful 
English  mode  of  treatment,  and,  with  all  his  celebrity,  only  fol- 
lowed in  the  ranks  of  ordinary  advisers.  He  could  not  free  him- 
self from  the  medical  precepts  which  he  brought  from  Italy,  and 

'  "  I  had  in  my  house  seven  lying  ill  with  tlic  siinie  disease,  of  which,  thank  God, 
none  died."  From  the  letter  of  an  inhabitant  of  Hamburgh,  given  in  the  same  pam- 
phlet, "Ein  Ecgiment,"  &c. 

«   Gratorol.  fol.  87.  b.  3   Gratorol.  fol.  90. 

*  Stealer,  Part  II.  p.  33.  *    Wagenaar,  op.  cit.  p.  509. 

s  His  proper  name  was  Henry  Spaten  (German  Sptit,  in  English  late),  whereof 
Cordus  (the  last  born  or  late-born)  seems  to  have  been  a  translation. 

^  The  second  of  September. 


256  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

gave  to  the  only  patient  at  Marburg,  who  was  the  subject  of  the 
Sweating  Sickness,  the  very  disagreeable,  though  much-employed, 
potion  of  "  Benedetto." '  His  prophylactic  ordinances  were  very 
burthcnsome,  though  with  respect  to  the  frequent  employment  of 
purgatives,  which  at  that  time  almost  all  physicians  recommended, 
it  must  be  taken  into  account,  that  the  intemperance,  so  prevalent 
in  those  days,  rendered  them  in  general  more  necessary,  perhaps, 
than  they  are  at  the  present  time.  Bishop  Ditmar  of  Merscburg 
has  betrayed  to  posterity,  that  this  celebrated  man  had  a  great 
dread  of  the  new  disorder,  and  did  not  conceal  his  anxiety.^ 

There  is  still  extant  a  very  complicated  prescription  of  Achilles 
Gasscr,^  the  learned  physician  of  Augsburg,  which  he  employed 
with  childish  confidence^  during  the  prevalence  of  the  sweating 
pestilence.  We  might  class  this  with  a  thousand  others  of  a 
similar  character,  were  it  not  evident  how  little  medical  art,  at 
that  time  in  its  ancient  Greek  garb,  was  suited  to  the  exigency  of 
the  age,  being  dull,  inefficient,  and  long  since  robbed  of  its  origin- 
al spirit ;  for  thus  alone  was  it  taught  in  the  universities. 

In  the  copious  epistle  of  Simon  E,iquinus  to  the  Count  of  New- 
enar  at  Cologne,'^  traces  of  better  principles  are  indeed  observable, 
which  were  soon  disseminated  from  Hamburgh  all  over  Germany, 
yet  the  prophylactic  measures  recommended  are  not  much  better 
than  those  in  use  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Antoninus,  when 
the  Theriaca  of  Andromachus  was  among  the  necessaries  at  the 
Roman  court.  E-iquinus  incidentally  tells  a  story  of  a  peasant  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Cleve,  who,  having  become  affected  b}'  the 
English  Sweating  Sickness,  crept  as  quickly  as  he  could  into  a 
baker's  oven  that  was  still  hot,  and  after  some  time  again  made 
his  appearance  in  an  exhausted  state.*"     This  very  circumstance 

'  li  Pulvei'is  cardiaci  (very  complex,  containing  precious  stones  and  many  other 
ingredients),  jij ;  Pulveris  cornu  cervi  ^j  ;  Seminis  Santonici,  Myrrlisc,  aa  ^f].  n\-  ft- 
Pulv.  Sum*.  3j ;  in  warm  wine-vinegar. 

-  Ciironicle,  p.  473.  "  Born  1505;  died  1577. 

*  It  is  the  Electuariiun  liberans  Gas.ieri : — R  Spec,  libcrant.  Galen,  Spec,  de  gcmm. 
aa  3J>  Pulveris  Dictamn.,  Tormcntill,  Scrpentinnc,  aa  3iv,  PimpincU.  Zcdoaria;.  aa 
5fi,  Bol.  Armen.  lot. ;  Terr,  sigillat.  ail  9ij  Easiir.  Cornu  ccrvin.  3),  Zingiber.  ^0, 
Conserv.  Rosar,  rec.  _^{],  Thcriac.  veteris  ^ji  S^yrup.  acetositatis  citri.  q.  s.  ut  ft.. 
electuar.  spiss. — Velsch,  p.  19. — Gasser  states  in  his  Augsburg  Chronicle,  that  there 
were  more  than  3000  cases  of  the  disease  there,  but  that  not  more  than  600  died. 
See  Mencken,  Scriptores  rerum  Germanicarum. 

^   Gratorol.  fol.  74.  b. 

•^  Gratorol.  fol.  85.  Probably  this  epistle  does  not  differ  essentially  from  the  Latin 
work  of  this  author  on  the  sweating  fever  which  appeared  separately.  (De  l^oo7ru()fror', 
sen  sudatoriae  febris  curatione  Liber.  Coloniaj,  1529.  4.) 


PAMPHLETS.  257 

proves  that  the  man  laboured  under  only  an  imaginary  and  not  a 
real  sweating  fever,  but  the  belief  that  the  bread  which  was  after- 
wards baked  in  this  oven  was  infected  with  the  poison,  can  only 
be  attributed  to  the  credulity  of  the  learned  physician. 

The  Count  of  Newenar'  expresses  himself  on  the  subject  of  the 
sweating  fever,  like  a  person  well  informed,  and  not  unacquaint- 
ed with  medical  subjects,  and  endeavours  to  prove  the  critical 
nature  of  the  sweat  by  the  frequent  practice  of  the  empyrics,  to 
throw  persons  afflicted  with  the  plague,  at  the  very  beginning  of 
the  attack,  into  a  profuse  perspiration.^  He  takes  the  opportunity 
to  relate  of  an  unprincipled  physician,  that  he  freed  himself  in 
this  manner  from  the  plague,  in  a  public  bath,  while  those  who 
came  after  him  became  every  one  of  them  affected  with  the  disease, 
and  died.  According  to  his  account,  the  English  Sweating  Sick- 
ness was  by  no  means  fatal  in  and  about  Cologne,^  yet  we  find  it 
with  all  its  original  malignity  on  the  banks  of  the  Scheldt,  and  in 
the  maritime  towns  of  the  Netherlands. 

This  plainly  appears  from  the  pamphlet  of  a  physician  in  great 
practice  at  Ghent,  Tertius  Damianus,  from  Vissenaeckcn,  near 
Tirlcmont,'*  whose  own  wife  fell  sick  of  the  sweating  fever,  and 
fortunately  was  again  restored.^  The  cases  whereof  Damianus 
gives  an  account,  are  among  the  most  marked  of  which  any  men- 
tion is  made,  and  it  also  seems  that  the  disease,  contrary  to  the 
opinion  of  many,  arose  from  fear  alone,  and  manifested  in  the 
Netherlands  a  much  greater  power  of  contagion  than  in  Germany, 
to  which  the  hot  treatment  may  have  contributed.*^  The  manner 
in  which  Damianus  restrained  his  patients  from  indulging  in 
their  propensity  to  sleep,  is  worthy  of  notice.  When  the  usual 
means  failed,  he  directed  that  their  hair  should  be  torn  out,  that 
their  limbs  should  be  tied  together  in  painful  positions,  and  that 
vinegar  should  be  dropped  into  their  eyes  :  ^  the  danger  justified 
these  means,  but  violence  does  not  easily  attain  its  end.  For  the 
rest,  the  views  of  this  physician  do  not  differ  from  those  common- 
ly entertained,  and  if  he  complains  ^  of  the  great  extortions  of 
the  apothecaries,  this  was  a  natural  effect  of  the  customary  pre- 
scriptions, whereof  he  himself  recommends  many  that  are  very 
objectionable. 

1   Gratorol.  fol.  64.  ^  Gratorol.  fnl.  69.  b. 

3  Yidemus,  quara  multi  de  sudorc  convalcscant,  fol.  G6.  a. 

*  This  town  is  called  in  Flomisli  Tioncu  (Tlicnic  in  Montibus),  translated  by 
Damiamis  Decicopolis.  5  Fol.  117.  a.         «  Fol.  109.  a.         ■»  Fol.  116.  b. 

«  Fol.  118.  a.  Damianus  wrote  his,  by  no  means  unimportant,  treatise  during  the 
prevalence  of  the  epidemic  sweating  fever  in  Ghent. 

17 


258  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

"Whatever  the  science  of  medicine  of  the  sixteenth  century 
could  oppose  to  so  fearful  an  enemy,  is  set  forth  in  the  very 
excellent  treatise  of  Joachim  Schiller  ^  of  Frieburg,  which,  how- 
ever, did  not  appear  until  two  years  later,  and  unfortunately 
does  not  give  the  wished-for  information  on  the  development  of 
the  pestilence  in  the  Briesgau.  Schiller  is  moderate  in  his  views, 
and  shows  throughout,  that  he  is  a  very  well-informed  physician, 
and  well  versed  in  Greek  literature;  and  although  he  cannot 
steer  clear  of  the  rubbish  of  clumsy  remedies,  yet  the  fault  should 
not  be  charged  on  him,  but  on  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  This, 
like  every  other,  had  its  evils,  and  enveloped  in  clouds  and  dark- 
ness the  genius  of  medicine,  which,  free,  great,  and  elevated 
above  human  short-sightedness,  is  respected  only  by  the  intellect- 
ual servants  of  nature. 

Sect.  12. — Form  of  the  Disease. 

The  notions  of  the  contemporary  writers  respecting  the  phe- 
nomena and  the  course  of  the  sweating  epidemic  are,  it  is  true, 
individually  unsatisfactory  and  defective  ;  ^  yet,  collectively,  we 
may  gather  from  them  a  lively  and  complete  picture  of  its  effect 
on  the  human  frame  ;  especially  from  the  German  observers,  who 
reported  truly  and  honestly  their  own,  as  well  as  the  general  ex- 
perience of  their  age ;  for  the  English  had  up  to  that  period 
described  little  more  than  the  external  appearances  of  this  epi- 
demic, which  had  already  attacked  them  for  the  fourth  time. 

It  is  ascertained  that  the  Sweating  Fever  icas  in  general  very 
ivjlammatory ;  and,  leaving  out  of  the  account  its  sequel,  ccmic 
to  a  crisis  at  most  in  four  and  twenty  hours  ;  yet  within  this 
narrow  limit  as  to  time,  very  various  symptoms  occurred,^  so  that 
by  a  more  exact  observation  than  could  be  expected  from  the 
physicians  of  those  days,  several  gradations  of  its  development 
and  violence  might  have  been  distinguished  from  each  other.  Thus 
one  form  of  this  disease  appeared  that  was  wanting  in  precisely 
that  symptom  which  was  the  most  essential,  namely,  the  colliqua- 
tive sweating^   (as  in  the  most  dangerous  form  of  cholera,  neither 

1  He  styles  himself  Schiller  von  ITcrdereti,  from  an  estate  in  the  village  of  that  name 
close  to  Freiburg. 

°  Schiller  says  with  great  naivete,  "  that  the  symptoms  of  the  disease  are  evident, 
and  that  those  which  he  has  not  indicated  must  be  imagined."    Sect.  II.  c.  1.  fol.  206. 

3  "  Habet  inconstantes  notas  morbus."  Schiller.  "Diversos  diversimodc  adoritur." 
Damian.  fol.  115.  b. 

^  See  above,  the  remcdiuni,  p.  248,  note  *.  Sudoris  absentia  plurimum  nocebat. 
—Forest,  p.  1-58.  Schol.  _ 


FOEM    OF    THE    DISEASE.  259 

vomiting  nor  purging  takes  place),  and  which,  by  its  overpower- 
ing attack,  either  destroyed  life  within  a  few  hours,  or  perhaps 
took  some  other  turn  of  a  nature  unknown  to  us. 

Premonitory  symptoms  were  wanting  altogether,  unless  we  may 
reckon  as  such,  first,  an  anguish,  combined  with  palpitation  of 
the  heart,  which  may  not  have  been  of  corporeal  origin,  but  may 
have  proceeded  from  the  general  alarm ;  or  secondly,  an  irre- 
sistible sinking  of  the  powers  resembling  a  swoon,  which,  per- 
haps, preceded  the  disorder,  in  the  same  manner  as  it  had  pre- 
ceded the  general  eruption  of  the  plague  in  northern  Germany :  ^ 
or  thirdly,  rheumatic  pains  of  various  kinds,  which  were  frequent- 
ly felt  in  the  summer  of  1529 ; "  or  finally,  a  disagreeable  taste 
in  the  mouth  and  foul  breath,  which  were  very  commonly  the 
subject  of  complaint  at  that  tirae.^ 

In  most  instances  the  disease  set  in  like  the  generality  of  fevers, 
with  a  short  shivering  Jit  *  and  trembling,  which  in  very  malig- 
nant cases  even  passed  into  convulsions  of  the  extremities  ;  ^  in 
many  it  began  with  a  moderate  and  constantly  increasing  heat,'* 
either  Avithout  any  evident  occasion,  even  in  the  midst  of  sleep, 
so  that  the  patients  on  waking  lay  in  a  state  of  perspiration,  or 
from  a  state  of  intoxication,  and  during  hard  work,^  especially  in 
the  morning  at  sunrise.^  Many  patients  experienced  at  the  com- 
mencement a  disagreeable  creeping  sensation  or  formication  on 
their  hands  and  fect^  which  passed  into  pricking  pains,  and  an 
exceedingly  painful  sensation  under  the  nails.  At  times  likewise 
it  was  combined  with  rheumatic  cramps,  and  with  such  a  weari- 
ness in  the  upper  part  of  the  body,  that  the  sufierers  were  totally 
incapable  of  raising  their  arms.'"  Some  were  seen  during  these 
attacks,  especially  women  and  those  who  were  weak,  with  their 
hands  and  feet  swollen.'' 

Serious  affections  of  the  brain  quickl}'  followed  ;  many  fell  into 
a  state  of  violent   feverish  delirium,'-  and  these  generally  died.'^ 

1  See  above,  p.  227.     Klemzen,  p.  254. 

-  Bayer,  cap.  6.     .1/.  Ilundt,  fol.  5.  a.  '  Bayer,  loc.  cit. 

*  Angelas,  p.  310.     Schiller,  Stettler,  locis  cit.  :  and  many  others. 

5  Damian.  fol.  115.  b.  •'  Schiller,  loc.  cit. 

■^  The  Regimen  of  Wittenberg.  s  Damian.  fol.  llo.  b. 

"  Klemzen,  p.  2.5.5. 

10  «  Ungues  potissimum  excruciat,  alas  ita  comprimit,  ut  etiam  si  veils,  non  posses  at- 
toUcre."  Forest,  p.  157.  Sehol.  "  In  c.xtremitatibus  pinicturis  retorquentur  doloro- 
sis — extremitatcs  obstupefiunt,  dolct  orificium  veutriculi,  nervorum  eontractioncs  nas- 
ciintur,  plantarum  pedumque  dolores." — Damian.  fol.  116.  a. 

"   Damian.  loc.  cit.  '-  Klemzen,  loc.  cit. 

'^  "Nee  quenquam  vidimus  ita  dclirantem  restitutum  incolumitati." — Damian.  fol. 
116.  a. 

17  * 


260  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

All  complained  of  obscure  i^ain  in  the  head ;  '  and  it  was  not 
long  before  an  alarming  lethargy  supervened,'^  which,  if  it  was 
not  firmly  resisted,  led  to  inevitable  death  by  apoplexy.  Thus 
the  unconscious  sufferers  were,  at  least,  relieved  from  the  pain  of 
separation  from  their  friends,  which  would  have  been  much  more 
distressing  to  them  in  this  than  in  any  other  complaint,  since  they 
lay,  as  it  were,  in  a  stinking  swamj),  tortured  with  suffering. 

This  mortal  anguish  accompanied  them  so  long  as  they  were 
in  possession  of  their  senses,  throughout  the  whole  disease.^  In 
many  the  countenance  ivas  bloated  and  lirid,  or  at  least  the  lips  and 
cavities  of  the  eyes  were  of  a  leaden  tint ;  whence  it  evidently 
appears,  that  the  passage  of  the  blood  through  the  lungs  was 
obstructed  in  the  same  way  as  in  violent  asthma ;  *  hence  they 
breathed  ivith  great  difficulty,  as  if  their  lungs  were  seized  with  a 
violent  spasm  or  incij)ient  paralysis ;  at  the  same  time,  the  heart 
trembled  and  palpitated  constantly  under  the  oppressive  feeling 
of  inward  burning,  which,  in  the  most  malignant  cases,  flew  to 
the  head,  and  excited  fatal  delirium.*  In  the  course  of  a  short 
time,  and  in  many  cases  at  the  very  commencement,  the  stinking 
sweat  broke  out  in  streams  over  the  whole  body,  either  proving 
salutary  when  life  was  able  to  obtain  the  mastery  over  the  dis- 
ease, or  prejudicial  when  it  was  subdued  by  it — as  is  the  case  in 
every  ineffectual  effort  of  nature  to  produce  a  cure.  And  in  this 
respect,  as  in  diseases  of  less  importance,  great  differences  ap- 
peared according  to  the  constitution  of  the  patient ;  for  some 
perspired  very  easily,  others,  on  the  contrary,  with  great  difficulty, 
especially  the  phlegmatic,  who,  in  consequence,  were  threatened 
with  the  greatest  danger.® 

In  this  severe  struggle  the  spinal  marrow  was  sometimes,  at  a 
later  stage,  so  much  affected,  that  even  convulsions  came  on  ;  and 
it  happened  not  unfrequently,  that,  in  consequence  of  the  con- 
striction of  the  chest,  the  stomach  indicated  its  excited  condition 
by  nausea  and  vomiting?     These  symptoms,  however,  manifested 

'  Schiller,  Stettler. 

2  Somnolentia  et  inevitabilis  sopor,  Schiller ;  a  deep  sleep,  in  almost  all  the 
chroniclers. 

3  Schiller. 

*  "  Aliis  mox  tument  manus  et  pedes,  aliis  facics,  qua;  ct  iu  pluribus  livct ;  nonnul- 
lis  sola  labia  et  superciliorum  loca :  mulieribus  ctiara  iugiiiua  iiiflantur." — Damian. 
fol.  116.  a. 

^  "  Maximus  denique  calor  baud  procul  a  cordc  sentitur,  qui  ad  cerebrum  dcvolans 
delirium  adducit,  internecionis  nuncium." — Damian.  loc.  cit. 

^  Damian.  loc.  cit. 

"  Schiller,  loc.  cit. 


FORM    OF    THE    DISEASE.  261 

themselves  principally  in  those  who  were  attacked  with  the  dis- 
ease upon  a  full  stomach. 

Such  is  the  testimony  of  the  contemporary  writers  of  1529,  to 
whose  accounts  but  little  is  added  by  Kaye,  an  English  eye-wit- 
ness of  the  epidemic  Sweating  Sickness  of  1551.  The  observa- 
tions of  this  perfectly  trustworthy  physician,  so  far  as  they  relate 
to  the  form  of  the  disorder,  may  be  here  annexed,  since  no  essen- 
tial differences  between  the  diseases  on  these  two  occasions  can  be 
discovered.  At  the  first  onset  the  diseases  in  some  attacked  the 
neck  or  shoulders,  and  in  others  one  leg  or  one  arm,  with  drag- 
ging pains  ; '  others  felt  at  the  same  time  a  warm  glow  that 
spread  itself  over  the  limbs,  immediately  after  which,  without 
any  visible  cause,  the  perspiration  broke  out  accompanied  by 
constant  and  increasing  heat  of  the  inward  parts,  gradually  ex- 
tending towards  the  surface.  The  patients  suffered  from  a  very 
quick  and  irritable  pulse  -  and  great  thirst,  and  threw  themselves 
about  in  the  utmost  restlessness.  Under  the  violent  headache 
which  they  suffered,  they  frequently  fell  into  a  talkative  state  of 
wandering,  yet  this  did  not  generally  happen  before  the  ninth 
hour,  and  in  very  various  gradations  of  mental  aberration,'  'after 
which  the  drowsiness  commenced.  In  others  the  sweating  was 
longer  delayed,  while,  in  the  mean  time,  a  slight  rigor  of  the  limbs 
existed :  it  then  broke  out  profusely,  but  did  not  always  trickle 
down  the  skin  in  equal  abundance,  but  alternately,  sometimes 
more,  sometimes  less.  It  was  thick  and  of  various  colours,  but 
in  all  cases  of  a  very  disagreeable  odour,*  which,  when  it  broke 
out  again,  after  any  interruption  to  its  flow,  was  still  more  pene- 
tratino;.'' 

Kaye  adds  to  what  we  already  know  of  the  oppression  of  the 
chest,  the  very  important  statement  that  those  affected  were  ob- 
served to  have  a  ichining,  sighing  voice,  whence  we  have  every 
reason  to  conclude  that  there  was  a  serious  affection  of  the 
eighth  pair  of  nerves.     He,  moreover,  describes  a  very  mild  form 

'  "  Primo  insultu  aliis  cervices  aut  scapulas,  aliis  crus  aut  brachium  occupavit,"  p.  15. 
iiioye  docs  not  state  what  he  precisely  means  by  this  "occnpare."  From  an  analo- 
gous more  modern  observation,  it  appears,  however,  that  by  it  are  meant  tearing 
rheumatic  pains.  "  Add  to  this,  that  the  patients  complained  one  and  all,  some  more 
some  less,  of  a  tearing  pain  in  the  neck."     Sinner,  p.  10. 

2  Pulsus  concitatior,  frequentior.  The  only  remark  upon  the  pulse  which  is  to  be 
found  in  all  the  writers.  Cains,  p.  16.  Probably  most  of  the  physicians  were  afraid 
of  contagion,  and  on  this  account  omitted  to  examine  the  pulse. 

3  Page  252. 

*  Odoris  teterrimi.     Tyengius  in  Forest,  p.  158. 
^  Newetiar,  fol.  72.  b. 


262  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

of  the  disease,  sucli  as  was  prevalent  in  the  south  of  Germany 
in  1529.  It  passed  off  under  proper  care,  without  any  danger, 
in  the  very  short  -^eriodioi  Jif teen  /«o?<rs,  and  was  brought  to  a 
termination  by  moderate  heat  through  the  medium  of  a  very 
gentle  perspiration.^ 

It  is  remarkable  that  during  this  violent  disorder  neither  the 
activity  of  the  Jiidneys  nor  the  evacuation  by  stool  teas  entirely 
interrujjted,  for  there  passed  continuall}^  turbid  and  dark  urine, 
although,  as  may  be  conceived,  in  small  quantity  and  with  great 
uncertainty  as  to  the  prognosis  ;  whereupon  those  physicians  who 
judged  by  the  urine  were  not  a  little  perplexed.-  It  was  observed, 
too,  sometimes  in  the  more  easily  curable  cases,  that  patients  at  the 
moment  lohen  the  jierspiration  hrolie  out  upon  them  passed  urine 
in  great  quantity^  on  which  account  a  French  physician  proposed 
to  draw  off  the  water  in  those  who  suffered  from  this  disease ;  ^  j^et 
this  practice  has  no  higher  therapeutical  worth  than  the  excite- 
ment of  perspiration  in  diabetes  or  in  cholera,  and  is,  moreover, 
much  less  practicable.  That  occasionally  diarrhoea  supervened, 
and  even  to  a  degree  which  was  not  to  be  restrained,  may  be 
gathered  from  the  frequent  medical  directions  as  to  how  it  ought 
to  be  arrested,  which  Kaye  also  repeats.^  In  some  patients,  like- 
wise, nature  appears  to  have  effected  a  simultaneous  crisis  by 
the  skin,  the  kidneys,  and  the  bowels. 

Much  more  important,  however,  is  the  observation  of  a  re- 
spectable Dutch  physician,  that  after  the  perspiration  loas  over 
there  appeared  on  the  limbs  small  vesicles,^  Avliich  were  not  con- 
fluent, but  rendered  the  skin  uneven,  and  these  were  not  noticed 
by  any  other  medical  observer,  but  are  spoken  of  by  the  author 
of  an  old  Hamburgh  chronicle,  and,  with  this  addition,  that  they 
have  been  seen  on  the  dead."     By  these  it  is  ver}'-  likely  that  a 

1  Page  190.  2  Schiller,  Kaye,  loc.  cit. 

^  "  cum  alvi  solutione  ac  lotii  baud  modica  eiectione,  iu  ea  morbi  sjiecie,  quaj 

curatum  itura  est."     Datnian.  fol.  116.  a. 

*  Eondclet,  de  dignosc.  morbis,  loc.  cit. 

5  To  avoid  exposure  to  cold,  tbcy  preferred  allowing  tbe  patient  to  pass  his  eva- 
cuations in  bed.  Bed-pans  were  unknown.  Kaye,  p.  110,  and  most  of  the  other 
writers. 

^  Tyengius  in  Forest,  p.  158.  b.  "  Febrcm  sudor  finiebat,  post  se  relinquens  in 
extremitatibus  corporis,  pustulas  joarvas,  admodum  exaspcrantes  diversas  ct  malio-nas 
secundum  humorum  malignitatem." 

■^  When  care  was  not  taken  that  the  hands  and  feet  were  kept  under  the  clothes  they 
died,  and  their  bodies  became  as  black  as  a  coal  all  over,  and  were  covered  with 
vesicles,  and  stunk  so,  that  it  was  necessary  to  bury  them  deep  in  the  earth  by  reason 
of  the  stench.     Staphorst,  Part  II.  Vol.  I.  p.  83. 


FORM    OF    THE   DISEASE.  263 

miliary  eruption,  and  perhaps  spots  also,  are  to  be  understood ; 
yet  everything  militates  against  the  supposition  that  this  pheno- 
menon was  constant,  or  that  the  Sweating  Fever  was  an  eruptive 
disorder.^  For  in  that  case,  some  mention  would  have  been 
made  of  it  in  the  numerous  accounts  of  historians,  many  of  whom, 
doubtless,  had  themselves  seen  the  disease,  and  the  eruptions 
would  have  been  more  evidently  and  decidedly  formed  in  the 
numerous  relapses  of  those  who  recovered.  They  certainly  in- 
dicate a  relationship  with  the  miliary  fever,  but  only  in  so  far  as 
that  both  diseases  are  of  rheumatic  origin,  and  this  slight  par- 
ticipation in  the  nature  of  an  eruptive  disease  would  seem  to  have 
been  observed  in  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  only  in  perfect- 
ly isolated  cases.  What  would  have  taken  place  under  such 
an  indication  had  the  Sweating  Sickness  run  a  longer  course, 
whether,  in  fact,  it  might  not  possibly  have  passed  into  a  regular 
miliary  fever,  is  a  question  unsolved  by  the  past,  since  even  later 
transitions  of  this  kind  have  never  been  observed.  The  two  dis- 
eases are,  both  in  their  course  and  their  nature,  perfectly  distinct 
from  each  other,  and  the  miliary  fever  was  not  developed  as  an 
independent  epidemic  until  the  following  century,  under  circum- 
stances altogether  different,  and  its  more  decided  precursors  are 
not  to  be  discovered  until  a  period  posterior  to  the  five  eruptions 
of  the  Sweating  Sickness. 

The  powers  of  the  constitution  were  much  shaken  by  the  Sweat- 
ing Sickness,  so  that  a  rapid  recovery  was  observed  to  take  place 
only  in  the  mildest  form  of  this  disease.  Those,  however,  whom 
it  attacked  more  severely,  remained  very  feeble  and  powerless  for 
at  least  a  week,  and  their  restoration  was  but  gradual,  and  effected 
only  by  great  care  and  strengthening  diet.  After  the  perspira- 
tion had  passed  off,  the  patient  was  taken  carefully  from  his  bed, 
cautiously  dried  in  a  warm  chamber,  placed  by  the  fireside,  and,  as 
a  first  restorative,  usually  fed  with  i:^g  soup,  yet  the  generality 
could  not  entirely  get  over  the  effects  of  the  fever  for  a  long  time. 
Those  who  had  recovered  could  seldom  go  out  so  early  as  the 
second  or  third  day.^ 

'  Spots  (macula;  quas  ronclias  (?)  vocant),  which  were  on  other  occasions  considered 
as  signs  of  approaching  death,  or  which  did  not  come  out  until  death  had  occurred, 
hroke  out,  after  a  return  of  sweating  which  had  hcen  repressed,  all  over  the  body  of 
the  learned  Margaretha  Roper,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Thomas  More,  who  was  the 
subject  of  sweating  fever  in  1517  or  1528,  and  recovered.  Th.  Stapleton,  Vita  ct 
obitus  Thomte  Mori,  c.  6.  p.  26.     See  Mori  Opera. 

2  And  certainly  only  after  very  appropriate  and  careful  treatment.  Sec  the  Witten- 
berg Regimen,  Kaye,  loc.  cit.     ISchmidt,  p.  307,  and  Klemzen,  p.  256. 


264  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

Those  patients  were  placed  in  still  greater  danger  in  icliom  the 
perspiration  teas  in  any  way  mppresned :  most  of  them  were  con- 
signed to  inevitable  death  (the  popular  voice  ever  since  the  year 
1485  confirms  this).  Over  those,  however,  in  whom  the  powers 
of  life  were  roused  to  a  renewed  effort,  there  broke  out,  after  a 
short  period,  a  new  perspiration  far  more  offensive  than  the  first ; 
so  that  the  body  drippsd  as  it  were  with  a  foul  fluid,  and  it  seemed 
as  if  the  inward  parts  wanted  to  disburthen  themselves  at  once  of 
their  putridity  by  an  immoderate  effort.'  It  is  clear  that  this  re- 
petition of  the  attack  must  have  been  destructive  to  many  who, 
had  it  not  been  for  an  obstruction  of  the  crisis,  would  have  been 
saved ;  for  nothing  is  more  dangerous  in  inflammatory  diseases 
than  Avhen  those  secretions  are  interrupted  which  Nature  has 
ordained  as  the  only  means  of  relief. 

Relapses  were  frequent,  because  convalescents,  after  the  disease 
was  subdued,  remained  for  a  long  time  very  excitable.  These 
were  seen  for  the  third  and  fourth  time  seized  loith  the  Sweating 
Sickness,^  nay,  later  writers  notice  a  repetition  of  the  disease  even  to 
the  twelfth  time^  whereby  at  least  the  health  was  completely  shat- 
tered, for  dropsy  or  some  other  destructive  sequelae  supervened, 
until  death  put  a  period  to  incurable  sufferings,  and  it  is  important 
to  observe  that  even  the  bowels  participated  in  the  great  excitabi- 
lity of  the  system,  for  too  early  an  exposure  to  the  air  easily  brought 
on  diarrhoea} 

How  great  the  decomposition  of  the  organic  matter  was  is  con- 
vincingly proved  from  all  the  testimony  hitherto  adduced,  but  it 
miglit  have  been  inferred  from  the  very  rapid  putrefaction  of  the 
body,  which  rendered  it  necessary  everywhere  to  use  the  greatest 
despatch  in  the  performance  of  burials  ;''  and  fortunately  did  away 
with  all  fear  of  being  buried  alive.  Of  post  mortem  examinations 
we  have  no  information,  and  even  if  they  could  have  been  insti- 
tuted, they  would,  from  the  manner  of  conducting  researches  in 
those  times,  scarcely  have  thrown  any  important  light  on  the  dis- 
ease. Hardly  any  physicians  but  those  who  had  studied  in  Italy 
knew  the  inward  structure  of  the  body  from  their  own  observation, 
superficial  as  it  was ;  the  rest  learned  it  only  from  Galenic 
manuals ;  how  could  they  with  such  slender  knowledge  have  dis- 

1  Neu-enar,  fol.  72.  b. 

2  Erasm.  Epist.  L.  XXVI.  Ep.  58.  p.  1477.  b.  "  Et  crcbroqiios  reliquit  brevi  intcr- 
vallo  repetens,  nee  id  seniel,  sed  bis,  tcr,  quatcr,  donee  in  bydropem  aut  aliud  morbi 
genus  versus,  tandem  extinguat  niiseris  excarnificatum  modis." 

3  Kaye,  p.  110.  *  Idem.  p.  113. 
5  Staphorst,  Part  II.  Vol.  I.  p.  83. 


FORM    OF    THE    DISEASE.  265 

tinguished  between  healthy  and  diseased  parts  ?  Moreover,  the 
Sweating  Sickness  could  not  in  so  short  a  period  cause  such  a  pal- 
pable and  substantial  destruction  of  the  viscera  as  they  would 
alone  have  sought  for.  Details  respecting  the  condition  of  the 
blood  in  the  dead  body,  which  after  such  an  enormous  loss  of 
watery  fluid,  such  severe  oppression  at  the  chest,  and  so  great  an 
impediment  to  the  function  of  respiration,  would  in  all  probability 
be  thickened  and  darkened  in  colour,  as  well  as  respecting  the 
condition  of  the  lungs  and  of  the  heart,  it  would  be  highly  de- 
sirable to  obtain  ;  but  these  likewise  are  wanting  altogether,  and 
after  the  lapse  of  so  long  a  period  there  only  remains  room  for  con- 
jectures. 

The  observation  was  repeated  in  Germany  which  had  been  so 
frequently  made  since  the  year  1485,  that  the  middle  period  of 
life  was  especially  exposed  to  the  Sweating  Fever.  Children,  on 
the  contrary,  remained  almost  entirely  exempt  from  this  disease, 
and  when  the  aged  were  affected  by  it,  it  was  as  individual  ex- 
ceptions to  a  general  rule,'  and  this,  as  it  would  appear,  only 
during  the  height  of  the  epidemic ;  as  for  example  at  Zwickau, 
where  a  woman  of  112  years  of  age  was  carried  off"  by  it.^  We 
have  alread}'  in  part  discovered  the  cause  of  this  perfectly  constant 
phenomenon  in  the  luxurious  mode  of  living  of  robust  young  men, 
and  if  we  look  back  to  the  moral  condition  of  the  Germans  in  the 
16th  century,  we  find  among  them  the  same  immoderate  luxury 
as  among  the  English,  the  same  drunkenness,  the  same  intemi^er- 
ance  at  their  frequent  banquets,  where  the  wine-cups  and  beer-jugs 
were  emptied  with  but  too  eager  draughts ;  finally,  also,  the  same 
relaxation  of  skin  consequent  upon  the  use  of  warm  baths  and 
warm  clothing.  All  contemporary  writers  mention  these  circum- 
stances,^ and  our  bold  forefathers,  with  respect  to  these  matters, 
were  not  in  the  best  repute  with  their  southern  neighbours. 

But  we  have,  moreover,  to  survey  the  disease  in  another  point 
of  view,  namely,  in  relation  to  its  peculiar  character.  In  the  out- 
set we  designated  the  Siceatijig  Sichiess  as  a  rlieumatic  fever,  and 
if  we  take  the  notion  of  a  rheumatic  affection,  as  in  propriety  we 
ought,  in  its  widest  acceptation,  weighty  and  convincing  grounds 

1  '' Iminuncs  erant  pueri  et  senes  ab  hoc  malo."  Ditmar,  p.  473.  "  Pucri  infra 
decern  annos  rarissime  hac  febre  corripiuntur."  Newenar,  fol.  72.  a.  "  Senibus  solis 
quaiuloquc  pcpercit,— pnrternavigavit  etiam  magna  ex  parte  atrabilarios  ct  emaciates 
corpore,  quouiam  et  liorum  corpora  putris  succi  expertia  erant."     Schiller,  fol.  4.  a. 

-  Schmidt,  p.  307. 

'  As  for  instance,  Schiller,  to  name  but  one  among  thousands.  "  Juvit  etiam  aux- 
itque  malum  frcquens  multaque  crapula,  ot  in  potationibus  otiosa  vita  nostra,"  fol.  3.  b. 


266  THE  SWEATING   SICKNESS. 

have  been  adduced  in  the  course  of  our  whole  inquiry  in  confirma- 
tion of  this  view.  When  we  observe  that  those  very  nations  were 
visited  by  the  Sweating  Fever,  which  are  characterised  by  a  fair 
skin,  bhie  eyes,  and  light  hair — the  marks  of  the  German  race,  it 
may  with  justice  be  assumed,  that  even  this  peculiarity  in  the 
structure  of  the  body  rendered  it  susceptible  of  this  extraordinary 
disease.  It  is  this  which  causes  the  proneness  to  fluxes  of  all 
kinds,  and  which  makes  these  diseases  endemic  in  the  north  of 
Europe,  whilst  the  dark-haired  southern  nations  and  the  blacks  in 
the  tropical  climates  remain,  under  similar  circumstances,^  more 
free  from  them.  If  it  be  remembered  further  how  overcharged 
with  water  were  the  lower  strata  of  the  atmosphere  in  which  the 
pestilent  Sweating  Fevers  existed,  what  thick  and  even  offensive 
mists  prepared  the  way  for  the  disease  and  indicated  its  approach, 
what  rapid  alternations  of  freezing  cold  and  excessive  heat  took 
place  in  the  summer  of  1529  ;  and,  moreover,  how  frequent  all 
kinds  of  fluxes  were  in  tins  very  year,  the  complete  form  of  the 
rheumatic  constitution  will  be  recognised  in  every  individual 
feature. 

Did  we  possess  in  the  showy  systems  of  modern  times  a  maturer 
knowledge  of  the  electricity  of  living  bodies,  much  light  would  of 
necessity  hence  be  thrown  on  the  great  object  of  our  research. 
We  should  not  then  be  compelled  to  rest  satisfied  with  the  fact 
that  a  cloudy  atmosphere  abstracts  electricity  from  the  body,  robs 
the  skin  and  lungs  of  their  electrical  atmosphere,  disturbs  their 
mutual  electrical  relation  with  the  external  world,  and  by  this 
disturbance  prepares  the  body  for  rheumatic  indisposition,  with  all 
that  peculiar  decomposition  of  the  fluids,  irritable  tension  of  the 
nerves,  fever,  and  painful  affection  of  particular  parts,  with  which 
it  is  accompanied.  If  this  disturbance  be  represented  according 
to  certain  new  and  inviting  hypotheses,  supported  by  some  im- 
portant facts,"  as  being  perhaps  an  accumulation  of  electricity  in 

'  Let  it  be  observed  under  similar  circumstances.  It  ougbt  not  to  be  affirmed  that 
they  arc  free  from  rheumatic  diseases,  but  only  that  they  are  less  disposed  to  be  affected 
by  them. 

2  That  a  rheumatic  state  makes  the  body  an  isolator ^  A.  von.  Humboldt  discovered 
as  early  as  1793,  and  he  found  that  the  observation  was  confirmed  by  subsequent  expe- 
riments. "  I  have  observed  in  myself  that,  M'hen  labouring  under  a  severe  attack  of 
catarrhal  fever,  I  was  unable,  by  the  most  powerful  metals,  to  excite  the  galvanic  flash 
before  my  eyes ;  that  I  interrupted  every  connecting  link  between  the  muscular  and 
nervous  apparatus.  As  the  rheumatic  malady  lessens  the  irritability  of  organs,  so  also 
it  seems  to  diminish  their  conducting  power.  How  is  this  ?  As  yet  nothing  is  known 
about  it.  I  have  every  now  and  then  met  with  isolating  persons  who  were  in  perfect 
health,  but  can  we  not  yet,  amidst  such  an  ocean  of  uncertainty,  discover  a  condition 


FORM    OF    THE    DISEASE.  2G7 

the  interior  of  the  body,  owing  to  a  morbid,  isolating  activity  of 
the  skin,  we  may  expect  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  the  nature 
of  rheumatism  through  the  medium  of  future  diligent  researches  ; 
and  until  these  be  made,  some  evident  signs  of  connexion  between 
rheumatic  affections  and  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  will  per- 
haps be  sufficient  to  demonstrate  the  rheumatic  nature  of  this 
latter  disease. 

In  the  first  place,  the  very  great  susceptihiliti)  ^f  tJiose  affected 
icith  the  Sweating  Fecer  to  every  change  of  temperature — the  de- 
cidedly great  danger  of  chill.  In  no  known  disease  does  this  irri- 
tability of  the  skin  show  itself  in  so  prominent  a  degree  as  in 
rheumatic  fevers  and  in  those  non-febrile  fluxes  in  which  there 
even  exists  a  very  evident  sensitiveness  to  metallic  action. 

Secondly,  The  tendency  of  the  rheumatic  diathesis  to  come  to  a 
crisis  through  the  medium  of  a  profuse,  sour,  and  offensive  perspira- 
tion without  any  assistance  from  art.'  The  English  Sweating 
Sickness  manifests  this  commotion  of  the  organism  in  the  most 
exquisite  fonn  hitherto  known ;  for  it  admits  of  no  kind  of  doubt 
that  the  sweat  in  this  disease  was  of  itself,  and  in  itself,  critical, 
in  the  fullest  acceptation  of  the  term. 

Thirdly,  The  peculiar  alteration  in  the  fundamental  composition 
of  organic  matter  in  rheumatic  diseases,  in  consequence  of  which 
volatile  acids  of  a  strange  odour  are  prevalent  in  the  sweat,  and 
urine,  and  animal  excretions.  The  English  Sweating  Sickness 
exhibits  also  this  result  of  morbid  activity  in  a  greater  and  more 
striking  manner  than  any  other  disease.  Nor  can  we  regard  the 
tendency  to  putridity,  which  has  been  observed,  as  anything  but 
an  increased  degree  of  this  condition. 

Eourthl}^,  The  shooting  p)cnns  in  the  limhs,  the  most  decided  sign 
of  rheumatism,  were  not  wanting  in  the  English  Sweating  Sick- 
ness ;  na}^  they  became  developed  even  to  the  extent  of  an  in- 
cipient paralysis,  and  even  the  convulsions  of  those  affected  with 
this  disease  maj^  not  unjustly  be  attributed  to  the  same  source. 

Fifthly,  The  tendency  of  rheumatism  when  it  takes  an  unfavour- 
able course  to  pass  into  regular  dropsy,  which  is  a  consequence  of 
the  peculiar  decomposition,  manifested  itself  in  the  Sweating  Fever 
in  so  marked  a  manner  that  the  dropsy  itself  gradually  destroyed 
the  patient. 

by  Mliich  we  may  determine  every  case?"  Versuche  in  Vol.  I.  p.  159.  Pfajfhc- 
lievcs  that,  during  the  existence  of  rheumatic  diseases,  the  proper  electricity  of  the  body 
sinks  down  to  nothing.  See  his  Essay  on  the  peculiar  Electricity  of  the  Human  Body 
in  McchcVs  Archiv.  Vol.  III.  Xo.  2.  p.  161. 

*  The  author  has  at  times  made  extraordinary  experiments  of  this  kind  upon  himself. 


268  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

Should  the  sceptical  still  need  another  link  in  the  comparison, 
we  may  adduce  the  miliary  fever,  a  disease  of  decidedly  rheumatic 
character.  AVe  must  not,  however,  take  as  our  standard  the  de- 
generate forms  of  miliary  fever  existing  in  modern  times,  but 
those  grand  and  fully  developed  forms  of  the  disease  which  oc- 
curred in  the  17th  and  18th  centuries,  and  in  which  we  find  a 
similar  odour  in  the  perspiration,  the  same  oppression,  and  the 
same  inexpressible  anguish,  with  palpitation  and  restlessness. 
The  arms  became  enfeebled  as  if  seized  with  paralysis,  violent 
pains  of  the  limbs  set  in,  and  unpleasant  pricking  sensations  in  the 
fingers  and  toes,  resembling  in  all  these  particulars  the  Sweating 
Sickness,  only  pursuing  a  more  lengthened  and  irregular  course, 
and  becoming  developed  altogether  in  a  different  manner. 

According  to  this  representation,  the  English  Sweating  Sickness 
appears  as  a  rheumatic  fever  in  the  most  exquisite  form  that  has 
ever  yet  been  seen  in  the  world,  violently  affecting  the  vitality  of 
the  brain  and  spinal  marrow  with  their  nerves,  without,  however, 
at  all  molesting  the  plexuses  of  the  abdomen.  The  immodrrate 
excretion  of  toatery  fluid,  which  in  the  mild  cases  alone  took  place, 
through  a  spontaneous  curative  power,  while  in  the  malignant 
forms  it  betokened  paralysis  of  the  vessels  and  an  actual  coUiqua- 
tion,  directs  our  attention  further  to  the  consequejit  state  of  inani- 
tion, which  very  probably  passed  into  a  stagnation  of  the  circula- 
tion, in  the  same  manner  as  takes  place  after  every  other  sudden 
loss  of  the  fluids,  whether  from  sanguineous  effusion  or  evacuations 
by  vomit  and  stool.  Hence  the  uncommonly  rapid  course  of  the 
disease,  and  partly,  too,  the  fatal  stupor  ;  ^  hence,  likewise,  the 
very  pardonable  misconception  with  respect  to  the  nature  of  the 
Sweating  Fever  existing  even  in  more  modern  times.  The  sequela 
was  more  important  and  more  fatal  than  the  original  rheumatic 
affection  itself,  which  in  its  minor  forms  was  mild  and  easily 
managed. 

And  thus  is  explained  the  wonderfully  fortunate  result  of  the 
old  English  treatment,  which  prevented  this  sequela,  and  avoided 
increasing  the  already  too  powerful  efforts  of  nature  to  effect  a 
cure.  We  have,  therefore,  nothing  further  to  add  to  this  judicious 
and  truly  scientific  practice  but  our  unqualified  approbation ;  for 
it  is  the  part  of  the  physician,  in  diseases  which  have  a  spontaneous 
power  of  curing  themselves,  to  leave  this  power  free  scope  to  act, 

1  This  phenomenon  may  justly  be  compared  with  the  very  similar  but  more  enduring 
morbid  sequela;  of  cholera.  Paralysis  and  a  repletion  of  the  returning  vessels  must  be 
regarded  in  the  same  light  in  both. 


IRRUPTION.  269 

and  merely  hy  foster inri  care  to  remove  all  obstacles  to  its  exercise. 
Should  it  be  the  destiny  of  mankind  to  be  again  visited  by  the 
disease  of  the  sixteenth  century  (and  it  is  by  no  means  impossible 
that  at  some  time  or  other  similar  events  may  recur),  we  would 
recommend  our  posterity  to  bear  in  mind  this  eternal  truth,  and 
to  treasure  up  the  golden  words  of  the  Wittenberg  pamphlet, 
namely,  to  guard  the  healing  art  from  strange  and  unnatural 
farragos,  for  it  is  only  ivhen  it  is  subordinate  to  nature  that  it  bears 
the  stamp  of  reason — the  mistress  of  all  earthly  things. 


CHAPTER  V. 

FIFTH    VISITATION    OF    THE    DISEASE. 

"Ubique  lugubris  erat  lamcntatio,  fletus  mocrens,  aeerbus  liictus."— Kaye. 

Sect.  1.— Irruption. 

Full  three  and  twenty  years  had  now  elapsed ;  no  trace  of  the 
Sweating  Sickness  had  shown  itself  anywhere  in  this  long  in- 
terval, and  England  had  by  its  rapid  advancement  assumed  quite 
another  aspect,'  when  the  old  enemy  of  that  people  again,  and  for 
the  last  time,  burst  forth  in  Shrewsbury,  the  capital  of  Slirop- 
shire.^  Here,  during  the  spring,  there  arose  impenetrable  fogs 
from  the  banks  of  the  Severn,  which,  from  their  unusually  bad 
odour,  led  to  a  fear  of  their  injurious  consequences.'^  It  was  not 
long  before  the  Sweating  Sickness  suddenly  broke  out  on  the  15th 
of  April.  To  many  it  was  entirely  unknown  or  but  obscurely 
recollected  ;  for,  amidst  the  commotions  of  Henry's  reign,  the  old 
malady  had  long  since  been  forgotten. 

The  visitation  was  so  very  general  in  Shrewsbury  and  the 
places  in  its  neighbourhood,  that  every  one  must  have  believed 
that  the  atmosphere  was  poisoned,  for  no  caution  availed,  no 
closing  of  the  doors  and  windows,  every  individual  dwelling  be- 
came an  hospital,  and  the  aged  and  the  young,  who  could  con- 
tribute nothing  towards  the  care  of  their  relatives,  alone  re- 
mained unaffected  by  the  pestilence.^  The  disease  came  as 
unexpectedly  and  as  completely  without  all  warning  as  it  had  ever 

>  After  Henry  Vllltb's  death  in  lo47,  Edward  VI.,  who  was  only  nine  years  old, 
came  to  the  throne.     He  died  in  15o3. 
2  Cuius,  p.  2.  ^  Ilji'l-  P-  '-^8- 

*  Godipyn,  p.  1 12.     Slow,  p.  1023. 


270  THE   SWEATING  SICKNESS. 

clono  on  former  occasions ;  at  table,  during  sleep,  on  journeys, 
in  the  midst  of  amusement,  and  at  all  times  of  the  day  ;  and  so 
little  had  it  lost  of  its  old  malignity,  that  in  a  few  hours  it  sum- 
moned some  of  its  victims  fi'om  the  ranks  of  the  living,  and  even 
destroyed  others  in  less  than  one.'  Four  and  twenty  hours, 
neither  more  nor  less,  were  decisive  as  to  the  event ;  the  disease 
had  thus  undergone  no  change. 

In  proportion  as  the  pestilence  increased  in  its  baneful  violence, 
the  condition  of  the  people  became  more  and  more  miserable  and 
forlorn  ;  the  townspeople  fled  to  the  country,  the  peasants  to  the 
towns  ;  some  sought  lonely  places  of  refuge,  others  shut  them- 
selves up  in  their  houses.  Ireland  and  Scotland  received  crowds 
of  the  fugitives.  Others  embarked  for  France  or  the  Nether- 
lands ;  but  security  was  nowhere  to  be  found ;  so  that  people  at 
last  resigned  themselves  to  that  fate  which  had  so  long  and 
heavily  oppressed  the  country.  Women  ran  about  negligently  clad, 
as  if  they  had  lost  their  senses,  and  filled  the  streets  with  lament- 
ations and  loud  prayers ;  all  business  was  at  a  stand  ;  no  one 
thought  of  his  daily  occupations,  and  the  funeral  bells  tolled  day 
and  night,  as  if  all  the  living  ought  to  be  reminded  of  their  near 
and  inevitable  cnd.^  There  died,  within  a  few  days,  nine  hun- 
dred and  sixty  of  the  inhabitants  of  Shrewsbury,  the  greater  part 
of  them  robust  men  and  heads  of  families  ;  from  which  circum- 
stance we  may  judge  of  the  profound  sorrow  that  was  felt  in  this 
city. 

Sect.  2. — Extension  and  Duration. 

The  epidemic  spread  itself  rapidly  over  all  England,  as  far  as 
the  Scottish  borders,  and  on  all  sides  to  the  sea-coasts,  under  more 
extraordinary  and  memorable  phenomena  than  had  been  observed 
in  almost  any  other  epidemic.  In  fact,  it  seemed  that  the  hanks 
of  the  Severn  were  the  focus  of  the  malady,  and  that  from  hence, 
a  true  impestation  of  the  atmosphere  was  diffused  in  every  direc- 
tion. Whithersoever  the  winds  wafted  the  stinking  mist,  the  in- 
habitants became  infected  with  the  Sweating  Sickness,  and,  more 
or  less,  the  same  scenes  of  horror  and  of  affliction  which  had  oc- 
curred in  Shrewsbury  were  repeated.  These  poisonous  clouds  of 
mist  were  observed  moving  from  place  to  place,  with  the  disease 
in  their  train,  affecting  one  town  after  another,  and  morning  and 
evening  spreading    their    nauseating    insufferable   stench.^      At 

'  Cuius,  p.  3.  -  Ibid.  p.  7. 

•'  "  AVhich  miste  in  the  couiitrie  wher  it  began,  was  sene  flic  from  tounc  to  tounc, 


EXTENSION   AND    DURATION.  271 

greater  distances,  these  clouds,  being  dispersed  by  the  wind,  be- 
came gradually  attenuated,  yet  their  dispersion  set  no  bounds  to 
the  pestilence,  and  it  was  as  if  they  had  imparted  to  the  lower 
strata  of  the  atmosphere  a  kind  of  ferment  which  went  on  en- 
gendering itself,  even  without  the  presence  of  the  thick  misty 
vapour,  and  being  received  into  men's  lungs,  produced  the  fright- 
ful disease  everywhere.^  Noxious  exhalations  from  dung-pits, 
stagnant  waters,  swamps,  impure  canals,  and  the  odour  of  foul 
rushes,  which  were  in  general  use  in  the  dwellings  in  England, 
together  with  all  kinds  of  offensive  rubbish,  seemed  not  a  little  to 
contribute  to  it;  and  it  was  remarked  universally,  that  wherever 
such  offensive  odours  prevailed,  the  Sweating  Sickness  appeared 
more  malignant."  It  is  a  known  fact,  that  in  a  certain  state  of 
the  atmosphere,  which  is  perhaps  principally  dependent  on  elec- 
trical conditions  and  the  degree  of  heat,  mephitic  odours  exhale 
more  easily  and  powerfully.  To  the  quality  of  the  air  at  that 
time  prevalent  in  England,  this  peculiarity  may  certainly  be  at- 
tributed, although  it  must  be  confessed,  that  upon  this  point  there 
are  no  accurate  data  to  be  discovered. 

The  disease  lasted  upon  the  whole  almost  half  a  year,  namely, 
from  the  \bth  of  Ajjril  to  the  30th  of  September  ;  ^  it  thus  passed 
but  gradually  from  place  to  place,  and  we  do  not  observe  here, 
that  it  spread  with  that  rapidity  which,  in  the  autumn  of  1529, 
had  excited  such  great  wonder  in  German3^  It  is  much  to  be 
regretted,  that  contemporary  writers  either  gave  no  intelligence 
respecting  the  irruption  or  course  of  the  epidemic  Sweating  Sick- 
ness in  individual  towns,  or,  if  they  did  so,  that  this  has  not  been 
made  use  of  by  subsequent  writers.  Doubtless,  a  very  con- 
siderable diversity  of  circumstances  would  here  present  them- 
selves, and  the  very  peculiar  manner  in  which  the  corruption  of 
the  atmosphere  spread  on  this  occasion,  might  perliaps  have  been 
estimated  from  certain  facts,  and  not  from  mere  suppositions. 
Thus  the  only  fact  that  has  been  handed  down  is  very  remark- 
able ;  namely,  that  the  Sweating  Sickness  required  a  whole 
quarter  of  a  year  to  traverse  the  short  distance  from  Shrewsbury 

■with  suche  a  stinckc  inmorninges  and  evenings,  that  men  could  scarcely  abide  it." — 
Kaye.  Sec  Appendix,  also  Lat.  edit.  pp.  28,  29.  It  is  to  be  remarked  here,  that  in 
the  year  1529,  Damianus  observed  in  Ghent,  that  more  people  sickened  in  the  morning 
at  sun-rise  than  at  any  other  time.  p.  115.  b. 

'  Hosack  admits  in  cases  of  this  kind,  a  '■'^ fermentative  or  assimilating  process"  in 
the  atmosphere.  T.  1.  p.  312.  Laws  of  Contagion.  Lucretius  had  already  e.xpresscd 
the  same  thought  in  poetry.  L.  VI.  v.  1118.  to  1123. 

•  Caius,  p.  29.  *  Ibid.  pp.  2—8. 


272  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

to  London  ;  for  it  did  not  break  out  there  until  the  9th  of  July, 
and  in  a  few  days,  according  to  its  former  mode,  reached  its 
height,  so  that  the  rapid  increase  of  deaths  excited  terror  through- 
out the  whole  city.^  Yet  the  mortality  was  considerably  less  than 
at  Shrewsbur}^,  for  there  died  in  the  whole  of  the  first  week  only 
eight  hundred  inhabitants,^  and  we  may  consider  it  decided,  al- 
though all  the  contemporaries  are  silent  on  this  very  essential 
question,  that  the  pestilence  nowhere  lasted  longer  than  fifteen 
da3^s,  and  perhaps  in  most  places,  as  formerly,  only  five  or  six. 

The  deaths  throughout  the  kingdom  were  very  numerous,  so  that 
one  historian  actually  calls  it  a  depopulation.^  No  rank  of  life 
remained  exempt,  but  the  Sweating  Sickness  raged  with  equal 
violence  in  the  foul  huts  of  the  poor  and  in  the  palaces  of  the  no- 
bility.* The  piety  which,  in  the  general  dejection,  was  displayed 
by  the  whole  nation,  giving  birth  to  innumerable  works  of  Chris- 
tian benevolence  and  philanthropy,  whereby  undoubtedly  many 
tears  were  dried  up — many  orphans  and  widows  protected  from 
distress  and  want,  is  hence  explained :  for  this  phenomenon,  high- 
ly delightful  as  it  is  in  itself,  occurs  only  under  great  afilictions 
and  a  general  fear  of  death,  as  we  are  taught  by  the  universal  his- 
tory of  epidemics.  We  are  willing  to  believe,  to  the  honour  of 
the  English,  that  the  religious  impulse  which  they  derived  from 
their  ecclesiastical  reformation,  may  have  had  no  small  share  in 
its  production ;  yet,  unfortunately,  such  is  the  nature  of  human 
society,  that  no  sooner  is  the  calamity  over,  than  virtue  relaxes. 
Scarcely  were  the  funeral  obsequies  performed,  when  everything 
returned  to  the  usual  routine;^  in  like  manner,  the  Byzantines 
once,  during  a  great  earthquake,  were  seized  with  a  fear  of  God, 
such  as  they  had  never  before  felt ;  day  and  night  they  flocked  to 
the  churches  ;  nothing  was  to  be  seen  but  Christian  virtue,  self- 
denial,  and  works  of  benevolence,  but  these  only  lasted  until  the 
earth  again  became  firra.^ 

The  very  remarkable  observation  was  made  in  this  year,  that 
the  Sweating  Sickness  nniformhj  spared  foreigners  in  England,  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  followed  the  English  into  foreign  countries,  so 
that  those  who  were  in  the  Netherlands  and  France,  and  even  in 

1  Holinshed,  p.  1031,  and  others.  2  stow,  p.  1023.     Baker,  p.  332. 

^   Godwijn,  p.  142. 

*  Among  others,  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  and  his  brother.  Godwyn,  loc.  cit. 

5  "And  the  same  being  whote  and  terrible,  inforced  the  people  greatly  to  call  upon 
God  and  to  do  many  deedes  of  charity :  but  as  the  disease  ceased,  so  the  devotion  quickly 
decayed."      Grafton.,  p.  525. 

*  History  of  Medicine,  Vol.  II.  p.  136. 


^  CAUSES. — NATURAL    PHENOMENA.  273 

Spain,  were  carried  off  in  no  inconsiderable  numbers  by  their  in- 
digenous pestilence,  which  was  nowhere  caught  by  the  natives. 

Not  a  single  French  inhabitant '  of  the  neighbouring  town  of 
Calais  was  affected,  and  neither  the  Scotch  inhabitants  of  the 
same  island,  nor  the  Irish,  were  visited  by  the  Sweating  Sickness, 
so  that  we  cannot  get  rid  of  the  notion,  that  there  was  some 
peculiarity  in  the  whole  constitution  of  the  English  which  render- 
ed them  exclusively  susceptible  of  this  disease.  To  make  this  out 
accurately  would  be  so  much  the  more  difficult,  because,  in  the 
original  year  of  the  Sweating  Sickness,  foreigners  were  the  very 
persons  among  whom  the  English  disease  first  broke  out ;  and 
again,  because  English  persons  who  had  lived  a  year  in  France, 
on  their  return  home  in  the  summer  of  1551,  became  the  subjects 
of  Sweating  Sickness."  Contemporaries,  indeed,  find  a  cause  in 
the  gluttony  and  rude  mode  of  life  of  the  English.  In  short,  in 
all  those  remote  causes  with  which  we  have  already  become  ac- 
quainted, and  which,  doubtless,  also  had  their  part  in  preparing 
the  same  scourge  for  the  Germans  and  Flemings  in  1529.  Kaye, 
the  most  efficient  eye-witness,  even  brings  in  proof  of  this  view, 
that  the  temperate  in  England  remained  exempt  from  the  Sweat- 
ing Sickness,  and  on  the  contrary,  that  some  Frenchmen  at  Calais, 
who  were  too  much  devoted  to  English  manners,  were  seized  with 
it.^  To  this  alone,  however,  this  susceptibility  cannot  be  at- 
tributed, unless  we  would  be  content  with  the  antiquated -system 
of  giving  too  much  weight  to  remote  causes,  opposed  to  which  we 
are  met  by  the  striking  fact,  that  the  Germans  and  Netherlands, 
who  had  scarcely  much  improved  in  their  manners  since  1529, 
were  not  again  visited  b}'  their  old  enemy. 

Sect.  3. — Causes. — Natural  Phenomena. 

It  is  easy  to  perceive,  or  rather  we  have  no  alternative  but  to 
suppose,  an  unknown  something  in  the  English  atmosphere,  which 
imparted  to  the  inhabitants  the  rheumatic  diathesis,  or,  if  we  will, 

'  Ca««s,  p.  30,  and  at  other  places  quoted.  "And  it  so  folowcd  the  Englishmen, 
that  such  marchants  of  England,  as  were  in  Flaunders  and  Spaine,  and  other  countries 
beyond  the  sea,  were  visited  therewithal!,  and  none  other  nation  infected  therewith." 
Grafton,  loc.  cit.     Compare,  Baker,  p.  3;32.     Holinshed,  p.  1031. 

*  Caius,  p.  48. 

3  See  Appendix,  "these  thre  contryes  (Kngland,  the  Xetlierhnuls,  and  Germany) 
whiche  destroy  more  meates  and  drynckes  without  al  order,  convenient  time,  reason,  or 
nccessitie  then  either  Scotlande,  or  all  otlier  countries  under  the  sunnc,  to  the  great 
annoiance  of  their  ownc  bodies  and  wittes,"  &c.     Compare  p.  46  of  the  Lat.  edit. 

18 


274  THE   SWEATING   SICKNESS. 

SO  penetrated  their  bodies,  overcharged  as  they  were  with  crude 
juices,'  that  their  constitutions  had  the  so-called  opportuniUj ,  that 
is,  were  changed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  fit  them  for  the  reception 
of  the  Sweating  Sickness.  Under  such  a  condition,  the  common 
and  more  peculiar  causes  of  this  disease  were  not  absolutely 
necessary,  in  order  to  induce  its  attack  in  a  constitution  thus  long 
prepared  for  it,  but  the  general  causes  of  disease  were  sufficient  of 
themselves  to  give  it  its  last  stimulus,  although  this  should  be  in 
an  entirely  different  climate,  as  in  the  present  instance  was  the 
case  with  the  English  who  were  living  in  Spain,  and  with  the 
Venetian  ambassador  Naugcrio,  who,  in  the  year  1528,  fell  ill  of 
the  petechial  fever,  when  far  from  Italy,  and  living  in  France.^ 

It  has,  no  doubt,  struck  the  reader  that  each  of  the  five  erup- 
tions in  England  lasted  much  longer  than  the  single  one  which 
occurred  in  Germany  and  the  north  of  Europe.  This,  too,  might 
well  depend  upon  peculiarities  in  the  English  soil.  But  let  us 
now  endeavour  to  render  manifest,  by  means  of  phenomena  ac- 
tually observed,  that  unknown  something  in  the  atmosphere  of 
1551,  the  6tlov  of  the  great  Hippocrates,  which  announces  its  pre- 
sence by  the  sickening  of  the  people ;  for  beyond  this  it  is  not 
granted  that  human  researches  should  penetrate.  The  winter  of 
1550-51  was  dry  and  warm  in  England  ;  the  spring  dry  and  cold; 
the  summer  and  autumn  hot  and  moist. ^  The  weather  of  the 
whole  .year  was  uncommon  in  many  particulars,  without,  however, 
influencing  the  lives  of  plants  and  animals  so  much  or  through  so 
great  a  range  as  at  the  time  of  the  fourth  epidemic  Sweating 
Sickness.  It  was  even  in  some  places  praised  as  fruitful.^  On  the 
10th  of  January  a  violent  tempest  occurred,  which  in  Germany 
left  no  small  traces  ^  of  its  effects  on  houses  and  towers.  The  same 
day  brought  considerable  floods  in  the  river  district  of  the  Lahn, 
which  must  be  noticed  on  account  of  the  very  unusual  season  of  the 
year.^  On  the  13th  of  January,  again  at  an  unusual  season,  there 
followed  a  great  storm  with  heavy  rains,^  which  spread  over  the 
north  of  Germany  ;  and  on  the  28th  of  January  there  occurred  a 
considerable  earthquake  in  Lisbon,  whereby  about  two  hundred 
houses  were  overthrown,  and  nearly  a  thousand  people  were  de- 

1  Godwyn,  loc.  cit.,  expressly  assures  us,  that  gluttons  who  were  taken  with  the 
disease  when  their  stomachs  were  full,  fell  victims  to  it ;  and  Kaye  states  that  besides 
aged  persons  and  children,  the  poor,  who  from  necessity  lived  frugally,  and  endured 
hardships,  either  remained  free,  or  bore  the  disease  more  easily,    p.  51. 

^  See  above,  p.  215.  '  Cains.    See  Appendix. 

^  Schwelin,  p.  177.  *   Spangenberg,  fol.  463.  a. 

s  Chron.  Chron.  p.  101.  "  Ibid,  and  Spangenberg,  loc.  cit. 


CAUSES. — NATURAL   PHENOMENA.  275 

stroyed ;  whilst  a  fiery  meteor  appeared,  which,  according  to  the 
unsatisfactory  descriptions  of  the  time,  resembled  most  a  northern 
light,  and  therefore  was,  in  all  probability,  of  electrical  origin.' 
This  was  succeeded  in  Germany  by  a  great  frost  in  February.^ 
On  the  21st  of  March,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  two  mock 
suns,  with  three  rainbows,  were  seen  at  Magdeburg  and  in  its 
vicinity,  and  in  the  evening  two  mock  moons. ^  The  same  mock 
suns  were  also  observed  at  Wittenberg,  but  without  the  rainbows. 
A  similar  phenomenon  with  two  rainbows  was  again  seen  on  the 
27th  of  March  ;  ^  and  mock  suns  had  been  observed  at  Antwerp 
as  early  as  the  28th  of  February.^  About  the  same  time  (21st  of 
March)  the  Oder  overflowed  its  banks,''  and  floods  followed  after 
continued  rains  during  the  month  of  ]May  in  Thuringia  and  Fran- 
conia.^  Great  tempests  were  not  wanting,^  and,  after  consider- 
able heat,  there  occurred,  on  the  26th  of  June,  a  thick  summer 
fog  in  the  districts  of  the  Elbe,  which  deprived  the  besiegers  of 
Magdeburg  of  the  sight  of  that  city.  It  may,  therefore,  be  sup- 
posed that  this  phenomenon  took  place  throughout  a  greater  ex- 
tent of  country.^  On  the  22nd  of  September  a  meteor,  like  a 
northern  light,  was  again  seen,  and  on  the  29th  of  that  month, 
after  some  clear  weather,  a  heavy  fall  of  snow  was  followed  by 
continued  cold.'" 

These  facts  are  sufiicient  plainly  to  prove  that  the  course  of  the 
year  1551  was  unusual,  that  the  atmosphere  was  overcharged 
with  water,  and  that  the  electrical  conditions  of  it  were  consider- 
ably disturbed  ;  nor  must  we  omit  to  notice  that,  for  the  first  time 
since  1547,  mould  spots  again  appeared  in  Germany  on  clothes, 
and  red  discolorations  of  water,  as  likewise  an  exuberance  of  the 
lowest  cryptogamic  species  of  vegetation.'' 

'  Chron.  Chron.  loc.  cit.  -  l^patii/enberf/,  fol.  463.  b. 

3  Angelus,  p.  344.     Spangenherg,  fol.  464.  a.     Chron.  Chron.  p.  401. 

*  Spangenherg,  fol.  464.  a.  *  Chron.  Chron.  p.  402. 

«  Haftitz,  p.  167.     Angelus,  p.  344. 

'   Chron.  Chron.  p.  403.     Leuthinger,  p.  248.  *  Angelus,  loc.  cit. 

"  Spangenherg,  fol.  46-5.  a.  Magdeburg  was  besieged  at  this  time  for  having  refused 
to  accept  the  "Interim." 

10    Wurstisen,  p.  624.     Spange7iberg,  fol.  466.  a. 

'1  In  the  March  of  Brandenburg,  crosses,  as  they  were  called,  were  seen  upon  clothes 
in  the  year  1547  {Leuihinger,  p.  216) ;  red  water  was  seen  at  Zorbig,  in  the  year  1549 
(Ibid.  "p.  231),  and  frequently  likewise  in  the  year  1551.  (Chron.  Chron.  p.  402.) 
Agricola  seems  to  point  to  these  connected  phenomena  in  the  passage  already  quoted; 
see  p.  191,  note  ^. 

18* 


276  THE    SWEATING  SICKNESS. 


Sect.  4. — Diseases. 

During  the  years  of  scarcity,  from  1528  to  1534,  it  excited 
general  surprise  that  malignant  fevers,  more  especially  the  plague, 
petechial  fever,  and  encephalitis,  which  in  the  individual  accounts 
we  can  seldom  sufficiently  distinguish  from  each  other,  were  con- 
stantly recurring,  and,  creeping  slowly  as  the)''  did  from  place  to 
place,  had  no  sooner  finished  their  wandering  visitations  of  whole 
districts  of  country,  than  they  again  made  their  appearance  where 
they  had  broken  out  in  former  years.'  It  was  a  century  of  putrid 
malignant  affections,  in  which  typhous  diseases  were  continually 
prevailing — a  century  replete  with  grand  phenomena  affecting 
human  life  in  general,  and  continuing  so,  long  after  the  period  to 
which  our  researches  refer. 

There  existed  also  an  epidemic  flux,  which,  during  a  cold  sum- 
mer^ in  1538,  spread  over  a  great  part  of  Europe,  and  especially 
over  France,  so  that,  according  to  the  assurance  of  an  eminent 
physician,  there  was  scarcely  any  town  exempt  from  it.^  Of  this 
flux  we  have  unfortunately  but  very  defective  reports,  among 
which  we  find  a  statement,  not  without  importance,  that  there 
were  no  extraordinary  forerunners,  such  as  are  observed  in  phe- 
nomena of  this  kind,  to  account  for  this  epidemic.'*  Two  years 
earlier,  however,  (12th  of  July  1536,)  Erasmus  died  of  the  flux.^ 
This  disease  seldom  occurs  sporadically,  but  usually  as  an  epi- 
demic, and  thus,  perhaps,  slighter  visitations  of  this  rheumatic 
malady  may  be  assumed  to  have  preceded  that  greater  one  which 
took  place  in  1538. 

A  period  remarkable  for  plague  followed  in  the  year  1540,  and 
ended  about  1543.  The  summer  of  the  first-named  year  is  espe- 
cially mentioned  in  the  chronicles  as  having  been  hot,  and 
throughout  the  whole  century  it  continued  to  be  in  great  repute 
on  account  of  the  excellent  wine  it  produced.**     A  spontaneous 

'  " Pestis  insupcr  ill  certis  sfevicbat  GcrmaniiE  provinciis  (1533),  pr;i3scrtira  Ivuren- 
bergoe  et  Babenbcrg;e,  et  villis  oppidisque  per  girum.  Et  est  stupenda  res,  quod  base 
plaga  nunquam  totaliter  cessat,  sed  omni  anno  regnat,  jam  hie,  nunc  alibi,  de  loco  in 
locum,  de  provincia  in  provinciara  migrando,  et  sirecedit  aliquamdiu,  tamen  post  paucos 
annos  et  circuitum  revertitur,  et  juventutem  interim  natam  in  ipso  ilore  pro  parte 
majore  amputat." — Jo.  Lamje,  Cbron.  Nuremburgcns.  eccles.,  in  Mencken,  T.  II. 
col.  88. 

-  Spangenbei-g,  fol.  369.  b.  ^  Fcrnel,  de  abditis  rerum  causis,  L.  II.  p.  107. 

*  See  Fernel.  Wwstisen  (p.  613),  however,  states  that  the  preceding  winter  had 
been  very  warm.     Thus  Aph.  12.  sect.  III.  would  hold  good. 

>   Wurstisen,  loc.  cit. 

6  L'annee  des  vins  rostis,  of  the  French.     Stettler,  p.  119. 


DISEASES.  277 

conflagration  of  the  woods  was  frequent,  and  an  earthquake  was 
felt  in  Germany  on  the  14th  of  December.'  Thereupon,  in  1541, 
there  followed  in  Constantinople  a  great  plague,^  which,  in  the 
year  1542,  spread  by  means  of  a  Turkish  invasion  into  Hungary, 
its  superior  importance  being  indicated  by  the  presence  of  ac- 
companying phenomena,  among  which  the  swarms  of  locusts  that 
appeared  this  year  are  especially  worthy  of  note.  They  came  from 
the  interior  of  Asia,  and  travelled  in  dense  masses  over  Europe, 
passing  northward  over  the  Elbe,^  and  southward  as  far  as  Spain.'' 
Kaye  saw  a  cloud  of  locusts  of  this  description  in  Padua  ;  their 
passage  lasted  full  two  hours,  and  they  extended  further  than  the 
eye  could  reach.^  The  plague  quickly  spread  in  Hungary,  and 
caused  a  similar  destruction  to  the  imperial  army,  which  was 
fighting  against  the  Turks  under  Joachim  the  Second,  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  as  it  had  formerly  caused  the  French  before  Naples.*^ 
Whether  this  pestilence  may  have  been  the  original  oriental 
glandular  plague,  or  whether  we  may  assume  that  it  had  already 
degenerated  into  the  Hungarian  Petechial  Fever,  such  as  likewise 
broke  out  in  the  year  1566,  in  the  camp  near  Komorn,  during  the 
campaign  of  Maximilian  the  Second,  and  thence,  by  means  of  the 
disbanded  lansquenets,  spread  in  all  directions,^  cannot  now  well 
be  determined  for  want  of  ascertained  facts.  In  the  following 
year,  1543,  however,  this  plague  broke  out  in  Germany,  namely, 
in  the  Harz  districts  in  the  provinces  of  the  Saale,^  and  still  more 
malignantly  at  Metz,^  yet  upon  the  whole  it  did  not  cause  any 
considerable  loss  of  life. 

In  the  years  1545  and  1546  we  again  find  the  Trousse-galant 
in  France."*  It  proved  fatal  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  second  son 
of  Francis  the  First,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Boulogne,  and,  ac- 
cording to  the  testimony  of  French  historians,  to  ten  thousand 
English  in  that  fort,  so  that  the  garrison  was  obliged  to  pitch  a 
camp  outside  the  town,  and  the  reluctant  reinforcements  felt  that 
they  were  encountering  certain  death."     The  disease  spread  itself 

'   Spatigenberg,  fol.  439.  a.     Chron.  Cbron.  p.  375. 

2  Kircher,  p.  147.  ^  Spangenberg,  fol.  439.  b. 

*   Villalba,  T.  I.  p.  93.     They  committed  great  ravages  in  Spain. 

i  See  Appendix,  and  p.  25  of  the  Latin  edition.— Compare  Haftitz,  p.  149,  and 
others.  ^  Spangenberg,  fol.  439.  b. 

-  Jordan,  Tr.  I.  c.  19.  p.  220.  ^  Spangenberg,  fol.  440.  b. 

9  Villalba,  T.  I.  p.  94.  The  author  has  not  been  able  to  obtain  the  Work  of  Sixhis 
Kepser,  an  observer  of  this  disease.  (Consultatio  saluberrima  de  causis  ct  remediis 
epidemice  sive  pestiferi  morbi  Bambergcnsium  civitatem  turn  infestantis.)  Bambcrgre, 
1544.  4to.  '0  See  p.  219.  "  Mezeray,  p.  1036. 


278  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

also  among  the  French  troops,  and  we  have  seen  that  it  extended 
its  dominion  beyond  the  Alps  of  Savoy.' 

It  thus  appears  that,  up  to  the  period  of  which  we  have  been 
speaking,  the  3' ear  1544  alone  was  free  from  great  visitations  of 
disease,  but  it  would  be  difficult  from  thenceforth  satisfactorily  to 
define  the  individual  groups  of  epidemics,  if  the  connexion  of  the 
epidemic  Sweating  Sickness  of  the  j^ear  1551  with  them  is  to  be 
made  out ;  for  there  was,  to  use  an  expression  of  the  schools,  a 
continued  typhous  constitution,  which  extended  throughout  this 
whole  period,  manifesting  itself  on  the  slightest  causes  by  malig- 
nant diseases ;  so  that  the  visitations  of  sickness  which  we  have 
hitherto  been  describing  do  but  appear  as  exacerbations  of  them, 
with  a  predominance  sometimes  of  one  and  sometimes  of  another 
set  of  symptoms. 

The  camp  fever,  which  prevailed  in  the  spring  of  1547  among 
the  imperial  troops,  there  is  good  ground  for  considering  to  have 
been  petechial.  A  great  many  soldiers  fell  sick  of  it,  and  it  was 
so  much  the  more  malignant  because  the  imperial  army  was  com- 
posed of  a  variety  of  soldiery,  Spaniards,  Germans,  Hungarians, 
and  Bohemians.  Those  who  were  seized  complained,  as  in  en- 
cephalitis, of  insuiFerable  heat  of  the  head,  their  eyes  were  swollen 
and  started  glistening  from  their  sockets,  their  offensive  breath 
poisoned  the  atmosphere  ai'ound  them,  their  tongues  were  covered 
with  a  brown  crust,  they  vomited  bile,  their  skin  was  of  a  leaden 
hue,  and  a  deep  purple  eruption  broke  forth  upon  it.  The  disease, 
the  fresh  seeds  of  which  the  imperial  hussars  had  brought  with 
them  out  of  Hungary,  proved  fatal  as  early  as  the  second  or  third 
day,  and  it  may  be  taken  for  granted,  that  both  before  and  after  the 
battle  of  Muhlberg  (24th  of  April)  it  made  no  small  ravages  in 
Saxony  ;2  yet  it  did  not  become  general. 

After  a  short  interval  the  unusual  phenomena  of  1549  again  in- 
creased ;  the  chronicles  of  central  Germany  record  blights  and 
murrains  in  that  year.  They  speak  likewise  of  a  northern  light 
seen  on  the  21st  of  September,  and  of  a  malignant  disease  which, 
till  the  winter  set  in,  carried  off  young  people  in  no  small  numbers.^ 
According  to  all  appearance  this  disease  was  a  petechial  fever, 
which  in  the  following  year,  1550,  likewise  visited  the  March  of 
Brandenburg,  Thuringia,  and  Saxony.*  The  mortality  was  par- 
ticularly great  at  Eisleben,  where,  in  less  than  four  weeks  from 
the   14th  of  September,  257  fell  a  sacrifice  to  it,  and  after  this 

»  See  p.  219.  2   Thuan.  L.  IV.  p.  73. 

3  Spatigenberff,  fol.  4.58.  a.  b.,  459.  a.  ^  LetUhinger,  p.  241. 


JOHN    KAYE.  270 

period  it  happened  often  that  from  twenty  to  twenty-four  bodies 
were  buried  in  one  day;  so  that  the  loss  in  this  little  town  may 
be  reckoned  at  least  at  500.^  From  this  slight  example  the  great 
malignity  of  the  jDlagues  of  the  sixteenth  century  will  be  perceived, 
and  it  would  be  still  more  evident  if  the  physicians  of  those  times 
had  made  more  careful  observations,  and  historians  had  more  ac- 
curately recorded  facts  of  this  kind. 

In  1551  there  prevailed  in  Swabia  a  disease  of  the  nature  of 
plague,  which  determined  the  Duke  Christoph,  of  Wiirtemburg, 
to  withdraw  himself  from  Stuttgard.  It  did  not  spread,  and 
seems  to  have  remained  unknown  to  the  rest  of  Germany.-  In 
Spain,  too,  the  plague  ^  showed  itself,  and  if  to  this  be  added  the 
influenza  of  the  same  year,*  as  well  as  the  numerous  cases  of  ma- 
lignant fevers  in  Germany  and  Switzerland,  which  were  spoken  of 
as  still  existing  in  the  two  following  years,'  it  will  again  be  seen 
quite  evidently  that  the  fifth  epidemic  Siceatitig  Sieliicss  apiicared 
accompanied  by  a  group  of  various  epidemic  diseases,  ichich  might 
he  considered  as  resulting  from  general  infinences.  The  disease 
which  is  the  subject  of  our  research  thus  took  its  departure  from 
Europe  similarly  accompanied  as  when  it  originally  sprang  up 
there,  while  in  the  interval  it  thrice  repeated  its  deadly  attacks. 

Sect.  5. — John  Kaye. 

Let  us  dedicate  a  few  moments  to  the  observer  of  the  fifth 
sweating  pestilence,  whose  life  presents  a  lively  image  of  the 
peculiarities  and  tendencies  of  his  age.  He  was  born  at  Norwich 
on  the  6th  of  October,  1510,  and  received  his  education  at  Gon- 
ville  Hall,  Cambridge.  He  had  early  evinced  by  some  produc- 
tions his  great  knowledge  of  the  Greek  language,  and  his  zeal 
for  theological  investigations.  At  a  maturcr  age  he  went  to 
Italy,  at  that  time  the  seat  of  scientific  learning,  where  Baptista 
Montanus  and  T^esalius,  at  Padua,  initiated  him  in  the  healing 
art.  He  took  his  Doctor's  degree  at  Bologna,  and  in  1542  he  lec- 
tured on  Aristotle  in  conjunction  with  Realdus  Columbus,  with 
great  approbation.  The  following  j^ear  he  travelled  throughout 
Italy,  and  with  much  diligence  collated  manuscripts  for  the  emen- 
dation  of  Galen  and  Celsus,  attended  the    pra;lections   of  jNIat- 

'   Spangcnberg,  fol.  460.  a. 

2  Cntsius,  p.  280.  ^    villalba,  T.  T.  p.  95. 

*  See  above,  p.  20-5. 

5  IVurstisen  (1552,  pestilential  epidemic  in  Basle),  p.  Q'll .—  Spangcnberg,  fol.  467, 
b.,  468.  a.  (Pestilence  and  I'brenitis.) 


280  THE   SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

thoDus  Curtius  at  Pisa,  and  then  returned  through  France  and 
Germany  to  his  own  country. 

After  being  admitted  as  a  doctor  of  medicine  at  Cambridge,  he 
practised  with  great  distinction  at  Shrewsbury  and  Norwich,  but 
was  soon  summoned  by  Henry  the  Eighth  to  deliver  anatomical 
lectures  to  the  surgeons  in  London.  He  was  much  honoured  at 
the  court  of  Edward  the  Sixth,  and  the  appointment  of  body 
physician,  which  this  monarch  bestowed  on  him,  he  retained  also 
under  Queen  Mary  and  Elizabeth.  In  1547,  he  became  a  Fellow 
of  the  College  of  Physicians,  over  which,  at  a  later  period,  he 
presided  for  seven  years.  He  constantly  supported  the  honour  of 
this  body  with  great  zeal,  compiled  its  Annals  from  the  period  of 
its  foundation  by  Linacre  to  the  end  of  his  own  presidentship, 
and  originated  an  establishment,  the  first  of  the  kind  in  Eng- 
land,' for  annually  performing  two  public  dissections  of  human 
bodies. 

That  he  was  thus  established  in  London  before  the  year  1551 
is  certain,  yet  he  was  present  in  Shrewsbury  during  the  Sweating 
Sickness.  His  pamphlet ""  upon  this  disease,  the  first  and  last 
published  in  England,  did  not,  however,  appear  before  1552, 
after  all  was  over.  It  is  written  in  strong  language  and  a 
popular  style,  and  with  a  laudable  frankness ;  for  Kaye  blames 
in  it,  without  any  reserve,  the  gross  mode  of  living  of  his  country- 
men, and  does  not  fatigue  his  reader  with  too  much  book  learn- 
ing, which  neither  he  nor  his  contemporaries  could  refrain  from 
displaying  on  other  occasions.  He  reserved  this  for  the  Latin 
version  of  his  pamphlet,  which  was  published  four  years  later,^ 
and  although,  judged  according  to  a  modern  standard,  it  is  far 
from  being  satisfactory,  yet  it  contains  an  abundance  of  valuable 
matter,  and  proves  its  author  to  be  a  good  observer ;  and  in  this 
we  can  nowhere  mistake  that  he  is  an  Englishman  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  however  numerous  the  terms  he  may  borrow 
from  Celsus.     His  doctrines  are  of  the  old  Greek  school  throuo-h- 

o 

out,  of  which  the  physicians  of  those  times  were  staunch  sup- 
porters ;  hence  the  term  ephemera  *  pestilens,  his  comparison  of 
the  disease  with  the  similar  fevers  of  the  ancients,^  and  his  ac- 

^  Aiki7i,  p.  103,  et  seq.  '  See  Appendix. 

3  1556. — This  edition  is  very  rare,  and  is  probably  not  to  be  found  in  Germany. 
The  edition  brought  out  by  the  author  (1833)  is  taken  from  a  very  good  London 
reprint  of  1721. 

■*  In  the  German,  sometimes  called  "eines  Tags  pestilcntziches  Fieber." 

^  P.  15.  Lat.  edit. — II.  t\aJc»;c,  nxptoSr]^,  vSowdtjC- 


JOHN    KAYE.  281 

curate  appreciation  of  tlie  important  doctrine  of  aethereal  spirits,  to 
which  he  refers  its  chief  causes,  and,  according  to  which,  the  cor- 
rupted atmosphere  (spiritus  corrupti)  becomes  mixed  in  the  lungs 
with  the  spirits  of  blood  (spiritus  sanguinis),  whence  it  at  once 
appears  explicable  to  him,  why  many  persons  may  be  attacked 
with  the  Sweating  Sickness  at  the  same  time,  and  even  in  dif- 
ferent places,  and  why  the  parts  of  the  body  in  which,  according 
to  the  ancient  Greek  notion,  the  fethereal  spirits  developed  them- 
selves, were  most  violently  affected  with  this  disease.'  From  the 
relationship  of  the  infected  air  to  the  aethereal  spirits  in  the  body, 
polluted  by  intemperance,  it  also  appears  explicable  to  him,  why 
foreigners  in  England,  in  whom  this  pollution  took  place  in  a  less 
degree,  were,  only  in  cases  of  individual  exception,  attacked  by 
the  Sweating  Sickness,-  not  to  mention  other  theoretical  notions. 

On  malaria  in  general,  as  he  was  an  observant  naturalist,  he 
was  enabled  to  turn  to  good  account  his  experience  in  Italy  and 
his  knowledge  of  the  ancients,  and  his  estimation  of  the  subordin- 
ate causes,  with  regard  to  which  he  takes  up  the  same  position 
as  Agricola,  who  was  also  a  good  naturalist,  is  likewise  on  the 
whole  worthy  of  approbation.^  The  immoderate  use  of  beer, 
amongst  the  English,  was  considered  by  many  as  the  principal 
reason  why  the  Sweating  Sickness  was  confined  to  this  nation. 
On  this  subject  he  enlarges  even  to  prolixity,  with  evident  Eng- 
lish predilection  for  this  beverage  which  manifestly  contributed 
to  the  morbid  repletion  of  the  people  ;  and  he  himself  acknow- 
ledged this  as  a  principal  cause  of  the  Sweating  Sickness.  The 
injurious  quality  of  salt-fish,  as  alleged  by  Erasmus  and  the  Ger- 
man physician  Hellwetter,*  he  would  not  altogether  have  ventured 
to  reject,'^  for  it  caused  constant  and  abundant  fetid  perspira- 
tions, and  might  thus  have  contributed  to  pave  the  way  for  the 
Sweating  Sickness.  A  similar  source  was  to  be  found  in  the  dirty 
rush  floors  in  the  English  houses,^  and  other  subordinate  causes 
of  the  diseases  of  which  mention  has  been  made  in  the  course  of 
this  treatise. 

As  a  zealous  advocate  of  temperance,  it  were  to  be  wished  that 
he  had  met  with  more  attention  ;  but  the  words  of  a  good  physi- 
cian are  given  to  the  winds,  when  they  are  directed  against  vices 
and  habits  of  sensual  indulgence ;  people  require  from  him  an 
infallible  preservative,  and  not  a  lecture  on  morality.  His  pre- 
cepts on  food  and  beverage  are  circumstantial,  after  the  manner 

1  P.  17.  seq.  Lat.  edit.         2  Ibid.  p.  49.         »  ibid.  p.  31.         *  See  above,  p.  253. 
5  P.  43.  Lat.  edit.  «  Ibid.  p.  44.     See  above,  p.  198, 


282  THE    SWEATING    SICKNESS. 

of  the  ancients,  and  he  recommends  such  a  variety,  that  it  is 
difficult  to  make  a  choice  ;  Avhile  nothing  but  the  greatest  sim- 
plicity can  be  of  any  avail.  Purifijing  Jircs,  which  were  kindled 
everywhere  in  times  of  plague,  are  also  much  lauded  by  him, 
and  we  here  learn  incidentally,  that  the  smiths  and  cooks  remain- 
ed free '  from  the  Sweating  Sickness.  Fumigations  with  odor- 
iferous substances  of  all  kinds,  even  the  most  costly  Indian  spices, 
were  everywhere  employed  in  the  houses  of  the  ricli,  and  no  one 
stirred  out  without  having  with  him  some  one  of  the  thousand 
scents  recommended  from  time  immemorial  during  the  plague. 
The  medicines  which  he  recommends  are  those  that  were  then  in 
vogue  ;  among  which  Theriaca,  Armenian  Bole,  and  Pearls,  occur 
in  various  combinations,  yet  most  of  the  prophylactics  which  he 
advises  for  obviating  any  defect  in  the  constitution  are  not  very 
violent. 

Kaye's  treatment  of  the  Sweating  Sickness  is  according  to  the 
mild  old  English  plan,  which  is  very  judiciously  and  perspicuously 
laid  down.  He  kept  himself,  on  the  whole,  free  from  the  influence 
of  the  schools  in  this  instance,  and  the  only  remedy  which  he 
approved  in  case  of  necessity,  w^as  a  harmless  and  very  favourite 
preparation  of  pearls  and  odoriferous  substances,  which  were  call- 
ed Manus  Christi,^  or,  in  Germany,  sugar  of  pearls.  It  had  its 
origin  in  the  fifteenth  century,  and  was  the  invention  of  Guaine- 
rus,^  and  there  were  various  receipts  for  compounding  it."*  He 
also  sometimes  prescribed,  at  the  commencement  of  the  attack,' 
bole  or  terra  sigillata,  for  how  could  a  physician  of  the  sixteenth 
century  doubt  the  antipoisonous  effect  of  this  overrated  remedy  ? 
Restlessness  in  the  patient,  debility,  a  too  thick  skin,  and  thick 
blood,  are  set  forth  by  him  as  the  chief  impediments  to  the  criti- 
cal sweat,  and  in  order  to  remove  them,  he  sets  to  work  with 
great  and  laudable  caution,  ordering,  according  to  circumstances, 
even  mulled  wine  and  greater  warmth.  Sometimes,  too,  he  could 
not  refrain  from  employing  Theriac  and  Mithridate,  but  he  did 
not  use  these  remedies  to  any  great  extent.  For  dropsical  and 
rheumatic  patients  who  became  the  subjects  of  the  Sweating  Sick- 
ness, he  prescribed  a  beverage  of  Guaiacum  ;  he  also  recommend- 
ed as  a  sudorific,  the  China  root,  which  was  at  that  time  much 
in  use.  When  the  perspiration  broke  out,  he  positively  prohibit- 
ed the  urging  it  beyond  the  proper  point ;    all  medicines  were 

'  P.  74.  Lat.  edit.  2  Ibid.  p.  94.  '  Tractica,  fol.  43.  a.  263.  a. 

*  Fallop.  de  compns.  medic,  cap.  41.  p.  208.  s  p  io2.  Lat.  edit. 


JOHN    KAYE.  283 

thence  laid  aside,  and  he  trusted  to  aromatic  vinegar  and  gentle 
succussion  alone  for  keeping  oiFthe  lethargy,  without  considerino-, 
with  Damianus,  that  more  severe  measures  were  essential.' 

As  a  learned  patron  of  the  sciences,  Kaye  ranks  amongst  the 
most  distinguished  men  of  his  countr3^  Through  his  interest, 
Gonville  Hall  was,  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Manj,  elevated  to  the 
rank  of  a  college,  better  established,  and  more  richly  endowed. 
To  .the  end  of  his  life  he  continued  to  preside^  over  this  his 
favourite  institution,  and  passed  his  old  age  ^  there,  not  in  Monk- 
ish contemplation,  like  Linacre,  but  zealously  devoted  to  study, 
as  the  great  number  of  his  writings  testifies.  He  was  accused  of 
having  changed  his  faith  according  to  circumstances.  This  pli- 
ability served,  it  is  true,  to  retain  him  in  favour  with  sovereigns 
of  very  opposite  modes  of  thinking :  it  is  not,  however,  a  sign  of 
elevation  of  mind,  and  can  only  be  explained  in  part  by  the  spirit 
of  the  English  Ecformation.  Kaye  was  a  reformer  in  fact,  in- 
asmuch as  he  was  a  promoter  of  instruction,  and,  perhaps,  laid 
no  stress  on  outward  profession.  His  versatility  as  a  scholar  is 
extraordinary,  and  would  be  worthy  of  the  highest  admiration, 
had  he  entirely  avoided  the  reproach  of  credulity,  had  he  not  been 
too  prolix  in  subordinate  matters,  and  had  he  shown  more  decid- 
ed signs  of  genius.  At  one  time  he  translated  and  illustrated 
the  writings  of  Galen  ;  at  another,  he  wrote  on  philology  or  the 
medical  art — it  must  be  confessed,  without  much  originality,  for 
he  took  Galen  and  Moiitanus  as  his  patterns.*  But  where  could 
physicians  be  found  at  that  time  who  did  not  follow  established 
doctrines  ?  Some  essays  on  history  and  English  Archaeology  are 
found  among  his  writings  ;^  and  his  works  on  Natural  History, 
dedicated  to  Conrad  Gesncr,  are  among  the  best  of  his  ago, 
because  he  imparted  his  observations  in  them  quite  plainly  and 
naturally,  free  from  the  trammels  of  any  school.  He  died  at 
Cambridge  on  the  29th  of  July,  1573,  and  ordered  for  himself 
the  following  epitaph — "  Fui  Caius." 

^  P.  106,  7.  Lat.  edit. 

2  Shortly  before  his  death  he  resigned  the  Jfastcrship,  but  continued  to  reside  in  the 
College  as  a  fellow-commoner.     See  Aikin,  p.  109. —  Transl.  note. 

3  He  gave  for  a  new  building  to  this  establishment,  more  than  1800/.,  a  very  con- 
siderable sum  for  those  times. 

^  De  mcdendi  methodo,  ex  CI.  Galeni  Pergamcni,  et  Job.  Bapt.  Montani,  Ycronensis, 
principum  medicorum,  scntentia,  Libri  duo.  Basil.  1544.  8.  He  dedicated  this 
frivolous  book  to  the  court-physician  in  ordinary,  Butts.   Sec  Bahens,  fol.  232.  b. 

5  Compare  his  own  work,  "  De  Libris  Propriis,"  in  Jebb,  which  is  a  similar  imitation 
of  Galen,  and  is  written  in  nearly  the  same  spirit. 

"  De  canibus  Britannicis  et  de  rariorum  animalium  et  stiii)ium  historia,  in  Jebb. 


284:  SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 


CHAFTER  VI. 

SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 
"Eo-Ti  yap  TO  Tr«6os  Xucri9  Tuiv  SEcrfXwu  tT/s  th  X,(o!iv  ovvafxto^.      ArET^US. 

Sect.  1.— The  Cardiac  Disease  of  the  Ancients. 
(Morbus  Cardiacus.) 

Thus  by  the  autumn  of  1551,  the  Sweating  Sickness  had  vanished 
from  the  earth ;  it  has  never  since  appeared  as  it  did  then  and 
at  earlier  periods  ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  it  will  ever 
again  break  forth  as  a  great  epidemic  in  the  same  form,  and  limit- 
ed to  a  four-and-twenty  hours'  course ;  for  it  is  manifest,  that 
the  mode  of  living  of  the  people  had  a  great  share  in  its  origin ; 
and  this  will  never  again  be  the  same  as  in  those  days.  Yet 
nature  is  not  wanting  in  similar  phenomena,  which  have  ap- 
peared in  ancient  and  modern  times ;  and  if  we  take  into  the 
account  the  great  frequency  of  cognate  rheumatic  maladies,  it 
is  possible  that  isolated  cases  may  have  sometimes  occurred,  in 
which  repletion  of  impure  fluids,  and  violently  inflammatory  treat- 
ment, have  augmented  a  rheumatic  fever,  even  to  the  destruction 
of  nervous  vitality,  by  means  of  profuse  perspiration — only, 
perhaps,  that  they  ran  a  longer  course  (which  does  not  consti- 
tute an  essential  difference),  and  under  totally  different  names, 
whereby  attention  is  misled.  Of  all  the  diseases  that  have  ever 
appeared  which  can  in  any  way  be  compared  to  the  English 
Sweating  Sickness,  we  have  principally  three  to  look  back 
upon — the  cardiac  disease  of  the  ancients,  the  Picardij  sweat, 
and  the  sweatiyig  fever  of  Rdtingen.  The  first  was,  for  reasons 
which  have  been  already  mentioned,^  almost  unknown  to  the 
learned  of  the  sixteenth  century  ;  and  it  is  matter  of  surprise, 
that  Kaye  himself,  who  had  chosen  for  his  favourite  the  best 
Roman  physician,  we  mean  Celsus,  could  have  so  entirely  over- 
looked his  by  no  means  unimportant  statements  respecting  this 
disease.  Houlier  is  the  only  author  who  ventures  a  comparison 
of  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  with  the  ancient  cardiac  dis- 
ease ;     his    few,    and    almost  lost   words,^   remained,    however, 

'   See  p.  251. 

2  "  Sudor  anglicus  fere  similis  ei  sudori,  quern  eardiacum  dicebamus."    De  morb. 
int.  L.  II.  fol.  60,  a. 


THE   CARDIAC   DISEASE    OF    THE   ANCIENTS.  285 

unheeded ;  nor  are  the  differences  between  the  two  diseases 
small :  but  to  return. 

The  disease  of  which  we  are  speaking  appeared  for  a  period 
of  500  years  (from  300  B.C.  to  200  after  Christ),  and  was  a 
common,  almost  every-day  occurrence,  which  is  often  men- 
tioned even  by  non-medical  writers.  It  was  exceedingly  dan- 
gerous, and  even  esteemed  fatal ;  and  as  it  was  far  above  the 
reach  of  Greek  physiology,  there  were  not  wanting  extraordinary 
opinions  respecting  its  nature,  and  bold  and  singular  modes  of 
treatment,  to  which  those  who  were  attacked  were  subjected. 
The  name  Cardiac  disease  (morbus  cardiacus,  voaog  KupciaKi), 
and  probably  also  vocrog  Kapcins),  was  not  bestowed  by  medical 
men,  but  by  the  people ;  who,  in  the  fourth  century  before 
Christ,  for  the  name  is  as  ancient  as  that  period,  could  not 
know  that  the  learned  would  dispute  on  that  subject.  Some 
affirmed,  and  among  them  men  of  great  authority,  such  as 
Erasistratus,  Asclepiades,  and  AreUeus,  that  the  people  were  in 
the  right  so  to  call  the  disease  ;  that  the  heart  was  actually  the 
part  affected,  and  that  their  knowledge  of  the  heart's  functions 
was  by  no  means  small. ^  Others,  on  the  contrary,  would  only 
acknowledge  in  that  name  an  expression  indicative,  not  of  the 
particular  seat  of  the  disease,  but  only  of  its  importance,  inasmuch 
as  the  heart  is  well  adapted,  as  the  centre  and  source  of  life,  to 
indicate  this."  Others  again,  who  attempted  more  refined  con- 
jectures, wished  to  represent  the  pericardium  as  the  seat  of  the 
malady,  because  darting  pains  were  sometimes  felt  ^  in  the 
region  of  the  heart,  or  the  diaphragm,  or  the  lungs,  or  even  the 
liver.  The  opinions  were  numerous ;  the  actual  knowledge  was 
small.'' 

The  cardiac  disease  began  with  rigors  and  a  numbness  in  the 
limbs,^  and  sometimes  even  throughout  the  whole  body.  The 
pulse  then  took  on  the  worst  condition,  was  small,  weak,  fre- 
quent, empty,  and  as  if  dissolving ;  in  a  more  advanced  stage, 
unequal  and  fluttering,  until  it  became  completely  extinct. 
Patients  were  affected  with  hallucinations  f  they  were  sleepless, 
despaired  of  their  recovery,  and   were   usually  covered  suddenly 

'  "Est  autem  cor  pifEstans  atque  salutaris  corpori  particula,  praministrans  omnibus 
sanguinera  membris,  atque  spiritum."  Ccel.  Aurel.  Acut.  L.  II.  c.  34.  p.  154.  Com- 
pare the  Author's  "  Doctrine  of  the  Circulation,  before  Harvey,"  Berlin,  1831.  8. 

2  C(pI.  Aurel.  cap.  30.  p.  146.  3  Ibid.  cap.  34.    p.  156. 

*  The  whole  34th  chapter,  loc.  cit.  Aurelian  gives,  from  the  30th  to  the  40th  cap  , 
the  fullest  information  respecting  the  Morbus  cardiacus. 

^  Torpor  frigidus,  C.  35.  p.  157-  '^  Hallucinatio. 


286  SWEATING   SICKNESSES. 

with  au  ill-savoured  perspiration  over  the  whole  body,  whence 
the  disorder  was  likewise  called  DicqjJioresis.  Sometimes,  how- 
ever, a  washy  sweat  broke  out,  first  on  the  face  and  neck.  This 
then  spread  itself  over  the  whole  body  ;  assumed  a  very  dis- 
agreeable odour,  became  clammy  and  like  water  in  which  flesh 
had  been  macerated,  and  ran  through  the  bed-clothes  in  streams, 
so  that  the  patient  seemed  to  be  melting  away.'  The  breath  was 
short  and  panting,  almost  to  annihilation  (insustentabilis).  Those 
affected  were  in  continual  fear  of  suffocation  ;^  tossed  to  and  fro 
in  the  greatest  anguish,  and  with  a  very  thin  and  trembling  voice 
uttered  forth  only  broken  words.  They  constantly  felt  an  insuffer- 
able oppression  in  the  left  side,  or  even  over  the  whole  chest ;' 
and  in  the  paroxj^sms  which  were  ushered  in  with  a  fainting  Jit, 
or  were  followed  by  one,  the  heart  teas  tumultuous  and  palpi- 
tated, without  any  alteration  in  the  smallness  of  the  pulse.*  The 
countenance  was  pale  as  death,  the  eyes  sunk  in  their  sockets, 
and  when  the  disease  took  a  fatal  turn,  all  was  darkness  around 
them.  The  hands  and  feet  turned  blue ;  and  whilst  the  heart, 
notwithstanding  the  universal  coldness  of  the  body,  still  beat 
violentl}'-,  they  for  the  most  part  retained  possession  of  their 
senses.  A  few  only  wandered  a  short  time  before  death,  while 
others  were  even  seized  with  convulsions  and  endowed  with  the 
power  of  prophecy.^  Finally,  the  nails  became  curved  on  their  cold 
hands,  the  skin  was  wrinkled,  and  thus  the  sufferers  resigned 
their  spirit  without  any  mitigation  of  their  miserable  condition.'' 

A  striking  resemblance  is  plainly  perceived,  from  this  descrip- 
tion, between  the  ancient  cardiac  disease  and  the  English  Sweat- 
ing Sickness  in  the  most  exquisite  cases  of  each.  In  both  the 
same  palpitation  of  the  heart,  the  same  alteration  of  the  voice, 
the  same  anxiety,  the  same  impediment  to  respiration,  and 
thence  the  same  affection  of  the  nerves  of  the  chest,  the  same 
ill-scented  sweat,  and  by  means  of  this  sweat,  the  same  fatal 
evacuation  ;  in  short,  all  the  essential  symptoms  arising  from  the 
same  circle  of  functions.  For  in  the  sweating  pestilences  of  the 
ancients  ^  as  well  as  the  moderns,  the  nerves  of  the  abdomen 
remained  unaffected  ;  the  liver,  intestines,  and  kidneys,  took  no 
part  in  the  primary  affection  ;  the  diaphragm,  as  in  the  English 
Sweating  Sickness,  formed  the  partition.  Hence  the  acute  Are- 
tmis  did  not  hesitate  to  call  the  cardiac  Axsea&e  fainting  (syncope), 

'   Cal.  Aurel.  I).  157.  •  Spiratio  praefocabilis. 

3  C.  34.  p.  154.  Thoracis  gravcdo.  *  C.  35.  p.  156. 

*  Aretaus,  L.  II.  c.  3.  p.  30.         «  Cal.  Aunl.  loc.  cit.         ^  Diaphorctici,  cardiaci. 


THE  CARDIAC    DISEASE    OF    THE   ANCIENTS.  287 

with  certainly  an  unusual  extension  of  the  notion  implied  by 
this  term,  which  in  its  common  acceptation  excludes  the  turbu- 
lent commotion  of  the  heart.  In  the  affection  of  the  brain  some 
difference  occurs,  for  though  the  hallucination  afforded  an  un- 
favourable prognostic  in  both  diseases,  yet  the  fatal  stupor  was 
peculiar  to  the  English  Sweating  Sickness,  no  observer  having 
made  mention  of  it  in  the  cardiac  disease. 

Greater  and  altogether  essential  differences  between  this  affec- 
tion and  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  appear  in  another  respect. 
There  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  the  cardiac  disease  first 
appeared  in  the  time  of  A/exander  the  Great,  that  is  to  say,  at 
the  end  of  the  fourth  century  before  Christ ;  for  the  Hippocratic 
physicians  were  unacquainted  with  it,  Erasistratus,  who  was 
body  physician  to  Seleucus  Nicator,  and  was  a  universally  cele- 
brated professor  at  Alexandria  under  the  first  Ptolem}-,  being  the 
first  to  mention  it.  If  that  age  be  compared  even  superficially 
with  that  of  Henry  the  Vllth  and  Henry  the  Ylllth  ;  and 
Africa,  Asia  Minor,  and  the  South  of  Europe  with  England,  we 
shall  easily  be  convinced  that  the  two  diseases,  notwithstanding 
the  agreement  in  their  main  symptoms,  could  not  be  the  same ; 
moreover,  much  was  comprehended  by  the  ancients  under  the 
name  of  morbus  cardiacus,  which,  on  a  nearer  examination, 
proves  not  to  be  one  and  the  same  definite  form  of  morbid  action : 
for  sometimes  this  affection  is  spoken  of  as  an  independent  dis- 
ease ;  sometimes  it  is  mentioned  only  as  a  symptom  superadded 
to  others — as  a  kind  of  transition  from  other  very  various  dis- 
eases, such  as  has  occurred  in  modern  times.  Soramis  mentions, 
as  such  diseases,  continued  fevers,  accompanied  by  much  heat;" 
and  reckons  among  them  the  "  Causus,"  that  is,  an  inflammatory 
bilious  fever,  to  which  Aretceus  also  saw  the  cardiac  disease  super- 
added. These  fevers  passed,  on  the  fifth  or  sixth  day,  into  the 
cardiac  disease,  and  such  a  transition  occurred  chiefly  on  the  criti- 
cal days.-  In  a  similar  sense  Celsus  speaks  even  of  Phrenitis, 
under  which  name  we  are  here  to  understand  all  inflammatory 
fevers  accompanied  by  violent  delirium,  with  the  exception  of 
actual  inflammation  of  the  brain.  Thus  we  see  that  the  cardiac 
disease  arose  and  increased  on  a  very  different  soil  from  other  dis- 
eases, and  was,  to  furnish  an  ancient  example,  as  far  from  be- 
ing independent  under  these  circumstances  as  lethargy  was  in 
similar  cases. 

1  Fobrcs  continuifi  flainmatjc.     Ceel.  Aurel.  c.  'il.  p.  147. 
-  Cretams,  Cuv.  ac.  L.  II.  c.  3.  p.  188. 


288  SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 

But  there  was  doubtless  an  independent  idiopathic  form  of  the 
cardiac  disease.  Whether  this  was  febrile  or  not,  the  most  cele- 
brated physicians  of  ancient  times  were  not  agreed.  Now,  how 
could  they  ever  have  differed  upon  the  subject,  if  the  cardiac  dis- 
ease had  always  appeared  only  as  a  sequela  on  the  fifth  or  sixth 
day  of  inflammatory  fevers  ?  Apollophanes ,  a  disciple  of  Erasis- 
tratus,  and  physician  to  Antiochiis  the  First,  considered  it,  with 
his  master,  as  constantly  febrile,  and  his  opinion  prevailed  for  a 
long  time  :  perhaps  he  was  in  the  right,  for  it  is  probable  that  in 
the  first  half  of  the  third  century,  the  disorder  was  much  more 
violent  than  at  a  subsequent  period.  His  celebrated  contem- 
porary, Demetrius  of  Apamea,  disciple  of  Herophilus,  affirmed, 
that  he  had  recognised  fever  only  in  the  beginning  of  the  disease, 
and  that  it  disappeared  in  its  further  progress.  Yery  soon,  most 
physicians  decided  that  it  was  not  febrile,  but  Asdepiades  distin- 
guished a  febrile  and  a  non-febrile  form  of  the  cardiac  disease, 
and  it  is  certain  that  tliis  physician  was  a  very  accurate  observer. 
Thejnison  and  Thessalus  also  agreed  with  him.  Aretams  de- 
scribed, in  a  cursory  manner,  the  febrile  form  only,  and  perhaps 
was  not  acquainted  with  any  other.  Soranus  followed,  in  the 
essential  points,  Asdepiades,  the  founder  of  his  school ;  and  later 
writers  generally  regarded  the  inward  heat,  the  hot  breath,  and 
the  burning  thirst — symptoms  which  were  occasionally  less 
marked,  as  proofs  of  the  febrile  nature  of  the  disease.  Numerous 
theoretical  views,  belonging  to  particular  schools,  of  which  we  do 
not  here  treat,  were  intermingled  with  these,  and  upon  the  whole, 
that  form  seems  to  have  been  esteemed  as  non-febrile,  in  which 
the  signs  of  feverish  excitement  appeared  less  marked.  In  all 
cases  the  cardiac  disease  set  in  with  external  coldness,  and  with 
a  small,  contracted,  quick  pulse,  symptoms  which  with  certainty 
indicate  fever.' 

Respecting  the  course  of  the  cardiac  disease,  we  are  not  fur- 
nished with  sufficient  information.  It  was  no  doubt  very  rapid, 
for  the  frame  could  not  long  endure  symptoms  of  so  violent  a 
kind,  and  the  disorder  must  of  necessity  soon  have  come  to  a 
crisis  ;  yet  from  the  ample  directions  for  treatment,  we  may  con- 
clude that  it  lasted  at  least  some  days.  If  the  perspiration  was 
well  surmounted,  patients  seemed  to  recover  rapidly,  and  their 
sufferings  appeared  to  them,  according  to  the  expressions  of  Are- 
trpus,  like   a  dream,  out  of  which  they  awoke  to  a  consciousness 

'  C(eI.  Aurel.  c.  33.'p.  150. 


THE   CAEDIAC   DISEASE    OF   THE   ANCIENTS.  289 

of  the  increased  acumen  of  their  senses.'  But  the  termination 
was  not  always  so  fortunate.  The  disease  was  very  dangerous, 
and  in  man}"-,  after  the  occurrence  of  an  incomplete  crisis,  an 
insidious  fever  remained  behind,  which  ended  in  a  consumption.^ 
The  whole  phenomenon  was  altogether  peculiar,  and  among 
existing  diseases  there  are  none  which  bear  any  comparison 
with  it. 

There  must  therefore  have  been  something  in  the  whole  state 
of  existence  among  the  ancients  which  favoured  the  formation  of 
the  cardiac  disease.  That  it  arose  oftener  in  summer  than  in 
winter,  that  it  attacked  men  more  frequently  than  women,  and 
especially  young  people  full  of  life,  and  hot-blooded  plethoric 
persons,  who  iised  much  bodily  exercise,  we  learn  from  credible 
observers."  In  this  respect,  therefore,  it  bore  a  resemblance  to 
the  English  Sweating  Sickness.  We  may  also  add,  that  indiges- 
tion, repletion,  drunkenness,  as  likewise  grief  and  fear,  but 
especially  vomiting  and  the  employment  of  the  bath  after  dinner, 
occasioned  an  attack  of  the  malady,*  Let  us  call  to  mind  the 
habits  of  the  ancients.  It  was  in  the  time  of  Alexander  that 
oriental  luxury  was  first  introduced.  Gluttony  became  a  part  of 
the  enjoyment  of  life,  and  warm  baths  a  necessary  refinement  in 
sensuality,  which  just  at  this  time  were  philosophicall}^  established 
by  Epicurus  ;  nor  was  this  the  last  instance  in  which  philoso- 
phers encouraged  the  errors  and  infirmities  of  human  society. 

Here  again,  therefore,  as  in  the  English  Sweating  Sickness, 
we  meet  with  the  relaxed  state  of  shin,  and  the  foul  repletion 
engendered  by  the  same  indulgence  in  sensuality  which  we  have 
found  to  exist  in  the  sixteenth  century.  How  this  corruption  of 
morals  increased,  and  to  what  a  frightful  height  it  was  carried 
among  the  Romans,  it  is  not  necessary'  here  further  to  elucidate  ; 
and  we  may  take  it  for  a  fact,  that  in  consequence  of  it,  the 
general  constitution  of  the  ancients  underwent  a  peculiar  modi- 
fication ;  that  this  relaxation  of  skin  and  gross  repletion  were 
propagated  from  generation  to  generation  ;  and  that,  as  among 
chronic  diseases,  those  of  a  gouty  character  were  its  more  frequent 
results,  so  among  the  inflammatory,  the  cardiac  disease  made  its 
appearance  as  the  general  efiect  of  this  kind  of  life. 

"Where,  however,  such  a  system  of  life  existed  among  whole 
communities,  the  original  and  peculiar  occasion  was  not  needed 
in  every  individual  case  to  bring  the  pre -disposition  for  a  disease 

'  L.  II.  c.  3.  p.  30.  -  Arcf.  Cur.  ar.  L.  II.  r.  3.  p   193. 

3  CcbI.  Aurel.  c.  31.  p.  146.  ^  I'nd. 

19 


290  SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 

which  propagated  itself  by  hereditary  taint,  to  an  actual  eruption. 
Shocks  to  the  constitution  of  quite  a  different  kind  were  often 
sufficient  for  the  purpose.  Thus,  among  the  Homans,  it  was  by 
no  means  alwaj^s  the  case,  that  gluttony  and  relaxation  of  the 
skin  immediately  gave  rise  to  the  cardiac  disease ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  usual  faintness,  induced  by  too  copious  blood- 
letting, passed  into  this  impetuous  agitation  of  the  heart,  accom- 
panied by  colliquative  sweats  ;'  and  all  over- violent  perspirations 
in  other  diseases  were  apt  to  take  the  same  dangerous  course.^ 
We  must  here  also  take  into  account  a  practice  among  the 
Romans,  which  was  very  injurious,  and  yet  rendered  sacred  by 
the  laws  ;  namely,  visiting  the  public  baths  late  in  the  evening, 
just  after  the  principal  meal,  and  awaiting  the  digestion  of  their 
food  in  these  places  of  soft  indulgence.^  How  much  must  the 
tendency    of  sweating    disorders    have   been   favoured    by  these 


means 


Surmises,  founded  on  the  facts  already  stated,  can  alone  be 
offered  respecting  the  nature  of  the  ancient  cardiac  disease.  The 
ancients  give  us  no  certain  intelligence  upon  it ;  for  their  mode 
of  observing  did  not  lead  to  that  object  at  which  modern  medicine 
aims.  That  the  cardiac  disease  tvas  not  of  a  rheumatic  character 
seems  deducible  from  several  circumstances — fi'om  the  quality  of 
the  atmosphere  in  southern  climates,  which  is  not  so  favourable 
to  rheumatic  maladies,  as  to  give  rise  to  a  distinctly  defined  form 
of  that  complaint  throughout  a  period  of  five  hundred  years  ; 
from  the  nature  of  the  so-called  inflammatory  fever,  which  ex- 
hibited no  rheumatic  symptoms  in  its  course  ;  and  lastly,  from 
the  treatment  of  the  cardiac  disease,  for  it  was  a  common  practice 
to  cool  down  the  "  diaphoretic"  patients  in  the  midst  of  their  per- 
spiration, by  sponging  them  with  cold  water,  to  expose  them  to 
the  air,  and  some  physicians  went  so  far  as  to  advise  cold  baths 
and  effusions.'*  How  could  they  have  ventured  upon  such  reme- 
dies if  the  cardiac  disease  had  been  of  a  rheumatic  nature  ? 

In  the  sweating  fevers  of  the  sixteenth  century,  every  abrupt 
refrigeration,  every  exposure  of  the  skin,  was  fatal.     It  is  thence 

1  Ccul.  Aurel.  c.  33.  p.  153.  A  perfectly  similar  observation  is  made  in  the  present 
day,  on  the  increasing  frequency  of  liver  complaints  in  England.  Parents  who  have 
been  a  long  time  in  the  East  Indies,  entail  the  predisposition  to  these  diseases,  which 
are  altogether  foreign  to  the  temperate  zones,  on  their  posterity,  among  whom  there  is 
no  need  of  a  tropical  heat,  but  merely  common  causes  acting  in  their  own  country,  to 
call  forth  various  liver  complaints.     Sec  Bell  {George  Hamilton). 

2  C<el.  Aurel.  c.  36.  p.  159. 

'  On  this  subject  read  the  classical  work  of  Baccius. 

*  Cehus,  L.  III.  c.  19.  p.  140.     C'eel.  Aurel.  from  c.  37.  on. 


THE    CARDIAC    DISEASE    OF    THE    ANCIENTS.  291 

to  be  inferred,  that  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  differed  from 
the  ancient  cardiac  disease  in  its  rheumatic  character ;  even 
although  both  diseases  were  founded  in  common  on  an  impure 
gross  repletion  and  relaxation,  of  skin,  and  the  essential  pheno- 
mena of  both  went  through  the  same  course :  not  to  advert  to 
other  differences  which  are  manifest  from  what  has  been  stated. 

The  remaining  treatment  of  the  cardiac  disorder  should  not  be 
altogether  passed  over  in  this  place,  because  it  shows  very  clearly 
the  general  style  of  thinking  of  the  medical  profession,  as  also 
certain  metaphysical  excitations  which  are  innate  in  that  pro- 
fession, and  of  which  there  is  therefore  a  repetition  in  all  ages. 
For  whilst  some  proceeded  with  commendable  care  and  caution, 
and  Aret(eiis  feared'  a  fatal  result  from  the  slightest  error,  others, 
again,  would  fain  render  excited  nature  obedient  to  their  rough 
command  by  means  of  the  most  violent  remedies.  It,  therefore, 
occasionally  happened  that  in  their  over-hasty  activity  they  were 
unable  to  distinguish  between  a  salutary  perspiration  and  a 
dangerous  "  diaphoresis."  This  they  suppressed  at  all  hazards, 
and  thus  sent  their  patients  to  the  shades  of  their  fathers.  Others 
forthwith  flew  to  Chrysippic  bandaging,  the  great  means  of  sup- 
pressing profuse  evacuations,  and  even  violent  spasms."  Others 
were  for  obviating  the  debility  as  quickly  as  possible  by  means  of 
nourishing  diet,  and  overloaded  tlie  stomach,  as  if  the  recovery  of 
strength  depended  entirely  upon  eating.  Others  allowed  as  much 
wine  as  possible  to  be  drunk  for  twenty-four  hours  together,  even 
to  the  extent  of  producing  intoxication  ;^  and  Asclepiadcs  selected 
for  this  extraordinary  death-bed  carousal  the  Greek  salt  wine,* 
for  the  sake  of  bringing  on  a  diarrhoea,  whereby  the  opened  pores 
of  the  skin  might  again  close,  and  the  too  mobile  atoms  might  be 
carried  towards  the  bowels.  With  the  same  object  he  ordered 
active  clysters,*  for  if  they  succeeded  in  causing  a  full  evacuation, 
he  maintained  that  the  perspiration  must  necessarily  be  arrested  ! 
Endemus,  of  the  Methodic  sect,  recommended  even  clysters  of 
cold  water,*"  and  whatever  else  the  rashness  of  medical  men 
had  fool-hardily  contrived  ;  acting  on  the  ancient  notion,  that 
severe  diseases  always  required  violent  remedies.  Areta^us 
recommended    blood-letting,    which    others    pronounced    to    bo 

'  "  Hv  yap  i-m  avyKoirij  Kal  a^uKpov  u^iaprt^i],  pifiSiiug  ti'f  acov  Tpirrn.  Cur.  ac. 
L.  IT.  c.  3.  p.  188. 

2   CceI.  Axirel.  c.  37.  p.  169.  '   Ccel.  Aurel.  c.  38.  p.  171. 

*  Grcccum  salsuni,  olvo^  Ti^aXacraujfii  I'og,  a.  mixture  of  wine  and  sea- water  whicli 
was  very  mueh  in  use. 

s  C«l.  Aurel.  c.  39.  pp.  174,  17-5.  ^  Coil.  Aurel.  c.  38.  p    171. 

19* 


292  SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 

nothing  short  of  certain  death.'  He  had,  however,  a  notion,  that 
the  Causus  was  the  foundation  of  the  cardiac  disease,  and  perhaps 
he  was  right. 

A  cautious  employment  of  wine  was  apparently  of  great  use,'' 
and  what  may  excite  surprise,  physicians  gave  detailed  and  fri- 
volous precepts  on  the  choice  and  enjoyment  of  food.  If  the 
irritable  stomach  rejected  this  repeatedly,  they  even  went  so  far, 
according  to  the  Roman  method,  as  to  make  the  patient  vomit 
both  before  and  after  his  meals,  in  oi'der  that  the  organ  might 
thus  bear  the  repeated  use  of  nourishment.  It  was  also  asserted 
that  the  stomach  retained  food  and  wine  better  if  the  body  were 
previously  rubbed  all  over  with  bruised  onions.^  All  this  affords 
us  an  insight  into  the  nature  of  this  remarkable  disease,  which 
has  now  so  completely  vanished  from  the  world.  Finally,  when 
astringent  decoctions  proved  fruitless,  particular  confidence  was 
placed  in  the  application  of  various  powders  ■*  to  the  surface  of 
the  body,  conjointly  with  the  use  of  light  bed-clothes  and  the 
avoidance  of  feather-beds,  which  the  effeminacy  of  the  ancients 
had  already  introduced.^  As  astringents  they  selected  pome- 
granate bark,  the  leaves  of  roses,  blackberries,  and  myrtles, 
as  also  fullers'  earth,  gypsum,  alum,  litharge,  slaked  lime,^  and, 
when  nothing  else  was  at  hand,  even  common  road  dust  !^  The 
efficacy  of  some  of  these  extraordinary  remedies  cannot  be  denied. 
At  least  it  has  been  proved  in  modern  times  with  respect  to 
alkalies,  which  are  of  a  somewhat  similar  nature,  that  they  are 
of  great  service  where  there  is  an  abundant  determination  of  acid 
towards  the  skin,  and  it  is  very  probable  that  the  perspiration 
of  these  diaphoretic  patients  contained  much  acid. 

Sect.  2. — The  Picardy  Sweat. 

(SUETTE    DES    PiCARDS — SUETTE    MiLIAIRE.) 

The  Picardy  Sweat  is  a  decided  miliary  fever,  which  has  often 
prevailed,  not  only  in  Picardy,  but  also  in  other  provinces  of 
France,  for  more  than  a  hundred  years,  and  even  at  the  present 

'  " nihil  jugulationc  ditferre."   Cal.  Aurel.  c.  38.  p.  171. 

-  Celsus  recommended  a  scxtavium  and  a  half  a-day,  which  is  about  42  cubic  inches. 
loc.  cit.  Cardiacorum  morbo  unicam  spem  in  vino  esse,  certum  est.  Plin.  Ilist.  Nat. 
L.  xxiii.  c.  2.  T.  II.  p.  303.  Bibere  et  sudare  vita  cardiaci  est.  Senec.  Epist.  15. 
T.  II.  p.  68.  Ed.  Euhkopf.  Cardiaco  cyathum  nunquam  mixturus  amico.  Juvenal. 
Sat.  V.  32. 

^  Celsus.  *  Aspergincs,  sympasmata,  diapasmata.     Ceel.  Aurel.  c.  38.  p.  171. 

*  Cal.  Aurel.  c.  37.  p.  161.  *  Aretceus,  p.  192.  "  Celsus,  loc.  cit. 


THE    PICARDY    SWEAT.  293 

time  exists  in  some  places  as  an  endemic  disease.'  We  have 
pointed  out  the  affinity  between  the  English  Sweating  Sickness 
and  miliary  fever.  Both  are  rheumatic  fevers — the  former  of 
twenty-four  hours'  duration,  the  latter  running  a  course  of  at 
least  seven  days.  In  the  former  there  was  no  eruption,  or  if  in 
isolated  cases  an  eruption  made  its  appearance,  it  was  doubtless 
subordinate,  not  essential.  In  the  miliary  fever^  on  the  contrary, 
the  eruption  is  so  essential,  that  this  disease  may  be  considered 
as  a  completely  exanthematous  form  of  rheumatic  fever. 

The  history  of  miliary  fever  is  full  of  important  facts,  and  the 
sweating  fever  of  Picardy  forms  but  a  variety  of  it.  The  erup- 
tion in  itself  is  of  very  ancient  occurrence,  and  was  most  probably, 
as  at  present,  observed  time  immemorial  in  conjunction  with 
petechiae,  occurring  as  a  critical  metastasis  in  the  oriental  glan- 
dular plague,  perhaps  even  in  the  ancient  plague  recorded  by  Thu- 
cydides.  It  also  occasionally  accompanied  petechial  fever,  as 
unquestionably  it  did  small-pox  and  many  other  diseases,  in  the 
same  manner  as  we  now  see  ;  for  the  miliary  eruption  is  a  very 
common  symptom,  which  is  easily  induced,  and  increases  the 
danger  of  various  other  accidental  complications.  This  is  dif- 
ferent, however,  from  the  idiopathic  miliary  fever,  which  did  not 
exist  either  before,  or  even  at  the  period  of,  the  English  Sweat- 
ing Sickness,  but  occurred  as  an  epidemic,  frequently  mentioned 
in  Saxony,  a  hundred  years  later  ^  (1652). 

We  cannot,  therefore,  consider  this  eruptive  disease  as  having 
proceeded  from  the  English  Sweating  Sickness,  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  the  petechial  fever  had  its  probable  origin  in  the  glandular 
plague,  even  supposing  a  more  decided  inclination  of  the  Sweat- 
ing Sickness  to  the  eruptive  character  could  be  proved  than  is 
possible  from  the  facts  afforded.  A  whole  century  intervened, 
and  what  vast  national  revolutions  ! 

This  same  separation  of  so  long  a  period  makes  also  against 
the  supposition,  that  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  was  an  in- 
terrupted miliary  fever,  which  exhausted  its  power  by  a  too  luxu- 
riant activity  of  the  skin  on  the  first  day,  before  the  eruption 
made  its  appearance.  Moreover,  the  similarity  and  isolation  of 
all  the  five  epidemic  sweating  fevers,  as  regards  the  brevity  of 

1  For  instance,  in  the  villages  of  Rue-Saint-rierrc  and  Neuville-en-IIcz,  between 
Beauvais  and  Clermont.     Rayer,  Suette,  p.  74. 

-  Godofredi  Welschii  Historia  mcdica  novum  puerperarum  morbum  continens.  Disp. 
d.  20.  April.  1655.  Lipsia>,  4to.  The  principal  work  upon  the  first  visitation  of 
railiarv  fever  in  Gcrmanv. 


294  SWEATING  SICKNESSES. 

the  course  of  the  disease,  and  the  absence  of  all  transition  forms 
of  any  duration,  which  certainly  would  have  existed  had  nature 
intended  gradually  to  form  a  miliary  fever  out  of  the  English 
Sweating  Sickness,  lead  to  the  same  conclusion. 

But  to  return  to  the  miliary  fever.  Some  forms  of  this  dis- 
ease have  been  observed,  in  which  a  profuse  perspiration,  in  com- 
bination with  nervous  symptoms,  has  endangered  life  on  the  first 
day  of  the  attack ;  equally  often,  too,  the  eruption  has  appeared 
fully  formed  on  the  very  first  day ;  and  if  we  duly  consider.  As 
we  ought,  the  regular  course  of  miliary  fever  whenever  it  has 
assumed  an  epidemic  character,  we  shall  always  find,  even  in  that 
case,  a  development  of  symptoms  differing  fundamentally  from 
those  of  the  English  Sweating  Sickness.  If,  occasionally,  in- 
stances of  miliary  fever  occurred,  in  which  no  eruption  came  out, 
as  was  the  case  recently  (in  1821),  they  were  to  be  considered  in 
the  same  light  as  other  acute  eruptive  diseases,  as,  for  example, 
scarlet  fever,  in  which  nature  indulges  in  a  like  irregularity, 
without,  however,  altering  the  essence  of  those  diseases.  And 
since,  finally,  it  has  been  observed  in  many  cases,'  that  the  miliary 
eruption  could  be  prevented  by  the  application  of  cold  at  the 
commencement,  a  distinguished  modern  physician  has  attached 
great  consequence  to  this  circumstance,  as  showing  that  miliary 
fever  and  the  English  Sweating  Sickness  were  the  same  disease ;  ^ 
but  a  check  of  this  kind  is.  at  all  events,  impossible  in  those 
miliary  fevers  where  the  eruption  breaks  forth  on  the  first  or 
second  day  ;  and  moreover,  experience  tells  us,  that  many  other 
diseases  also,  such  as  inflammations,  rheumatisms,  gastric  fevers, 
and  even  abdominal  typhus,  may  be  arrested  in  their  course,  and 
confined  within  narrower  bounds,  so  as  not  to  manifest  all  their 
symptoms. 

1  For  example,  in  the  epidemic  of  1782,  wliich,  during  the  course  of  a  few  months, 
carried  off  in  Languedoc  upwards  of  30,000  people,  rttjol  observed  in  that  epidemic 
four  forms  of  exanthem.  1.  A  Purpura  urticata— elevated  rose-like  spots,  or  papultc 
of  smaller  circumference  :  it  was  very  favourable,  and  sometimes  passed  off  without 
fever.  2.  Spots  consisting  of  very  small  miliary  vesicles  and  pustules  which  ran  into 
each  other :  less  favourable.  3.  Small  hemispherical  pimples,  from  the  size  of  a 
mustard  seed  to  that  of  a  corn  of  maize.  They  were  surmounted  by  a  white  point 
before  they  died  away,  and  the  large  kind  became  converted  into  pustules,  filled  with 
matter  or  greyish  semitransparcnt  phlycta-na^,  with  red  inflamed  bases.  This  form 
was  the  commonest,  and  extended,  mixed  with  the  others,  over  the  whole  surface, 
especially  the  trunk.  4.  An  exanthem  resembling  flea-bites,  of  a  bright  red,  with  a 
small  grey  miliary  vesicle  in  the  middle,  almost  invisible,  except  through  a  lens  :  this 
form  was  the  worst.  Pujol,  (Euvres  divcrses  de  Medecine  Pratique,  4  vols.  Castres, 
1801.  8vo. 

-   Fodere,  III.  p.  222. 


THE    PICARDY    SWEAT.  295 

We  are,  therefore,  completely  entitled  to  consider  the  appear- 
ance of  the  miliary  s^yeating  fevers  as  altogether  a  novelty, 
originating  in  the  middle  of  the  17th  century,  and  having  no 
discoverable  connexion  with  the  English  Sweating  Sickness. 
There  have  been  in  Germany,  since  the  year  1652,  many  visit- 
ations of  miliary  fever  ;  but  this  disease  did  not  increase  much 
in  extent  until  about  the  year  1715,  when  it  spread  into  France 
and  the  neighbouring  countries,  particularly  Piedmont,^  whilst 
England  remained  almost  entirely  free  from  it.  The  French 
epidemics  were,  upon  the  whole,  much  more  severe  than  the 
German ;  and  on  this  account  we  select  one  of  the  most  ancient, 
and  also  the  most  recent  of  them,  in  order  to  give  a  general  view 
of  miliary  fever,  as  compared  with  the  English  Sweating  Sickness. 

The  miliary  fever  first  appeared  in  Picardy,  in  the  j^ear  1718, 
in  le  Yimeux  (Yinnemacus  pagus),  a  district  on  the  north  of  the 
Somme  and  on  the  south  of  the  Bi'esle  and  the  department  of  the 
Lower  Seine.  It  increased  annually  in  extent ;  most  places  in 
Picardy  were  visited  by  it,  and  it  was  not  long  before  it  was  seen 
in  Flanders.^ 

We  are  still  in  possession  of  a  very  distinct  account,  which 
we  will  here  detail,  of  an  epidemic  at  Abbeville  in  the  year  1733, 
where  the  miliary  fever  had  existed  fifteen  years  previously. 
There  were  scarcely  any  premonitory  symptoms,  but  the  disease 
commenced  at  once  with  pinching  pains  in  the  stomach,  extreme 
prostration  of  strength,  dull  head-ache,  and  difficulty  of  breathing, 
interrupted  by  sighing.  Patients  complained  of  violent  heat, 
and  were  bathed  in  a  pungent  sweat  of  foul  odour,  while  nausea 
was  occasionally  felt.  Sparks  appeared  before  the  eyes,  and  the 
countenance  became  flushed.  Patients  were  tormented  with  burn- 
ing thirst;  and  yet  the  tongue  was  as  moist  as  in  perfect  health. 
The  pulse  was  frequent  and  undulating,  without  hardness  ;  and 
in  the  course  o^afew  hours,  an  insufferable  itching  came  on  over 
the  whole  body,  accompanied  by  distressing  jactitation  :  upon 
this,  thickly  studded,  red,  round  pustules,  not  bigger  than  mus- 
tard-seeds, broke  out,  wherefrom  patients  emitted  an  extreme- 
ly disagreeable  urinous  odour,  which  was  imparted  to  those 
who  were  about  their  persons.  Sometimes  they  had  evacuations, 
at  other  times  they  suffered  from  constipation,  but  all  complained 

'  Oa  this  point  sec  Allioni,  who  drew  his  classical  description  of  miliary  fever  from 
the  Piedmont  epidemics. 

■'  Bellot,  An  febri  putrid;r,  Picardis  Suctte  dicfic  sudorifera  =  Diss,  pra-s.  Olt.  Cas. 
Barfehnedit.     Paris,  1733.  4to. 


296  SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 

of  want  of  sleep ;  and  when  they  felt  an  inclination  to  doze,  they 
were  again  aroused  by  fresh  chilliness.  Many  bled  at  the  nose 
till  they  fainted  ;  and  with  women,  the  menstrual  discharge  often 
appeared,  though  not  at  the  proper  time.  The  urine  was  at  times 
deficient  in  quantity,  at  others  discharged  in  abundance,  and 
without  any  critical  signs  ;  if  pale  and  plentiful,  it  betokened 
delirium ;  then-  the  eyelids  twitched  convulsively,  a  humming 
noise  commenced  in  the  ears,  and  the  patient  tossed  about  rest- 
lessly. The  pulse  became  strong,  irregular,  and,  like  the  breath- , 
ing,  very  quick.  The  countenance  grew  redder  and  redder  ;  and 
soon  after,  the  sufferers,  as  though  struck  by  lightning,  were 
seized  with  lethargy,  and  expired,  generally  in  the  act  of  cough- 
ing and  spitting  blood. 

Such  was  the  nature  of  the  disease  when  it  attacked  many  at 
once :  there  were,  however,  several  varieties.  With  some  the 
miliary  vesicles  broke  out  on  the  second  day,  with  others  not  be- 
fore the  third  ;  and  if  all  went  on  favourably,  they  lost  their  red- 
ness on  the  secenth  day,  and  the  skin  all  over  the  body  seeded  off 
like  bran.  The  fever  was  sometimes  extremely  violent ;  at  others, 
without  apparent  cause,  very  mild ;  at  least  one  might  be  de- 
ceived at  the  commencement  of  the  attack,  by  the  apparently 
favourably  symptoms ;  for  those  who  in  the  morning  had  scarce- 
ly any  notable  degree  of  fever,  who  neither  suffered  from  any 
anxious  sensation  nor  violent  heat,  in  whom  no  subsultus  tendi- 
num  was  perceptible,  no  want  of  perspiration,  nor  any  retrocession 
of  the  eruption,  were  sometimes  towards  evening  seized  with 
phrenzy,  and  died  in  a  state  of  lethargy.  Evacuations,  which  al- 
leviate other  diseases,  made  this  miliary  fever  worse.  Favourable 
symptoms  could  never  be  depended  on.  In  the  midst  of  profuse 
perspiration  the  patient  died,  either  from  constipation  or  diarrhcsa. 
A  copious  discharge  of  urine  was  a  bad  sign  ;  composure  was  suc- 
ceeded by  delirium,  cheerfulness  by  lethargy  :  the  disease  was 
throughout  treacherous  and  disguised.  It  was  particularly  neces- 
sary for  those  suffering  from  pleurisy  or  any  inflammatory  fevers 
to  be  guarded  against  its  approach.  Many  fell  sacrifices  to  this 
epidemic  who  thought  themselves  in  a  state  of  convalescence  ;  and 
with  such  it  was  easier  to  foretell  than  to  prevent  the  consequences. 
In  cases  of  this  kind  the  miliary  vesicles  were  less  red  and  grew 
pale  sooner  ;  but  if  the  disease  attacked  a  healthy  person,  then 
they  were  redder,  and  continued  longer.  Of  those  who  recovered, 
not  a  few  suffered  for  many  months,  nay,  even  for  a  whole  year, 
from  night  perspirations,  without  fever  or  sleeplessness,  but  with 


THE    PICARDY    SWEAT.  297 

an  eruption  of  little  miliary  vesicles,  which  disappeared '  again  on 
the  slightest  exposure  to  cold.  The  later  miliary  epidemic  fevers 
in  France,  which  are  distinguished  by  the  name  of  the  Picardy 
Sweating  Sickness,  are  generally  very  well  described;^  so  much 
so,  that  we  have  few  epidemics  of  modern  times  whose  course  and 
succession  we  can  trace  so  well.  But  the  epidemic  of  1821,  which 
raged  in  the  departments  of  the  Oise,  and  of  the  Seine  and  Oise, 
from  March  to  October,  has  been  observed  by  all  with  the  great- 
est care,  including  men  of  distinguished  talent.^ 

We  shall  give  the  description  of  this  disease.  There  were  no 
constant  premonitory  symptoms  ;  it  often  broke  out  quite  sud- 
denly, but  many  complained  some  days  before  of  debility,  de- 
spondency, want  of  appetite,  nausea,  head-ache ;  sometimes  also 
of  giddiness  and  slight  chilliness.  Many  retired  to  rest  in  health, 
and  awoke  during  the  night  with  the  disease,  covered  with  a  per- 
spiration, which  ceased  only  with  death  or  recovery.  With  some 
the  sweating  was  preceded  for  some  hours,  or  even  only  for  some 
moments,  by  a  scarcely  perceptible  feverish  commotion,  accom- 
panied with  burning  heat,  or  with  a  sensation  of  pain  which  ran 
through  every  limb,  and  nearly  always  with  spasms  in  the 
stomach.  With  others  the  disease  announced  itself  by  lacerating 
rheumatic  pains,  which  gradually  increasing,  they  became  bed- 
ridden. The  mouth  was  foul,  the  taste  at  times  bitter,  the  tongue 
white,  more  rarely  tinged  with  yellow,  and  thus  it  remained  till 
the  patient  was  restored.  The  sufferer  was  shortly  covered  with 
a  thick,  peculiarly  fetid  stveat,  that  certainly  produced  alleviation, 
but  became  very  intolerable  to  him  from  its  unpleasant  stench, 
which  was  even  communicated  to  the  clothes  of  the  bystanders. 
In  the  mean  time  it  was  discovered  by  the  pulse,  that  the  fever 
had  considerably  abated ;  but,  on  the  third  day,  the  patient  was 
seized  with  convulsive  spasms  in  the  stomach,  great  oppression  at 
the  chest,  and  a  sensation  of  suffocation — symptoms  which  caused 
him  insupportable  anguish.  These  attacks,  accompanied  by  hic- 
cup and  eructation,  continued  for  several  hours,  and  returned  from 
time  to  time,  an  eruption,  partly  palpular,  simultaneously  breaking 
out  first  on  the  neck,  then  on  the  shoulders  down  to  the  hands 
and  breast,  less  frequently  on  the  thighs   and  face.     The  little 

'  Rayer,  Suette,  p.  42G,  where  the  principal  passage  of  Bellofs  dissertation  is  re- 
printed word  for  word. 

2  Best  in  Bayer,  p  421.  Not  so  well  in  Ozanam,  T.  iii.  p.  lOo.  The  writers  are 
very  numerous. 

3'  Rayer,  Mazet,  Bally,  Frangois,  Pariset,  and  many  others. 


298  SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 

pimples  were  of  a  pale  red  colour  and  conical,  with  glistening 
heads,  and  between  them  appeared  innumerable  small  miliary 
pustules,  filled  with  transparent  serous  fluid,  which  soon  thicken- 
ed and  assumed  a  whiter  hue.  At  the  time  and  previous  to  the 
breaking  out  of  the  exanthem,  the  patient  experienced  a  very 
severe  burning  and  jyrklxing  sensation  in  the  skin,  which  neverthe- 
less sometimes  occurred  on  the  second  or  fourth  day,  and  which 
increased  sometimes  in  one  part,  sometimes  in  another,  when  the 
sweating  declined. 

Towards  the  fifth  day,  however,  after  the  sweating  had  entirely 
ceased,  the  complaint  grew  worse  again.  The  spasms  and  parox- 
ysms of  suffocation  returned,  and  they  were  succeeded  by  renewed 
eruptions  of  the  exanthem ;  a  decided  improvement,  however, 
shortly  took  place  ;  the  little  pimples  lost  their  redness,  the  mili- 
ary vesicles  dried  away,  and  at  a  period  from  the  seventh  to  the 
tenth  day  recovery  commenced  under  a  general  exfoliation  of  the 
cuticle.  Sometimes  the  eruption  did  not  appear,  whether  the  pa- 
tients were  under  medical  treatment,  or  left  to  their  own  guidance, 
but  with  those  few  in  whom  there  was  an  absence  of  miliary 
vesicles,  that  peculiar  pricking  and  itching  of  the  skin  did  not 
take  place. 

Between  the  fifth  and  seventh  day  the  patients  usually  com- 
plained of  great  weakness,  and  had  a  desire  to  eat.  A  few  table- 
spoonfuls  of  wine  then  agreed  with  them  very  well ;  for  the  rest, 
neither  thirst  nor  lethargy  was  observable,  but  it  was  particularly 
remarkable  that  the  urine  was  clear  and  abundant.  Up  to  the 
seventh  day  a  confined  state  of  bowels  was  usual,  and,  with  the 
exception  of  the  already  mentioned  attacks  of  tightness  and  op- 
pression, the  breathing  remained  free,  though  with  great  sleep- 
lessness, during  the  whole  malad3^  Nothing  morbid  was  to  be 
observed  in  the  chest,  and  the  patients  lay  stretched  out  at  full 
length,  so  that  there  was  no  occasion  at  any  time  to  raise  their 
heads. 

Such  was  the  regular  course  of  this  miliary  fever,  but  its  pro- 
gress was  often  accelerated  by  very  dangerous  symptoms,  and 
occasionally  it  proved  fatal  within  a  very  few  hours.  If  at  the 
time  of  the  attack  the  patients  were  very  restless  and  talkative, 
the  eyes  glistening,  the  pulse,  without  being  hard,  tumultuous, 
and  the  edges  of  the  tongue  reddened,  delirium  soon  succeeded, 
and  then  convulsions  and  death.  Great  depression  of  the  spirits 
was  a  verj''  bad  symptom  ;  bleeding  was  never  of  any  avail,  yet 
the  menstrual  discharge  did  not  interrupt  the  course  of  the  dis- 


THE    PICARDY   SWEAT.  299 

ease.  There  was  in  general  a  great  degree  of  malignancy  per- 
ceptible in  the  malady,  as  was  also  rendered  apparent  by  the 
course  of  the  epidemic.  If  the  miliary  Sweating  Fever  broke  out 
in  a  fresh  place,  two  or  three  persons  only  were  thereupon  attack- 
ed, and  that  favourably,  which  led  to  a  supposition  that  the  evil 
had  all  passed  away,  for  during  the  next  fifteen  or  twentj^  days,  not 
any  fresh  attacks  were  heard  of.  Suddenly,  however,  the  epidemic 
reappeared  with  increased  virulence.  The  great  number  of  the 
sufferers  spread  consternation  and  terror  amongst  the  inhabitants, 
and  the  cases  of  death  became  frequent.  After  this  first  burst  of 
fury,  the  epidemic  grew  more  mild  again,  so  that  many  patients 
were  not  confined  to  their  beds  at  all.  This  mitigation  of  the 
miliary  fever  was  likewise  manifested  '  by  the  prolongation  of  its 
course  beyond  the  seventh  day. 

If  we  compare  this  epidemic  with  the  one  observed  at  Abbe- 
ville in  1773,  we  shall  find  between  them  but  very  tiuflins:  dif- 
ferences,  which  would  appear  still  more  clearly  in  some  of  the  in- 
termediate visitations,  thus  conforming  to  what  has  been  observed 
in  other  eruptive  maladies.  It  is  consequently  evident  that  the 
miliary  fevers  -  which  have  appeared  in  France  in  recent  times, 
do  not  differ  in  any  essential  point  from  those  of  more  ancient 
date.  The  surest  proof  of  their  identity  is,  their  persistence  for 
nearly  two  centuries ;  and  from  the  manner  in  which  they  have 
presented  themselves  to  observation,  they  are  to  be  considered  as 
distinct  from  the  English  Sweating  Sickness,  though  certainly  al- 
lied to  it.  It  would  exceed  our  limits  to  pursue  this  inquiry  fur- 
ther, but  it  may  be  as  well  to  give  the  following  short  catalogue^ 
of  the  most  important  miliary  epidemics. 


1652.  Leipzig. 

1690. 

Diisseldorf. 

1660.  Augsburg. 

Erfurt. 

1666.  Bavaria. 

Jena. 

1672.  Hungary. 

1694. 

Berlin. 

1675.  Hamburgh. 

1700. 

Breslau. 

1680.  Germany  to  a 

great  extent. 

1709. 

Dantzic,  Marienburg. 

1689.  Philippsburg. 

1712. 

Miimpelgart. 

1690.  Stuttgard. 

1713. 

Saint  Valery.  (Somme.) 

'  Bally  and  Francois,  in  the  Journal  General  de  Medecine,  T.  LXXVII.  p.  204. 
Compare  Fof/e?-e,  T.  III.  p.  227.  Orawa?;;,  T.  III.  p.  116.  liai/er,  Suette,  p.  148. 
Mai.  d.  1.  p.  T.  I.  p.  320. 

2  We  may  add  to  them  also  those  observed  in  the  South  of  Germany,  iu  the  a'tio- 
logy  of  which  Schonlein  Liys  much  stress  on  the  contamination  of  the  air  in  the  process 
of  steeping  hemp.      Vorlesungen,  II.  p.  324. 

*  It  is  not  complete,  but  may  render  apparent  the  power  and  extent  of  the  disea.se. 
See  Rayer,  Suette,  p.  465. 


im) 


SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 


1714. 

15.  Laybach. 

1740. 

Provins.  (Seine  et  Marne.) 

1715. 

Breslau. 

Vire.  (Calvados.) 

Turin. 

Berthonville.  (Eure.) 

1718. 

Tubingen. 

Falaise.  Calvados.) 

Abbeville.  (Somme.) 

1741. 

Rouen.  (Lower  Seine.) 

1720. 

Canton  de  Bray.  (Lower 

Tartana. 

Seine.) 

Valencia. 

1723. 

Francfort  on  the  Maine. 

Alexandria. 

1724. 

Turin. 

London. 

Vereelli. 

1742. 

Caudebec.  (Lower  Seine.) 

1726. 

Acqui. 

Ceva. 

Guise.  (Aisne.) 

Turin. 

1728. 

Chambery,  Annecy,  St.  Jean 

Sorillano. 

de  Maurienne.  (Savoy.) 

Alba. 

Carmagnola. 

Ivrea. 

Vereelli. 

Cherasco. 

Ivrea. 

Fossano. 

Biella. 

1743. 

Villafranca. 

1729. 

Vienna.  (Austria.) 

1744. 

Acqui. 

1730. 

Pignerol. 

1746. 

Zurich. 

1731. 

Fossano. 

1747. 

Paris.  (Seine.) 

1732. 

Nizza. 

Beaumont.  (Seine  et  Oise.) 

Rivoli. 

Chambly.  (Oise.) 

1733. 

Fossano. 

Modena. 

Asti. 

Lodi. 

Lanti. 

Mantua. 

Acqui. 

Piacenza. 

Basle. 

1750. 

Schaffhausen. 

Silesia. 

Bern. 

1734. 

Strasburg.  (Lower  Rhine.) 

Geneva. 

Acqui. 

Beauvais.  (Oise.) 

Lanti. 

1751. 

Villafranca. 

1735. 

Trino. 

1752. 

Fernaise.  (Seine  et  Oise.) 

Lanti. 

1753. 

Susa. 

Fresneuse.  (Lower  Seine.) 

1754. 

Valepuiseux.  (Seine  et  Oise.) 

Vimeux.  (Seine  et  Oise.) 

1755. 

Novara. 

Orleans.  (Loiret.) 

1756. 

Cusset.  (Allier.) 

Pluviers.  (Loiret.) 

Boulogne.  (Pas  de  Calais.) 

Meaux.  Villeneuve. 

1757. 

Montaigu  les  Combrailles.  (Puy 

Saint  George.  (Seine  et 

de  Dome.) 

Marne.) 

1758. 

Amiens,  environs.  (Somme.) 

Bohemia. 

1759. 

Paris.  (Seine.) 

Denmark. 

Guise.  (Aisne.) 

Sweden. 

Caudebec.  (Lower  Seine.) 

Russia. 

1760. 

Alen^on.  (Orne.) 

1738. 

Luzarches,  Royaumont. 

1763. 

Vire.  (Calvados.) 

(Seine  et  Oise.) 

1763, 

G4.  Bayeux.  (Calvados.) 

Susa. 

1765. 

Balleroy,  Basoques.  (Calvados.) 

Crescentino. 

Saint-George,   Saint-Quentin. 

1740. 

Caen.  (Calvados.) 

(Calvados.) 

THE  EOETTINGEN  SWEATING  SICKNESS.  301 

1766.  Campagny.  (Calvados.)  1782.  Boissy   Saint-Leger.  (Seine    et 

1767.  Thinchebray,  Truttemer.  (Orne.)  Oise.) 

1768.  69.  St.  Quentin.  (Aisne.)  1783.  Beaumont.  (Seine  et  Oise.) 

1770.  Louviers.  (Eure.)  1791.  Meru.  (Oise.) 

1771.  Montargis.  (Loiret.)  1810.  Nourare,  Villotran.  (Oise.) 

1772.  Hardivilliers,  environs.  1812.  Kosheim,  and  may  other  places. 

1773.  Hardivilliers.  (Oise.)  (Lower  Rhine.) 

1776.  Laigle.  (Orne.)  1621.  La  Chapelle,   Saint-Pierre,  and 

1777.  Jouy.  (Seine  et  Oise.)  sixty   places    around.    (Oise  ; 
1782.  Castelnaudary.   (Aude.)  Seine  et  Oise.) 

Sect.  3. — The  Roeti'ingen  Sweating  Sickness. 

We  now  corae  to  a  phenomenon  which,  notwithstanding  its 
short  duration  and  very  limited  extension,  is  one  of  the  most 
memorable  of  this  century.  Up  to  the  present  time,  its  real  im- 
portance has  not  been  recognised,  because  the  clouds  of  self- 
sufficient  ignorance  have  prevented  our  taking  a  survey  of  the 
formation  of  diseases,  throughout  long  periods  of  time.  It  has 
been  sunk  for  an  age  in  the  sea  of  oblivion,  from  whence  we  will 
now  draw  it  forth  to  the  light  of  day. 

In  November,  1802,  a  very  hot  and  dry  summer  had  been  suc- 
ceeded by  incessant  rain.  Thick  fogs  spread  over  the  country, 
and  enveloped  such  places  in  central  Germany  as  were  inaccessible 
to  ventilation.  Amongst  others,  the  small  Franconian  town  of 
Eoettingen,  situated  on  the  river  Tauber,  and  surrounded  by 
mountains.^  Scarcely  had  a  few  weeks  elapsed,  when  unexpect- 
edly, towards  the  25th  of  November,  an  extremely  fatal  disease 
broke  out  in  the  town,  which  was  without  example  in  the  memory 
of  its  inhabitants,  and  totally  unknown  to  the  physicians  of  the 
country. 

Strong  vigorous  young  men  were  suddenly  seized  with  I'/isjjeak- 
able  dread  ;  the  heart  became  agitated  and  beat  vioIcntJy  against 
the  ribs,  a  profuse,  sour,  ill-smcllinii  perspiration  broke  out  over 
the  whole  body,  and  at  the  same  time,  they  experienced  a  lacer- 
ating pain  in  the  nape  of  the  neck,  as  if  a  violent  rheumatic  fever 
had  taken  possession  of  the  tendinous  tissues.  This  pain  ceased 
sometimes  very  quickly,  and  if  it  then  shifted  to  the  chest,  the 
distressing  palpitation  of  the  heart  recommenced  ;  a  spasmodic 
trembling  of  the  whole  body  ensued  ;  the  sufferers  fainted,  their 
limbs  became  rigid,  and  thus  they  breathed  their  last.  In  most 
cases,  all  this  occurred  within  four  and  twenty  hours.  They  did 
not  all,  however,  succumb  under  the  first  attack,  but  as  soon  as 

'  At  that  time  inhabited  bv  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  country  people.  Sinner,  p.  7. 


302  SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 

the  accelerated  pulse  had  sunk  to  the  lowest  ebb  of  sraallness  and 
feebleness,  a  corresponding  effect  being  observable  in  the  respira- 
tion, the  violent  pain  would  in  some  cases  return  to  the  outward 
parts.  The  patient  then  felt  a  benumbing  pressure  and  stiffness 
in  the  nape  of  the  neck ;  and  the  pulse  and  respiration  became  re- 
stored again  as  in  health,  but  the  perspiration  continued  to  pour 
incessantly  down  the  skin. 

This  apparent  safety  was,  however,  very  deceptive,  for  a  renew- 
ed palpitation  of  the  heart  unexpectedl}'^  commenced,  accompanied 
by  a  feeble  pulse ;  and  then  death  was  often  inevitable.  It  was 
remarkable,  that  the  patients,  though  bathed  in  perspiration,  had 
very  little  thirst,  and  the  tongue  was  not  dry,  nor  ever  even  foul, 
but  retained  its  natural  moisture.  With  most,  however,  the  urine 
was  scanty  ;  as  the  skin,  under  the  increasing  debility,  permitted 
too  much  fluid  to  stream  forth  through  its  pores.  If  the  cUseme 
passed  off  ivithout  heating  siidorijics,  then  in  general  no  eruption 
made  its  appearance.  The  maladj^  then  continued  till  the  sixth 
day,  but  on  the  first  only  did  it  display  its  malignant  symptoms, 
for  by.  the  second,  the  sweating  diminished  and  lost  every  un- 
favourable quality,  so  that  increased  transpiration  of  the  skin, 
.without  any  other  symptoms  of  importance,  alone  remained,  and 
on  the  sixth  day  the  patient  was  perfectly  restored. 

Had  there  been  in  Roettingen  a  physician  at  hand  from  the 
commencement,  well  skilled  in  medical  historg,  and  who  Avould 
have  adopted  the  old  English  treatment  of  the  Sweating  Sickness, 
this  new  fever  would  have  appeared  but  as  a  perfectly  mild  dis- 
ease, and  would  certainly  have  carried  off  but  few  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  this  peaceful  little  town.  As  it  was,  however,  the  scenes 
of  Liibeck  and  Zwickau  were  renewed,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  in- 
numerable victims  to  the  hot  treatment,  and  to  Kegcler's  truculent 
medical  work,  had  descended  to  the  grave  in  vain.  The  sufferers 
iccre,  as  in  the  sixteenth  centurg,  literaUg  stewed  to  death  !  for  the 
moment  the  people  imagined  that  they  knew  how  nature  meant  to 
escape,  they  ordered  feather-beds  to  be  heaped  on  the  perspiring 
patient,  so  that  the  mouth  and  nose  alone  remained  uncovered. 
Doors  and  windows  were  tightly  closed,  and  the  stove  emitted  a 
glowing  heat,  whilst  a  most  intolerable  odour  of  perspiration 
streamed  forth  from  beneath  the  broad  and  lofty  beds ;  added  to 
which,  that  two  and  even  more  patients  were  often  lying  in  the 
same  room ;  nay,  even  stowed  together  under  the  same  mountain 
of  feathers,  and  in  order  that  inward  heat  might  not  be  wanting, 
pots  of  theriaca  were  swallowed,  and  the  patient  was  incessantly 


THE   ROETTINGEN    SWEATING    SICKNESS.  303 

plied  with  elder  electuary.  Thus  the  bad  humours  were  expelled 
together  with  the  perspiration ;  and  whether  the  sufferers  were 
suffocated,  or  surmounted,  as  by  a  miracle,  this  mal-treatment  of 
nature,  a  conviction  was  felt,  that  the  most  salutary  remedies  had 
been  employed,  and  when  at  last  eruptions  of  various  colours 
broke  out,  it  was  considered  as  certain,  that  the  poison  had  been 
carried  off  in  them.  The  citizens  of  Roettingen,  therefore,  fell 
into  the  same  erroneous  opinion,  which,  upheld  by  medical  schools, 
had,  time  immemorial,  increased  inflammatory  diseases,  particu- 
larly the  exanthematous,  and  caused  them  to  become  malignant. 
The  above-mentioned  eruj)tions  were  of  various  sorts  ;  miliary 
vesicles  of  every  form  and  colour,  filled  with  an  acrid  fluid  ;  actual 
blistery  eruptions  (pemphigus),  and  even  petechia);  and  it  is  to 
be  observed,  that  the  patients,  during  the  first  days  of  the  sweating- 
fever,  never  suffered  from  that  peculiar  pricking  sensation  over 
the  whole  body  which  precedes  the  eruption  of  miliaria,  but  com- 
plained only,  and  that  not  always,  of  a  local  itching,  where  the 
eruption  had  broken  out.  It  was  equally  rare  to  observe  a  regu- 
lar desquamation  of  the  skin,  and  it  is  therefore  to  be  assumed,  that 
the  cruj^tions  icere  onhj  symptomatic,  and  not  by  any  means  neces- 
sarily connected  with  the  disease,  as  in  the  decidedly  miliary  fevers. 
The  disease  excited,  from  its  very  commencement,  the  greatest 
consternation  ;  and  as  it  was  increased,  even  from  the  first  days 
of  its  appearance,  by  the  sudorific  system  of  treatment,  deaths 
were  multiplied  ;  the  continual  peal  of  funeral  bells  struck  mortal 
terror,  as  of  old  at  Shrewsbury,  into  the  hearts  of  both  sick  and 
healthy ;  and  this  oppressed  little  town  was  shunned  as  a  pest- 
hole by  the  inhabitants  of  the  surrounding  neighbourhood.  At 
the  commencement  of  the  disease,  they  were  entirely  without  me- 
dical advice,  till  a  skilful  physician  arrived  from  the  vicinity,' 
and  as  moat  of  the  inhabitants  were  already  attacked  with  the 
sweating  fever,  he  immediately  prescribed  the  proper  treatment. 
But  the  powers  of  one  man  are  not  sufficient,  amid  such  confusion, 
to  contend  with  the  deeply-rooted  prejudices  of  the  people,  and  so 
they  continued  in  most  houses  to  expel  by  heat  and  theriaca  both 
perspiration  and  life  together  ;  till  at  last,  on  the  third  of  Decem- 
ber, Dr.  Sinner  of  Wiirzburg  arrived,  Avithout  whom  the  remem- 
brance of  this  remarkable  disease  would  have  been  obliterated,  and 
conjointly  with  his  gallant  colleague,  like  the  anonymous  phy- 
sician formerly  in  Zwickau,  subdued  the  destructive  prejudices  of 

'  Dr.  Thchi,  government  physician  of  the  town  of  Aub. 


304  SWEATING    SICKNESSES. 

the  people.  He  found  eighty- four  patients*  under  piles  of  feather- 
beds,  who,  when  pure  air  was  admitted,  breathed  once  more  freely, 
and  by  a  prudent  cooling  system,  all  recovered  easily,  and  with- 
out danger,  one  onl}'  excepted.  His  method  reminds  us  of  the 
old  English  treatment.^  The  disease  was  confined  entirely  to 
Roettingcn ;  it  did  not  make  its  appearance  anywhere  beyond  the 
gates  of  this  little  town.  On  the  fifth  of  December,  however,  clear, 
frosty  weather  set  in ;  from  that  time  no  new  cases  occurred,  and 
all  traces  of  this  E-oettingen  sweating  fever,  which  was  never 
either  preceded  or  followed  by  miliary  fever  in  any  part  of  Fran- 
conia,  have  from  that  time  disappeared. 

The  resemblance  of  this  fever  to  the  English  Sweating  Sickness 
is  manifest,  and  is  proved  even  by  the  short  {o7ihj  ten  days')  dura- 
tion of  the  visitation,  which,  as  we  have  stated,  is  a  most  essential 
charactesistic  of  the  English  sweating  epidemic,  at  least  as  it  ap- 
peared in  Germany ;  the  miliary  epidemics  always  have  lasted  a 
much  longer  period.  But  if  we  confine  ourselves  merely  to  the 
symptoms  of  the  disease,  we  shall  find,  that  in  the  Roettingen 
sweating  fever,  there  are,  throughout,  none  that  can  be  consider- 
ed essential,  except  the  palpitation  of  the  heart,  accompanied  ivith 
anguish,  the  profuse  perspiration,  and  the  rheumatic  pai?is  in  the 
nape  of  the  neck,  which  never  were  wanting  in  any  case ;  and  the 
very  same  symptoms  are  clearly  and  perceptibly  to  be  discerned 
in  like  proportion  as  compared  with  others,  in  the  representation  of 
the  English  Sweating  Sickness ;  whereas,  the  eruptions  were  al- 
together as  unessential  as  in  the  epidemic  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
The  irritability  of  the  skin,  and  tendency  to  dangerous  metastases, 
were  less  marked  in  the  Roettingen  fever  than  in  the  English 
Sweating  Sickness  ;  for  the  patients  could,  without  injury,  change 
their  linen  in  the  midst  of  the  perspiration,  which,  in  the  English 
Sweating  Sickness,  could  not  have  been  done  without  fatal  conse- 
quences ;  but  this  difference  can  easily  be  accounted  for,  from  the 
greater  degree  of  suffering  in  the  latter  disease  than  in  the  former. 
It  only  now  remains  to  examine  the  duration  of  the  disease,  and 
here  we  plainly  perceive  that  the  principal  paroxj'sm  was  over  in 
the  Roettingen  epidemic  within  the  first  four  and  twenty  hours, 

'  The  whole  number  of  cases  and  of  deaths  is  not  stated.  Dr.  Sinner  found  nine 
bodies,  none  of  which  had  been  opened,  shortly  before  the  cessation  of  the  disease. 

2  Everything  heating  was  avoided  ;  the  air  was  cautiously  purified,  cooling  beverage 
was  given,  and  contrary  to  the  method  of  Brown,  at  that  time  in  vogue,  few  medicines 
such  as  valerian,  spirits  of  hartshorn,  Hoffman's  drops,  &c.,  were  employed.  Blisters 
were  of  service,  and,  likewise,  under  some  circumstances,  camphor.  The  convalescents 
were  well  nourished. 


THE    ROETTINGEN    SAVEATIXG    SICKNESS.  305 

at  least  when  it  was  undisturbed  by  treatment ;  and  the  sole 
symptom  which  continued  until  the  sixth  day — the  increased  per- 
spiration (we  speak  here  only  of  perfectly  pure  cases) — could  only 
reasonably  be  regarded  as  a  sequela.  The  crisis  did  not  occur  all 
on  a  sudden,  as  in  the  English  Sweating  Sickness,  but  this  can- 
not constitute  any  essential  difference. 

AVe  do  not  hesitate,  therefore,  to  pronounce  the  Roettingeti 
fever  to  have  been  the  same  disease  as  the  English  Siceating  Sick- 
ness. To  give,  however,  this  phenomenon  its  proper  interpret- 
ation— to  have  a  clear  conception  of  the  causes  which  again  drew 
down  from  the  clouds,  into  the  midst  of  Germany,  this  mist-born 
spectre  of  1529,  and  allowed  it  to  expend  its  brief  fury  upon  a 
single  place,  is  beyond  the  power  of  human  wisdom.  Science  is 
not  comprehensive  enough  to  discover,  in  the  crossings  of  these 
unknown  comet-paths,  the  moving  causes  of  this  visitation  of  dis- 
ease. But  as  all  insight  into  the  works  of  nature  must  be  pre- 
ceded by  a  strict  investigation  and  search  after  phenomena  in  all 
countries,  at  all  times,  and  under  all  circumstances  of  develop- 
ment, so  an  improved  knowledge  of  diseases  and  of  the  whole  hu- 
man system,  will  not  fail  to  follow,  when  the  investigations  of 
epidemics  throughout  extensive  periods  have  increased  in  number 
and  success. 

The  present  age  demands  such  a  htowledge  of  medical  men, 
ichose  vocation  it  is  to  investigate  life  minutely  in  all  its  bearings. 
It  demands  of  them  an  historical  pathology,  and  to  this  branch  of 
the  study  of  nature  is  the  present  worh  intended  to  contribute. 


20 


CHRONOLOGICAL    SURVEY. 


Political  Events. 

1461-1483.  Louis  XI. 
1485-1509.  Henry  VII. 
1493-1519.  Maximilian  I.      Mer- 
cenary troops  are  introduced. 
1483-1498.  Charles  VIII. 
1483-1485.  Eicliard  III. 
1483,  October.     Eirst  abortive  at- 
tempt of  the  Earl  of  Eichmond 
(who  had  fled  to  Prance  in  1471) 
against  Eichard  III.    The  Duke 
of  Buckingham  executed. 
1485.    Eichmond  obtains  support 

from  Charles  VIII. 
1485,  25th  July.  Eichmond's  de- 
parture from  Havre. 
1485,  1st  August.      Landing    at 

Milford  Haven. 
1485.  From  the  1st  to  the  22nd  of 
August,   march    from    Milford 
Haven   to    Lichfield    and  Bos- 
worth. 
1485, 22nd  August.     The  battle  of 
Bosworth.     Eichard  III.  falls. 
The  Earl  of  Eichmond  becomes 
king,  under  the  name  of  Henry 
VII. 
1485,  28th  August.  Henry's  entry 

into  London. 
1485,  30th  October.  Henry's  coro- 
nation. 
1481-1492.  The  wars  of  Ferdinand 
the    Catholic,    against   the   Sa- 
racens. 
1495.     Useless    war    for  the   suc- 


FiKST  Visitation  of  the  Sweating 

Sickness. 

1478-1482.  Swarms  of  locusts  in 
the  south  of  Europe. 

1480-1485.  Wet  years. 

1483.  Overflow  of  the  Severn  (the 
great  water  of  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham). 

1480  and  1481.  Famine  in  Ger- 
many and  France. 

1477-1485.  Glandular  plague  in 
Italy. 

1480,  1481.  Encephalitis  in  Ger- 
many. 

1482.  Febrile  cerebritis  in  France, 
and  epidemic  pleuritis  in  Italy. 

1483.  Glandular  plague  in  Spain. 
1484  and  1485.    Malignant  fever 

in  Germany  and  Switzerland. 
Plague  in  Spain. 

1485.  In  tlie  leginning  of  August : 
ertiption  of  the  English  Sweating 
Sickness, prohahly  amongst  Rich- 
mond's mercenary  troops.  It 
spread  from  west  to  east,  and  then 
in  a  contrary  direction. 

1485.   The  end  of  August,in  Oxford. 

1485.  21st  September  till  the  early 
part  of  October,  in  London. 

1485.  The  middle  of  November,  in 
Groyland. 

1486,  1^^  January.  Termination 
of  the  first  epidemic  Sweating 
Sickness. 

1486.  Epidemic  scurvy  in  Ger- 
many.    Plague  in  Spain. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   SUEVEY. 


307 


Political  Etexts. 

cession  of  Charles  VIII.  against 
Alfonso  II.  (who  died  in  1495), 
and  Ferdinand  II.  of  Naples. 
The  conquest  of  the  kingdom 
was  again  immediately  relin- 
quished. 


First  Visitation. 

1488-1490.  Plague  in  Spain. 

1490.  First  eruption  of  petechial 
fever  in  Granada,  in  the  army  of 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic. 

1495.  Eruption  of  the  syphilitic 
pestilence  at  ]Sraples,  among  the 
mercenary  army  of  Charles  YIII. 

1499.  Great  plague  in  London. 


1485-1509.  Henry  VII. 

1501.  His  eldest  son,  Arthur, 
marries  Catherine  of  Arragon, 
daughter  of  Ferdinand  the 
Catholic. 

1502.  Prince  Arthur  dies.  Prince 
Henry  (VIII.) ,  second  son  of 
Henry  VII.,  is  affianced  to 
Catherine  of  Arragon. 

The  internal  condition  of  England 
is  altered  by  Henry  VII.  The 
towns  begin  to  rise  in  import- 
ance, and  the  sciences  to  become 
diffused.  A  rigorous  and  unjust 
financial  system. 

1498-1515.  Louis  XII. 

1501.  conquers  Naples  in  con- 
junction with  the  Spaniards,  and 
is  by  them 

1504.  expelled  thence.  He  estab- 
lishes his  power  in  Upper  Italy. 

1511.  Pope  Julius  II.  (1503-1513) 
forms  the  sacred  league  against 
France,  into  which  enters  like- 
wise, in  1512,  Henry  VIII. 
The  French  lose  their  power  in 
Italy. 

1504.  Isabella  of  Castile  dies. 
Philip  I.  of  Austria,  her  daugh- 
ter Johanna's  husband,  succeeds 
her,  his  son,  Charles  V.,  having 
been  born  in  1500. 


Second  Visitation. 

1500-1503.  Mould-spots  (signa- 
cula)  in  Germany  and  France. 

1500.  Comet. 

1500.  Mortality  among  cattle  in 
Germany. 

1502.  Very  extensive  destruction 
of  cultivation  in  Germany  by 
blights  of  caterpillars. 

1503.  Glandular  plague,  and  de- 
structive epidemics  in  Germany 
and  France. 

1504.  Plague  in  Spain. 

1504  and  1505.  Encephalitis,  pu- 
trid fever,  and  malignant  pneu- 
monia in  Germany. 

1505.  Plague  in  Portugal. 

1505.  First  epidemic  petechial 
fever  in  Italy.  The  morbid 
activity  of  the  organism  showed 
a  decided  determination  towards 
the  skin  during  all  this  period. 

1505.  Moist  summer.  Lament- 
able moral  state  of  England. 

1506.  The  summer :  the  Sweating 
Sickness  breaks  out  in  London, 
and  continues  to  a  moderate  ex- 
tent, being  conjined  to  England, 
until  the  autumn.  This  second 
visitation  is  the  mildest  of  all, 
and  the  old  English  method  of 
treatment  proves  effectual  every- 
lohere. 

20  * 


308 


CHRONOLOGICAL   SURVEY, 


PoLiTiCAi-  Events. 

1506.  Philip  I.  dies. 
1516.     Ferdinand    the 
dies. 


Second  Visitation. 

1506-1508.  Pestilential  epidemics 
Catholic         in  Spain. 

1508.  Swarms  of  locusts  in  Spain. 


1509-1547.  Henry  VIII. 

1515-1547.  Francis  I.  immediately 
attacks  Milan  again,  and  con- 
quers 

1515.  the  Swiss,  in  the  battle  of 
Marignano.  Keeps  possession 
of  Milan  and  establishes  the 
French  dominion  in  Italy  until 
the  year  1522. 

1516.  Cardinal  Wolsey  changes 
the  policy  of  England  in  favour 
of  Francis  I., 

1520.  then  of  Charles  V. 
1513-1522.  Leo  X.,against  France. 

Promotes,  by  a  new  bull  of  in- 
dulgences, the  outbreak  of  the 
Reformation. 

1517.  31st  of  October,  Luther 
commences  the  Reformation. 

1519.  12th  January,  the  Emperor 

Maximilian  I.  dies. 
1519-1556.  Charles  Y. 

1521.  Imperial  diet  at  "Worms. 
1517.  May  :  Insurrections  of  the 

operatives  in  London. 

1517.  In  the  autumn  and  winter, 
Henry  VIII.  frequently  changes 
the  residence  of  his  Court  in 
consequence  of  the  Sweating 
Sickness  and  the  Plague. 

1518.  11th  February,  Queen  Mary 
is  born.    * 

1518.  The  College  of  Physicians 
ill  London  is  founded  by  Lin- 
acre. 

1521.  Henry  VIII.  opposes  Lu- 
ther, and  obtains   the   title   of 


Third  Visitation. 

1515.  Pestilential    epidemics    in 

Spain. 

1516.  Comet. 

1517.  Unproductive, but  not  moist 
summer. 

1510.  Great  influenza  (Coque- 
luche)  throughout  France,  and 
probably  to  a  still  further  ex- 
tent. Plague  in  the  north  of 
Europe. 

1517.  In  the  early  months  epi- 
demic trachseitis  and  oesophagitis 
(diphtheritis)  in  Holland,  last- 
ing only  eleven  days.  This  epi- 
demic extends  towards  the  south, 
and  appears  in  the  same  summer 
at  Basle. 

1517.  On  the  16th  June,  earth- 
quake in  Swabia  (and  Spain). 

1517.  Encephalitis  and  other  in- 
flammatory fevers  in  Germany. 

1517.  In  July,  outbreak  in  London 
ofilie  third  visitation  of  epidemic 
sweating  sickness;  it  spreads 
with  great  malignity  all  over 
England,  and  among  the  English 
at  Calais ;  in  the  sixth  iceek  it 
attains  its  greatest  violence,  and 
terminates  in  Decemher.  Am- 
monias, of  Lucca,  and  many  dis- 
tinguished and  learned  persons 
in  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  are 
carried  offhy  it. 

1517.  In  December,  immediately 
after  the  Sweating  Sickness,  a 
plague  occurs  in  England,  and 
lasts  all  the  winter. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   SURVEY. 


309 


Political  Events.  Thikb  Visitatiox. 

"Defender     of      the     Faith."     1517.    Small-pox    breaks   out    in 


{Thomas  More.') 


Hispaniola. 


1524.  October,  Francis  I.  passes 
Mont  Cenis,  and  is 

1525.  beaten  at  Pavia  and  cap- 
tured. 

1526.  14th  January.  Peace  of 
Madrid. 

1526.  Clement  VII.  (1523-1534) 
becomes  the  head  of  the  Holy 
League  against  the  Emperor. 

1527.  6th  May.  Eome  is  van- 
quished  by  the  imperial  army 
and  sacked. 

1528.  A  French  army,  under  Lau- 
trec,  conquers  the  greatest  part 
of  Italy,  and  commences 

1528.  1st  May,  the  siege  of  Naples. 

Lautrec  dies  in  August. 
1528.   29th  August,  the  siege  of 

Naples  is  raised.     The  remains 

of  the  French  army   are  made 

prisoners. 

1528.  Charles  V.  challenges  Fran- 
cis I.  to  single  combat. 

1529.  5th  August,  Francis  I.  con- 
cludes the  unfavourable  peace 
of  Cambray.  Termination  of 
the  French  dominion  in  Italy. 
The  Eeformation  in  England  is 
retarded. 

1527.  Scruples  of  Henry  VIII. 
respecting  his  marriage  with 
Catherine  of  Arragon.  A^arious 
negociations  on  the  subject  in 
the  following  years.  Cardinal 
Wolsey  falls  into  disgrace. 
Thomas  More  becomes  chan- 
cellor. 

1528.  Henry    VIII.    retires    to 


Fourth  VisiTATiojf. 

1524.  Great  plague  at  Milan. 
1527.  Inundations  in  Upper  Italy. 
1527.  11th  August,  a  comet. 

1527.  Plague  in  the  imperial  army 
in  Italy,  after  the  sacking  of 
Eome  ;  and  in  AVittemberg. 

1528-1534.  Tears  of  famine,  with 
a  prevalence  of  moisture  and 
heat. 

1528.  Eepeated  inundations.  Con- 
tinual south  winds  and  summer 
fogs  in  Italy.  Second  great 
epidemic  petechial  fever  there. 

1528.  Destruction  of  the  French 
army  before  Naples  by  a  pesti- 
lential Spotted  Fever. 

1528.  Cold  spring  and  moist  sum- 
mer in  France. 

1528-1532.  "Warm  winters,  moist 
summers.  Eepeated  failures  of 
harvest,  and  great  famines  in 
that  country. 

1528.  The  Trousse-galant  carries 
off  a  fourth  part  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  France  in  this  and  the 
following  years. 

1528.  Wet  and  mild  winter.  Moist 
summer  with  fogs.  Failure  in 
crops,  and  famine  in  England. 

1528.  At  the  end  of  May:  out- 
break in  London  of  the  Fourth 
epidemic  Sweating  Sickness.  It 
spreads  icith great  malignity,  and 
with  much  disturbance  of  social 
life,  all  over  England ;  carries 
off  many  distinguished  persons, 
and  terminates  in  the  winter. 
This  year  it   remains    confined 


310 


CHRONOLOGICAL   SURVEY. 


Political  Events. 

Tytynhangar  in  consequence  of 
the  Sweating  Sickness. 

1532.  Separation  of  the  king  from 
Catherine.  Mary  is  excluded 
from  the  government. 

1533.  January.  Anna  Boleyn  be- 
comes queen.  The  Eeformation 
is  introduced. 

1535.  Thomas  More  and  Fisher 
are  executed. 

1536.  Anna  Boleyn  is  executed. 
Jane  Seymour  becomes  queen. 
Dies  1537. 

1537.  Anne  of  Cleves  becomes 
queen.  Separation  after  six 
months. 

1541.  Catherine  Howard,   queen, 

and  executed  one  year  and  six 

niontlis  afterwards. 
1544.   Catherine,  queen. 
1547.     13th     December,     Henry 

VIII.  dies. 
1521.  Plots  of  the  Iconoclasts  in 

Zwickau  and  Wittenberg. 
1523-1525.  Peasant  war.     On  the 

15th  May,    battle  of  Franken- 

hausen. 
1529.  Imperial  Diet  at  Spires. 
1529.     22nd     September  —  16th 

October,     the     Turks     before 

Vienna. 

1529.  2nd  October,  assemblage  of 
the  lleformers  in  Marburg. 

1530.  25th  June,  surrender  of  the 
Augsburg  confession.  Severe 
decrees  against  the  Protestants. 

1531.  League  of  the  Protestant 
princes  at  Schmalkalden.  Con- 
tinued danger  from  the  Tui'ks. 

1532.  Imperial  Diet  at  Nurem- 
berg. The  Protestants  obtain 
security. 

1533-1535.  Excesses  of  the  Ana- 
baptists at  Miinster. 


FocKTH  Visitation. 

to  England,  and  does  not  return 

in  the  following  year. 

1528.  Continual  south-east  winds. 
Great  drought.  Swarms  of  lo- 
custs and  fiery  meteors  in  the 
north  of  Germany. 

1529.  Earthquake  in  Upper  Italy. 
Sanguineous  rain  at  Cremona. 
A  comet  in  July  and  August. 

1529.  Mild  winter  in  Germany. 
The  spring  begins  in  February. 
Great  moisture  throughout  the 
summer.  General  dearth  in 
March.  Disease  among  the  por- 
poises in  the  Baltic.  Unwhole- 
someness  of  the  river  fish  in  the 
north  of  Germany.  Disease 
among  birds.  Languor  resem- 
bling syncope  in  Pomerania. 
Frequent  suicides  in  the  March. 
In  the  middle  of  June  a  flood 
of  rain  lasting  four  days  (tor- 
rent of  St.  Vitus)  in  the  south 
of  Germany.  On  the  10th  of 
August,  a  universal  tempest. 
24th  of  August,  and  the  follow- 
ing days,  great  heat. 

1529.  25i!A  July,  outhreak  of  the 
epidemic  Sweating  Sickness  in 
Hamburgh.  Termination  on  the 
5tJi  August.  On  the  29th  July 
in  Lilbeck.  On  the  14fth  August 
in  Zwickau.  About  the  1st  Sep- 
tember the  English  Sweating 
Sickness  appears  to  spread  uni- 
versally all  over  Germany.  On 
the  Zlst  August  in  Stettin  ;  ter- 
mination on  the  Sth  September, 
On  the  1st  September  in  Dantzie  ; 
termination  on  the  Gth  Septem- 
ber. On  the  2-ith  August  in 
Strasburg.  On  the  5th,  Gth,  and 
7th  September  in  Cologne,  Augs- 
burg,   and     Francfort     on    the 


CHRONOLOGICAL    SURVEY. 


311 


Political  Events. 

1536.  The  Scbmalkaldic  league  is 
strengthened. 

1538.  The  Catholic  States  establish 
the  sacred  league  at  Nuremberg. 

1540.  Paul  III.  (1534-1550)  con- 
firms the  order  of  the  Jesuits, 
founded  in  1534  by  Ignatius 
Loyola. 

1519-1541.  Conquest  of  Mexico. 
Peru,  Chili,  &c. 


Fourth  Visitation. 

Ilaine.  About  the  26fh  Sep- 
tember in  Vienna  and  among  the 
besieging  TurJcs.  On  the  'llih 
September  in  Amsterdam.  Ter- 
mination on  the  1st  October  in 
Antwerp  and  the  rest  of  the 
Netherlands  ;  simultaneously,  at 
the  end  of  September,  in  Den- 
mark, Sweden,  and  Norway.  At 
the  commencement  of  November 
a  universal  cessation  of  the  epi- 
demic Sweating  Sickness. 

1530.  In  October,  overflow  of  the 
Tiber.  Bursting  of  the  dykes 
and  sudden  inundations  in  Hol- 
land, which  were  repeated  in 
1532. 

1531.' 1st  of  August  to  3rd  Sep- 
tember, the  comet  of  Halley. 

1532.  Prom  2nd  October  to  8th 
November,  and 

1533.  Prom  the  middle  of  June  to 
August,  comets. 

1534.  Termination  of  the  years  of 
scarcity,  during  which  malignant 
fevers  prevailed  in  circumscribed 
localities  thi'oughout  Europe. 


1542.  Maurice  Duke  of  Saxony 
renounces  the  league  of  Schmal- 
kalden. 

1542.  The  imperial  army  which 
opposes  the  Turks  in  Hungary, 
under  Joachim  II.  of  Branden- 
burg, is  destroyed  by  sickness. 

1546.  The  18th  Pebruary,  Luther 
dies. 

1546.  Charles  Y.  takes  the  field 
against  the  Protestants,  pro- 
claims the  Elector,  John  Pre- 
derick,  and  Landgrave  Philip  of 
Hesse,  outlaws.     Gains 


PiFTH  Visitation. 

1538.  Epidemic  dysentery  in 
Prance. 

1540.  The  hot  summer.  The  forests 
take  fire  spontaneously. 

1541.  Plague  in  Constantinople. 

1542.  Swarms  of  locusts  in  the 
south  of  Europe,  and  plague  in 
Hungary  during  the  war  of  the 
Turks  in  that  kingdom. 

1543.  Plague  and  petechial  fever 
in  Germany.     Metz. 

1545  and  1546.  Trousse-galant  in 
France,  of  which  10,000  Eng- 
lish die  at  Boulosrne. 


312 


CHRONOLOGICAL    SURVEY. 


Political  Events. 

1547.  24th  April,  the  battle  of 
Muhlberg.     Eaises 

1548.  Duke  Maurice  to  the  elec- 
torate of  Saxony,  and  prescribes 
the  interhn,  which  is  not  accept- 
ed by  Magdeburg. 

1551.  Magdeburg  declared  to  be 
under  the  imperial  ban,  aud  be- 
sieged in  vain  by  the  Saxons. 

1552.  Henry  II.  of  France  (1547- 
1559),  in  alliance  with  the  Pro- 
testant princes,  takes  Metz, 
Toul,  and  Verdun. 

1552.  The  treaty  of  Passau  secures 
to  the  Protestants  equal  rights 
with  the  Catholics. 

1547-1553.  Edward  VI.  nine  years 
old.  The  Duke  of  Somerset 
gOA^erns  the  kingdom  as  Pro- 
tector. The  Reformation  is 
favoured,  and  makes  progress. 

1553.  Mary  persecutes  the  Pro- 
testants, and  in  1558  loses 
Calais. 

1556.  Charles  V.  abdicates,  and 
dies  on  the  11th  of  September, 
1558,  in  Spain. 


FiFTu  Visitation. 

1546.  Plague  in  the  Netherlands 
and  France. 

1547.  Petechial  fever  in  the  im- 
perial army. 

1547-1551.  Mould  spots  and  red 
water  in  the  north  of  Germany. 

1549.  Caterpillars  destroy  the 
herbage,  and  a  mortality  occurs 
among  cattle  in  G-ermany.  The 
21st  of  September  an  aurora 
borealis. 

1549  and  1550.  Malignant  fever 
(petechial  fever  ?)  in  the  north 
of  Germany. 

1551.  Dry  and  cold  spring ;  hot 
and  Avet  summer.  Inundations, 
earthquakes, meteors, mock  suns, 
great  tempests,  summer  fogs. 

1551.  Malignant  fever  in  Swabia  : 
plague  in  Spain.     Influenza. 

1551.  In  the  spring,  stinking 
mists  on  the  banks  of  the  Severn. 

1551.  On  the  15th  of  April  out- 
hreak  of  tlie fifth  epidemic  Sweat- 
ing Fever  in  Shrewshury  on  the 
Severn.  It  graduaUy  spreads 
with  stinking  mists  all  over  Eng- 
land, and  on  the  Qth  of  July 
reaches  London.  Th$  mortality 
is  very  considerable.  Foreigners 
are  unaffected,  hut  Englishmen 
in  foreign  countries  sicken  with 
the  English  Sweating  Sickness. 
The  epide7nic  terminates  on  the 
SOth  of  Septetnber. 

1552  and  1553.  Malignant  fever 
in  Germany  and  Switzerland. 


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1552,  12mo.     (1st  in   Deutschland  nicht  vorhauden.      Einen  Ab- 

druck  des  grossten  Theiles  dieser  merkwiirdigen  Schrift  hat  Babing- 

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APPENDIX. 


A  BOKE,   OR  COUNSEILL 

AGAINST 

THE    DISEASE 

COMMONLY    CALLED 

THE      S  W  E  A  T  E, 

*  OR 

SWEATYNG  SICKNESSE. 


MADE  BY  JHON  CAIUS 

DOCTpt'R    IN    PHISICKE. 


UERY    NECESSARY   FOR    EUERYE    PERSOXXE,    AXD    MtCHE 

REQUISITE    TO    BE    HAD    IN    THE    H-ANDES    OF    AL 

SORTES,    FOR   THEIR    BETTER    INSTRUCTION, 

PREPARACION    AND    DEFENCE,    AGAINST 

THE  SOUBDEIN  COMYNG,  AND  FEARFUL 

ASSAULTYNG    OF   THE    SAME 

DISEASE. 

1552. 


TO   THE    RIGHTE    HONOURABLE 

WILLIAM    EARLE    OF   PENBEOKE 

LORDE    HARBERT    OF    CARDIFE,    KNIGHT    OF   THE 

HONOURABLE    ORDRE    OF   THE    GARTER,    AND 

PRESIDENH'   OF    THE    KYNGES    HIGHNES 

COUNSEILL    IN    THE    MARCHES 

OF    WALES  : 

JHON   CAIUS 

WISHETH    HELTH    AND    HONOUR. 


In  the  fereful  tyme  of  the  sweate  (ryghte  honourable)  many  resorted  vnto  me 

for  counseil,  among  whoe  some  beinge  my  frendes  &  aquaintance,  desired  me 

to  WTite  vnto  them  some  litle  counseil  howe  to  gouerne  themselues  therin  : 

saiyng  also  that  I  should  do  a  greate  pleasure  to  all  my  frendes  and  contrimen, 

if  I  would  deuise  at  my  laisure  some  thig,  whiche  from  tyme  to  tyme  might 

remaine,  Avherto  men  might  in  such  eases  haue  a  recourse  &  present  refuge  at 

all  nedes,  as  the  they  had  none.     At  whose  requeste,  at  that  tyme  I  wrate 

diuerse  counseiles  so  shortly  as  I  could  for  the  present  necessite,  whiche  they 

bothe  vsed  and  dyd  geue  abrode  to  many  others,  &  further  appoynted  in  my 

self  to  fulfill  (for  so  much  as  laye  in  me)  the  other  parte  of  their  honest  request 

for  the  time  to  come.     The  whiche  the  better  to  execute  and  brynge  to  passe, 

I  spared  not  to  go  to  all  those  that  sente  for  me,  bothe  poore,  and  riche,  day 

and  night.     And  that  not  only  to  do  the  that  ease  that  I  could,  <&  to  instructe 

the  for  their  recouery  :  but  to  note  also  throughly,  the  cases  and  circumstaunces 

of  the  disease  in  diuerse  persons,  and  to  vnderstande  the  nature  and  causes  of 

the  same  fully,  for  so  much  as  might  be.     Therefore  as  I  noted,  so  I  wrate  as 

laisure  then  serued,  and  finished  one  boke  in  Englishe,  onely  for  Englishe  me 

not  lerned,  one  other  in  latine  for  men  of  lerninge  more  at  large,  and  generally 

for  the  help  of  the  which  hereafter  should  haue  nede,  either  in  this  or  other 

coutreis,  that  they  may  lerne  by  our  harmes.     This  I  had  thoughte  to  haue  set 

furth  before  Christmas,  &  to  haue  geue  to  your  lordshippe  at  new-yeres  tide, 

but  that  diuerse  other  businesses  letted  me.  Xeuertheles  that  which  then  coulde 

not  be  done  cometh  not  now  out  of  season,  although  it  be  neuer  so  simple,  so 

it  may  do  ease  hereafter,  which  as  I  trust  this  shal,  so  for  good  wil  I 

geue  and  dedicate  it  vnto  your  good  Lordshippe,  trustyng 

the  same  will  take  this  with  as  good  a  mind,  as 

I  geue  it  to  your  honour,  whiche  our  Lorde 

preserue  and  graunt  long 

to  continue. 

At  London  the  first  of  A  prill. 

1552. 


THE 

BOKE    OF    J  HON    CAIUS 

AGAINST 

THE   SWEATING   SICKNES. 


Man  be\Tig  borne  not  for  his  owne  vse  and  comoditie  alone,  but  also  for  the 
commo  benefite  of  many,  (as  reason  wil  and  al  good  authoures  write)  he  whiche 
in  this  world  is  worthy  to  lyue,  ought  al  wayes  to  haue  his  hole  minde  and  in- 
tente  geuen  to  profite  others.  Whiche  thynge  to  shewe  in  effecte  in  my  selfe, 
although  by  fortune  some  waies  I  haue  ben  letted,  yet  by  that  whiche  fortune 
cannot  debarre,  some  waies  again  I  haue  declared.  For  after  certein  yeres 
beyng  at  cambrige,  I  of  the  age  of  xx.  yeres,  partly  for  mine  exercise  and  profe 
what  I  coulde  do,  but  chefely  for  certein  of  my  very  fredes,  dyd  translate  out 
of  Latine  into  Englishe  certein  workes,  hauyngnothynge  els  so  good  to  gratifie 
theim  w'.  Wherof  one  of  -S'.  CJirt/soslome  cle  modo  orcindi  deiim,  that  is,  of  y° 
maimer  to  praye  to  god,  I  sent  to  one  my  frende  then  beyng  in  the  courte.  One 
other,  a  woorke  of  Erasmus  de  vera  theoloijia,  the  true  and  redy  waye  to  reade 
the  scripture,  I  dyd  geue  to  Maister  Augustine  Stiwarde  Alderman  of  Nor- 
wiche,  not  in  the  ful  as  the  authore  made  it,  but  abbreuiate  for  his  only  purpose 
to  whome  I  sent  it,  Leuyng  out  many  subtile  thinges,  made  rather  for  great  & 
learned  diuines,  the  for  others.  The  thirde  was  the  paraphrase  of  the  same 
Erasmus  vpon  the  Epistle  of  S.  Jude,  whiche  I  translated  at  the  requeste  of 
one  other  my  deare  frende. 

These  I  did  in  Englishe  the  rather  because  at  that  tyme  men  ware  not  so 
geuen  all  to  EngUshe,  but  that  they  dyd  fauoure  &  mayteine  good  learning  con- 
teined  in  tongues  &  sciences,  and  did  also  study  and  apply  diligently  the  same 
the  selues.  Therfore  I  thought  no  Imrte  done.  Sence  y*  tyme  diuerse  other 
thynges  I  haue  written,  but  with  entente  neuer  more  to  write  in  the  Englishe 
tongue,  partly  because  the  comoditie  of  that  which  is  so  written,  passeth  not  the 
compasse  of  Englande,  but  remaineth  enclosed  within  the  seas,  and  partly  be- 
cause I  thought  that  labours  so  taken  should  be  halfe  loste  among  them  whiche 
sette  not  by  learnyng.  Thirdly  for  that  I  thought  it  beste  to  auoide  the  iudge- 
ment  of  the  multitude,  from  whome  in  maters  of  learnyng  a  man  shalbe  forced 
to  dissente,  in  disprouyng  that  whiche  they  most  approue,  &  approuyng  that 
whiche  they  moste  disalowe.  Fourthly  for  that  the  common  .settyng  furthe  and 
printig  of  e'uery  foolishe  thjTig  in  englishe,  both  of  phisicke  vnperfectly,  and 
other  matters  vndiscretly  diminishe  the  grace  of  thynges  learned  set  furth  in 
thesame.  But  chiefcly,  because  I  wolde  geue  none  example  or  comforte  to  my 
countrie  men,  (who  I  wolde  to  be  now,  as  here  tofore  they  haue  bene,  compar- 
able in  learnyng  to  men  of  other  countries)  to  stonde  onoly  in  the  Englishe 


A    COUNSEILL   AGAINST   THE    SWEAT.  327 

tongue,  but  to  leaue  the  simplicite  of  thesame,  and  to  precede  further  in  many 
and  diuerse  knoweleges  bothe  in  tongues  and  sciences  at  home  and  in  vniuersi- 
ties,  to  the  adournyng  of  the  comon  wehhe,  better  seruice  of  their  kyng,  & 
great  pleasure  and  commodite  of  their  owne  selues,  to  what  kinde  of  life  so 
euer  they  shold  applie  them.  Therfore  whatsoeuer  sence  that  tyme  I  minded 
to  -nrite,  I  wrate  y"  same  either  in  greke  or  latine.  As  firste  of  all  certein  com- 
mentaries ^•pon  certein  bokes  of  William  framingha,  maister  of  art  in  Cam- 
brige,  a  man  of  great  witte,  memorie,  diligence  and  learnyng,  brought  vp  in 
thesame  scholes  in  Englande  that  I  was,  euer  fro  his  beginnyng  vntil  his  death. 
Of  the  which  bokes,  ij.  oi  cotineiia  (or  cotinence)  werin  prose,  y^-este  in  metre 
or  verse  of  diuerse  kindes.  One  a  comforte  for  a  blinde  ma,  entitled  ad  Aemi- 
lianum  ccecum  consolatio,  one  other  Ecpyrosis,  sen  incendia  sodomoru,  the  burn- 
yng  of  Sodome.  The  thirde  Lanreutius,  expressyng  the  tormentes  of  Saincte 
Laurence.  The  fourthe,  Idololafria,  Idolatrie,  not  after  the  trade  and  veine  of 
scripture  (wherein  he  was  also  very  well  exercised)  but  conformable  to  scrip- 
ture and  after  the  ciuile  and  humane  learnyng,  declaryng  them  to  worshippe 
Mars,  that  warre,  or  fight :  Venus,  that  hue  incontinently  :  Pluto,  that  folowe 
riches  couetousely  ;  and  so  forth  through  all  vices  vsed  in  his  time.  The  fiueth 
boke  Arete,  vertue :  the  sixth,  Epigrames,  conteined  in  two  bokes,  whiche  by 
an  epistle  of  his  owne  hand  before  y"  boke  yet  remainj-ng,  he  dedicated  vnto 
me,  purposyng  to  haue  done  many  more  prety  thynges,  but  that  cruell  death 
preueted,  and  toke  him  away  wher  he  and  I  was  borne  at  Xorwiche,  in  the  yere 
of  our  Lord  M.d.xxxvij.  the  xxix.  dale  of  September,  beynge  then  of  the  age 
of  XXV.  yeres,  vij.  Monethes,  and  vj.  dales,  a  greate  losse  of  so  notable  a  yonge 
man.  These  workes  at  his  death  he  willed  to  comme  to  my  handes,  by  which 
occasion  after  I  had  viewed  the,  and  perceiued  them  ful  of  al  kyndes  of  learn- 
yng, thinkyng  the  no  workes  for  all  me  to  vnderstande  with  out  helpe,  but  such 
as  were  wel  sene  in  all  sortes  of  authours  :  I  endeuoured  my  selfe  partely  for 
the  helpe  of  others,  &  partly  for  mine  owne  exercise,  to  declare  vpon  theim 
the  profite  of  my  studie  in  ciuile  and  humane  learnynge,  and  to  haue  before 
mine  eyes  as  in  a  worke  (which  was  alwaies  my  delyght)  how  muche  I  had 
profited  in  the  same.  Thys  so  done,  I  ioyned  euery  of  my  commentaries  to 
euery  of  hys  saied  bokes,  faier  written  by  Nicolas  Pergate  puple  to  the  saied 
Maister  Framyngham,  mj-ndyng  after  the  iudgement  of  learned  men  had  in 
thesame,  to  haue  set  theim  furthe  in  prynte,  if  *t  had  ben  so  thought  good  to 
theim.  For  whyche  cause,  at  my  departynge  into  Italic,  I  put  an  Epistle  be- 
fore theym  dedicatorye  to  the  right  lleuerend  father  in  God  Thomas  Thirlbye, 
now  Bishoppe  of  Xorwiche,  because  thesame  maister  Framyngham  loued  hym 
aboue  others.  He  after  my  departure  deliuered  the  bokes  to  the  reuerende 
father  in  god  Jho  Skippe,  late  bishop  of  Hereforde,  then  to  D.  Thirtle,  tutor  to 
the  sayd  maister  fi-amynha,  fro  him  to  syr  Richard  Morisine,  now  ambassadoure 
for  y"  kinges  maiestie  with  theperour,  then  to  D.  Tailour  Deane  of  Lincolne, 
and  syr  Thomas  Smithe,  secretarie  after  to  y°  kj-nges  Maiestie,  all  great  learned 
men.  Frt3  these  to  others  they  wente,  among  whome  the  bokes  died,  (as  I  sup- 
pose,) or  els  be  closely  kept,  that  after  my  death  they  may  be  setfurthe  in  the 
names  of  them  which  now  haue  the,  as  their  workes.  Howe  soeuer  it  be,  wel  I 
knowe  that  at  my  returne  out  of  Italic  (after  vj.  yeres  continuance  ther)  into 
Englad,  I  coulde  neuer  vnderstand  wher  they  wer,  although  I  bothe  diligently 
and  desiroiisely  sought  the.  After  these  I  translated  out  of  Greke  into  Latine 
a  litle  boke  of  Xicephonts,  declarynge  howe  a  man  maye  in  praiynge  confesse 
hym  selfe,  which  after  I  dyd  geue  vnto  Jho  Grome  bacheler  in  arte,  a  yong 


328  A   COUNSEILL   AGAINST 

man  in  yercs,  but  in  witte  &  learnyng  for  liis  tyme,  of  great  expectatio.  That 
clone  I  beganne  a  chronicle  of  the  citie  of  Norwiche,  of  the  beginninge  therof 
&  thinges  done  ther  fro  time  to  time.  The  matere  Avherof  yet  rude  and  vn- 
digested  lyeth  by  me,  which  at  hiisure  I  minde  to  polishe,  and  to  make  an  end 
of  that  I  haue  begunne.  And  to  be  shorte,  in  phisicke  diuerse  thynges  I  haue 
made  &  settefurth  in  print  bothe  in  Greke  and  Latine,  not  mindyng  to  do  other 
wise,  as  I  haue  before  said,  al  my  life  :  For  which  cause  al  these  thinges  I  haue 
rehersed,  els  superfluous  in  this  place.  Yet  see,  meaning  now  to  counseill  a 
litle  agaynst  the  sweatyng  sickenes  for  helps  also  of  others,  notwithstandyng 
my  former  purpose,  two  thynges  compell  me,  in  writynge  therof,  to  returne 
agayne  to  Englishe,  Necessite  of  the  matter,  &  good  wyl  to  my  countrie,  frendes, 
&  acquaintance,  whiche  here  to  haue  required  me,  to  whome  I  thinke  my  selfe 
borne. 

Necessite,  for  that  this  disease  is  almoste  jDCCuliar  vnto  vs  Englishe  men,  and 
not  common  to  all  men,  folowyng  vs,  as  the  shadowe  the  body,  in  all  countries, 
albeit  not  at  al  times.  Therfore  compelled  I  am  to  vse  this  our  Englishe 
tongue  as  best  to  be  vnderstande,  and  moste  nedeful  to  whome  it  most  foloweth, 
most  behoueth  to  haue  spedy  remedie,  and  often  tymes  leaste  nyghe  to  places 
of  succource  and  comforts  at  lerned  mennes  handes  :  and  leaste  nedefull  to  be 
setfurthe  in  other  tongues  to  be  vnderstand  generally  of  all  persons,  whome  it 
either  haunteth  not  at  all,  or  els  very  seldome,  as  ones  in  an  age.  Thinkyngs 
it  also  better  to  write  this  in  Englishe  after  mine  own  meanyng,  then  to  haue 
it  translated  out  of  my  Latine  by  other  after  their  misunderstandyng. 

Good  wyll  to  my  countrie  frendes  and  acquaintance,  seynge  them  wyth  out 
defence  yelde  vnto  it,  and  it  ferefully  to  inuade  the,  furiousely  handle  them, 
spedily  oppresse  them,  vnmsrcyfully  choke  them,  and  that  in  no  small  numbers, 
and  such  persons  so  notably  nobis  in  birthe,  goodly  conditions,  graue  sobrietie, 
singular  wisedoe,  and  great  learnynge,  as  Henry  Duke  of  Suffolke,  and  the 
lords  Charles  his  brother,  as  fewe  hath  bene  sene  lyke  of  their  age :  an  heuy  & 
pitifuU  thyng  to  hers  or  see.  So  that  if  by  onely  learned  men  in  phisicke  & 
not  this  waye  also  it  should  be  holpen,  it  were  nedeful  almost  halfe  so  many 
learned  men  to  be  rsdy  in  euery  toune  and  citie,  as  their  should  be  sweatyngs 
sicks  folkes.  Yet  this  notwithstandynge,  I  wyll  susry  man  not  to  refuse  the 
counseill  of  the  prsssnt  or  nighe  phisicen  learned,  who  maie,  accordyng  to  the 
place,  persone,  cause,  &  other  circustances,  gsue  more  particular  counscil  at 
neds,  but  in  any  wiss  sxhorts  him  to  seke  it  with  all  diligence.  To  this  enter- 
prise also  amonge  so  many  learned  men,  not  a  litle  stirreth  me  the  gentilnes 
and  good  willes  of  al  sortes  of  men,  which  I  haue  well  proued  heretofore  by  my 
other  former  bokes.  Mindynge  therefors  with  as  good  a  will  to  gsue  my 
counseil  in  this,  and  trusting  for  no  lesse  gentlenes  in  the  same,  I  wyll  plainly 
and  in  English  for  their  better  vnderstandynge  to  whome  I  write,  firste  declare 
the  beginnynge,  name,  naturs,  and  signes  of  the  sweatynge  sickenes.  Next, 
the  causes  of  the  same.  And  thirdly,  how  to  preserue  men  fro  it,  and  remedy 
them  whe  they  haue  it. 

The  hccjinnyng  of  the  disease. — In  the  yero  of  our  Lorde  God  M.CCCC.lxxxv. 
shortly  after  thevij.  daye  of  august,  at  whiche  tyme  kynge  Henry  the  seuenth 
arriued  at  Milford  in  walles,  out  of  Fraunce,  and  in  the  firste  yere  of  his  reigns, 
ther  chaunced  a  disease  among  the  people,  lastyng  the  reste  of  that  monethe  & 
all  September,  which  for  the  soubdeine  sharpenes  and  vnwont  cruelnes  passed 
the  pestilence.  For  this  commonly  geueth  iij.  or  iiij.  often  vij.  sumtyme  ix.  as 
that  firste  at  Athenes  whiche  T/iucidides  describeth  in  his  seconde  boke,  sum- 


THE    SWEAT.  329 

tyme  xj.  and  sumtyme  xiiij.  dayes  respeete,  to  -wliome  it  vexeth.  But  that  ira- 
mediatly  killed  some  in  opening  theire  -windowes,  some  in  plaieng  with  children 
in  their  strete  dores,  some^in  one  hour,  many  in  two  it  destroyed,  &  at  the 
longest,  to  the  that  merilye  dined,  it  gaue  a  sorowful  Supper.  As  it  founde 
them  so  it  toke  them,  some  in  sleape  some  in  wake,  some  in  niirthe  some  in  care, 
some  fasting  &  some  ful,  some  busy  and  some  idle,  and  in  one  house  sometyme 
three  sometime  fine,  sometyme  seuen  sometyme  eyght,  sometyme  more  some 
tyme  all,  of  the  whyche,  if  the  haulfe  in  euerye  Towne  escaped,  it  was  thoughte 
great  fauour.  How,  or  wyth  what  maner  it  toke  them,  with  what  grieffe,  and 
accidentes  it  helde  theym,  herafter  the  I  wil  declare,  whe  I  shal  come  to  shewe 
the  signes  therof.  In  the  mene  space,  know  that  this  disease  (because  it  most 
did  stand  in  sweating  from  the  beginning  vntil  the  endyng)  was  called  here, 
the  Sweating  sickenesse  :  and  because  it  firste  beganne  in  Englande,  it  was 
named  in  other  countries,  the  englishe  sweat.  Yet  some  coniecture  that  it,  or 
the  like,  hath  bene  before  seeneamong  the  Grekes  in  the  siege  of  Troie.  In 
theperor  Octauius  warres  at  Cantabria,  called  nowe  Biscaie,  in  Hisjmine  :  and 
in  the  Turkes,  at  the  Rhodes.  How  true  that  is,  let  the  aucthours  loke  :  how 
true  thys  is,  the  best  of  our  Chi'onicles  shewith,  &  of  the  late  begonne  disease 
the  freshe  memorie  yet  confirmeth.  But  if  the  name  wer  now  to  be  geuen,  and 
at  my  libertie  to  make  the  same  :  I  would  of  the  maner  and  space  of  the  dis- 
ease (by  cause  the  same  is  no  sweat  only,  as  herafter  I  will  declare,  &  in  the 
spirites)  make  the  name  Ephemera,  which  is  to  sai,  a  feuer  of  one  natural  dai. 
A  feuer,  for  the  feruor  or  burning,  cbieth  &  sweating  feure  like.  Of  one 
naturall  day,  for  that  it  lasteth  but  the  time  of  xxiiij.  houres.  And  for  a  dis- 
tinction from  the  commune  Ephemera,  that  Galene  writeth  of,  comming  both 
of  other  causes,  and  wyth  vnlike  paines,  I  wold  putte  to  it  either  Englishe,  for 
that  it  foUoweth  somoche  English  menne,  to  who  it  is  almoste  j^roper,  &  also 
began  here  :  or  els  pestilent,  for  that  it  cometh  by  infection  &  putrefaction, 
otherwise  then  doth  the  other  Ephemera.  Whiche  thing  I  suppose  may  the 
better  be  done,  because  I  se  straunge  and  no  english  names  both  in  Latine  and 
Greke  by  commune  vsage  taken  for  Englishe.  As  in  Latin,  Feure,  Quotidia, 
Tertian,  Quartane,  Aier,  Infection,  Pestilence,  Uomite,  Person,  Reines,  Ueines, 
Peines,  Chamere,  Numbre,  &c.  a  litle  altered  by  the  commune  pronunciation. 
In  Greke,  Pleuresie,  Ischiada,  Hydrops,  Apostema,  Phlegma,  and  Chole  :  called 
by  thevulgarepronunciatio,  Schiatica,  Dropsie,  Impostume,  Phleume,  &  Choler  : 
Gyne  also,  and  Boutyre,  Sciourel,  Mouse,  Rophe,  Phrase,  Paraphrase,  &  cephe, 
wherof  cometh  Chancers  couercephe,  in  the  romant  of  the  Rose,  writte  and 
pronouced  comuly,  kerchief  in  y"  south,  Sc  courchief  in  the  north.  Thereof 
euery  head  or  principall  thing,  is  comonlye  called  cephe,  pronouced  &  writte, 
chief.  Uery  many  other  there  be  in  our  commune  tongue,  whiche  here  to  re- 
hearse were  to  long.  These  for  an  example  shortelye  I  haue  here  noted.  But 
for  the  name  of  this  disease  it  maketh  now  no  matter,  the  name  of  Sweat  beyng 
comoly  vsed.  Let  vs  therfore  returne  to  the  thing,  which  as  occasiu  &  cause 
serued,  came  againe  in  the  M.D.vi.  the  xxii.  yeareof  the  said  Kyng  Henry  the 
seuenth.  Aftre  that,  in  the  yeare  M.D.xvii.  the  ix.  yeare  of  Kyng  Henry  the 
viii,  and  endured  from  July,  vnto  y"  middest  of  Decebre.  The  iiii  tyme,  in  the 
yeare  M.D.xxviii.  the  xx.  yeare  of  thesaied  Kyng,  beginning  in  thende  of  May, 
&  continuing  June  and  July.  The  fifth  tyme  of  this  fearful  Ephemera  of  Eng- 
lande, and  pestilent  sweat,  is  this  in  the  yeare  M.D.LI,  of  oure  Lorde  GOD, 
and  the  fifth  yeare  of  oure  Souereigne  Lorde  king  Edwarde  the  sixth,  begin- 
ning at  Shrewesbury  in  the  middest  of  April,  proceadinge  with  grcate  mortalitie 


330  A   COUNSEILL   AGAINST 

to  Ludlowe,  Prestenc,  and  other  places  in  Wales,  then  to  Westchestre,  Couentrc, 
Drenfoorde,  and  other  tounes  in  the  Southc,  and  suche  as  were  in  and  aboute 
the  way  to  London,  whether  it  came  notablie  the  seuenth  of  July,  and  there 
continuing  sore,  with  the  losseof  vii.  C.  Ixi.  from  the  ix.  day  vntil  the  xvi.  daye, 
besides  those  that  died  in  the  vii.  and  viii.  dayes,  of  who  no  registre  was  kept, 
fro  that  it  abated  vntil  the  xxx.  day  of  the  same,  with  the  losse  of  C.  xlii.  more. 
Then  eeassing  there,  it  wente  from  thence  throughe  al  the  east  partes  of  Eng- 
land into  the  Northe  vntill  the  ende  of  Auguste,  at  whiche  tyme  it  diminished, 
and  in  the  ende  of  Septembre  fully  ceassed. 

This  disease  is  not  a  Sweat  onely,  (as  it  is  thought  &  called)  but  a  feuer,  as 
I  saied,  in  the  spirites  by  putrefaction  venemous,  with  a  fight,  trauaile,  and 
laboure  of  nature  againste  the  infection  receyued  in  the  spirites,  whervpon  by 
chaunce  foloweth  a  Sweate,  or  issueth  an  humour  compelled  by  nature,  as  also 
chanceth  in  other  sicknesses  whiche  consiste  in  humours,  when  they  be  in  their 
state,  and  at  the  worste  in  certein  dayes  iudicial,  aswel  by  vomites,  bledinges, 
&  fluxes,  as  by  sweates.  That  this  is  true,  the  self  sweates  do  shewe.  For  as 
in  vtter  businesses,  bodies  y'  sore  do  labour,  by  trauail  of  the  same  are  forced 
to  sweat,  so  in  inner  diseases,  the  bodies  traueiled  &  labored  by  the,  are  moued 
to  the  like.  In  which  labors,  if  nature  be  strog  &  able  to  thrust  out  the  poiso 
by  sweat  (not  otherwise  letted)  y"  perso  escapeth  :  if  not,  it  dieth.  That  it  is 
a  feuer,  thus  I  haue  partly  declared,  and  more  wil  streight  by  the  notes  of  the 
disease,  vnder  one  shewing  also  by  thesame  notes,  signes,  and  short  tariance  of 
the  same,  that  it  consisteth  in  the  spirites.  Fii'st  by  the  peine  in  the  backe,  or 
shoulder,  peine  in  the  extreme  partes,  as  arme,  or  legge,  with  a  flusshing,  or 
wind,  as  it  semeth  to  certeine  of  the  pacientes,  fiieng  in  the  same.  Secondly 
by  the  grief  in  the  liuer  and  the  nigh  stomacke.  Thirdely,  by  the  peine  in  the 
head,  &  madnes  of  the  same.  Fourthly  by  the  passion  of  the  hart.  For  the 
flusshing  or  wynde  comming  in  the  vtter  and  extreame  partes,  is  nothing  els 
but  the  spirites  of  those  same  gathered  together,  at  the  first  entring  of  the  euell 
aire,  agaynste  the  infection  therof,  &  flyeng  thesame  from  place  to  place,  for 
their  owne  sauegarde.  But  at  the  last  infected,  they  make  a  grief  where  thei 
be  forced,  whiche  comonly  is  in  tharme  or  legge  (the  fartheste  partes  of  theire 
refuge)  the  backe  or  shulder :  trieng  ther  first  a  brut  as  good  souldiers,  before 
they  wil  let  their  enemye  come  further  into  theire  dominion.  The  other  grefes 
be  therefore  in  thother  partes  aforsaid  &  sorer,  because  the  spirites  be  there 
most  pletuous  as  in  their  founteines,  whether  alwaies  thinfection  desireth  to  go. 
For  fro  the  liuer,  the  nigh  stomack,  braine,  and  harte,  come  all  the  iij.  sortes, 
and  kyndes  of  spirites,  the  gouernoures  of  oure  bodies,  as  firste  spronge  there. 
But  from  the  hart,  the  liuish  spirites.  In  putrifieng  wherof  by  the  euel  aier  in 
bodies  fit  for  it,  the  harte  is  oppressed.  Wherupon  also  foloweth  a  marueilous 
heauinesse,  (the  fifthe  token  of  this  disease,)  and  a  desire  to  sleape,  neuer  con- 
tented, the  senses  in  al  partes  beynge  as  they  were  bounde  or  closed  vp,  the 
partes  therfore  left  heuy,  vnliuishe,  and  dulle.  Laste  foloweth  the  shorte 
abidinge,  a  certeine  Token  of  the  disease  to  be  in  the  spirites,  as  wel  may  be 
proued  by  the  Ephemera  that  Galene  writethe  of,  whiche  because  it  consistethe 
in  the  Spirites,  lasteth  but  one  natural  day.  For  as  fire  in  hardes  or  straw,  is 
sone  in  flambe  &  sone  oute,  euen  so  heate  in  the  spirites,  either  by  simple 
disternperature,  or  by  infection  and  putrefaction  therein  conceyued,  is  sone 
in  flambe  and  sone  out,  and  soner  for  the  vehemencye  or  greatnes  of  the 
same,  whiche  without  lingering,  consunieth  sone  the  light  matter,  contrary  to 
al  other  diseases  restyng  in  humoures,  wherin  a  fire  ones  kindeled,  is  not  so  sone 


THE    SWEAT.  331 

put  out,  no  more  then  is  the  same  in  moiste  woode,  or  fat  Sea  coles,  as  well  by 
the  particular  Example  of  the  pestilence,  (of  al  others  mostlyke  vnto  this)  may 
be  declared,  whyche  by  that  it  stadeth  in  euel  humors,  tarieth  as  I  said,  some- 
tyme,  from  iiij.  vii.  ix.  &  xj,  vntill  xiiij.  dayes,  difFerentlie  from  this,  by  reason 
therof,  albeit  by  infection  most  lyke  to  this  same.  Thus  vnder  one  laboure 
shortelie  I  haue  declared — both  what  this  disease  is,  wherein  it  consisteth,  howe 
and  with  what  accidentes  it  grieueth  and  is  difFerente  from  the  Pestilence,  and 
the  propre  signes,  and  tokens  of  the  same,  without  the  whiche,  if  any  do  sweate, 
I  take  theym  not  to  Sweate  by  this  Sickenesse,  but  rather  by  feare,  heate  of  the 
yeare,  many  clothes,  greate  exercise,  affection,  excesse  in  diete,  or  at  the  worst, 
by  a  smal  cause  of  infection,  and  lesse  disposition  of  the  bodi  to  this  sicknes. 
So  that,  insomoche  as  the  body  was  nat  al  voidc  of  matter,  sweate  it  did  when 
infection  came  :  but  in  that  the  mattere  was  not  greate,  the  same  coulde  neythet 
be  perilous  nor  paineful  as  in  others,  in  whom  was  greater  cause. 

The  causes. — Hetherto  I  haue  shewed  the  beginning,  name,  nature,  &  signes 
of  this  disease :  nowe  I  will  declare  the  causes,  which  be  ij. :  infectio,  &  impure 
spirites  in  bodies  corrupt  by  repletio.  Infection,  by  thaire  receiuing  euel 
qualities,  distepring  not  only  y°  hete,  but  the  hole  substace  therof,  in  putrifieng 
thesame,  and  that  generally  ij.  waies.  By  the  time  of  the  yere  vnnatural,  & 
by  the  nature  &  site  of  the  soile  &  region — wherunto  maye  be  put  the  particular 
accidentes  of  this  same.  By  the  time  of  the  yeare  vnnaturall,  as  if  winter  be 
hot  &  drie,  somer  hot  and  moist :  (a  fit  time  for  sweates)  the  spring  colde  and 
drye,  the  fall  hot  &  moist.  To  this  mai  be  ioyned  the  euel  disposition  by  con- 
stellation, -whiche  hath  a  great  power  &  dominion  in  al  erthly  thinges.  By 
the  site  &  nature  of  the  soile  &  rogio,  many  wayes.  First  &  specially  by  euel 
mistes  &  exhalatios  drawen  out  of  the  grounde  by  the  sune  in  the  heate  of  the 
yeare,  as  chanced  amog  the  Grekes  in  the  siege  of  Troy,  wherby  died  firste 
dogges  &  mules,  after,  me  in  great  numbre :  &  here  also  in  Englad  in  this 
m.d.lj.  yeare,  the  cause  of  this  pestilent  sweate,  but  of  dyuers  natui'e.  Whiche 
miste  in  the  countrie  wher  it  began,  was  sene  flie  fro  toune  to  toune,  with  suche 
a  stincke  in  morninges  &  eueninges,  that  me  could  scarcely  abide  it.  The  by 
dampes  out  of  the  earth,  as  out  of  Galenes  Barathru,  or  the  poetes  auernii,  or 
aornu,  the  dampes  wherof  be  such,  that  thei  kil  y"  birdes  flieg  ouer  them.  Of 
like  dampes,  I  heard  in  the  north  coutry  in  cole  pits,  wherby  the  laboring  me 
be  strcight  killed,  except  before  the  houre  of  coming  therof  (wliich  thei  know  by 
y°  flame  of  their  cadle)  thei  auoid  the  groud.  Thirdly  by  putrefactio  or  rot  in 
groudcs  aftre  great  flouddes,  in  carious,  iS:  in  dead  men.  After  great  fluddes, 
as  happened  in  y"  time  of  Gallien  theperor  at  rome,  in  Achaia  &  Libia,  wher  the 
seas  sodeinly  did  ouerflow  y°  cities  nigh  to  y'  same.  And  in  the  xi.  yeare  of 
Pelagius,  when  al  the  flouddes  throughe  al  Italye  didde  rage,  but  chieflye  Tihris 
at  Rome,  whiche  in  many  places  was  as  highe  as  the  walles  of  the  citie. 

In  carios  or  dead  bodies,  as  fortuned  here  in  Englande  vpon  the  sea  banckes 
in  the  tyme  of  King  Alured,  or  Alfrede  ;  (as  some  Chroniclers  write)  but  in  the 
time  of  king  Etheked  after  Sabellicus,  by  occasion  of  drowned  Locustes  cast 
vp  by  the  Sea,  which  by  a  wynde  were  driuen  oute  of  Fraunce  thether.  This 
locust  is  a  flie  in  bignes  of  a  manes  thumbe,  in  colour  broune,  in  shape  some- 
what like  a  grcshoppcr,  hauing  vi.  ficte,  so  many  wynges,  two  tiethe,  &  an 
hedde  like  a  horse,  and  therfore  called  in  Italy  Cauallcto,  where  ouer  y"  city  of 
Padoa,  in  the  yeare  m.d.xiij.  (as  I  rcmcmbre,)  I,  with  manye  more  did  see  a 
swarme  of  theim,  whose  passage  ouer  the  citie,  did  laste  two  hours,  in  breadth 
inestimable  to  eucry  man  there.     Here  by  example  to  note  infection  by  deaddc 


332  A    COUNSEILL   AGAINST 

menne  in  Warres,  either  in  rotting  aboue  the  ground,  as  chaunced  in  Athcnes 
by  theim  of  Ethiopia,  or  els  in  beyng  buried  ouerly  as  happened  at  BuUoigne, 
in  the  yere  M.D.xlv.  the  yeare  aftre  king  Henrye  theight  had  conquered  tlie 
same,  or  by  long  continuance  of  an  hoste  in  one  place,  it  is  more  playne  by 
dayly  experience,  then  it  neadeth  to  be  shewed.  Therefore  I  wil  now  go  to  the 
fourth  especial  cause  of  infectio,  the  pent  aier,  breaking  out  of  the  ground  in 
yearthquakes,  as  chaunced  at  Uenice  in  the  first  yeare  of  Andrea  Dandulo,  then 
Duke,  the  xxiiij.  day  of  Januarye,  and  xx.  hour  after  their  computacion.  By 
which  infectio  mani  died,  &  many  were  borne  before  their  time.  The  v.  cause  is 
close,  &  vnstirred  aire,  &  therfore  putrified  or  corrupt,  out  of  old  welles,  holes 
in  y'  groud  made  for  grain,  wherof  many  I  did  se  in  &  about  Pesaro  in  Italy, 
by  openig  the  aftre  a  great  space,  as  both  those  coutrime  do  cofesse,  &  also  by 
exaple  is  declared,  for  y"  manye  in  openig  the  vnwarely  be  killed.  Out  of  caues, 
&  tobes  also,  as  chauced  fii'stin  the  country  of  Buhilunia,  proceding  aftre  into 
Grece,  and  so  to  Rome,  by  occasion  that  y'  souldiers  of  themperour  Marcus 
Antoninus,  vpon  hope  of  money,  brake  up  a  golden  coffine  of  Auidius  Cassias, 
spieg  a  litle  hole  therin,  in  the  teple  of  Apollo  in  Seleucia,  as  Ammianus  3Iarcel- 
linus  writeth.  To  these  mai  be  ioyned  the  particular  causes  of  infectio,  which 
I  cal  the  accidentes  of  the  place,  augmenting  thesame.  As  nigh  to  dwelling 
places,  merishe  &  muddy  groundes,  puddles  or  donghilles,  sinkes  or  canales, 
easing  places  or  carious,  deadde  ditches  or  rotten  groundes,  close  aier  in  houses 
or  uallcis,  with  suche  like.     Thus  muche  for  the  firste  cause. 

The  second  cause  of  this  Englyshe  Ephemera,  I  said  were  thimpure  spirites  in 
bodies  corupt  by  repletio.  Repletion  I  cal  here,  abundance  of  humores  euel 
&  maliciouse,  from  long  time  by  litle  &  litle  gathered  by  euel  diete,  remaining 
in  the  bodye,  coming  either  by  to  moche  meate,  or  by  euel  meate  in  qualitie,  as 
infected  frutes,  meates  of  euel  iuse  or  nutrimet;  or  both  ioyntly.  To  such 
spirites  when  the  aire  infectiue  cometh  cosonant,  the  be  thei  distepered,  cor- 
rupted, sore  handled,  &  oppressed,  the  nature  is  forced,  &  the  disease  engendred. 
But  while  I  doe  declare  these  impure  spirites  to  be  one  cause,  I  must  remoue 
your  myndes  fro  spirites  to  humours,  for  that  the  spirites  be  fedde  of  the  finest 
partes  therof,  &  aftre  bringe  you  againe  to  spirites  where  I  toke  you.  And 
forsomuche  as  I  haue  not  yet  forgotten  to  Avhome  I  write,  in  this  declaration  I 
will  leaue  a  part  al  learned  &  subtil  reasos,  as  here  void  &  vnmiete,  &  only  vse 
suche  as  be  most  euident  to  whom  I  write,  &  easiest  to  be  vnderstanden  of  the 
same  :  and  at  ones  therwith  shew  also  why  it  hauteth  vs  EngHsh  men  more 
the  other  nations.  Therfore  I  passe  ouer  the  vngetle  sauoure  or  smell  of  the 
sweate,  grosenes,  colour,  and  other  qualities  of  the  same,  the  quantitie,  the 
daunger  in  stopping,  the  maner  in  coming  furthe  redily,  or  hardly,  hot  or  cold, 
the  notes  in  the  excremetes,  the  state  longer  or  sorer,  with  suche  others,  which 
mai  be  tokes  of  corrupt  humours  &  spirites,  &  onli  wil  stad  upo  iii.  reasos  de- 
claring y  same  swet  by  gret  repletio  to  be  in  vs  not  otherwise  for  al  the  euel 
aire  apt  to  this  disease,  more  the  other  natios.  For  as  hereaftre  I  wil  shew,  & 
Gale  cofirmeth,  our  bodies  ca  not  suff're  any  thig  or  hurt  by  corrupt  8c  infectiue 
causes,  except  ther  be  in  the  a  certeT  mater  prepared  apt  &  like  to  receiue  it, 
els  if  one  were  sick,  al  shuld  be  sick,  if  in  this  countri,  in  al  coutres  wher  the 
infection  came,  which  thIg  we  se  doth  not  chace.  For  touching  the  first  reasG, 
we  se  this  sweting  sicknes  or  pestilet  Ephemera,  to  be  oft  in  Englad,  but  neuer 
entreth  Scotland,  (except  the  borders)  albeit  thei  both  be  ioinctly  within  the 
copas  of  on  sea.  The  same  begining  here,  hath  assailed  Brabant  &  the  costes 
nigh  to  it,  but  neuer  passed  Germany,  where  ones  it  was  in  like  facio  as  here. 


THE    SWEAT.  33o 

Avith  great  mortalitie,  in  the  yere  m.d.xxix.  Cause  wherof  none  other  there  is 
natural!,  then  the  euell  diet  of  these  thre  contries  whiche  destroy  more  meates 
and  drynckes  Avithoute  al  ordre,  coueniet  time,  reaso,  or  necessite,  the  either 
Scotlande,  or  all  other  countries  vnder  the  sunne,  to  the  greate  annoiance  of 
their  owne  bodies  and  wittes,  hinderance  of  theim  -which  have  nede,  and  great 
dearth  and  scarcitie  in  their  cumon  welthes.  Wherfore  if  Escidcqnus  the  in- 
uentour  of  phisike,  y  sauer  of  me  from  death,  and  restorer  to  life,  should  re- 
turne  again  ito  this  world,  he  could  not  saue  these  sortes  of  men,  hauing  so 
moche  sweatyng  stuffe,  so  many  euill  humoures  laid  vp  in  store,  frcj  this  dis- 
pleasante,  feareful,  &  pestilent  disease :  except  thei  would  learne  a  new  lesson, 
&  folowe  a  new  trade.  For  other  wise,  neither  the  auoidyng  of  this  countric 
(the  seconde  reason)  nor  fleyng  into  others,  (a  commune  refuge  in  other  dis- 
eases) wyll  preserue  vs  Englishe  men,  as  in  this  laste  sweate  is  by  experience 
well  proued  in  Cales,  Antwerpe,  and  other  places  of  Brabant,  wher  only  our 
contrimen  ware  sicke,  &  none  others,  except  oneor  ii.  others  of  thenglishe  diete, 
which  is  also  to  be  noted.  The  cause  hereof  natural  is  onely  this,  that  they 
caried  ouer  with  the,  &  by  lyke  diete  ther  incresed  that  Avhiche  Avas  the  cause 
of  their  disease.  Wherefore  lette  vs  asserteine  our  selues,  that  in  what  soeuer 
contrie  lyke  cause  and  matter  is,  there  commyng  like  aier  and  cause  efficient, 
wil  make  lyke  effecte  and  disease  in  persos  of  agreable  complexions,  age,  and 
diete,  if  the  tyme  also  doe  serue  to  these  same,  and  in  none  others.  These  I 
putte,  for  that  the  tyme  of  the  yere  bote,  makethe  moche  to  the  malice  of  the 
disease,  in  openynge  the  pores  of  the  body,  lettynge  in  the  euill  aier,  resoluynge 
the  humores  and  makynge  them  fiowable,  and  disposing  therfore  the  spirites 
accordyngly,  besyde,  that  (as  I  shewed  in  the  first  cause  of  this  pestilente 
sweate)  it  stirreth  and  draweth  out  of  the  erthe  euill  exhalations  and  mistes,  to 
thinfection  of  the  aier  and  displeasure  of  vs.  Diet  I  put,  for  that  they  of  the 
contrarie  diete  be  not  troubled  Avith  it  at  all.  Age  and  complexion,  for  this, 
that  although  it  spareth  no  age  of  bothe  kyndes,  nor  no  complexion  but  some 
it  touchethe,  yet  for  the  most  parte  (Avherby  rules  and  reasones  be  ahvayes  to  be 
made)  it  vexed  theim  of  the  middle  age,  beste  luste,  and  theim  not  moch  vnder 
that,  and  of  complexions  bote  &  moiste,  as  fitteste  by  their  naughty  &  moche 
subtiltie  of  blode  to  fede  the  spirites  :  or  nigh  and  lyke  to  thesame  in  some  one 
of  the  qualities,  as  cholerike  in  hete,  phlegmatike  in  moister,  excepte  thother 
their  qualities,  as  drinesse  in  cholerike,  &  cold  in  phlegmatike,  by  great  dominion 
ouer  thother,  did  lette.  For  the  clene  contrarie  complexios  to  the  infected  aier, 
alwaies  remaine  helthful,  saulfe  and  better  then  tofore,  the  corrupte  and  infected 
aier  notwithstandyng.  Therfore  cold  and  drie  persones  either  it  touched  not 
at  all,  or  very  fcAve,  and  that  Avyth  no  danger :  such  I  say  as  beside  their  com- 
plexion, (Avhiche  is  so  harde  to  finde  in  any  man  exacte  and  simple,  as  exactc 
helthes)  were  annoied  Avith  some  corrupt  humoures  &  spirites,  &  therfore  mete 
by  so  moch  to  receiue  it,  &  that  by  good  reaso.  For  nothing  can  naturally 
haue  poAver  to  do  ought  against  any  thing,  excepte  the  same  haue  in  it  selfc  a 
disposicion  by  like  qualities  to  receiue  it.  As  the  cause  in  the  fote  canot 
trouble  the  flank  and  leue  the  knee  (the  mean  betwixte)  except  there  Avere  a 
greater  consent  and  likenes  of  nature  in  sufferance  (Avhiche  Ave  call  sympathian) 
betwixte  those  then  thother.  Nor  fire  refusynge  stones,  canne  burne  hardes, 
straAve,  stickes  and  charcole,  oile,  waxe,  fatte,  and  seacole,  except  these  same 
first  of  al  wer  apte,  and  by  conuenient  qualities  disposed  to  be  enflamcd  and 
burned.  Nor  any  man  goeth  about  to  burne  Avater,  because  the  qualities  thereof 
be  contrary,  and  the  body  vndisposcd  to  the  like  of  fire.     By  Avhiche  reason  it 


334  A    COUNSEILL    AGAINST 

may  also  be  pcrcelued,  that  y*  venemouse  qualitie  of  this  corrupt  aire  is  hole 
and  moiste,  for  it  redily  enfectethe  the  lyke  complexions,  and  those  nigh  vnto 
thaim,  and  the  contrary  not  at  all,  or  hardly  :  &  easely  doth  putrify,  as  doe  the 
Southe  wyndes.  Therfore  next  vnto  those  colde  and  drie  coplexions,  olde  men 
escaped  free,  as  like  to  theim  by  age  :  and  children,  as  voide  of  replecion  con- 
sumed by  their  great  hete,  and  therefore  alwaies  redy  to  eate.  But  in  this  dis- 
ease the  subtile  humour  euill  and  abundant  in  full  bodies  fedyng  y'  spirites,  is 
more  to  be  noted  then  the  humour  complexional,  whiche  notwithstanding,  as 
an  helper  or  hinderer  to  y'  same,  is  not  to  be  neglected.  For  els  it  should  be 
in  all  contries  and  persones  indifferently,  wher  all  complexiones  be.  The  thirde 
and  laste  reason  is,  y'  they  which  had  thys  sweat  sore  with  perille  or  death, 
were  either  men  of  welthe,  ease,  &  welfare,  or  of  the  poorer  sorte  such  as  wer 
idls  persones,  good  ale  drinkers,  and  Tauerne  haunters.  For  these,  by  y"  great 
welfare  of  the  one  sorte,  and  large  drinkyng  of  thother,  heped  vp  in  their  bodies 
moche  euill  matter :  by  their  ease  and  idlenes,  coulde  not  waste  and  consume 
it.  A  confirmacion  of  this  is,  that  the  laborouse  and  thinne  dieted  people, 
either  had  it  not,  because  they  dyd  eate  but  litle  to  make  the  matter  :  or  Avith 
no  greate  grefe  and  danger,  because  they  laboured  out  moche  thereof.  Where- 
fore A^wn  small  cause,  necessarily  must  folowe  a  smal  effecte.  All  these  reasones 
go  to  this  ende,  that  persones  of  all  contries  of  moderate  and  good  diete,  escape 
thys  Englishe  Ephemera,  and  those  be  onely  vexed  therewith,  whiche  be  of  im- 
moderate and  euill  diete.  But  why  ?  for  the  euill  humores  and  corrupte  aier 
alone  ?  No,  for  the  the  pestilence  and  not  the  swet  should  rise.  For  what 
then  ?  For  y'  impure  spirites  corrupte  in  theim  selues  and  by  the  infectiue  aier. 
Why  so  ?  for  that  of  impure  and  corrupte  humores,  whether  thei  be  blode  or 
others,  can  rise  none  other  then  impure  spirites.  For  euery  thynge  is  suche  as 
that  whereof  it  commeth.  Now,  that  of  the  beste  and  fineste  of  the  blode,  yea 
in  corrupte  bodies  (whyche  beste  is  nought)  these  spirites  be  ingendred  and 
fedde,  I  before  expressed.  Therfor  who  wyl  haue  them  pure  and  cleane,  and 
him  selfe  free  from  sweat,  muste  kepe  a  pure  and  cleane  diete,  and  then  he 
shalbe  sure. 

T/te  preseruacion. — Infection  by  the  aier,  and  impure  spirites  by  repletion 
thus  founde  and  declared  to  be  the  causes  of  this  pestilente  sweate  or  Englishe 
ejyhcmera,  lette  vs  nowe  see  howe  we  maye  preserue  our  selues  from  it,  and 
howc  it  may  be  remedied,  if  it  chaunce,  wyth  lesse  mortalitie.  I  wyll  begynne 
wyth  preseruation.  That  most  of  all  dothe  stande  in  auoidyng  the  causes  to 
come  of  the  disease,  the  thinges  helping  forward  the  same,  and  remouyng 
that  whiche  is  alredy  had  &  gotten.  Al  be  done  by  the  good  order  of  thynges 
pcrteynyng  to  the  state  of  the  body.  Therfore  I  will  begin  with  diete  where 
I  lefte,  &  then  go  furth  with  aier  where  I  beganne  in  treatyng  the  causes,  and 
declare  the  M'aie  to  auoide  infection,  and  so  furthe  to  the  reste  in  order.  Who 
that  lustethe  to  lyue  in  quiete  suretie,  out  of  the  sodaine  danger  of  this  Eng- 
lishe ephemera,  he  aboue  all  thynges,  of  litle  and  good  muste  eate  &  spare  not, 
the  laste  ])arte  wherof  wyl  please  well  (I  doubt  not)  vs  Englishe  men :  the 
firste  I  thinke  neuer  a  deale.  Yet  it  must  please  theim  that  entende  to  lyue 
without  the  reche  of  this  disease.  So  doyng,  they  shall  easely  escape  it.  For 
of  that  is  good,  can  be  engendred  no  euill :  of  that  is  litle,  can  be  gathered  no 
great  store.  Therfore  helthful  must  he  nedes  be  and  free  from  this  disease, 
that  vsethe  this  kinde  of  liuynge  and  maner  in  dietynge.  An  example  hereof 
may  the  wise  man  Socrates  be,  which  by  this  sorte  of  diete  escaped  a  sore  pes- 
tilence in  Athenes,  neuer  fleynge  ne  kepyng  close  him  selfe  from  the  same. 


THE    SWEAT.  335 

Truly  who  will  lyue  accordynge  to  nature  and  not  to  lust,  may  with  this  diete 
be  well  contented.  For  nature  is  pleased  with  a  litle,  nor  seketh  other  then 
that  the  mind  voide  of  cax'es  and  feares  may  be  in  quiete  merily,  and  the  body 
voide  of  grefe,  maye  be  in  life  swetly,  as  Lucretms  writeth.  Here  at  large  to 
ronne  out  vntill  my  breth  wer  spent,  as  vpon  a  common  place,  against  y'  in- 
temperace  or  excessiue  diete  of  Englande,  thincommodities  &  displeasures 
of  the  same  many  waies :  and  contrarie,  in  commedation  of  meane  diete  and 
temperance  (called  of  Plato  sophrosijne,  for  that  it  coserneth  wisdome)  and  the 
thousande  commodities  therof,  both  for  helthe,  welthe,  witte,  and  longe  life, 
well  I  might,  &:  lose  my  laboure  :  such  be  our  Englishe  facions  rather  then 
reasones.  But  for  that  I  purpose  neither  to  wright  a  longe  worke  but  a  shorte 
counseill,  nor  to  wery  the  reders  with  that  they  luste  not  to  here,  I  will  lette 
that  passe,  and  moue  the  that  desire  further  to  knoAve  my  mjmde  therin,  to  re- 
member that  I  sayd  before,  of  btle  &  good  eate  and  spare  not,  wherby  they 
shall  easely  perceiue  my  meanyng.  I  therefore  go  furth  with  my  diete,  wher- 
in  my  counseill  is,  that  the  meates  be  helthfuU,  and  holsomly  kylled,  swetly 
saued,  and  wel  prepared  in  rostyng,  sethyng,  baking,  &  so  furth.  The  bred, 
of  swet  corne,  Avel  leuened,  and  so  baked.  The  drinke  of  swete  malte  and 
good  water  kyndly  brued,  without  other  drosse  nowe  a  dales  vsed.  No 
wine  in  all  the  tyme  of  sweatyng,  excepte  to  suche  whose  sickenes  require  it  for 
medicin,  for  fere  of  inflamynge  &  openynge,  nor  except  y°  halfe  be  wel  soden 
water.  In  other  tj'mes,  old,  pure,  &  smal.  Wisbig  for  the  better  executio 
hereof  &  ouersight  of  good  and  helthsome  victaUes,  ther  wer  appointed  cer- 
tein  masters  of  helth  in  euery  citie  and  toune,  as  there  is  in  Italic,  whiche 
for  the  good  order  in  all  thynges,  maye  be  in  al  places  an  example.  The 
meates  I  would  to  be  veale,  muttone,  kidde,  olde  lambe,  chikyn,  capone,  henne, 
cocke,  pertriche,  phesane,  felfare,  smal  birdes,  pigeon,  yong  pecockes,  whose 
fleshe  by  a  certeine  natural  &  secrete  propertie  neuer  putrefie,  as  hath  bene 
proued.  Conies,  porke  of  meane  age,  neither  fatte  nor  leane,  the  skynne  take 
awaye,  roste,  &  eate  colde :  Tartes  of  prunes,  gelies  of  veale  &  capone.  Yong 
befe  in  this  case  a  litle  pondered  is  not  to  be  dispraised,  nor  new  egges  & 
good  milke.  Butter  in  a  mornj-ng  with  sage  and  rewe  fastynge  in  the  sweat- 
ynge  tyme,  is  a  good  preseruatiue,  beside  that  it  nourisheth.  Crabbes,  craues- 
ses,  picrel,  perche,  ruffe,  gogion,  lampreis  out  of  grauelly  riuers,  smeltes,  dace, 
barbell,  gornerd,  whitpig,  soles,  flunders,  plaice,  millers  thumbes,  minues,  w* 
such  others,  sodde  in  water  &  vinegre  av'  rosemary  time,  sage,  &  hole  maces,  & 
serued  bote.  Yea  swete  salte  fishe  and  linge,  for  the  saltes  sake  wastynge  y* 
humores  therof,  which  in  many  freshe  fishes  remaine,  maye  be  allowed  Avell 
watered  to  the  that  haue  none  other,  &  Avel  lyke  it.  Nor  all  fishes,  no  more 
then  al  fleshes  be  so  euil  as  they  be  take  for :  as  is  wel  declared  in  physik,  & 
approued  by  the  olde  and  wise  romaines  moche  in  their  fisshes,  lusty  char- 
tusianes  neuer  in  fleshes,  &  helthful  poore  people  more  in  fishe  then  fleshe. 
But  we  are  noAve  a  dales  so  vnAvisely  fine,  and  Avomanly  delicate,  that  Ave  may 
in  no  Avise  touch  a  fisshe.  The  olde  manly  hardnes,  stoute  courage,  &  pein- 
fulnes  of  Englande  is  vtterly  driuen  aAvaye,  in  the  stede  Avherof,  men  now  a 
dales  recieve  womanlines,  &  become  nice,  not  able  to  withstande  a  blaste  of 
wynde,  or  resiste  a  poore  fishe.  And  children  be  so  brought  A'p,  that  if  they 
be  not  all  dale  by  the  fire  Avith  a  toste  and  butirc,  and  in  their  furres,  they  be 
streight  sicke. 

Sauces    to  metes  I    appoint   firste   aboue  all  thynges  good  appetite,  and 
next  Oliucs,  capers,  iusc    of  Icmones,   Barberies,  Pomegranctcs,  Orcnges  and 


336  A    COUNSEILL   AGAINST 

Sorel,  veriuse,  &  vineigre,  iuse  of  vnripe  Grapes,  thepes  or  Goseberies.  After 
mete,  quinces,  or  marmalade,  Pomegranates,  Orenges  sliced  eaten  with  Suger, 
Succate  of  the  pilles  or  barkes  therof,  and  of  pomecitres,  olde  apples  and  peres, 
Prunes,  Reisons,  Dates  &  Nuttes.  Figges  also,  so  they  be  taken  before  diner, 
els  no  frutes  of  that  yere,  nor  rawe  herbes  or  rotes  in  sallattes,  for  that  in  suche 
times  they  be  susj^ected  to  be  partakers  also  of  the  enfected  aire. 

Of  aire  so  much  I  haua  spoken  before,  as  apperteinethe  to  the  declaration 
of  enfection  therby.  Nowe  I  wyl  aduise  and  counseill  howe  to  kepe  the  same 
pure,  for  somoche  as  may  be,  or  lesse  enfected,  and  correcte  the  same  corrupte. 
The  first  is  done  in  takynge  a  way  y"  causes  of  enfectio.  The  seconde,  by 
doynge  in  all  pointes  the  contrary  thereto.  Take  awaye  the  causes  we  maye, 
in  damnyng  diches,  auoidynge  carios,  lettyng  in  open  aire,  shunning  suche 
euil  mistes  as  before  I  spake  of,  not  openynge  or  sturrpige  euill  brethynge 
places,  landynge  muddy  and  rotte  groundes,  burieng  dede  bodyes,  kepyng 
canelles  cleane,  sinkes  &■  easyng  places  sweat,  remouynge  dongehilles,  boxe  and 
euil  sauouryng  thynges,  enhabitynge  high  &  open  places,  close  towarde  the 
sowthe,  shutte  toward  the  winde,  as  reason  wil  &  thexperience  of  M.  varro  in 
the  pestilece  at  Corcyva  confirmethe.  Correcte  in  doyng  the  contrary  we  shall, 
in  dryenge  the  raoiste  with  fyres,  either  in  houses  or  chambers,  or  on  that  side 
the  cities,  townes,  &  houses,  that  lieth  toward  the  infection  and  wynde  com- 
myng  together,  chefely  in  mornynges  &  eueninges,  either  by  burnyng  the 
stubble  in  the  felde,  or  windfallynges  in  the  woodes,  or  other  wise  at 
pleasure.  By  which  policie  skilful  Acron  deliuered  Athenes  in  Gretia,  and 
diuine  Hippocrates  ahderu  in  Thratia  fro  y°  pestilece,  &  preserued  fro  the  same 
other  the  cities  in  Grece,  at  diuerse  times  coyng  with  the  wynde  fro  cethiopin, 
illyria  Sf  paonia,  by  putting  to  the  fires  wel  smelling  garlades,  fioures  & 
odoures,  as  Gahne  and  Soranus  wTite.  Of  like  poUicie  for  purgyng  the  aier 
were  the  bonfires  made  (as  I  suppose)  fro  long  time  hetherto  vsed  in  y°  middes 
of  sommer,  and  not  onely  for  vigiles.  In  cofortyng  the  spirites  also,  and  by 
alterynge  the  aier  with  swete  odoures  of  roses,  swet  perfumes  of  the  same, 
rosemary  leaues,  bales,  and  white  sanders  cutte,  afewe  clones  steped  in  rose 
water  and  vinegre  rosate,  the  infection  shalbe  lesse  noious.  With  the  same 
you  maye  also  make  you  a  swete  bouse  in  castynge  it  abrode  therin,  if  firste 
by  auoidynge  the  russhes  and  duste,  you  make  the  house  clene.  Haue  alwaies 
in  your  handcercher  for  your  nose  and  mouth,  bothe  with  in  your  house  and 
without,  either  the  perfume  before  saide,  or  vinegre  rosate :  and  in  your  mouth 
apece  either  of  setwel,  or  of  the  rote  ofenida  campnna  wel  steped  before  in  vinegre 
rosate,  a  mace,  or  berie  of  Juniper.  In  wante  of  suche  perfumes  as  is  before- 
saide,  take  of  mirrhe  &  drie  rose  leues  of  eche  a  lyke  quantite,  with  a  little 
franke  encense,  for  the  like  purpose,  and  caste  it  vpon  the  coles :  or  burne 
Juniper  &  their  beries.  And  for  so  moche  as  clenelines  is  a  great  help  to 
helthe,  mine  aduise  is,  that  all  your  clothes  be  swete  smellynge  and  clene,  and 
that  you  wasshe  your  handes  and  face  not  in  warme  water,  but  with  rose  water 
and  vinegre  rosate  colde,  or  elles  with  the  faire  water  and  vinegre  wherein  the 
pilles  or  barkes  of  orenges  and  pomegranates  are  sodden  :  or  the  pilles  of  pome- 
citres &  sorel  is  boiled  :  for  so  you  shalle  close  the  pores  ayenst  the  ayre,  that  it 
redily  entro  not,  and  cole  and  tempre  those  partes  so  wasshed,  accordynge  to  the 
right  entente  in  curynge  this  disease.  For  in  al  the  discursc,  preseruatio,  and 
cure  of  thys  disease,  the  chefe  marke  &  purpose  is,  to  minister  suche  thynges  as 
of  their  nature  haue  the  facultie  by  colyng  dryenge  and  closyng,  to  resiste 
putrefaction,  strength  and  defende  the  spirites,  comforte  the  harte,  and  kepe  all 


THE   SWEAT.  337 

the  body  ayenst  the  displeasure  of  the  coiTupte  aire.  Wherfor  it  shal  be  wel  done, 
if  you  take  of  this  coposition  folowyng  euery  morn}Tig  the  weight  of  ij.  d.  in  vi. 
sponefulles  of  water  or  iuleppe  of  Sorel,  &  cast  it  vpon  your  meate  as  pepper.  R 
sels  citri,  acetos.  ros.  rub.  sadal.  citrin.  an.  3  i,  boli  armeni  orietal.  3  i.  s,  ten-,  sigil. 
3  s,  margarit.  3  i,  fol.  auri  puri.  n°.  iiij,  misce.  &  f.  pul.  diuidatur  ad  pod.  3  s.  Or 
in  the  stede  of  this,  take  fasting  the  quantitie  of  a  small  bene  oi Mithridatum  or 
Uenicetriacle  in  asponefulof  Sorel,  or  Scabious  water,  or  by  the  selfe  alone.  And 
in  goyng  abrode,  haue  in  youre  hande  either  an  handekercher  with  vinegre 
and  rose  water,  or  a  litle  muske  balle  of  nutmegges,  maces,  cloues,  saffro,  & 
cinamome,  of  eche  the  weight  of  ij.  d.  finely  beate  ;  of  mastike  the  weight  of 
ij.  d.  ob.  of  storax,  v.  d.  of  ladane  x.  d.  of  Ambre  grise  vi.  graines,  of  Muske 
iii.  graines  dissolued  in  ryght  Muscadel :  temper  al  together,  8z  make  a  balle. 
In  want  of  3Iithridatum  or  suche  other  as  I  haue  before  mencioned,  vse  dayly 
the  Sirupes  of  Pomegranates,  Lemones,  and  Sorell,  of  eche  half  an  vnce,  with 
asmuche  of  the  watres  of  Tormentille,  Sorell,  and  Dragones,  fasting  in  the 
morning,  and  one  houre  before  supper.  A  toste  in  vinegre  or  veriuse  of  Grapes, 
with  a  litle  poulder  of  Cinamome  and  Settewelle  caste  vppon  it.  Or  two 
figges  with  one  nutte  carnelle,  and  tenne  leaues  of  rue  in  eche,  and  a  litle  salt. 
Or  boutire,  rue,  and  sage,  with  breade  in  a  morning  eaten  nexte  your  harte,  be 
as  good  preseruatiues,  as  theie  be  easye  to  be  hadde.  These  preseruatives  I 
here  appoincte  the  more  willingly  among  many  others  further  to  be  fetched, 
because  these  maye  easelier  be  hadde,  as  at  hande  in  niede,  which  now  to 
finde  is  my  most  endeuour,  as  moste  fruictfuUe  to  whome  I  write.  And  this 
to  be  done  I  counsaille  in  the  sickenesse  tyme,  when  firste  you  heare  it  to  be 
comming  and  begonne,  but  not  in  the  fitte.  Alwayes  remembrj-ng,  not  to  go 
out  fastinge.  For  as  Cornelius  Celsus  wrytethe,  Uenime  or  infection  taketh 
holde  muche  soner  in  a  bodye  yet  fasting,  then  in  the  same  not  fastinge.  Yet 
this  is  not  so  to  be  vnderstande,  that  in  the  mornynge  we  shal  streight  as  our 
clothes  be  on,  stuffe  our  bellies  as  fulle  as  Englishe  menne,  (as  the  Frenche 
man  saieth  to  our  shames,)  but  to  be  contente  with  oure  preseruatiues,  or  with 
a  little  meate  bothe  at  breakefaste  (if  custome  and  nede  so  require)  d}Tiner  and 
supper.  For  other  wise  nature,  if  the  disease  shoulde  take  vs,  shoulde  haue 
more  a  doe  aganiste  the  full  bealy  and  fearce  disease,  then  it  were  able  to 
sustejme. 

Aftre  diete  and  ayer  followethe  filling  or  emptieng.  Of  filling  in  the  name 
of  repletio  I  spake  before.  Of  eptieng,  I  will  now  shortely  wTite  as  of  a  thing 
very  necessary  for  the  conseruation  of  mannes  healthe.  For  if  that  whiche  is 
euel  within,  be  not  by  good  meanes  &  wayes  wel  fet  oute,  it  often  times  destroy- 
eth  the  lyfe.  Good  meanes  to  fet  out  the  euelle  stuffe  of  the  body  be  two, 
abstinence,  &  auoydance. 

Abstinence,  in  eatynge  and  drinckynge  litle,  as  a  lytle  before  I  sayed,  and 
seldome.  For  so,  more  goeth  awaie  then  comethe,  and  by  litle  and  litle  it 
wasteth  the  humours  &  drieth.  Therfore  (as  I  wiene)  throughe  the  counscil 
of  Phisike,  &  by  the  good  ciuile,  &  politique  ordres,  tedring  the  wealth  of 
many  so  much  geue  to  their  bellies  to  their  own  hurtes  &  damages,  not  able 
for  w'lt  of  reaso  to  rule  the  selues,  &  therby  enclined  to  al  vices  and  diseases : 
for  thauoiding  of  these  same,  increase  of  vertue,  witte  and  health,  sauing 
victualles,  making  plenty,  auoyding  lothesomenesse  or  wearincsse,  by  chaunge, 
in  taking  sometime  of  that  in  the  sea,  and  not  alwaies  destj-oieng  y'  of  the 
lande,  an  ordre  (without  the  whiche  nothing  can  stand)  and  comon  wealth, 
dayes  of  abstinence,  and  fasting  were  fii'ste  made,  and  not  for  religion  onolv. 


'338  A   COUNSEILL   AGAINST 

Auoidance,  because  it  canot  be  safely  done  Avithoute  the  healpe  of  a  good 
Phisicien,  I  let  passe  here,  expressing  howe  it  shoulde  bee  done  duelye  accord- 
inge  to  the  nature  of  the  disease  and  the  estate  of  the  personne,  in  an  other 
booke  made  by  me  in  Latine,  vppon  this  same  matter  and  disease.  "VVho 
therfore  lusteth  to  see  more,  let  him  loke  vpon  that  boke.  Yet  here  thus 
much  wil  I  say,  that  if  after  euacuation  or  auoiding  of  humors,  the  pores  of 
the  skinne  rcmaine  close,  and  yf  sweating  excrement  in  the  fleshe  continueth 
grosse  (whiche  thinge  howe  to  know,  hereafter  I  will  declare)  then  rubbe  you 
the  person  meanly  at  home,  &  bathe  him  in  faire  water  sodden  with  Fenel, 
Chamemil,  Rosemarye,  Mallowes,  &  Lauendre,  &  last  of  al,  powre  Avater  half 
colde  ouer  al  his  body,  and  so  dry  him,  &  clothe  him.  Al  these  be  to  be  don  a 
litle  before  y°  end  of  y°  spring,  that  the  humours  may  be  seatled,  and  at  rest, 
before  the  time  of  the  sweting,  whiche  cometh  comonly  in  somer,  if  it  cometh 
at  al.  For  the  tormoiling  of  the  body  in  that  time  when  it  ought  to  be  most 
quiete,  at  rest,  and  armed  against  his  enemy,  liketh  me  not  beste  here,  no  more 
then  in  the  pestilence.  Yet  for  the  presente  nede,  if  it  be  so  thoughte  good 
to  a  learned  and  discrete  Phisicien,  I  condescend  the  rather.  For  as  in  thys, 
so  in  alle  others  before  rehearsed,  I  remytte  you  to  the  discretion  of  a  learned 
manne  in  phisike,  who  maye  iudge  what  is  to  be  done,  and  how,  according  to 
the  present  estate  of  youre  bodies,  nature,  custome,  and  proprety,  age,  strength, 
delyghte  and  qualitie,  tyme  of  the  yeare,  with  other  circumstaunces,  and  there- 
after to  geue  the  quantitie,  and  make  diuersitie  of  hys  medicine.  Other  wise 
loke  not  to  receiue  by  this  boke  that  good  which  I  entend,  but  that  euel  which 
by  your  owne  foly  you  vndiscretelye  bring.  For  good  counseil  may  be  abused. 
And  for  me  to  write  of  euery  particular  estate  and  case,  whiche  be  so  manye  as 
there  be  menne,  were  so  great  almost  a  busines,  as  to  numbre  the  sandes  in 
the  sea.  Therfore  seke  you  out  a  good  Phisicien,  and  knowen  to  haue  skille, 
and  at  the  leaste  be  so  good  to  your  bodies,  as  you  are  to  your  hosen  or  shoes, 
for  the  wel  making  or  mending  wherof,  I  doubt  not  but  you  wil  diligently 
searche  out  who  is  knowe  to  be  the  best  hosier  or  shoemaker  in  the  place 
where  you  dwelle  :  and  flie  the  vnlearned  as  a  pestilence  in  a  comune  wealth. 
As  simple  women,  carpenters,  pewterers,  brasiers,  sopeballesellers,  pulters, 
hostellers,  painters,  apotecaries  (otherwise  then  for  their  drogges),  auaunters 
the  selues  to  come  from  Pole,  Constantinople,  Italic,  Almaine,  Spaine,  Fraunce, 
Grece  and  Turkic,  Inde,  Egipt  or  Jury  :  from  y"  seruice  of  Emperoures,  kinges 
&  quienes,  promising  helpe  of  al  diseases,  yea  vncurable,  with  one  or  twoo 
drinckes,  by  waters  sixe  monethes  in  continualle  distillinge,  by  Aurum  potabile, 
or  quintessence,  by  diynckes  of  great  and  hygh  prices,  as  though  thei  were  made 
of  the  siine,  moone,  or  sterres,  by  blessynges  and  Blowinges,  Hipocriticalle 
prayenges,  and  foolysh  smokynges  of  shirtes  Smockes  and  kerchieffes,  wyth 
suche  others  theire  phantasies,  and  mockeryes,  meaninge  nothinge  els  but  to 
abuse  your  light  belieue,  and  scorne  you  behind  your  backes  with  their  medi- 
cines (so  filthie,  that  I  am  ashamed  to  name  theim)  for  your  single  wit  and 
simple  belief,  in  trusting  the  most,  whiche  you  know  not  at  al,  and  vnderstad 
least :  like  to  them  whiche  thinke,  farre  foules  haue  faire  fethers,  althoughe 
thei  be  neuer  so  euel  fauoured  &  foule :  as  thoughe  there  coulde  not  be  so  con- 
ning an  Englishman,  as  a  foolish  running  stranger,  (of  others  I  speake  not)  or 
so  perfect  helth  by  honest  learning,  as  by  deceiptfuU  ignorance.  For  in  the 
erroure  of  these  vnlerned,  reasteth  the  losse  of  your  honest  estimation,  diere 
bloudde,  precious  spirites,  and  swiete  lyfe,  the  thyng  of  most  estimation  and 
price  in  this  worlde,  next  vnto  the  immortal  soule. 


THE    SWEAT.  339 

For  consuming  of  euel  matter  Avithine,  and  for  making  our  bodies  lustye, 
galiard,  &  helthful,  I  do  not  a  litle  comende  exercise,  whiche  in  vs  Englishe 
men  I  allowe  quick,  and  liuishe :  as  to  runne  after  houndes  and  haukes,  to 
shote,  wrastle,  play  at  Tenes  and  weapons,  tosse  the  winde  balle,  skirmishe  at 
base  (an  exercise  for  a  gentlemanne,  muche  vsed  among  the  Italianes,)  and 
vaughting  vpon  an  horse.  Bowling,  a  good  excercise  for  women :  castinge  of 
the  barre  and  camping,  I  accompt  rather  a  laming  of  legges,  then  an  exercise. 
Yet  I  vtterly  reproue  theira  not,  if  the  hurt  may  be  auoyded.  For  these  a 
conueniente  tyme  is,  before  meate :  due  measure,  reasonable  sweatingc,  in  al 
times  of  the  yeare,  sauing  in  the  sweatinge  tyme.  In  the  whiche  I  allow  rather 
quietnesse  then  exercise,  for  opening  the  body,  in  suche  persons  specially  as 
be  liberally  &  freely  brought  vp.  Others,  except  sitting  artificers,  haue  theire 
exercises  by  daily  labours  in  their  occupatios,  to  whom  nothing  nicdeth  but 
solace  onely,  a  thing  conuenient  for  euery  bodye  that  lusteth  to  liue  in  helth. 
For  els  as  no  other  thing,  so  not  healthe  canne  be  longe  durable.  Thus  I 
speake  of  solace,  that  I  meane  not  Idlenesse,  wisshing  alwayes  no  man  to  be 
idle,  but  to  be  occupied  in  some  honest  kinde  of  thing  necessary  in  a  comon 
welth.  For  I  accompt  the  not  worthi  meate  &  drink  in  a  como  welth,  y'  be 
not  good  for  some  purpose  or  seruice  therin,  but  take  the  rather  as  burdennes 
vnprofitable  and  heauye  to  the  yearth,  men  borne  to  fille  a  numbre  only,  and 
wast  the  frutes  whiche  therthe  doeth  grue,  willing  soner  to  fiede  the  Lacede- 
monians old  &  croked  asse,  whiche  labored  for  the  lining  so  long  as  it  coulde 
lor  age,  then  suche  an  idle  Englisshe  manne.  If  the  honestye  and  profite  of 
honeste  labour  and  exercise,  conseruation  of  healthe,  preseruation  from  sicke- 
nesse,  maintenaunce  of  lyfe,  aduancement,  safety  from  shamefuU  deathes, 
defence  from  beggerye,  dyspleasures  by  idlenesse,  shamefuUe  diseases  by  the 
same,  hatefulle  vices,  and  punishemente  of  the  immortalle  soule,  canne  not 
moue  vs  to  reasonable  laboure  and  excercise,  and  to  be  profitable  membres  of 
the  commune  welthe,  let  at  the  least  shame  moue  vs,  seyng  that  other  country 
menne,  of  nought,  by  their  owne  witte,  diligence,  labour  and  actiuitie,  can 
picke  oute  of  a  cast  bone,  a  wrethen  strawe,  a  lyghte  fether,  or  an  hard  stone,  an 
honeste  lyuinge :  Nor  ye  shal  euer  heare  theym  say,  alas  master,  I  haue  no 
occupacio,  I  must  either  begge  or  steale.  For  they  can  finde  other  meanes 
betwene  these  two.  And  forsomuche  as  in  the  case  that  nowe  is,  miserable 
persons  are  to  be  relieued  in  a  comon  welth,  I  would  wisshe  for  not  fauouring 
the  idle,  the  discretion  of  Marc.  Cicero  the  romaine  were  vsed  in  healping  them  : 
Who  wolde  compassion  should  be  shewed  vpon  them,  whome  necessitie 
compelled  to  do  or  make  a  faute :  &  no  copassion  vpon  them,  in  whome  a 
faulte  made  necessitie.  A  faulte  maketh  necessitie,  in  this  case  of  begging,  in 
them,  whyche  might  laboure  and  serue,  &  wil  not  for  idlenes  :  and  therfore 
not  to  be  pitied,  but  rather  to  be  punished.  Necessitie  maketh  a  fault  in  the, 
whiche  wold  labor  and  serue,  but  canot  for  age,  Ipotecy,  or  sickenes,  and  ther- 
fore to  be  pitied  &  relieued.  But  to  auoyde  ])unishmente  &  to  shew  the  wave 
to  amendmente,  I  would  again  wishe,  y'  forsomuch  as  we  be  so  euel  disposed 
of  our  selfes  to  our  own  profiles  and  comodities  with  out  help,  this  old  law 
were  renued,  which  forbiddeth  the  nedy  &  impotent  parentes,  to  be  releued  of 
those  their  welthi  chyldren,  that  by  theym  or  theire  meanes  were  not  broughte 
vppe,  eyther  in  good  learning  and  Science,  or  honeste  occupation.  For  so  is 
a  man  withoute  science,  as  a  rcalme  withoute  a  kyng.  Thus  muche  of  exercise, 
and  for  exercise.  To  tlie  which  I  wolde  now  ioyne  honeste  companye  betwene 
man  and  woman,  as  a  parte  of  natm-al  exercise,  and  healpe  to  y"  emptieng  & 


840  A  COUNSEILL    AGAINST 

lightning  the  bodye  in  other  tymes  allowed,  in  this  sweating  tyme  for  helthcs 
sake,  &  for  feare  of  opening  the  bodye,  and  resoluing  the  spirites,  not  aj)- 
proucd,  but  for  dout,  that  w'  lengthing  the  boke,  I  shold  wery  y"  reader. 
Therfore  I  let  y'  passe  &  come  to  sloping  &  waking,  whiche  without  good 
ordre,  be  gretly  hurtful  to  the  bodie.  For  auoiding  the  whiche,  I  take  the 
meane  to  be  best,  and  against  this  sweat  moste  commendable.  But  if  by  ex- 
cesse  a  man  must  in  eyther  part  offend,  I  permit  rather  to  watch  to  muche, 
then  to  lie  in  bedde  to  longe  :  so  that  in  watchingo,  there  be  no  way  to  surfet- 
ting.  Al  these  thinges  ducly  obserucd,  and  well  executed,  whiche  before  I 
haue  for  preseruation  mencioned,  if  more  ouer  we  can  sette  a  parte  al  affections, 
as  fretting  cares  &  thoughtes,  dolefuU  or  sorowfuU  imaginations,  vaine  feares, 
folysh  loues,  gnawing  hates,  and  geue  oure  selues  to  lyue  quietly,  frendlie,  & 
merily  one  with  an  outher,  as  men  were  wont  to  do  in  the  old  world,  whe  this 
countrie  was  called  merye  Englande,  and  euery  man  to  medle  in  his  own  mat- 
ters, thinking  theim  sufficient,  as  thei  do  in  Italye,  and  auoyde  malyce  and 
dissencion,  the  destruction  of  commune  wealthes,  and  priuate  houses  :  I  doubte 
not  but  we  shall  preserue  oure  selues,  bothe  from  this  sweatinge  syckenesse, 
and  other  diseases  also  not  here  purposed  to  be  spoken  of. 

The  cure  or  remedy. — But  if  in  leauinge  a  parte  these  or  some  of  them,  or 

negligently  executing  them,  it  chaunceth  the  disease  of  sweating  to  trouble  our 

bodies,  then  passinge  the  bondes  and  compasse  of  preseruation,  we  must  come 

to  curation,  the  way  to  remedie  the  disease,  &  the  third  and  last  parte  (as  I 

first  sayed)  to  be  entreated  in  this  boke.     The  principalle  entente  herof,  is  to 

let  out  the  venime  by  sweate  accordinge  to  the  course .  of  nature.     This  is 

brought  to  passe  safely  two  waies,  by  suffring  and  seruing  handsomly  nature, 

if  it  thruste  it  oute  readily  and  kindely  :  and  helping  nature,  if  it  be  letted,  or 

be  weake  in  expeUinge.     Serue  nature  we  shall,  if  in  what  time  so  euer  it  taketh 

vs,  or  what  so  euer  estate,  we  streyghte  lay  vs  downe  vppon  oure  bedde,  yf  we 

be  vp  and  in  oure  clothes,  not  takyinge  them  of :  or  lie  stille,  if  we  be  in  bed 

out  of  our  clothes,  laiyng  on  clothes  both  wayes,  if  we  wante,  reasonably,  and 

not  loadinge  vs  therewith  \nmeasurably.     Thus  layed  and  couered,  we  must 

endeuoure  our  selues  so  to  continue  wyth  al  quietnes,  &  for  s'o  much  as  may  be 

without  feare,  distruste,  or  faintehartednesse,  an  euel  thinge  in  al  diseases. 

For  suche  surrendre  and  geue  ouer  to   the  disease  without  resistence.     By 

whiche  occasion  manye  more  died  in  the  fyvste  pestilence  at  Athene^.,  that  I 

spake  of  in  the  beginnynge  of  thys  boke,  then  other  wyse  should.     Oure  kepers, 

friendes  and  loners,  muste  also  endeuoure  theym  selues  to  be  handesome  and 

dilygente  aboute  vs,  to  serue  vs  redilye  at  al  turnes,  and  neuer  to  leaue  vs 

duringe  foure  and  twentie  houres,  but  to  loke  welle  vnto  vs,  that  neyther  we 

caste  of  oure  clothes,  nor  thruste  out  hande  or  foote,  duryng  the  space  of  the 

saide  foure  and  twenty  houres.     For  albeit  the  greate  daungere  be  paste  after 

twelue  houres,  or  fourtene,  the  laste  of  trial,  yet  many  die  aftre  by  to  muche 

boldcnes,  when  thei  thinke  theim  selues  most  in  suretye,  or  negligence  in  at- 

tendaunce,  when  they  thinke  no  necessitie.     V\^herby  it  is  proued  that  without 

dout,  the  handsome  diligence,  or  carelcsse  negligence,  is  the  sauing,  or  casting 

awaye  of  many.     If  ij.  be  taken  in  one  bed,  let  theym  so  continue,  althoughe  it 

be  to  their  vnquietnesse.     For  feare  wherof,  &  for  the   more   quietnesse   & 

safetye,  very  good  it  is  duryng  all  the  sweating  time,  that  two  persones  lye  not 

in  one  bed.     If  Avith  this  quietnes,  diligece,  and  ordre,  the  sicke  do  kindelye 

sweate,  suffre  them  so  to  continue,  without  meate  all  the  xxiiij.  houres:  with- 

oute  drincke,  vntil  the  fifth  houre,  if  it  male  be.    Alwayes  taking  hede  to  theim 


THE    SWEAT.  341 

in  the  fourth,  seuenth,  niiieth,  Sc  elcuenth  houres  speciallye,  and  fourteenth 
also,  as  the  laste  of  triall  and  daungier,  but  of  lesse  in  bothe.  For  these  be 
most  perilous,  as  I  haue  obserued  this  yere  in  this  disease,  hauing  y"  houres 
iudicial,  as  others  haue  theire  dayes,  and  therfore  worse  to  geue  anye  thinge  in, 
for  troublyng  nature  standyng  in  trialle.  Yet  wher  more  daunger  is  in  for- 
bearyng  then  in  takyng,  I  eounseill  not  to  spare  in  these  howres  to  do  as  the 
case  requii'eth  with  M'isdome  &  discretion,  but  lesse  then  in  other  howres.  In 
the  fifthe  howre  geue  theim  to  drinke  clarified  ale  made  only  doulcet  Avith  a 
litle  suger,  out  of  a  cruet,  or  glasse  made  in  cruet  facion,  with  a  nebbe,  for 
feare  of  raisynge  theim  selues  to  receiue  the  drinke  offered,  &  so  to  let  the 
sweat,  by  the  ayer  strikyng  in.  But  if  the  sicke  on  this  wise  beforesaid  caaot 
sweate  kyndly,  then  nature  must  be  holpen,  as  I  sayd  before.  And  for  so  moch 
as  sweat  is  letted  in  this  disease  fower  waies,  by  disorder,  wekenes  of  nature, 
closenes  of  the  pores  in  the  skinne,  &  grosnes  of  the  humoures  :  my  counseil  is 
to  auoide  disorder  by  suche  meanes  as  hetherto  I  haue  taught,  and  next  to  ojjen 
the  pores  if  they  be  close,  and  make  thinne  the  matter,  if  it  be  grosse,  and  pro- 
uoke  sweat,  if  nature  be  weke.  Those  you  shal  doe  by  gentle  rubbynges,  this 
by  warme  drinckes  as  hereafter  streight  I  will  declare.  And  for  that  euery 
mah  hath  not  the  knowlege  to  discerne  which  of  these  is  the  cause  of  let  in 
sweatyng,  I  wil  shewe  you  plainly  howe  to  do  with  moste  suretie  and  leste  of- 
fense. I  wyll  beginne  with  wekenes  of  nature.  Therefore  remember  well  that 
in  treatynge  the  causes  of  this  disease,  I  sayed  that  this  sweate  chauncethe 
comonly  in  theim  of  the  mydde  age  and  beste  luste,  the  infection  hauyng  a  cer- 
tein  concordance,  or  conuenience  with  the  corrupte  spirites  of  theim  more  then 
others.  Knowe  agayne  that  nature  is  weke,  ij.  waies,  either  in  the  selfe,  or  by 
the  annoiance  of  an  other.  In  the  selfe,  by  wante  of  strength  consumed  by 
sicknes  or  other  wise.  By  annoiaunce  of  an  other,  when  nature  is  so  ouerlaid 
with  the  quantitie  of  euill  humours  that  it  can  not  stirre.  Betwene  thes  two 
set  youre  witte,  and  se  whether  the  perso  be  lustye  or  sickly.  If  he  be  lustye, 
vnderstande  that  the  sweat  doth  not  stoppe  for  wekenes  of  nature  in  it  selfe. 
Then  of  necessitie  it  must  be  for  some  of  thother  causes.  But  for  whiche,  thus 
knowe.  Consider  whether  the  lusty  person  were  in  foretyme  geuen  to  nioche 
drynkyng,  eatyng  and  rauenyng,  to  moch  ease,  to  no  exercise  or  bathinges  in 
his  helth,  or  no.  If  all  these  you  finde  in  him,  knoMe  that  bothe  nature  is 
wekened  by  the  annoiance  of  the  humoures,  and  that  the  skinne  is  stopped,  and 
the  humoure  grosse,  and  that  for  thys  the  sweate  is  letted.  If  you  finde  onely 
some  of  these,  and  that  rauenynge,  annoiance  is  the  cause.  If  want  of  exercise 
or  bathinges,  stoppinges  of  the  pores  and  closenesse,  or  grosenes  of  humours, 
or  bothe,  be  the  cause  of  not  sweatying.  On  the  othersyde,  if  the  perso  be 
sickely,  it  is  easely  knowe  that  his  wekenes  consisteth  in  nature  the  self.  And 
for  so  moche  as  weke  folkes  and  sicke  shal  also  by  other  causes  not  sweate,  con- 
sider if  in  his  sickenes  he  hath  swette  moche  or  no,  or  hath  be  disjjoscd  to  it 
and  coulde  not.  If  he  neither  hath  swette,  nor  coulde  sweat  disposed,  knovrc 
that  closenes  of  the  skinne,  and  grosenes  of  the  humour  is  the  cause.  Ther- 
fore euery  thing  in  his  kynde  muste  be  remedied,  AVekenes  of  nature,  by 
drinkes  prouokyng  sweate  :  closenes,  &  grosenes,  by  rubbynge,  as  I  said.  But 
be  ware  neither  to  rubbe  or  geue  drinkes,  excepte  you  see  cause  as  beforesayd. 
For  other  wise,  the  one  hindi'ethe  nature,  and  tb.othcr  letteth  out  the  sjjirites  & 
wasteth  y'  strength.  Therefore  accordyngly,  if  rubbe  you  must,  geue  to  tlie 
sicke  in  to  their  beddes  a  newe  and  somewhat  harde  kerchefe,  well  warmed  but 
not  bote,  and  bydde  theim  rubbe  all  their  bodies  oucr  therewith  vnder  the 


312  A    COUNSEILL   AGAINST 

clothes,  neither  to  nioche  neither  to  litle,  nor  to  harde  or  to  softe,  but  meanely 
betwene,  takyng  you  hede  whiche  beaboute  them,  that  by  stirrynge  their  ai'mes 
they  raise  not  the  clothes  to  let  in  the  ayer.  This  done,  if  case  so  require, 
geue  the  a  good  ch-aught  of  bote  possette  ale  made  of  swiete  milke  turned  -with 
vinegre,  in  a  quarte  ■\vherof  percely,  and  sage,  of  eche  haulfe  one  litle  handfuU 
hath  been  sodden,  -wyth  iii.  sliftes  of  rosemary,  ii.  fenel  rootes  cutte,  and  a  fewe 
hole  maces.  Alwaies  remembrynge  here,  as  in  other  places  of  this  boke,  to 
heate  the  herbes  in  a  peuter  dishe  before  the  fyre,  or  washe  theim  in  bote  water, 
before  you  putte  them  in  to  the  posset  ale,  and  that  you  putte  their  to  no  colde 
herbes  at  any  tyme  durynge  the  hole  fitte.  Or  geue  theim  posset  ale  bote  with 
rosemary,  dittane,  &  germander.  Or  bale  beries,  anise  seades,  &  calamintes 
with  claret  wine  sodden  and  dronke  warme.  Or  white  wine  with  hore  and 
wilde  tansy  growen  in  medes  sodden  therin,  and  ii.  d.  weight  of  good 
triacle,  dronke  bote,  or  in  y"  stede  of  that,  wilde  tanes}','mogwort  of  feuerfuc. 
These  prouoke  sweat,  may  easely  be  hadde,  &  be  metest  for  the  which  haue  al 
y"  causes  beforesayde  of  lettyng  thesame.  But  s])ecially  if  for  colde  and  grose 
humoures,  or  for  closenes  of  the  skinne,  the  sweate  commethe  not  furthe.  If 
with  one  di'aught  they  sweate  not,  geue  theim  one  other,  or  ij.  successiuely,  after 
halfe  one  houre  betwene,  andencrease  the  clothes,  first  a  litle  abouc  themeane, 
after,  more  or  lesse  as  the  cause  requireth,  &  make  a  litle  fire  in  the  chamber  of 
clene  woode,  as  ashe  &  oke,  Avith  the  perfume  of  bdellium  :  or  swiet  woode,  as 
Juniper,  fyrre,  orpine,  by  theimselues :  remembrynge  to  withdrawe  the  fire, 
when  they  sweat  fully,  and  the  clothes  aboue  the  meane,  by  litle  and  litle  as 
you  laide  theim  on,  when  they  firste  comjilaine  of  faintyng.  And  after  xii.  or 
xiiii.  houres,  some  also  of  the  meane,  but  one  after  an  other  by  halfe  one  houre 
successiuely  with  discrecion,  alwaies  not  lokyng  so  moche  to  the  quantitie  of 
the  sweat,  as  what  the  sicke  may  saufely  beare.  And  in  suche  case  of  faintynge, 
suffer  competent  open  aier  to  come  into  the  chamber,  if  the  same  and  the  wether 
be  bote,  for  smoderynge  the  pacient,  by  suche  windowes  as  the  M'ynde  liethe  not 
in,  nor  openeth  to  the  south.  Put  to  their  noses  to  smell  vinegre  and  rose 
water  in  an  handkercher,  not  touchynge  theim  there  with  so  nighe  as  maye  be. 
Cause  theim  to  lie  on  their  right  side,  and  bowe  theim  selues  forward,  call  theim 
by  their  names,  and  beate  theim  with  a  rosemary  braunche,  or  some  other 
swete  like  thynge.  In  the  stede  of  posset  ale,  they  whiche  be  troubled  with 
gowtes,  dropsies,  reumes,  or  suche  other  moiste  euill  diseases,  chauncing  to 
sweat,  may  drinke  a  good  draught  of  the  stronger  drinke  of  Guaiaeum  so  bote 
as  they  can,  for  the  lyke  effecte,  as  also  others  may,  not  hauynge  these  deseases, 
if  it  be  so  redy  to  theim  as  the  other.  After  they  ones  sweat  fully,  myne  aduise 
is  not  to  geue  any  more  posset  ale,  but  clarified  ale  with  suger,  duryng  the  hole 
fitte,  neither  vnreasonably,  nor  so  ofte  as  they  call  for  it,  neither  yet  pinchyng 
theym  to  moche  when  they  haue  nede,  alwayes  takynge  hede  not  to  putte  any 
colde  thynge  in  their  mouthe  to  cole  and  moiste  them  with,  nor  any  colde  water, 
rose  water,  or  colde  vinegre  to  their  face  duryng  the  sweat  and  one  dale  after  at 
the  leaste,  but  alwaies  vse  warmeth  accordynge  to  nature,  neuer  contrax'iyng 
thesame  so  nighe  as  may  be.  If  they  raue  or  be  phrenetike,  putte  to  their  nose 
thesame  odour  of  rose  water  &  vinegre,  to  lette  the  vapoures  from  the  headde. 
If  they  slepe,  vse  theim  as  in  the  case  of  faintyng  I  said,  with  betyng  theim  and 
callynge  theim,  puUyng  theim  by  the  eares,  nose,  or  here,  suffering  them  in  no 
wise  to  slepe  vntil  suche  tyme  as  they  haue  no  luste  to  slepe,  except  to  a  learned 
ma  in  phisicke  the  case  appere  to  beare  the  contrary.  For  otherwise  the  venime 
in  slepe  continually  runneth  inward  to  y'  hart.     The  contrary  hereof  we  muste 


THE   SWEAT.  343 

alwales  intende,  in  prouokyng  it  outwarde  by  all  meanes  duryng  the  fitte, 
■\vhyche  so  longe  lasteth  in  burnynge  and  sweatyng,  as  the  matter  thereof  hath 
any  fyiie  or  apte  partes  therfore.  For  as  great  &  strong  wine,  ale,  or  here,  so 
longe  do  burne  as  there  is  matter  in  theira  apte  to  be  burned,  and  then  cesse 
when  that  •\vhiche  remainethe  is  come  againe  to  hys  firste  nature :  that  is,  to 
suche  water  elere  &  vnsauery,  as  either  the  bruer  receiued  of  the  riuer,  or  vine 
of  the  earth  :  euen  so  the  body  so  longe  continuethe  burnynge  and  sweatynge, 
as  their  is  matter  apte  therefore  in  the  spirites,  and  then  leaueth,  when  the  cor- 
rupcion  taken  of  the  finest  of  the  euill  blode  is  consumed,  and  the  spirites  lefte 
pure  and  cleane  as  they  were  before  the  tyme  of  their  corruption. 

This  done,  and  the  body  by  sufficient  sweate  discharged  of  the  venime,  the 
persone  is  saulfe.  But  if  be  by  vnrulines  &  brekyng  his  sweate,  sweateth  not 
sufficiently,  the  he  is  in  daunger  of  death  by  y'  venime  that  doth  remaine,  or  at 
the  leaste  to  sweate  ones  ag-aine  or  oftener,  as  many  hath  done,  fallynge  in  thrise, 
sixe  tymes,  yea,  xii.  times  some.  If  sufficiently  the  sweate  be  come,  you  shal 
know  by  the  lightnes  &  cherefulnes  of  the  body,  &  lanckenes  in  all  partes,  by 
the  continuall  sweatyng  the  hole  dale  and  out  of  all  partes,  whyche  be  the  beste 
and  holsome  s\veates.  The  other  which  come  but  by  tymes  and  onely  in  certein 
partes,  or  broken,  be  not  sufficient  nor  good,  but  very  euill,  of  whose  insuffi- 
ciency, ij.  notes  learne :  a  swellyng  in  y"  partes  with  a  blackenes,  &  a  tinglyng 
or  prickyng  in  the  same.  Suche  I  aduise  to  appointe  theim  selues  to  sweat 
againe  to  ridde  their  bodies  of  tliat  remaineth,  &  abide  it  out  vntill  they  fele 
their  bodies  lanke  &  light,  and  to  moue  the  sweat  as  before  I  said,  if  thesame 
come  not  kyndly  by  the  selfe.  If  they  canot  forbeare  meate  during  y'  space  of 
their  fitte,  and  faste  out  their  xxiiij.  houres,  without  danger,  geue  theim  a  litle 
of  an  alebrie  onely,  or  of  a  thinne  caudel  of  an  egge  sodden  with  one  hole  mace 
or  ij.  If  they  be  forced  by  nature  to  ease  them  selues  in  the  meane  time,  let 
them  do  it  rather  in  warme  shetes  put  into  them  closely,  then  to  arise.  After 
they  haue  thus  fully  swette,  conuey  closely  warme  clothes  into  theyre  beddes, 
and  bid  them  wipe  themselues  there  with  in  al  partes  curiouslye  :  and  be  ware 
that  no  ayer  entre  into  theire  open  bodies  (and  speciallye  their  arme  holes,  the 
openest  &  rarest  parte  therof)  to  let  the  issue  of  that  whych  doeth  remaine.  The 
lyke  may  be  done  in  the  reste  of  their  fitte,  with  lyke  warenes,  for  that  clenli- 
nesse  comfortethe  nature,  and  relieueth  the  j^acient.  If  in  duringe  oute  the 
foure  and  twentye  houres  there  be  thought  daungiere  of  death  without  remou- 
ing,  rather  warme  well  the  other  side  of  the  bedde,  and  wil  hym  to  remoue 
himself  into  it,  the  to  take  him  vp  &  remoue  hym  to  an  other  bed,  which  in  no 
case  mai  be  done.  For  better  is  a  doubtful  ware  hope,  then  a  certeine  auen- 
tured  death.  ITie  foure  and  twenty  houres  passed  duly,  they  may  putte  on 
theire  clothes  warme,  aryse,  and  refresshe  theym  selues  with  a  cawdle  of  an 
egge  swietelye  made,  or  such  other  meates  and  sauces  reasonably  and  smally 
taken,  as  before  I  mencioned.  And  if  their  strength  be  sore  wasted,  let  theym 
smelle  to  an  old  swiet  apple  (as  Aristotle  did  by  his  reporte  in  the  boke  cle  po7}io) 
or  hottc  new  bread,  as  Democritus  did,  by  the  record  of  Laertius  in  his  life,  either 
by  it  self  alone,  or  dipped  in  wel  smelling  wyne,  as  Maluesey  or  Muscadelle,  & 
sprinckled  with  the  pouder  of  mintes,  Orenges  also  and  Lemones,  or  suche 
muske  balles  as  I  before  described,  be  thinges  mete  for  this  purpose.  For  as  I 
saied  in  my  ij.  litle  bokes  in  Latine  de  medendi methodo,  of  deuise  to  cure  dis- 
eases, there  is  no  thinge  more  comfortable  to  the  spirites  then  good  and  swiet 
odoures.  On  this  wise  aduiscd  how  to  order  your  selues  in  al  the  time  of  the 
fitte,  now  this  remaineth,  to  cxhorte  you  not  to  go  out  of  your  houses  for  iij. 


34-1:  A    COUNSEILL   AGAINST    THE    SWEAT. 

dayes,  or  ij.  at  the  least  after  the  fitte  passed,  and  then  wiselye,  warely,  and  not 
except  in  a  faire  briglit  daye,  for  feare  of  swouning  after  great  emptinesse,  and 
vnwont  ayer,  or  for  forcyng  nature  by  soubdaine  strikyng  in  of  thesame  aier, 
colde,  or  euil,  in  to  the  open  body.  For  nature  so  forced,  maketh  often  tymcs 
a  sore  and  soubdaine  fluxe,  as  wel  after  auoidaunce  of  these  humores  by 
sweate,  (as  was  this  yere  well  sene  in  many  persones  in  diuerse  contries  of  Eng- 
lande  for  none  other  cause)  as  of  others  by  purgation. 

Thus  I  haue  declared  thebegynning,  name,  nature,  accidentes,  signes,  causes, 
preseruations,  and  cures  naturall  of  this  disease  the  sweatynge  sickenes,  Eng- 
lish Ephemera,  or  pestilent  sweate,  so  shortly  &  plainly  as  I  could  for  y°  cGmune 
saufty  of  my  good  countrimen,  help,  relieue,  &  defence  of  thesame  against  y" 
soubdaine  assaultes  of  the  disease,  &  to  satisfie  the  honeste  requeste  of  my 
louynge  frendes  and  gentle  acquaintance.  If  other  causes  ther  be  supernatural, 
theim  I  leue  to  the  diuines  to  serche,  and  the  diseases  thereof  to  cure,  as  a 
matter  with  out  the  compasse  of  my  facultie. 


CHILD-PILGRIMAGES. 


TEANSLATED  BY 


ROBERT  H.  COOKE,  M.R.C.S., 

AUTHOR   OF    "  EPIDEMIC   MEXTAL    DISEASES    OF    CHILDREN," 
L\TE    SURGEON    TO    THE   NEW   ASYLUM   FOR   FATHERLESS    CHILDREN. 


23 

4 


CHILD-PILGEIMAGES. 


Mental  emotions,  as  causes  of  nervous  disorders,  may  be  regarded  from  a 
purely  physical  point  of  view.  They  produce  definite  sensations,  differing  in 
nature  and  in  force,  whatever  be  the  thoughts  whence  they  have  arisen,  and 
whatever  the  department  of  the  mind  to  which  they  appertain. 

These  sensations  have  their  seat  in  the  sympathetic  nerve :  they  have  there- 
fore the  peculiarities  of  all  perceptions  within  this  sphere  ;  that  is  to  say,  they 
have  not  the  clearness  and  definiteness  of  sensations  in  the  other  two  spheres, 
without,  however,  being  on  that  account  less  violent  and  agitating ;  and  they 
affect  the  consciousness  in  quite  another  manner.  Many  of  them  indeed  never 
affect  it  at  all,  but  do  not  any  the  less  exercise  a  secondary  action  on  the  brain 
and  spinal  marrow.  Those  which  are  more  clearly  marked  can  be  depicted 
more  definitely,  either  directly  or  by  comparisons — anxiety,  a  feeling  of  com- 
fort in  all  its  stages  of  exaltation  up  to  ecstasy,  an  oppressive  painful  sensation, 
with  its  well-known  actual  transitions  to  decided  pain  of  individual  parts,  are 
common  enough,  but  language  could  more  easily  describe  the  less  perfect  senses, 
than  it  could  give  names  to  the  innumerable  conditions  which  are  observed  in 
this  dark  world  of  sensations.  The  patient,  who  himself  has  usually  no  clear 
idea  of  what  is  the  case  with  him,  has  no  words,  or,  if  he  has  them,  they  are 
not  understood  by  the  observer,  unless  he  be  profoundly  versed  in  these  sub- 
jects, and  for  this  it  is  essential  that  he  have  himself  passed  through  like  suffer- 
ings, and  have  observed  them  attentively  in  himself — a  demand,  that,  indis- 
pensable as  it  is,  but  very  few  can  satisfy.  For  this  reason  the  emotions,  and 
especially  their  physical  aspect,  with  which  the  physician  is  chiefly  concerned, 
have  never  been  amenable  to  a  profound  psychological  research.  With  the 
objective  phenomena,  an  acute  and  persevering  observer  can  easily  make  him- 
self acquainted,  but  the  subjective  sensations  are  always  in  their  very  nature 
obscure,  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  physicians,  who  in  general  arc  the  only 
true  psychologists,  have  always  been  deterred  by  the  great  difficulties  of  this 
inquiry,  and  that  even  in  recent  times  the  improved  knowledge  of  the  sympa- 
thetic nerve  has  added  far  less  light  than  might  have  been  expected  from  an 
investigation  in  this  more  tangible  field. 

I  will  not  here  give  a  review  of  the  emotions  ;  still  less  will  I  exhibit  the 
chaos  of  opinions  and  doctrines,  which  have  received  currency  in  science  from 
the  early  Greek  philosophies  downwards,  not  even  those  which  have  been  con- 
firmed by  experience.  The  present  state  of  our  knowledge  only  requires  us  to 
start  with  the  axiom,  that  in  the  excitement  of  actual  nervous  disorders  by 
mental  emotions,  the  sensation  aroused  by  them  in  the  sympathetic  nerve  is 
the  proximate  pathological  element  from  which  issues  every  development  of 
morbid  phenomena  in  all  their  groups.  The  universal  course  in  these  cases  is  as 
follows :  any  thought  or  idea  seizes  the  mind,  that  is,  in  its  purely  somatic  accepta- 


CHILD-riLGRIMAGES.  3^7 

tlon.  A  nerve-motion  radiates  from  the  brain  to  the  sympathetic  nerve,  and  pro- 
duces here,  either  in  the  thorax  or  the  abdomen,  a  sensation  -nhich  may,  or  may 
not,  be  attended  by  organic  activity  or  by  motion.  This  sensation  passes  by 
without  further  consequences  if  it  is  slight,  or  short-lived,  like  all  sensations  in 
whatever  sphere.  But  if  it  is  violent,  or  of  long  duration,  it  enters  into  the 
category  of  nerve-irritants,  and  at  once  engages  the  whole  reflex  activity  ;  that 
is  to  say,  it  operates  according  to  the  first  and  most  essential  law  of  nervous 
action.  This  operation  may  now  either  be  limited  to  the  sympathetic  nerve 
within  the  circle  of  which  the  most  diverse  reflex  phenomena  may  occur,  or  it 
transfers  itself  to  the  spinal  man'ow  or  the  brain.  In  the  first  case  we  see,  apart 
from  the  familiar  consequences  in  the  organic  sphere,  painful  and  motional 
disorders,  of  which  colic  and  heartburn  are  very  common  instances  ;  in  the 
second  case  motional  disorders  almost  exclusively,  from  shivering  to  chorea, 
catalejjsy,  epilepsy ;  in  the  third  case  mental  disorders  of  most  diverse  kinds, 
but  most  frequently  combinations  of  cerebral  and  spinal  disease  ;  in  short,  in  all 
sjiheres  every  conceivable  form  of  nervous  disorder. 

In  respect  to  the  excitement  of  particular  forms  of  nervous  disease,  dis- 
tinctions may  unquestionably  be  established  between  the  individual  emotions 
and  the  corresponding  passions  which  ai'ise  out  of  them ;  but  what  with  the 
infinite  variety. of  the  eff'ects  of  nervous  irritants  in  general,  and  the  countless 
play  of  the  sympathies,  it  is  clear  that  these  distinctions  can  only  be  mantained 
very  generally.  Single  cases  are  of  little  account  here  ;  the  question  is  of  the 
efi'ects  of  emotions  and  passions  on  the  large  scale,  when  they  become  domi- 
nant in  human  society,  attaining,  therefore,  more  readily,  their  highest  pitch  and 
displaying  their  pi'operties  in  the  multitudes.  In  reality  at  times  there  appear, 
widely  diffused  and  dominant,  certain  groups  of  nervous  diseases,  which  stand 
in  very  manifest  connexion  with  the  predominant  emotions  and  passions,  as  also 
with  the  sentiments  and  the  mental  bias  of  nations.  "NVe  might  have  been  able 
to  point  to  much  that  is  more  instructive  than  what  is  now  procurable,  but  that, 
unhappily,  attentive  observers  have  always  been  rare,  and  phenomena  of  the 
highest  impoi'tance  to  psychologists  have  not  been  transmitted  to  posterity,  by 
those  to  whom  they  were  tedious  because  they  were  ordinary  and  of  daily 
occurrence. 

Of  all  the  emotions  it  is  quite  manifest  that  those  of  religion  operate  most 
upon  the  popular  masses ;  it  is  therefore  these  above  all  others  which  have 
furnished  pathology  with  a  multitude  of  forms  of  nervous  diseases,  most  various 
and  dismal,  often  extraordinary  and  hardly  comprehensible,  seldom  therefore 
or  almost  never  understood,  and  this  in  nations  most  diverse  in  creed,  from  the 
ancient  mythology  down  to  the  most  recent  Christian  sects.  In  this  respect  no 
confession  appears  to  have  any  advantage  over  the  others,  when  it  is  pushed 
to  a  certain  morbid  elevation  of  religious  feeling.  In  their  eff'ect  on  the  nervous 
system  they  all  agree,  and  it  is  chiefly  mental  and  motional,  that  is  to  say, 
cerebral  and  spinal,  diseases  which  we  see  arise  from  the  source  of  overstrained 
religious  feelings.  The  former — because  the  presentations  of  faith,  whose  root 
is  in  the  reason,  in  the  knowledge  of  man's  relations  to  a  higher  state,  the  essen- 
tial distinctive  of  the  human  from  the  animal  soul — these  can  easily  be 
overstrained  or  thrown  into  confusion  by  bodily  feelings,  ^^"ith  these  presenta- 
tions there  is  then  associated  the  poetic  play  of  religious  phantasies,  or  they 
are  darkened  by  the  black  bile  of  superstition.  But  from  either  of  these  the 
brain,  the  organ  of  spiritual  activity,  is  as  impotent  to  guard  itself  as  from  the 

23* 


348  CIIILD-PILGRIMAGES. 

sweetest  fairy-like  juggleries  of  fever-delii'ium,  or  the   black   cruel   forms  of 
incubus. 

The  latter* — the  motional  diseases,  because  overstretched  religious  feelings 
lay  hold  on  nothing  easier  than  on  the  spinal  marrow,  which  stands  in  the 
closest  connexion  with  the  sympathetic  nerve. 

The  present  were  exactly  the  time  to  look  closely  at  the  religious  emotions  on 
their  pathological  side,  however  we  may  incur  the  risk  in  investigations  of  this 
kind  of  being  misunderstood,  or,  as  from  of  old  has  been  the  case,  of  being  taxed 
with  heresy  by  the  orthodox  of  all  sects.  Within  the  last  fifteen  years  (1845) 
they  have  strikingly  increased  in  all  nations  and  in  all  confessions.  Much  as 
they  have  sought  to  obtain  currency  in  circles  small  and  great,  they  have  how- 
ever not  yet  robbed  this  age  of  its  character ;  it  is  still  an  age  of  reason,  of 
victorious  struggle  against  the  natural  limitations  of  human  life,  an  age  of  secular 
interests,  as  it  is  called,  but  in  a  good  sense.  In  science,  as  in  life,  there  always 
must  be  and  always  has  been  a  contrast — the  head  of  the  medal  and  its  reverse. 
It  is  also  very  clear  that  they  are  as  yet  far  from  having  the  importance  they 
attained  in  the  olden  time  ;  they  are  neither  so  universal  nor  so  ti'ue  as  in  some 
former  centuries ;  they  usually  have  an  end  in  view,  and  a  political  tinge.  They 
lack  therefore  the  potent  all-engrossing  sincerity,  which  has  been  in  former 
times  observed  in  them ;  but  they  do  not  on  that  account  belie  their  essential 
nature.  The  physical  sensations  of  overstrained  religious  emotion  are  in  general 
very  intense.  We  distinguish  them  as  disagreeable — oppression  and  anxiety  ; 
and  agreeable,  pleasurable,  bordering  upon  voluptuousness,  and  often  enough 
passing  quite  into  it.  In  this  case  the  transition  to  the  sexual  sphere  is  easy 
and  imperceptible,  and  they  are  associated  with  hysterical  and  hypochondriacal 
conditions,  as  by  numberless  examples  is  notorious.  It  is  indeed  well  estab- 
lished that  hysterical  sexual  excitement  and  the  condition  of  worn-out  hypo- 
chondriacal debauchees  produce  especial  tendency  to  all  sorts  of  bigotry  and 
superstition.  Moreover  overstrained  true  religious  feelings  entirely  agree  with 
those  which  are  artificial  and  simulated  in  their  operation  on  the  nervous 
system ;  indeed  the  latter  are  more  ready  than  the  former  to  excite  nervous 
diseases,  because  they  are  forced,  and  therefore  from  the  first  put  the  nerves 
into  a  forced  unnatural  condition. 

Demonomanias,  convulsions,  somnambulism,  catalepsy,  motional  disorders 
of  every  kind,  are  manifested  at  the  present  day  in  all  places  where  fanatical 
sects  pursue  their  practices,  with  quite  as  much  importance  as  at  any  other  time, 
only  in  more  limited  circles.  In  these  cases  it  is  easy  to  observe  that  in  the 
great  majority  of  the  lookers-on  nearly  the  same  excitement  is  evinced  as  in  any 
previous  century,  and  those  morbid  phenomena  are  very  commonly  regarded 
as  the  revelations  of  a  most  hallowed  inspiration,  and  even  as  miracles,  when  they 
are  often  nothing  more  than  the  physical  consequences  of  a  nervous  irritant. 
Practical  psychology  seems  in  many  circles  not  yet  to  have  got  out  of  its 
infancy. 

With  the  present  time  I  will  not  now  occupy  myself,  though  it  aff'ords  abund- 
ance of  instructive  matter  for  inquiries  of  this  sort.  Instead  of  this  I  will  set 
up  a  few  pictures  from  the  remote  part,  which  will  be  found  to  exhibit  speak- 
ing and  well-marked  features. 

The  Child-pilgrimages  of  the  Middle  Ages  have  not  as  yet  in  modern  times 
been  sufficiently  investigated.  I  might  have  appended  them  to  my  monograph 
of  the  Dancing  Mania,  but  did  not  wish  to  overload  that  work,  which,  as  it  is, 


CHILD-PILGHIMAGES.  3J:9 

contains  a  great  \ariety  of  matter.  They  have  all  a  common  cause,  religious 
enthusiasm,  and  agree  therefore  in  the  main,  however  different  their  religious 
moving  forces  and  however  unequal  in  respect  to  their  extent. 

The  greatest  phenomenon  of  this  kind,  to  which  indeed  history  has  nothing 
similar  to  present,  was  the  Boy  Crusade  of  the  year  1212.  Of  this  event  we 
have  the  accounts  of  eye-witnesses  which  are  entirely  worthy  of  confidence  (for 
they  are  mostly  state  documents)  but  from  which  accurate  pathological  ob- 
servation is  confessedly  not  to  be  expected.  At  this  time  the  Holy  Land  had 
been,  as  is  known,  long  again  reduced  under  the  sway  of  the  Saracens.  Pain 
at  this  loss,  and  with  it  a  longing  for  the  regaining  of  the  dearest  possession  of 
Christendom,  was  spreading  with  renewed  sincerity  and  force  among  all  the 
nations  of  the  West.  Modern  historians  have  judged  the  idea  of  the  Crusades 
from  an  intellectual  stand-point ;  from  such  a  point  it  must  be  confessed  that  it 
appears  very  worldly  and  trivial ;  but  such  a  manner  of  regarding  it  is  funda- 
mentally false.  On  the  small  scale,  as  well  as  in  the  gross,  it  is  just  the  nature  of 
the  emotions  and  passions  to  subdue  and  take  full  possession  of  the  under- 
standing and  all  the  other  mental  agencies.  The  greatest  convulsions  of  the 
world  have  been  accomplished  by  mental  excitements,  the  springs  of  which 
could  not  always  stand  at  the  tribunal  of  the  understanding.  These  excitements 
were  not  on  that  account  the  less  true  and  honourable.  The  only  thing  that  is 
absolutely  unworthy  of  human  nature  is  that  religious  intoxication  which 
spiritual  ambition,  itself  destitute  of  religion,  excites  in  the  ignorant  multitudes 
for  its  own  purposes. 

The  idea,  then,  of  the  reconquest  of  the  Holy  Land  took  hold  of  men's 
minds  at  that  time  not  less  powerfully  than,  for  instance,  the  mania  of  Martyrdom 
at  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century,  in  which  children  in  great  numbers  took 
their  share.  Whoever  observes  children  attentively,  sees  readily  that  they  in 
their  own  fashion  decidedly  sympathise  with  all  the  excitements  of  adults,  and 
for  this  reason,  that  the  strongest  impulse  in  them  is  that  of  imitation.  Reli- 
gious and  political  passions  without  exception,  even  to  the  most  petty  excite- 
ments, acquire  such  mastery  over  them,  as  to  manifest  themselves  in  much 
greater  strength,  and  apparently  at  the  first  view  in  much  greater  absurdity 
sometimes,  in  them  than  in  their  exemplars.  The  tenderness  of  their  nervous 
systems  occasions  in  them  much  stronger  physical  sensations,  and  in  this,  as 
well  as  in  the  small  strength  of  their  will,  lies  the  ground  that  nervous  dis- 
orders are  a  more  common  result  in  them  than  in  adults.  The  boundary  line 
between  the  precursory  state  and  the  disease  is  here  plainly  and  sharply  drawn  ; 
it  is  the  suspension  of  the  icill,  which  Paracelsus  has  already  very  accurately  and 
acutely  alluded  to  in  connexion  with  Chorea. 

In  the  year  1212  the  minds  of  men  were  in  that  state  that  some  outbreak  of 
the  overstrained  feelings  could  not  long  be  deferred.  The  first  impulse  was 
given  by  a  shepherd-boy,  Etienne,  of  the  village  of  Cloies  in  Vendume,  of  whom 
wonderful  narratives  spread  through  France  with  inconceivable  rapidity.  He 
held  himself  for  an  ambassador  of  the  Lord,  who  had  appeared  to  him  in  the 
guise  of  an  unknown  foreigner,  received  some  bread  from  him,  and  given 
him  a  letter  to  the  King.  His  sheep  were  said  to  have  knelt  before  him  to 
worship  him,  a  miracle  which  perhaps  was  hardly  required  to  invest  him  with 
the  nimbus  of  sanctity.  The  shepherd-boys  of  the  neighbourhood  gathered 
about  him,  and  soon  there  streamed  together  more  than  tliirty  thousand  souls 
to  partake  of  his  revelations,  and  to  ])e  thrown  into  ecstasies  by  his  discourses.  In 
St.  Denys  he  performed  miracles,  he  was  the  saint  of  the  day,  the  messenger 


350  CIllLD-riLGKlMAGES. 

of  God,  before  whom  the  people  bent  the  knee  ;  and  Avhen  the  king,  concerned 
at  this  intoxication  of  a  multitude  that  could  not  be  disregarded,  but  not  with- 
out having  asked  the  opinion  of  the  University  of  Paris,  forbade  the  assemblies, 
no  one  regarding  the  temporal  power.  Every  day  there  arose  new  eight  or 
ten  year  old  prophets,  who  preached,  worked  miracles,  animated  whole  armies 
of  children,  and  led  them  full  of  transport  to  the  Holy  Stephen.  When  any 
asked  these  children  in  pilgrims'  coats  whither  they  were  going,  they  answered 
as  from  one  mouth,  "  To  God."  Their  orderly  processions  were  headed  by 
oriflams,  many  carried  wax-candles,  crosses,  and  censers,  and  they  sang  in- 
cessantly hymns  of  fervid  devotion  and  to  new  melodies :  the  words,  "  Lord, 
raise  up  Christendom,"  and  "  give  us  back  the  true  Cross,"  were  often  repeated 
in  them.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  witnesses  of  a  movement  which  snatched 
the  whole  child-world  as  if  into  a  whirlpool,  have  not  committed  to  writing 
either  the  songs  or  the  melodies  to  which  they  were  sung ;  for  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that  with  them  some  of  the  fairest  flowers  of  popular  poetry  have  been 
lost,  however  overwrought  and  morbid  may  have  been  the  excitement  which 
gave  occasion  to  them.' 

The  consternation  of  the  parents  at  this  event  was  boundless.  No  persua- 
sion, nor  even  the  despair  and  tears  of  the  mothers,  could  keep  back  the  boys. 
Were  they  hindered,  they  wept  day  and  night,  pined  with  soiTow,  and  fell  ill 
with  trembling  of  the  limbs,  so  that  at  last  of  necessity  they  were  let  go. 
Others  made  light  of  locks  and  bolts,  found  means  to  elude  the  most  vigilant 
attendants,  to  join  the  representatives  of  the  shepherd-boy,  Stephen,  and  at 
last  even  to  behold  this  holy  crusade-preacher.  And  there  was  no  distinction 
of  rank:  the  children  of  counts  and  barons  ran  away,  as  well  as  the  sons  of 
citizens  and  the  poorest  peasant  boys,  only  the  rich  parents,  when  they  could 
not  keep  their  children  back,  sent  guides  to  accompany  them,  who  quietly  may 
have  rescued  many.  Many  parents  summoned  their  children  to  take  the  cross, 
others  yielded  to  what  they  were  unable  to  prevent,  not  venturing  to  oppose 
the  eulogists  of  the  little  crusade-preachers.  Only  a  few  intelligent  men,  among 
whom  were  even  some  of  the  clergy,  shook  their  heads,  but  it  was  in  vain  that 
they  sought  to  restrain  the  multitude  from  their  giddy  infatuation,  which  must 
soon  enough  carry  them  to  an  abyss.  No  one  of  them  ventured  to  utter  his 
mind  aloud,  fearful  of  being  charged  with  heresy,  warned  also  by  the  disregard 
given  to  even  the  king's  command. 

The  movement  did  not  last  long,  before  there  Avas  assembled  at  Vendorae  an 
innumerable  army  of  boys,  armed  and  unarmed,  many  on  horseback,  the  most 
on  foot,  and  among  them  not  a  few  girls  in  male  clothing.  Their  number  is 
estimated  at  more  than  thirty  thousand. 

They  all  acknowledged  the  beloved  Stephen  as  their  Lord,  and  their  guide  to 
the  Holy  Land,  which  they  purposed  to  wrest  from  the  Saracens.  They  put 
him  in  a  carriage,  which  they  decorated  with  flags  and  tapestries,  and  the  most 
noble  youths,  in  splendid  equestrian  accoutrement,  formed  his  body-guard, 
which  he  stood  in  need  of  to  restrain  the  eagerness  of  his  believers,  each  of 
whom  blessed  himself  if  he  could  but  carry  away  a  few  threads  of  his  dress,  after 
his  words  had  kindled  to  a  glow  the  flame  of  his  devotion  and  enthusiasm.  On 
occasions  of  this  kind  there  arose  sometimes  such  a  dense  throng  about  the 
carriage  of  the  children's  projjhet,  that  not  a  few  were  squeezed  to  death.     The 


'  One  of  these  hymns,  with  its  melody,  has  been  discovered  since  this  pamphlet  was 
written.     See  Evatigelical  Christendom,  1850.     (Translator.) 


CIIILD-PILGRIMAGES.  351 

extraordinary  procession  now  set  itself  in  movement  from  Vendome  to  Mar- 
seilles. It  was  July,  it  was  hot  and  dry,  but  none  of  the  difficulties  of  the  pil- 
grimage, neither  the  thirst  on  the  hot  and  dusty  plain  of  Provence,  nor  the 
hunger  to  which  the  poorer  must  have  been  exposed  after  the  first  days  of  the 
journey,  stifled  the  flame  of  devotion  and  enthusiasm.  "  To  Jerusalem  "  was 
the  cry  of  the  children,  Avhen  they  were  asked  by  the  astonished  beholders 
whither  their  pilgrimage  was ;  and  none  doubted  Stephen's  promise  that  the 
sea  would  go  back  before  them,  and  they  should  reach  the  Holy  Land  dry-shod. 
As  a  matter  of  course,  they  were  joined  by  the  usual  hangers-on  of  armies,  a 
troop  of  miscreants  who  threw  themselves  like  vultures  on  the  welcome  prey, 
and  by  cheating  and  open  robbery  so  miserably  stripped  them,  that  probably 
the  most  were  only  maintained  by  the  benevolence  of  the  inhabitants.  But  the 
worst  awaited  them  in  Marseilles.  Two  merchants  of  that  place,  whose  names 
have  been  transmitted  to  posterity,  Hugh  Ferreus  and  WilHam  Porcus,  vied 
with  the  inhabitants  in  aS"ectionate  reception  of  the  young  pilgrims,  attended 
their  religious  exercises  with  devout  aspect,  and  promised  to  take  them  to 
Palestine  foi-  God's  blessing  only.  The  boy-army  was  still  so  numerous  as  to 
fill  seven  large  ships,  and  thus  the  little  crusaders  set  sail  enthusiastically 
courageous,  and  full  of  gratitude  to  their  benefactors.  But  two  days  after 
their  departure  a  storm  arose,  two  ships  struck  on  St.  Peter's  Island,  and  not  a 
soul  was  saved.  The  bodies  were  collected  and  buried  in  a  church  erected  by 
Gregory  IX.  to  their  memory  (Ecclesia  novorum  innocentium).  The  other  five 
ships  steered  to  Bougia  and  Alexandria,  and  the  young  crusaders  were  here  all 
sold  as  slaves  to  the  Saracens,  and  it  is  certain  that  none  saw  their  native  land 
again.  The  two  betrayers  afterwards  met  with  their  reward.  The  Emperor 
Frederick  II.  had  them  hanged  in  Sicily. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  children's  crusade  in  France.  Not  quite  so  un- 
happy was  the  fate  of  the  youthful  crusaders  from  Germany,  where  the  agita- 
tion was  quite  as  great  at  that  time  as  in  France,  especially  in  the  Rhine 
countries  and  far  eastward,  though  we  are  not  in  a  position  to  define  its  limits 
more  exactly.  Here  also  there  arose  child-prophets,  and  carried  their  play- 
mates away  to  the  same  mad  crusading  devotion,  the  only  thought  of  which 
was  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  It  was  a  literal  repetition  of  that  which  occurred  in 
France,  though  the  little  fanatics  could  not  have  received  the  smallest  intelli- 
gence of  the  events  at  Vendome.  Their  costume  was  that  of  the  unarmed 
pilgrims  in  the  earlier  crusades,  with  the  sclavina  marked,  of  course,  with  the 
cross,  and  they  carried  the  pilgrim's  staff  and  wallet  (burdones,  scarcellas).  In 
number  they  perhaps  even  exceeded  the  French  children's  army,  and  every- 
where notice  was  taken  of  their  h}Tnns  with  which  they  inspirited  themselves  to 
their  holy  task.  They  were  not  united  under  one  leader,  but  hastened  in  two 
detachments  to  the  sea,  which  they  also  confidently  believed  would  go  back 
before  them. 

One  of  these  detachments,  under  the  leadership  of  one  Nicolas  (of  whom  it 
is  not  known  what  was  his  age,  or  whence  he  came),  went  up  by  the  Rhine, 
crossed  Mont  Cenis,  and  reached  Genoa,  still  Avith  a  strength  of  7000.  It  may 
not  unfairly  be  assumed  that  at  first  it  was  at  least  twice  as  numerous,  for  the 
passes  of  the  Alps  were  very  difficult  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Only  the  most 
robust  and  the  older  children  could  reach  so  distant  a  goal,  the  feeble  fell  ill 
on  the  journey  and  starved  in  the  mountain  gorges.  Many  of  them  were  of 
noble  families,  and  were  better  cared  for.  Guides  and  nurses  were  provided 
for  them,  and  these  were  soon  joined  by  the  usual  swarms  of  sisters-errant.    In 


352  CHILD-PILGKIMAGES. 

Genoa  it  was  believed  that  the  thoughtful  parents  had  even  been  mindful  of 
the  entertainment  which  companions  of  this  sort  could  offer  them.  But  this 
■we  will  leave  undetermined.  The  Genoese  did  not  at  all  believe  in  their  de- 
voutness  ;  they  explained  the  undertaking  as  an  outbreak  of  self-will  and 
childish  levity,  apprehended  scarcity  of  provisions  or  some  other  peril  to  their 
state,  thought  that  they  would  be  rendering  a  service  to  the  Emperor,  who  was 
in  constant  feud  with  the  Pope,  if  they  received  the  little  pilgrims  and  knights, 
and  shut  the  gates  in  their  faces.  They  Avere  only  admitted  after  some  nego- 
tiations on  the  24th  of  August ;  but  by  this  time  many  had  wearied  of  the 
crusading  adventure,  had  sought  and  obtained  hospitality,  and  therefore 
quietly  kept  back. 

Some  of  them,  recommended  by  their  illustrious  descent,  formed  closer  con- 
nexions with  patrician  families,  and  are  said  to  have  become  the  founders  of  a 
rich  and  mighty  posterity.  The  others  were  compelled,  after  a  few  days,  to 
withcU-aw.  They  did  not  take  ship,  however,  but  scattered  themselves  in 
different  directions.  Many  attempted  to  return  to  Germany,  fell  into  extreme 
misery,  and  some,  the  best  off  perhaps  of  all,  Avere  retained  as  servants  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  the  country.  The  few  who  saw  their  fatherland  again  were  re- 
ceived with  contempt  and  derision,  perhaps  even  by  those  who  with  hypocritical 
officiousness  had  helped  them  at  their  departure  ;  for  false  enthusiastic  excite- 
ments readily  veer  into  the  opposite  state  of  feeling,  especially  when  their 
vanity  has  been  shown  by  the  result,  from  which  alone  the  multitude  judges. 
B  ut  it  was  a  j  ustification  of  all  those  thoughtful  men  who  had  declared  the  under- 
taking to  be  an  adventure  without  sense  and  reason,  and  held  the  mania  of 
child-pilgrimage  as  a  delusion  of  Satan.  A  part  of  the  army,  however,  re- 
mained faithful  to  its  purpose,  but  divided  into  separate  masses,  which  marched 
from  Liguria  through  part  of  Italy.  A  number  of  boys  made  a  pilgrimage  to 
Rome,  and  found  an  opportunity  of  presenting  themselves  to  the  Pope,  who 
received  them  graciously.  He  did  not,  however,  absolve  them  from  their  ob- 
ligation to  the  Cross,  but  took  an  oath  of  them  to  go  out  to  the  conquest  of 
Jerusalem  when  they  should  be  grown  up.  Hard  and  cruel  as  this  clerical  pro- 
cedure was,  at  a  time  in  which  at  least  60,000  families  were  throAvn  into  the 
deepest  trouble  by  a  foolish  fanaticism,  it  yet  corresponded  exactly  to  the  policy 
of  the  Romish  chair.  For  it  was  by  emissaries  from  Rome  that  the  agitation 
for  crusades  had  been  excited  in  France  and  Germany ;  and  when  the  Pope 
heard  of  the  events  in  Vendome,  he  had  expressed  joy  at  the  unfortunate  result 
of  his  endeavour,  and  had  mourned  deeply  at  the  apathy  of  the  adults,  among 
whom  not  an  arm  was  anywhere  lifted  for  the  holy  object. 

Of  the  other  child-army  we  have  no  accurate  information.  We  do  not  even 
know  the  name  of  its  leader :  it  is  not  improbable  there  were  many,  and  all  the 
greater  must  have  been  its  ruin  by  the  thieves  and  sharpers  Avho  joined  it.  The 
swarm  of  children,  which  certainly  was  not  smaller  than  the  army  of  Nicolas 
that  Avas  scattered  in  Liguria,  took  its  Avay  through  the  Avild  gorges  of  Uri, 
over  St.  Gotthard  ;  a  few  bands  may  also  have  gone  over  the  Spliigen.  But  in 
Lombardy  the  little  crusaders  Avere  received  Avith  great  coldness,  and  Avere 
ridiculed  for  their  blind  belief  that  the  sea  Avould  open  for  them  a  dry  road  to 
Jerusalem.  ]Many  perished  Avith  hunger  and  destitution.  Others  were  taken 
into  service  for  their  bare  sustenance  ;  the  strongest  in  faith  and  in  body,  whom 
nothing  could  turn  aside  from  their  purpose,  reached  to  Brindisi,  and  here  and 
in  other  seaport  toAvns  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  slave-merchants,  who  carried 
them  a  Avelcome  booty  to  the  Saracens. 


CHILD  PILGRIMAGES.  353 

It  seems  that  more  adults  and  -women  joined  the  German  than  the  French 
child-crusade.  And  the  number  of  girls  under  age  is  also  said  to  have  been 
greater.  Proportionally  more  fatal  was  the  moral  coiTuption,  which  indeed  M'as 
■without  bounds,  so  that  of  the  survivors  there  were  probably  few  that  escaped 
falling  victims  to  seduction  and  infamy. 

The  second  chikb'ots  jnlgrimmje  falls  only  twenty-five  years  later  ;  so  that 
the  assumption  of  a  morbid  excitability  of  the  child-world  at  all  this  time  ap- 
pears to  be  justified.  It  was  confined  to  the  city  of  Erfurt,  and  the  phenome- 
non was  very  transient,  but  not  the  less  presents  all  the  distinctive  marks  of  a 
religious  convulsion,  and  exhibited  more  of  disease  than  other  child-pilgrimages, 
as  far  at  least  as  has  come  down  to  posterity.  On  the  15th  July,  1237,  there 
assembled,  unknown  to  their  parents,  more  than  1000  children,  left  the  town 
by  the  Lober  Gate,  and  wandered,  dancing  and  leaping,  by  the  Steigerwald  to 
Armstadt.  A  congress  such  as  this,  as  if  by  agreement,  resembles  an  in- 
stinctive impulse  as  in  animals,  when,  for  instance,  swallows  and  storks  collect 
for  their  migration ;  the  same  phenomenon  has  doubtless  taken  place  in  all 
children's  pilgi-images,  it  was  also  remarked  by  eye-witnesses  of  the  first  of  them, 
in  a  manner  characteristic  of  the  Middle  Ages.  It  was  not  till  tlie  next  day 
that  the  parents  learned  the  occurrence,  and  they  fetched  their  children  back 
in  carts.  No  one  could  say  who  had  enticed  them  away.  Many  of  them  are 
said  to  have  continued  ill  some  time  after,  and  in  particular  to  have  suffered 
from  trembling  of  the  limbs,  perhaps  also  from  convulsions.  The  whole  affair 
is  obscure,  and  so  little  account  has  been  taken  of  it  by  contemporaries,  that  the 
chronicles  only  speak  of  the  fact,  and  say  nothing  of  its  causes.  The  only 
probable  conjecture  is  that  the  many  noisy  and  pompous  festivities  connected 
with  the  canonization  of  St.  Elisabeth,  the  Landgravine  of  Thuringia,  had 
excited  in  the  child-world  of  Erfurt  this  itch  for  devotion,  which  sought  to  re- 
lieve itself  by  displays  of  spinal  activity.  For  this  child-pilgrimage  is  in  very 
near  proximity  to  the  Dancing  Mania. 

Still  much  more  obscure  is  a  child-pilgrimage  of  1458,  of  which  the  motives 
were  quite  clearly  religious.  It  is  probably,  at  present,  almost  impossible  to 
trace  the  chain  of  ideas  which  occasioned  it ;  it  is  enough  that  it  was  in  honour 
of  the  Archangel  Michael.  More  than  100  children  from  Hall,  in  Suabia,  set 
out,  against  the  will  of  their  parents,  for  Mont  St.  Michel  in  Normandy.  They 
could  not  by  any  means  be  restrained,  and  if  force  was  employed,  they  fell 
severely  ill,  and  some  even  died.  The  mayor,  unable  to  prevent  the  journey, 
kindly  furnished  them  a  guide  for  the  long  journey,  and  an  ass  to  carry  their 
luggage.  They  are  said  to  have  actually  reached  the  then  world-renowned 
Abbey,  now,  as  is  well  known,  a  state  prison,  and  to  have  performed  their  de- 
votions there.  We  hare  absolutely  no  other  information  of  them,  and  it 
appears  that  this  child-pilgrimage,  which  falls  to  the  time  when  chorea  was  very 
frequent  and  widely  spread  in  Germany,  has  excited  even  much  less  attention 
than  the  migration  of  the  children  of  Erfurt  in  the  year  1237. 


AUTHOEITIES. 


1.  From  the  Chronicle  of  the  Monastery  of  the  Dead  Sea.     [Ex  Chronico 

Coenobii  Mortui  Maris.     Ab  anno  1113  usque  ad  annum  1235.     Recueil 

des  Historiens  des  Gaules  et  de  la  France.     Tom.  xviii.     Paris,  1822. 

Fol.  p.  355.  C] 

At  the  same  time  in  the  realm  of  France,  boys  and  girls,  with  some  youths 

and  old  men,  carrying  banners,  wax  candles,  crosses,  censers,  made  processions, 

and  went  through  the  cities,  villages,  and  castles,  singing  aloud  in  the  French 

language,  "  Lord  God,  raise  up  Christendom  ;  Lord  God,  give  us  back  the  true 

cross."     They  continually  sang,  not  only  these  words,  but  also  many  others, 

because  there  were  many  processions,  and  each  procession  varied  them  to  its 

own  liking.     And  this  thing,  never  heard  of  in  past  ages,  was  a  wonder  to 

many,  because,  as  they  believed,  it  was  a  presage  of  future  things,  namely,  of 

those  which  came  to  pass  in   the  following   year.     For  the  Roman  Legate 

(Robert  de  Cor9on)  came  within  the  borders  of  France,  and  marked  with  the 

cross,  in  the  name  of  the  Crucified  One,  an  abundant  multitude,  the  number  of 

which  the  knowledge  of  God  alone  can  compute. 

2.  Anonymi  Continuatio  appendicis  (Robertus  de  ]\Ionte  ad  Sigebertum,  Ab- 

bot of  Mont  St.  Michel).     Ibid.  p.  344.  A. 

3.  From  the  Chronicle  of  an  anonymous  Canon  of  Laon.    Ibid.  (p.  702.)  p.  715. 
In  the  month  of  June  of  the  same  year  (1212)  a  certain  boy,  by  occupation 

a  shepherd,  of  a  village  named  Cloies,  near  the  town  of  Vendome,  said  that  the 
Lord  had  appeared  to  him  in  the  form  of  a  poor  foreigner,  and  had  received 
bread  from  him,  and  had  delivered  to  him  letters  to  be  taken  to  the  King  of 
the  French.  When  he  came,  together  with  his  fellow  shepherd-boys,  there 
assembled  to  him  from  diverse  parts  of  Gaul  nearly  xxx.  thousand  persons. 
When  he  tarried  at  Saint  Denys  the  Lord  wrought  many  miracles  by  him,  as 
many  have  witnessed.  There  were  also  very  many  other  boys  who  were  held 
in  great  veneration  by  the  common  multitude  in  many  places,  because  they  also 
were  believed  to  work  miracles ;  to  whom  a  multitude  of  boys  gathered,  as 
wishing  to  proceed  under  their  guidance  to  the  holy  boy  Stephen.  All  acknow- 
ledged him  as  master  and  prince  over  them.  At  length  the  king,  having  con- 
sulted the  masters  of  Paris  upon  the  assembly  of  boys,  at  his  command  they 
returned  to  their  homes  ;  and  thus  that  childish  enthusiasm,  as  it  was  lightly 
commenced,  was  as  lightly  terminated.  But  it  seemed  to  many  that,  by  means 
of  such  innocents  gathered  of  their  own  accord,  the  Lord  would  do  something 
great  and  new  upon  the  earth,  which  issued  far  otherwise. 

4.  Matthew  Paris,  Monk  of  St.  Albans.      (Historia  Major,  juxta  exemplar 

Londinense  1571,  verbatim  recusa.    Ed.  Willielmo  Wats.     Londini  1640. 
Fol.  p.  242. 
In  the  course  of  the  same  year  (1213),  in  the  following  summer,  there  arose 
in  France  a  certain  heresy  never  before  heard  of.     For  a  certain  boy,  instigated 


AUTKOKITIES.  355 

by  the  enemy  of  mankind,  a  boy  indeed  in  years,  but  most  vile  in  his  way  of 
life,  went  through  the  cities  and  towns  in  the  realm  of  the  French,  as  though 
sent  by  the  Lord,  singing  in  French  measures:  "Lord  Jesus  Christ,  give  us 
back  the  Holy  Cross,"  with  many  other  things  added.  And  when  he  was  seen 
and  heard  by  other  boys  of  the  same  age,  an  infinite  number  followed  him ; 
who,  wholly  infatuated  by  the  craft  of  the  devil,  left  their  fathers  and  mothers, 
their  nurses  and  all  their  friends,  singing  in  like  manner  as  their  master  sang. 
Nor,  wonderful  to  say,  could  either  bolts  restrain  them,  or  the  persuasion  of 
their  parents  recall  them  from  following  their  aforesaid  master  to  the  Medi- 
terranean Sea,  -which  crossing,  they  went  on  their  way  singing  in  orderly  pro- 
cession, and  in  troops.  For  now  no  city  could  hold  them  for  their  multitude. 
But  their  master  M-as  placed  in  a  chariot  adorned  with  coverings,  and  was 
surrounded  with  guards  shouting  about  him,  and  armed.  But  such  was  their 
number  that  they  crushed  one  another  through  excess  of  crowding.  For  he 
regarded  himself  blest  who  could  carry  away  some  threads  or  hairs  from  his 
garments.  But  at  last,  by  the  device  of  the_,  old  impostor  Sathanas,  they  all 
perished  either  on  land  or  in  the  sea. 

5.  Chronicle  of  Alberic,  Monk  of  Liege.  [Cronica  Alberici  Monachi  trium 
fontium  Leodinensis  Dijocesis.  In  :  G.  G.  Leibnitii  Accessionum  Histori- 
carum  Tomo  II.  Hannoverae  1698.  4to.  p.  459.] 
There  happened  in  this  year  an  expedition  of  young  children  miraculously, 
as  it  were,  assembling  from  all  parts ;  they  came  first  from  the  parts  of  the  city 
of  Vendome  of  the  Parisii,  who  when  they  were  about  thirty  thousand,  came 
to  Marseilles  as  wishing  to  go  over  the  sea  against  the  Saracens.  But  ribald 
and  bad  men  joined  to  them,  so  corrupted  the  whole  army,  that,  some  perishing 
in  the  sea,  some  being  put  up  for  sale,  few  of  so  great  a  multitude  returned, 
but  of  those  who  escaped  thence  the  Pope  gave  a  commandment,  that  when 
they  should  be  old  enough,  they  should  go  over  the  sea,  having  been  marked 
with  the  cross.  And  the  betrayers  of  these  children  are  said  to  have  been 
Hugh  Ferreus  and  William  Porcus,  merchants  of  Marseilles,  who  being  own- 
ers of  ships,  ought,  so  they  promised  them,  to  caiTy  them  over  the  sea  for 
God's  sake,  without  paj-ment,  and  filled  seven  large  ships  with  them,  and  when 
they  had  come  with  two  days'  sailing  to  Saint  Peter's  Island  to  the  Her- 
mit's Rock,  a  tempest  arose  and  two  ships  perished,  and  all  the  children  of 
those  ships  were  di'owned,  and,  after  a  time  (as  is  said)  Pope  Gregory  IX. 
founded  in  the  same  island  the  Church  of  the  New  Innocents,  and  appointed 
twelve  prebendaries,  and  there  are  in  that  church  the  bodies  of  the  children, 
which  the  sea  threw  up  there,  and  to  this  day  they  are  shown  to  pilgrims  un- 
corrupted.  But  the  betrayers  succeeded  in  taking  the  other  five  ships  to  Bu- 
gia  and  Alexandria,  and  there  they  sold  all  those  children  to  the  princes  of  the 
Saracens  and  to  merchants,  from  whom  the  Caliph  bought  for  himself  400  all 
clerks,  because  thus  he  Avould  separate  them  from  the  others,  among  whom 
were  eighty  all  priests,  and  he  treated  them  more  honourably  than  was  his 
wont.  It  is  that  Caliph  of  whom  I  have  spoken  above  who  studied  at  Paris  in 
the  dress  of  a  clerk,  and  learned  fully  all  that  is  known  among  us,  and  he  now 
lately  has  left  off"  sacrificing  camel's  fiesh.  The  princes  of  the  Saracens  being  as- 
sembled at  Baldach  in  the  same  year  in  which  the  children  were  sold,  they  slew 
in  their  presence  eighteen  of  these  children  by  different  kinds  of  martyrdom, 
because  they  would  by  no  means  relinquish  the  Christian  faith,  but  cherished  it 
diligently  in  slavery :  he  who  said  this,  and  was  one  of  the  above-said  clerks 
whom  the  Caliph  bought  for  himself,  has  faithfully  reported  that  he  has  never 


356  CIIILD-PILGKIMAGES. 

heard  that  one  of  the  above-said  children  apostatised  from  the  Christian  faith. 
And  the  two  aforesaid  betrayers,  Hugh  Ferreus  and  William  Porous,  after- 
wards went  to  Mirabel,  prince  of  the  Saracens  of  Sicily,  and  wished  to 
arrange  with  him  the  betrayal  of  the  Emperor  Frederic,  but  the  Emperor  by 
the  grace  of  God  triumphed  over  them,  and  hanged  Mirabel  with  his  two  sons 
and  those  two  traitors  on  one  gallows,  and  after  eighteen  years  he  who  report- 
ed this  added  that  Mashemuch  of  Alexandria  still  kept  carefully  seven  hun- 
dred, not  now  childi-en,  but  men  of  full  age. 

6.  Albert,    Abbot  of  Stade,   a   contemporary.     [Alberti   Abbatis   Stadensis 

Chronicon,  a  condito  orbe  usque  ad  A.  Chr.  12oG.  In :  Scriptores  rerum 
Germanicarum.  Ed.  Joh.  Schilterus.  Argentorati  1702.  Fol.  p.  300.] 
(Assembly  of  lunatic  boys.)  About  that  time  boys,  without  a  master,  without 
a  leader,  from  all  the  towns  and  cities  of  all  countries,  ran  with  eager  steps  to- 
ward the  parts  beyond  the  sea,  and  when  it  was  asked  of  them  whither  they 
were  running,  they  answered :  To  Jerusalem,  to  get  back  the  Holy  Land.  Very 
many  of  them  were  locked  up  by  their  parents,  but  in  vain,  for,  breaking  fast- 
enings or  walls,  they  ran  out.  The  Pope,  having  heard  these  reports,  sighing 
said:  These  boys  have  laid  it  to  us,  that  we  sleep  while  they  run  for  the  re- 
covery of  the  Holy  Land.  To  this  day  it  is  not  known  what  became  of  them. 
But  many  returned,  of  whom  when  the  cause  of  the  expedition  was  asked,  they 
said  that  they  knew  not.  Naked  women  also  about  the  same  time  ran  through 
the  towns  and  cities  saying  nothing. 

7.  Johannes  Iperius,  Abbot  of  St.  Bertin's,  1366—1383,  of  little  authority. 

[Chronicon  Sythiense  Sancti  Bertini.     Recueil  des  Histor.  de  la  France  et 

des  Gaules.  Tom.  xviij.  p.  593.  p.  603  C] 
When  at  that  time  processions  were  being  made  through  France  to  beseech 
the  favour  of  God  against  the  infidels,  it  came  into  the  mind  of  a  young  shep- 
herd in  the  diocese  of  Chartres,  that  he  would  go  to  the  procession,  and  he 
went.  Returning  he  found  his  sheep  almost  destroying  the  corn,  and  when  he 
would  drive  them  away,  they  bent  their  knees  to  him  as  if  asking  pardon. 
Which  when  it  was  spread  abroad,  they  honoured  him  with  too  much  attention, 
to  whom  in  a  short  time  there  poured  in  from  every  part  of  the  kingdom  count- 
less thousands  of  children,  no  one  at  all  commanding  or  urging  them ;  who, 
being  asked  whither  they  were  going,  replied  all  as  with  one  breath:  To  God. 

8.  Vincentius,  Bishop  of  Beauvais.      [Bibliotheca  Mundi,  sen  Speculi  Majoris 

Vincentii  Burgundi  Prsesulis   Bellovacensis,  ordinis  pra^dicatorum,  etc. 

Tomus  quartus,  qui  speculum  Historiale  inscribitur.     Opera  et   Studio 

Theologorum    Benedictinorum     Collegii  Vedactini   in    Alma   Academia 

Duacensi.  Duaci  ]62i.  Fol.  L.  xxx.  C.  5.  p.  1238.] 
Also  in  the  above-mentioned  year  little  boys,  to  about  20  thousand  as  it 
is  reckoned,  were  marked  with  the  cross,  and  coming  in  bands  to  various  sea- 
ports, in  particular,  Marseilles  and  Brindisi,  returned  famished  and  stripped. 
But  it  was  said  that  the  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain,  who  had  been  used  to  bring 
up  the  Arsacidse  from  boyhood,  had  detained  two  European  clerks  in  prison, 
and  would  never  let  them  go,  till  he  had  received  a  faithful  promise  from  them 
that  they  would  bring  him  some  boys  of  the  realm  of  France.  By  them  there- 
fore the  aforesaid  boys  were  supposed  to  have  been  enticed  by  some  false  re- 
ports of  visions,  and  by  promises  to  them  when  they  were  marked  with  the  cross. 

9.  Caffari  (contemporary  statesman)  Annales  Genuenses  ab  A.  1101.      Libro 

IV.  Col.  403.     Muratori,  T.  VL 


AUTHORITIES.  357 

But  in  the  month  of  August,  on  the  Sabbath  day,  VIII  Calend.  September, 
a  certain  Teutonic  boy,  named  Nicolas,  entered  the  city  of  Genoa  for  pur- 
poses of  pilgrimage,  and  with  him  a  great  multitude  of  pilgrims  caiTying 
crosses  and  staves,  in  the  judgment  of  a  working  man  more  than  7000,  \_thus 
of  the  30,000,  about  a  fourth  parf]  men  and  women,  boys  and  girls.  And  on 
the  Lord's  day  following  they  departed  from  the  city ;  but  many  men,  women, 
boys,  and  girls  of  that  number  remained  at  Genoa. 

10.  Author  unknown.      [Fragmentum  Historicum  incerti  auctoris,  M.  Alberti 

Argentinensis  Chronico  in  manuscriptis  codicibus  pra^fixum,  p.  74.  Ger- 
maniae  Historicorum  illustrium  Tomus  unus,  Christian-Urtisii  fide  et  studio 
nunc  editus.  Francofurti  1585.  Fol.  p.  88.] 
At  that  time  there  was  made  a  foolish  expedition,  young  and  silly  persons 
taking  the  mark  of  the  cross  without  any  discretion,  rather  for  curiosity  than 
for  their  salvation.  Persons  of  both  sexes,  boys  and  girls,  not  under  age  only, 
but  also  grown  up,  married  women  with  virgins,  set  out,  going  with  empty  purses 
not  only  through  all  Germany,  but  also  through  parts  of  Gaul  and  Burgundy ; 
neither  could  they  by  any  means  be  restrained  by  their  parents  and  friends, 
but  used  all  efforts  to  join  that  expedition,  so  that  everywhere  in  the  towns 
and  in  the  country  they  left  their  tools  and  whatever  they  had  in  hand  at 
the  time,  and  joined  the  bands  as  they  passed  by.  And  as  for  such  novelties 
we  are  often  a  folk  of  easy  faith,  many  thought  that  this  came  to  pass  not 
through  lightness  of  mind,  but  by  a  divine  inspiration  and  a  kind  of  piety. 
For  which  reason  they  also  succoured  them  in  their  expenses,  furnishing  food 
and  other  necessary  things. 

But  when  the  clergy  and  some  others  of  sounder  mind  spoke  against  it,  and 
judged  that  expedition  vain  and  useless,  the  laics  vehemently  cavilled,  saying, 
that  the  clerks  were  unbelievers,  and  that  they  opposed  this  thing  for  envy 
and  coveteousness,  rather  than  for  truth  and  righteousness.  But  forasmuch 
as  no  affair  that  is  commenced  without  the  balancing  of  reason  and  without 
vigour  of  counsel,  attains  to  a  good  conclusion  ;  after  this  foolish  multitude 
arrived  at  the  parts  of  Italy,  they  were  separated  and  scattered  through  the 
cities  and  towns,  and  many  were  kept  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  as  servants 
and  handmaids.  Others  are  said  to  have  reached  the  sea,  who  were  taken 
prisoners  by  the  sailors  and  mariners,  and  carried  to  other  distant  parts  of  the 
earth.  But  the  rest  coming  to  Rome,  when  they  saw  that  they  could  go  no  further, 
not  being  sustained  with  any  authority,  at  last  became  aware  that  their  labour 
was  frivolous  and  empty  :  and  yet  they  were  by  no  means  absolved  from  the 
vow  of  the  cross,  except  the  boys  under  the  age  of  discretion,  and  those  who 
were  oppressed  with  old  age.  Therefore,  thus  deceived  and  perplexed,  they 
began  to  return ;  and  they  who  formerly  used  to  pass  through  the  countries 
in  parties  and  troops,  and  never  without  the  song  of  encouragement,  now  re- 
turning, singly  and  in  silence,  barefooted  and  famished,  were  a  scoffing  to  all 
men :  also  many  virgins  were  ravished,  and  lost  the  flower  of  their  chastity. 

11.  Chronicle  of  the  City  of  Genoa.  [Clironica  de  Civitate  Januensi,  edita  a 
Fratre  Jacobo  de  Voraginc  ordinis  Fratrum  pra?dicatorum  d.  gr.  Archi- 
episcopo  Januense.  usa  Musatori,  Ker.  Ital.  Scriptt.  Tom.  ix.  p.  1.  Col. 
(pag.)  45  E.] 

In  the  year  of  the  Lord  MCCXXII  (?)  in  the  month  of  August,  there 
came  to  Genoa  a  certain  Theuton  named  Nicolas,  in  the  habit  of  a  pilgrim, 
and   there    followed    him    a   great    multitude   of    pilgrims  botli    great    and 


o58  CHILD-PILGRIMAGES. 

small,  and  even  young  children,  and  all  had  pilgrims'  coats  (sclavinas)  mark- 
ed with  crosses,  and  pilgrims'  staves  (burdones),  and  pilgrims'  wallets  (scarsel- 
las),  saying  that  the  sea  would  be  dried  up  at  Genoa,  and  thus  they  must  go  to 
Jerusalem. 

But  many  of  them  were  sons  of  nobles,  whom  their  fathers  had  provided 
with  harlots.  But  the  Genoese  agreed  that  they  must  withdraw  from  the  city, 
partly  because  they  thought  they  were  prompted  by  levity  more  than  by 
necessity ;  partly  because  they  feared  lest  they  should  bring  dearth  into  the 
city ;  partly  because  they  apprehended  danger  to  the  city  from  so  great  a  mul- 
titude ;  chiefly  because  the  Emperor  was  then  in  rebellion  with  the  Church, 
and  the  Genoese  clave  to  the  Church  against  the  Emperor.  After  a  short  time 
all  that  thing  came  to  nothing,  because  it  was  founded  upon  nothing. 

12.  Sicard,  Bishop  of  Cremona,  contemporary.  [Sicardi  Episcoin  Cremonensis 
Chronicon,  Muratori  Rer.  Ital.  Scrijitt.  Tom.  VIL  Mediol.  1725.  Fol. 
p.  (col.)  624.] 

In  the  same  year,  1212,  under  the  guidance  of  boys  seemingly  of  twelve 
years,  Avho  said  that  they  had  seen  a  vision,  and  who  took  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
in  the  parts  of  Cologne,  an  innumerable  multitude  of  poor  people  of  either  sex, 
and  of  boys,  made  pilgrimage  through  Germany,  marked  with  the  cross  ;  and 
they  came  into  Italy,  saying  with  one  heart  and  one  voice,  that  they  would 
cross  the  seas  dry-shod,  and  recover  the  Holy  Land  of  Jerusalem  by  the  power 
of  God.  But  at  the  end  it  all  as  it  were  came  to  nought.  In  the  same  year 
there  was  so  mighty  a  famine,  especially  in  Apulia  and  Sicily,  that  mothers 
even  ate  their  children. 

13.  Lambert,  monk  of  St.  James'  Monastery,  Liege.  [Lamberti  Parvi,  Leodi- 
nensis  S.  Jacobi  Monasterii  monachi  Chronicon,  a  Reinero,  ejusdem 
coenobii  asceta  continuatum.  Vett.  Scriptorum  et  Monumentorum  his- 
toricorum  dogmaticorum  moralium  amplissima  collectio,  Edmundi  Mar- 
tene  et  Ursini  Durand.    Tom  V.     Paris  1729.     Fol.  col.  (p.)  40.] 

A  wonderful  movement  of  children  as  well  from  the  Roman  as  from  the  Teu- 
tonic kingdom,  and  chiefly  of  shepherds,  both  of  the  male  and  of  the  female  sex. 
But  they  wept  most  profusely  whom  their  fathers  and  mothers  did  not  suffer 
to  go.  We  believe  that  this  was  effected  by  magical  arts,  because  their  labour 
had  no  results,  for  at  the  last  they  were  dispersed,  and  their  journey  was 
brought  to  nought.  But  their  intention  was  that  they  would  cross  the  sea, 
and,  which  their  fathers  and  kings  had  not  done,  recover  the  sepulchre  of 
Christ ;  but  because  this  work  was  not  of  God  it  had  no  effect.  The  heat  was 
extremely  great  in  the  first  xv  days  of  July. 

14.  Godfrey,  monk  of  St.  Pantaleon  at  Cologne  :  a  Benedictine  of  the  time  of 

the  Emperor  Frederick  II.      [Godefridi  Monachi  S.  Pantaleonis  apud 

Coloniam  Agrippinam  Annales  ab  a.  1162  ad  a.  1237.     In:  Rerum  Ger- 

manicarum  Scriptores  ex  biblioth.  Marquard.  Freher  ed.  Burcard.  Gotthelf 

Struve.     Tom.  L  Argentorat.  1717.     fol,  p.  333—381.] 

In  that  same  year  from  all  France  and  Germany-  boys  of  diverse  ages  and 

ranks,  marked  with  the  cross,  affirmed  that  they  were  commanded  by  God  to 

proceed  to  Jerusalem,  for  the  succour  of  the  Holy  Land.     After  the  example 

of  whom  a  multitude  of  youths  and  women,  marking  themselves  with  the  cross, 

set  in  order  to  go  with  them.     To  whom  also  some  evil-disposed  men  joining 

themselves,  nefariously  and  secretly  took   from   them  the    things   they   had 

brought  out,  and  those  which  they  daily  received  from  the  faithful,  and  went 


AUTHORITIES.  359 

away  secretly :  one  of  whom  being  taken  at  Cologne  ended  his  life  on  the  Gal- 
lows. Many  also  of  them  jjerished  in  woods  and  desert  places  of  heat,  hunger, 
and  thirst :  others,  having  crossed  the  Alps,  as  soon  as  they  entered  Italy  were 
spoiled  and  driven  back  by  the  Lombards  and  returned  with  disgrace.  ( Tlie 
destruction  of  3Iilan,  \\&2,had  embittered  the  hatred  of  the  Lombards  to  the 
Germans.) 

15.  Chronicle  of  St.  Medard's,  Soissons.  [Ex  Chronico  S.  Medardi  Suessionis. 
Apud  Acherium,  Tom  II.  Spicileg.  in  Fol.  pag.  489  (a)  Ibidem,  p.  720 — 
721.  A.] 

{Dfae  1209.)  An  innumerable  multitude  of  children  and  boys  from  different 
parts,  cities,  castles,  towns,  camps,  and  farms  of  France,  going  out  without  the 
permission  and  assent  of  their  parents,  said  that  they  had  undertaken  to  cross 
the  sea  in  quest  of  the  Holy  Cross  :  but  they  succeeded  not  at  all.  For  all,  in 
diiferent  ways,  were  ruined,  died,  or  returned.  They  say  indeed  and  afRrm  for 
a  certainty,  that  every  ten  years  before  that  wonder  happened,  fishes,  frogs, 
butterflies,  birds,  proceeded  in  like  manner,  according  to  their  kind  and  their 
season.  At  that  time  so  great  a  multitude  of  fishes  was  caught  that  all  mar- 
velled greatly.  And  certain  old  and  decayed  men  affirm  as  a  certain  thing, 
that  from  different  parts  of  France  an  innumerable  mmltitude  of  dogs  gathered 
together  at  the  town  of  Champagne  which  is  called  Manshymer.  But  those 
dogs  having  divided  into  two  parties,  and  fighting  bravely  and  bitterly  against 
one  another,  nearly  all  slew  one  another  in  the  mutual  slaughter,  and  very 
few  returned. 

16.  Thomse  Cantipratani  Bonum  universale  de  Apibus  L.  II.  c.  2.     Edtion, 

tcithoiit  date  and  pktce,  of  the  loth  century. 

17.  Roger  Bacon.     [Fratris  Rogeri  Bacon  ordinis  Minorum  Opus  majus  ad 

Clementem  IV.  Pont.  Max.  primum   a  Samuele  Tebb,  M.  D.  Londini 
editum  1733.     Nunc  vero  diligenter  recusum.    Accedit  prologus  galeatus 
in  reliqua  opei'a  ejusdem  Autoris.     Venetiis  1750.     Ap.  Franc.    Pitteri. 
Fol.  p.  189.] 
I  write  these  things  not  only  for  prudent  consideration,  but  also  be- 
cause of  the  perils  which  occur  and  will  occur  to  Christians  and  the  Church  of 
God  through  infidels,  and  esjiecially  Antichrist,  because  he  will  use  the  power 
of  wisdom,  and  turn  all  things  to  evil.     And  by  exhibiting  Avords  and  deeds 
of  this  kind  (  ?  stellificanda  verba,  &c.),  and  ordering  them  with  great  desire 
of  mischief,  with  most  sure  aim,  and  eager  confidence,  he  will  allure  to  misery 
not  only  single  persons,  but  cities  and  countries. 

Perhaps  ye  have  seen  or  heard  for  certain,  that  boys  of  the  realm  of 

France  collected  together  in  infinite  multitude,  after  acertainevil  man,  so  that  they 
could  not  be  restrained  either  by  their  fathers  or  mothers  or  friends,  and  were 
put  in  ships  and  sold  to  the  Saracens,  and  this  not  LXIV  years  ago.  In  like 
manner  in  our  times  a  master  shepherd  stirred  up  all  Almayne  and  France,  and 
there  ran  after  him  a  multitude  of  people,  and  he  had  favour  with  all  the  com- 
mon and  lay  people,  in  contempt  of  the  clergy  and  to  the  confusion  of  the 
Church.  And  he  said  to  the  Lady  Blanche,  that  he  would  go  to  her  son  be- 
yond the  sea,  with  such  words  deceiving  that  most  prudent  woman.  They 
that  were  wise  did  not  doubt  but  they  were  messengers  of  the  Tartars  or 
Saracens,  and  had  some  contrivance  whereby  they  fascinated  the  common 
people.  And  I  saw  with  my  own  eyes  one  that  bore  something  openly  in  his 
hands,  as  it  were  a  sacred  thing,  as  one  carries  the  relics,  and  he  went  bare- 


oGO  CIIILD-PILGRTMAGES. 

footed,  and  there  was  about  him  a  multitude  of  armed  men,  but  so  scattered 
in  the  fields  that  he  could  be  seen  of  all  who  met  him  with  that  which  he  car- 
ried in  his  hand  with  great  ostentation. 

18.  Martin  Crusius,  Historian,  and  Professor  of  Greek  and  Latin  at  Tiibingen. 
[Martin.  Crusius,  annales  Suevici,  sive  Chronica  rerum  gestarum  antiquis- 
simse  et  inclyta?  Suevicaj  gentis.  Francofurti  lo9o.  Fol.  L.VII.  Pars  III. 
p.  405.] 

A.  14o8.  At  Hall  of  the  Suabians,  on  the  Thursday  after  Pentecost,  more 
than  a  hundred  boys,  against  the  will  of  their  parents,  made  a  pilgrimage  to 
Saint  Michael.  But  the  senate  assigned  them  an  ass  and  a  guide,  lest  any  evil 
befal  them. 

Aventinus  writes  to  M.  Joan.  Herold  that  the  pilgrimage  of  boys,  suddenly 
stirred  up,  was  made  to  S.  Michaels  in  Normandy  of  France :  and  they  could 
not  be  kept  back  by  their  mothers.  Otherwise  they  immediately  died.  After- 
wards a  great  pestilence  folloAved — Wonderful  fanaticism. 

19.  Chronicle  of  the  Monastery  of  Elwangen.  [Chronicon  Elwangensis  Monas- 

terii    excerptum   perprajdictum  D.  jNIatth.   Mai-eschalcum  ab  anno  1065 
usque  ad  a.  1477.  p.  453.      Germanicarum  rerum  Scriptores  aliquot  insig- 
nes  hactenus  incogniti.       Tomus  unus,  nunc  primum  editus.    Ex  biblio- 
theca  Marquardi  Freheri.     Francofurti  1624.     Fol.  p.  463.] 
1459. A  number  of  Boys  went  on  pilgrimage  to  St.  Michael's  situated 

in  the  middle  of  the  Sea,  when  the  sea  divided  itself  each  day,  the  boys  went 

through  with  their  feet  dry. 

20.  John  Lindner,  Monk  at  Pii'na.  [Excerpta  Saxonica,  Misnica  et  Thurin- 
giaca  ex  Monachi  Pirnensis,  seu,  vero  nomine,  Joannis  Lindneri  sive 
Tillani  onomastico  autographo  quod  extat  in  Bibliotheca  Senatoria  Lip- 
siensi.  Col.  1447.  Jo.  Burchard  Menckenius  Sci'iptores  rerum  Germani- 
carum, prascipue  Saxonicarum.     Tom.  II.  Lips.  1728.     Fol,] 

And  (MCCXXXVII)  more  than  1000  children  assembled  at  Erfort,  went  to 
Arnstadt,  danced,  etc.  there,  the  parents  got  cars,  sledges  and  carts,  they  let 
themselves  be  fetched  home,  "  no  one  could  find  out  the  cause." 

21.  Civitatis  Erfurtensis  Historia  Critica  et  diplomatica,  oder  vollstjindige 
Alte,  Mittel-und  Neue  Historie  von  Erfurth  etc.  Ausgefertigt  von  Joh. 
Heinr.  v.  Falkenstein.     Erfurt  1739.  4to.  Buch  II.  Cap.  3.  §  15.  s.  84. 


JOHN    GUILDS    AXD   SON,    PRINTERS. 


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