THE KENOSHA TELEGRAPH
THURSDAY OCTOBER 12, 1871.
REPUBLICAN STATE TICKET
For Governor,
C. C. WASHBURN,
Of La Crosse.
For Lieutenant Governor,
M. H. PETTIT,
Of Kenosha.
For Secretary of Slate,
LLYWELYN BREESE,
Of Columb.a.
For State Treasurer,
HENRY B2ETZ,
Of Manitowoc.
For Attorney General,
STEPHEN 8. BARLOW,
Ot Sauk.
For State Superintendent,
SAMUEL FALLOWS.
Of Milwaukee.
For State Prison Commissioner,
GEORGE F. WHEELER,
Of Fond du Lac.
For Commissioner of Immigration,
OLE C. JOHNSON,
Of Beloit.
County Nominations.
For Member of Assembly,
I. L. JOHNSON,
Of Somers.
THE CHICAGO FIRES.
Saturday night about eleven o’clock a
tiro broke out in Hull Holmes plaining
mill between Clinton Canal and Van
Buren A Jackson streets. When the
alarm was sounded for this tire another
of considerable magnitude ,was burning
■on Wells Dea" Adams,and several engines
were necessarily kept to work upon it.
The rest of the engines were soon on the
ground, but before they arrived the fire
had spread over so large an area, and
was so rapidly spreading, that their
efforts seemed of little avail The fire
continued uncontrolled till it had burned
over a space of four blocks, bounded on
the North by Adams street, west by
Clinton, South by Van Buren and cast by
Chicago River. On this space was a lum
ber yard, wood yard, coal yard, plaining
mill, vinegar factory, and a large number
of dwellings and saloons of the poorer
class. This was considered the largest
fire Chicago had ever had, and the loss
was estimated at $250,000 to 300,000,with
probably one half that amount of in
surance. “The saddest result of the fire
was the burning to death of Mrs. Margaret
Hadley, living on the north side of Jack
son street, who,being suddenly surrounded
by the flames, was urable to escape.”
On Sunday evening about nine o’clock
another fire broke out un the west side,
generally said to be on the corner of De
Koven and Twelfth streets, and to bo
caused by a cow kicking over a lump in a
stable in which a woman was milking.
It bus also been located on Farquhar
street near Jefferson, and has been attri
bated to incendiarism and to carelessly
used pipe or cigar. It has also been at
tributed to a, light in a saloon by which
a stove with fire was turned over, and by
one man, as reported by a, Milwaukee
paper, to carelessness of the fireman in
not ext ingushing the first fire, from which
he says it originated.
Great as the fire of Saturday right was
it was comparatively nothing to the fire
which broke out Sunday morning. There
was a strong wind from the Southwest
and every thing being as dry as tinder,
the fire swept every thing before it, like
a fire running over a prairie. All the
steam fire engines of Chicago were en
tirely inefficient to stay its progress. And
many of them being rendered useless and
the firemen exhausted, help was called
for from other cities, and Milwaukee and
others sent on their firemen and steam
fire engines. But the fire rushed on un
impeded in its progress from De Koven
street through the business part of the
city, across the Chicago River, and on to
Lincoln Park, laying every thing waste
before it. De Koven street bounds the
fire on the south. “The Michigan
Avenue Hotel marks the southern limit
of the fire on the lake shore front.” Lake
Michigan bounds it on the east, Lincoln
Park on the north, and the North Branch
of the Chicago River and Jefferson street
on the west. With but few exceptions
every thing within was laid waste. For
more particular accounts of the destruc
tion of buildings, loss of property, in
cidents &c. we refer to another column of
this paper. The first report that all in
jail had been burned alive was not true.
The doors were opened and all released.
The loss of life has been great, over two
hundred dead bodies already recovered.
And from one hundred thousand to two
hundred thousand persons arc houseless
and homeless, and many are destitute of
ood and clothing and thejmeans to obtain
them. And, along with all the devasta
tion, incendiaries and thieves are busy
plyin g their vocation, and some are re-
ported to have been shot down in the act
of incendiarism.
The first need of Chicago is food and
clothing for the destitute, and these art
pouring in from near and remote cities
and villages. And the railroads arc
conveying free, thousands to other cities
and villages where their immediate needs
are being supplied. All is being done
by the authorities and people of Chicago
that can be dune to provide for the des
titute. Many do not know their loss.
Thousands know that all is gone. Others
do not know what may be found in safes
or what reliance may be placed on in
sura nee. Many insurance companies
must be ruined. It will take time for
many to ascertain whether they have any
tl.dng or nothing left. The records I
the Courts are destroyed and can
not be replaced. The City and
County records being all destroyed, it is
cause for rejoicing there is at least one
cr ’ire set of abstracts that are safe, and
their may perhaps be others. Business
is already reviving and fieing re-establish
ed. Three or four of the Daily papers
have commenced publication on a small
scale. The Board oi Trade has commenc
ed business. Six elevators containing
4,000,000 bushels of wheat oul of twelve
containing 6,000,000 to 8,000,000 remain.
The Post Office is in operation and the
m ill is being conveyed as usual. The
Banks are being opened new, and
other buildings are being opened for
hotels and stores. And arrangements are
already being made to rebuild and go on
with business. These beginnings are in
dicative of what is coming. Chicago,once
i he business center and pride of the West,
lias been devastated and laid low, but
.nut tu die and be buried out of sight-
She will rise again from her devastation
•ind lowness to newless of life, purified
and invigorated. There need be no dispair i
of and for Chicago. Great as she has;
been, she is destined to become still 1
greater. The irrepressible energies of;
he people afe not dead but alive Iler 1
people, with the assistance <.f others, will
start her on the way to redoubled great
ness. Anda noble future still awaits i
Chicago.
Washburns Speech at Oshkosh.—
We give much space toWashburn’s speech 1
at Oshkosh, and the importance cf the
speech is our justification. It will be
seen that Washburn was in favor of am
nesty long before Mr. Duolittle was, and
r hat he made a speech at a public din
ner at Memphis on the Sth of March 1865
in which he gave his views of amnesty,
and expressed himself in favor of grant
ing amnesty to all except a very few,
And in an address at a public meeting at
La Grange, Tenn, to rebels May 30, 1865.
Gen. Washburn expressed himself in fav
or of universal amnesty and universal suf
frage. Let no one fail to give the speech a
careful reading, for it will make him
wiser, increase ms knowledge of history,
and give him cause to rejoice that he is to
have an opportunity to vote for Washburn
for Governor.
E lections. Ohio gives 20,000 Repub
lican majority. Both houses of the Leg
islature are Republican.
Pennsylvania is reported Republican
by at least 10,000 majority.
An Aneddote of Dumas.—At St. Ger
main there was a famous restaurant, call
ed the Pavilion Henri IV., (we trust Molt
ke has spared it), celebrated then for its
good cheer and long bills. Dumas had
the run of the house, and much of its pop
ularity was owing to the prominence the
novelist had given it in one of his roman
ces. iic restauranter was an enthusiast,
and a poulet one of the inspira-'
tions of the place, ice was exceedingly
scarce one summer, and none to be bad
save at the Pavilion Henri IV. One hot
day a servant came to the landlord with
the following message: “My master, M.
Alexander Dumas, presents his compli
ments, and begs you will let him have
some ice. “Tell your master,” was the
reply, “that all I have is at the service of
the genius of France. Sommelier, bring
up u basket of the clearest ice for the il
lustrious author.” The ice was brought
and placed in the servant’s hands, when
the lootman in an unlucky moment pre
sen 1 ed a napoleon, adding, “My master
bogs you will let him pay for it.” “Stop
thundered out the host. Here is some
mistake. lam being robbed. M. Du
mas never sent you. Confess, coquin, this
is a vile subterfuge. Dron the ice this
moment.”
For the present therefore, I will only
further on behalf of the Society I have
the honot to represent, offer our hearty
thanks to all who have contributed to
this satisfactory condition of things, es
pecially to those who have helped to make
this our greatest and most complete exhi
tion of the industry of Wisconsin, and
urge upon all, whether officers, judges or
exhibitors, who have duties to perform,
to use their very best endeavors to com
plete what has been so auspiciously be
gun.
The signal office at Washington City has
now such telegraph facilities that at any
hour day or night, should the reports of heavy
storms be received, the regions over which
the storm is likely lo extend can be warned
some hours in advance, the headquarters be
ing in directl communication with all the
principal cities of this country.
(continued from first page.)
to hold them permanently in an inferior
or degraded condition. Slavery was
always a danger. This other condition
of the colored people would be a danger
also, ever troubling us and threatening
our peace. Many of you will remember
when the party now in power endea
voured to disfranchise our foreign born
population, it succeeded for a time, but
Democracy at last triumphed and saved
t ie political rights of the foreign bo n.
One of the reasons that justifies us applies
to the case of our coh r d population.
They are more numerous than our lor
eign born population were in the days of
Kno wnothi 11 g 1 sm. They arejustas fr ee
the Constitution no longer restrains or
emb 1 misses us, and our very Democracy
requires that we should act now as we
did then. And why should we not?
Have this people ever wronged us? How
or when? It is they who have been
wronged. Shall Democracy point its
guns upon the lowly and unfortunate?
It would bean unmanly warfare.
I have thus quoted this speech at con
siderable length, because the sentiments
are except what, he says in regard to the
position of the republican party towards
the foreign born worthy of their author,
and ought to be the sentiments, and are
the sentiments cf every man that right
fully deserves the name of Democrat.
When my friend comes forward and in
dorses these sentiments, I will believe
that he has no purpose to overturn the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments,
and not till then.
Judge Doolittle is in the habit of
quoting and complimenting Hon. Car)
Schurz, as though that gentleman sym
pathized with him. Could there bo a
greater error I can only account for it
on the principle that as misery likes
company, he is hoping that Mr. Schurz
will fall into the s«me “Slough of De
spond” as himself, and that a little flat
tery may draw him in that direct ion.
lie may as well dismiss all such hopes.
The high and honorable principles gov
erning that gentleman give no reason
for hope of consolation from that quarter.
On the contrary, I find that in a recent
speech delivered at Nashville, he express
ed himself as follows, viz:
“The reconstructions acts of congress
wore r.ot the offspring of hatred and vin
dictiveness, but of stem necessity to pro
tect those, both white and black, who
stood by the Union and prevented reac
tion and future troubles.”
But it will be really seen that the new
departure of the Democracy and the
position generally being taken on these]
amendments knocks the platform of my
friend in 1868, out from under him and
leaves him hanging higher than Gilderoy.
How is he to be relieved from his Per
ilous position ?—Nothing short of anoth
er platform will let him down. What
that platform is I have already told you,
“opposition to a goverment of unlimited
centralized power.”
That the Republican party is deter
mined to build up a great central gov
ernment, overshadowing the rights of
the states,he sees in the enactment of the
Kuklux bill, and this leads us to a con
sideration of that bill.
Judge Doolittle now maintains that it
is a violation of state rights for the gov
ernment of the united States to interfere
for any purpose within the limitsofa
state unless called upon first by the ex
ecutive of that state,- What are the facts
which led to the passage of the much
abused Kuklux biil, which gives our
Democratic friends north and south, so
much unhappiness It was hoped when
I the rebellion ended, that as we as a gov
I eminent had set such an example of
I clemency and magnanimity, the effect
I would not be lost, but that when peace
was restored, as no rebels had been pun
ished, they would all be so grateful that
they with one accord would demand that
the rights of all should be declared pre
served and maintained, without regard
to color, or the part they had taken in
support of the government. We had
a right to expect that the friends of the
Union white and black alike, would be
treated with the same degree of kind
ness that the government extended to
them, and if we restored them to civil
rights and political privileges, that they
would not object to the same rights be
ing extended to our friends, nor would
they had it not been for the unfortunate
circumstances of the assassination of Mr.
Lincoln.
Had Mr. Lincoln lived, the seceded
states would have been restored to their
places in the Union on the basis of uni
versal amnesty und uaiversiil suffrage.
That this was his view wc knew, for in a
letter to General Wadsworth lie said:
“I cannot see if universal amnesty is
granted, how under the circumstances I
can avoid exacting in return universal
suffrage.” But Andrew Johnson became
President, and he sought to reconstruct
those states by ignoring the colored pop
ulation entirely, and without requiring
any guarantees for the future. He who
bad proclaimed himself from the steps
of the state capitol at Nashville the Most*
of the colored man, became then their
moat unrelenting foe. As he had an able
coadjutor in my friend here, it is well
to rev’ve what Mr. Johnson said on the
occasion I have named. He said:
Standing here upon the stops of the
Capitol with the past history of the state
to wilnesuJrthe present condition to guide
and the future to encourage me, I, An
drew Johnson, do hereby proclaim Free
dom Full, Broad and Unconditional to
every man in Tennessee. I will, indeed,
be your Moses, and lead you through the
Red Sea of war and bondage te th*
fairer land of liberty and peace. I speak
now as one who feels the world his
country, and all who have equal rights
his friends. I speak, too, as a citizen ot
Tennessee. Loyal mtn, whether white
or black shall alone control her destinies.
Ido not believe that Johnson would
ever have turned his back on the men in
regard to whom he had made this high*-
sounding proclama'ion, had he not con
ceived the idea of being elected Presi
dent. When that idea once enters a
man’s brain, from that moment he ceases
to be e responsible being. There is a
Mi tn or tha; my friend here has tasted of
that worse than forbidden
1 Fruit whose mortal taste
Brought death into the world and all our woe.
AVell, this man who was to be tin
Moses, went on to organize the rebel
states. Seveial state governments wen
organized on the plan of Johnson and
my friend here, and about the first thing
they did was to enact a black code,
which practically reduced the colored
people to a more abject bondage than
that from which our arms had delivered
tfirm. A malignant and unjust disposi
tion was Gariy disclosed, and it became
very soon apparent that no security could
be given the colored man unless a wea
p>n was placed in his hands. That wca
pon was the bailpt.
A weapon surer yet,
And better than the bayonet,
A weapon that comes down as still
As snowflakes fall upon the sod,
And executes a people’s will
As li"htninxi doth the will of God.
No sooner was this done than the Ku
Klux Klans, as ecret organization,
formed by secret oaths and pass
words, re commenced their damnable
outrages. Riding at night, clad in
the habiliments of tin-grave, the
work of scounging, murder and
assassination went on.—Union white men
were warned to leave the countiy, and
if they did not promptly obey they were
taken out of their beds at the dead hour
of night, whipped, and then hinged. Col
ored men were warned that they must not
go to the polls, and if they did they were
waited upon and served the same way.
The object was to intimidate the Repub
lican voters, and control those states. In
this they succeeded to a great extent.
Still, as the colored and white republi
cans were in a majority it was necessary
to the preservation of their power that,
intimidation should continue. The local
authorities were either powerless 6 :o stop
the evil, or c iinived at its continuance.
A bitter wud came up t-» congress from
many parts of thc*south. Thousands oi
innocent men, white and black, were
murdered tor no other cause than being
Union men. The cry for help was heard
at Washington Congress would have
been false to humanity had it not listened
to the wail ot despair that was borne to
them on every wind from the south
Action was long delayed, and it wa-.
hoped that the Demoura's of the north
would urge upon their friends iiil.be
south 1 he necessity of disbanding the Ku-
Kiux and obeying the laws. But they
waited in vain. Up to this time no word
lot oensureot the assassins had fallen from
i the lips of J udge Doolittle. On the con
itrary, he lias palliated if net justified
them. Emboldened by their success,
they have grown from bad to worse. No
'un on man retired to his bed ar night
but what felt that he was liable to be
called out at any moment, unmercifully
whipped and then hanged It was upon
this state of facts that cannot be disputed,
tuat the Ku Klux biil was passed. It was
esteemed as an extreme remedy for a must
desperate disease, and is only temporary
]in its character, expiring with the next
session of Congress.
The bill was reported by the very
able judiciary ot the senate,
but one member and he a Democrat, dis
senting. All the rest believed the bill
to be constitutional and demanded i>y
the necessities of the hour.
Now, did we owe that proper protcc 1
tion, and had we the right to give it?;
Fortunately. I am not compelled to go I
beyond my friend to find a satisfactoiy I
reply. In 1861, Judge D. as a member 1
of a special committee of the senate of!
13 members, voted for the following!
resolutions:
“Resolved, That under the fourth sec
tion of the font th article of the coustitu
ti hi, congress should pass an efficient law
for tiie punishment of all persons en
gaged in the armed invasions of any
state from another by a combination of
individuals, and punishing all persons in
complicity therewith on trial and con
viction in the slate and district where
those acts of complicity were committed,
in the Federal courts.”
Thus you see that as the constitution
then was, my friend in the interest ot
slavery, declared that congress should
pass an efficient law for punishment in
the Federal courts, of all persons in any
state who should be in complicity with
invaders from another state. I submit
that ho is now foreclosed from objecting
to the passage of a law in tile interest of
life, liberty and public justice, which
gives similar power to the Federal courts.
Again, in 1864, in a speech in the senate,
he said, while speaking of the helpless
p oplc of the rebel states:
“W ho have been trampled under feet
by military despotic power to whom we,
as a government, owe protection, in
whose states wc are bound to maintain a
Republican form of government and de
fend them against this very despotic
power which is trampling them in the
dust, I do feel and entertain sympathy,
and lam not afraid or ashamed J,o ac
knowledge it here or elsewhere or any
where.”
This argument lor the protection of the peo
ple in the states then would be a good argu
inent lor the protection against the Ku Klux
now. He was not ashamed then to be in favor
of protecting the weak and lowly from cruel
and despotic power. It is sad to think he is
ashamed of it now. But to show still further
the departure of my friend from the humane
doctrines he once entertained, and how utter
ly inconsistent his present state right theories
are with those he entertained when he was
last a candidate for United States senator, I
wish to state a fact. The county of Rock has
been from the beginning, eminently sound on
on true Republican principles In 1862, just
before the re election of Judge Doolittle to
the senate, there was a strong suspicion in
Rock county that the judge was not sound,
which suspicion cropped out in the public
press of that county, and cauaed the judge to
define his position in a lengthy letter, arraign
ing the people for being so far behind him in
radicalism. He said:
The difference between you and me is
simply this, you would give the negro his
freedom, I would do more, I would not only
give him his freedom, but I would give him
a home in which to enjoy it. I would make
a negro territory in the United States, be
ginning with South Carolina.
I tkink I need not say more to show Judge
Doolittle’s opinion in regard to the federal
power of the states, but I will instance one
case. The civil rights bill, as it was called,
passed congress in April 1866. It was opposed
generally by tue Democracy on the same
ground that they opposed the ku klux bill,
and if the civil rights bill is constitutional,
the other clearly is. When that bill passed
Imy friend was not in hie seat, but he after-
ward came in, obtained the floor, and said
that had he been present he wou'd have voted
for the bill. Thus elearly and under the
sanction of an oath declaring the right and
duty of the federal government to interfere
lor the protection of the oppressed people of
the rebel states. He did not make this de
claration carelessly, but after hearing all
sides fully discussed. True, he afterwards
voted to sustain the president’s veto. After
the bill was vetoed,, and was brought before
the senate for action, notwithstanding the ve
to, Senator Doolittle said that since the pass
age of the bill he had looked more eadully
into its provisions, and though he again said,
that had he been present he should liave vot
ed for the bill, his mind was shaken in regard
to its propriety. He said
‘‘There are men in whom have entire con
fidence, who maintain that all its provisions
are within tbs purpose or the constitu'ion
there are others in whom I have confidence
who maintain the contrary, and this has
brought me to consider if there is not som
common ground upon which friends can
stand together.”
In pursuance of this desire, he framed a
bill of some nine sections, to enforce the 13th
amendment. The bill is too lengthy to read,
but I will state the substance of some of its
sections. Section 3 enacted that if any per
son, in violation of the 13i.1i amendment, re
strain any person of his liberty, or attempt
to hold him to service or involuntary servi
tude, should be deemed guilty of a misde
meanor, and fined sl,ooo and imprisoned
not exceeding one year. Section 5 gave, the
freedman the right to sue for damages when
he was held to servitude and authorized to
recover sl,ooo iu addition to all damages he
might sustain, and the United States courts
were authorized to take cognizance of the
rights secured by said amendments to the
constiruiion, and to adjudge, decree and en
force what shall be right in the premises, an
ything in any law, statute, custom or regula
tion in any state or territory notwithstanding.
By section 8 it was made the duty of U S
district attorneys marshals and deputy mar
shals in case any freedman should be restrain
ed of his liberty by any person in violation of
the 13th amendment to apply immediately
for a writ of habeas corpus and bring him be
fore tlie [J. 8. court and have him discharged.
Having thus shown from Judge Doolittle’s
own mouth the right and duty ot the general
government to protect its citizens by an ex
ertion of its power if necessary, it well to
inquire in what manner he and his democrat
ic iriends propose to put down the ku klux
klan and give protection to the suffering peo
ple ot the south* In the first place it is pro
posed to do it by an address to the democracy
which my friend quoted from in Lis speech of
acceptance m these words:
‘‘We earnestly entreat our fellow citizens
in all parts of the union to spare no effort to
maintain peace and order, to -carefully pro
tect the rights of every citizen, to preserve
kindly relations among all men and to dis
countenance and discourage any violation of!
the rights of any portion of the people sectir-
cd under the constitution or any of its amend
ments But what if the righ’s of the citi- j
zens are not protected, is anj" remedy pro
posed? not at all. Goon with your scourg
ing your murders, and assassinations, we,
your democratic brothers, shall not trouble
you.
When I read this advice contained in the
democratic address, it struck me as familiar
language, and I soon recalled the gross pla
giarism on turning to Shakspeare and (he
play of “Much Ado about Nothing.” Ther I
found that 1 he immortal Dogberry had antic
ipa’ed Mir democratic friends by about three
hundred years in his celebrated charge to the
watch
Dogberry—This is your charge You shall
comprehend all vagrant men, you are to bid
any man stand in the prince’s name.
Ist watch —How if he will not stand.
Dogberry—Why then take no note of him
but let, him go; and presently call the rest I
of rhe watch together and thank God that
you arc rid of a knave. e
2d watch —If we know a manto be a thief!
shall we not lay bands on him?
Dogberry— ITuly by your office you may, i
but I think that they that touch pitch will
be defiled. The most peaceable way for you,
it you take a thief, is to let him show himself
what he is and steal out of your company.
Now mark the contrast in the republican
part y. Instead of issuing an address to those
murdering rascals, and allowing them to go
on with their murdering work of assassination
and thanking God that we are rid of the
trouble of interfering with them, we put
forth the power entrusted to our hands for
the protection ot the loyal and disloyal Amer
iean citizens, black and white alike. It is
not complained that the rebel had been abus
ed, or injustice had been done. Not at all.
Justice is the very thing they don’t want.
No rogue e'er felt the halter draw
With good opinion of the law.
But Judge Doolittle has another rem
edy than this Democratic address, and
this is universal amnesty. lie has said
again -md again since he commenced
speaking this fall, that the disturbances
at the south were duo to the wholesale
system of disfranchisement which we had
imposed upon that people,and he says that
we have up to this time kept disfranchis
ed hundreds of thousands of the people
.of the south. Now I cannot believe that
imy friend intended to state what is un«
i true, or to oonvey a false impression to
his hearers, and how tar he has done so
you will judge when I tell vou that there
is not a single man disfranchised through
out the entire south. There is a disa
bility' to hold office imposed by the
Fourteenth Amendment and a certain
class, namely those, and those only, who
to the ciime of treason have added that
of perjury. It is not a numerous class,
probably 5,000 individuals in all, and
this class can all be relieved by a two
thirds vote of congress. I may say that
I"tbink no one has asked to have
his disabilities removed that has not been
gratified. But what right has Judge
Doolittle to abuse us for tempoarily ex
cluding some of the worn rebels from
office and to proclaim himself as the
special champion of amnesty His
former record gives him no right* as I
will show. He who is to tender now in
regard to the exclusion of rebels from
office, spoke thus in the senate, June 25,
1864. He was speaking upon the subject
of a test uatb. He said.
“Sir,whether we doubt tliis rule or not,
I huve no fears that any of these leading
mon,with the blood of our children upon
their hands will ever come into this
senate chamber or the other house of con
gress. When ihe military power of the
so-called confederate government is once
broken those leaders will call on the
rocks and the mountains to hide them
from the wrath of their people. That is
as certain in ray judgement as anything
which has not yet transpired can be.
They have so deceived, so abused, so
‘mislead the people to their own destruc
tion, that they will flee from them to the
wrath to come.”
Tins was that same speech where he
lifted his eyes and his voice to heaven
and thanked God that he was permitted
to believe in the existence of a hell where
rebels would be roasted to the last
syllable of recorded time. The same
speech where he quoted approvingly the
universalist chaplain who said that he
believed in a hell as a military necessity.
Had not my friend st t himself up as
the great apo-tle of amnesty, I should
not revive these recollections. But I
deny his right to a patent on the amn sty
question. Ou the contrary, I claim to
have some rights in that regard that far
antedate any that he can prove.
I have shown you what his views of
amnesty were in 1864 I will now show
you what they were in 1865, after the
surrender of Leo. Three days after the
assassination of President Lincoln, head
dressed his fellow citizens at Racing his
mine, surrounded by admirinw
frnends, where, if ever a man would »p n
his mind and heart, it would be th- n
and there. Anything about amnesty
then? Let us see. Under the guise of
eulogizing Mr. Lincoln, he made th/oc
casion one for a glowing tribute to the
stern and incorruptible justice of Andrew
Johnson. He said:
While mo-t others in the delirium of
joy and exubation over our success and
of the approach of peace, spoke of am
nesty, be alone did not forget the sterner
demand ol justice, for he is made of stern-
Upon th s subject he said:
2Ac halter tor influential traitors to the
honest boy, the deluded mm, who rias
been deceived into the re >ej ranks, I
would extend leniency I woul i say ro
new your support to tile government and
become a good citizen, but ths leaders I
w >uld hang."
1 neii remembering that treason was
to be made odious, Senator Doolittle
said:
And after the culmination of alll the
influences of rebellion in the assassination
of the president and secretary of state, as
he lifts his hand by the. dead body of
tLe president to repeat the solemn oath
administration by tile chief justice 1 see
nothing to change his convictions. When
he uttered those word>, “The duties are
mine I will perform them trusting in
G »d.” 1 think I see the same patriotic
indignation beaming from the deep black
eres and lighting up that iron face,which
I saw four years ago, when he uttered in
rue senate these words—n >w so terrible
io traitors “By toe eternal God,l would
execute them
In this respect 1 think the administra
tion of Mr Johnson may differ from that
of Air. Lincoln. Air. Lincoln would have
leal' with the rebels as an indulgent
father deals with erring children. Air,
Johnson will deal with them more like a
stern and incorruptible judge. Thus in
a moment the sceptre ot power has as
sed from a hand of flesh to a hand of iron.
How strangely overruled have all
things been to destroy slavery and the
aristocracy founded upon it Its. mad
dened fanatical leaders made war upon
i he government to regain political power;
i'hat p aver has been utterly destroyed.
’They made war to extend and strengthen
sU Very the wir has destroye i ir, and
set free every slave.
And now by’ madly wreaking ven
geance upon the head or tHe great,
generous, ni ignanimous Lincoln, who in
the overflowing goodness of his heart was
just ready to issue a proclamation of
amnesty to save them, they have put
their necks in a halter with no power o
save them in the clemency of “one «ternly
[just, who, four years ago, declared in the
most solemn form, that if president he
would execute them and whose
subsequent caieer and experience have
all tended to strengthen rather than
weaken that resolution.
Now, while my triend was denouncing
amnesty thanking God that there was a
hell, and usurping the authority of the
Almighty, and dealing damnation round
the land on all he judged the foe of the
government, I was saying and doing the
ver j opposite thing.
In the month of March, 1865, I had an
important command in Tennessee with the
headquarters at Memphis. On the Bth
day of that month, and one month before
the surrender of Lee,?it a public dinner
at Memphis, I gave my views on the
subject of amnesty. There was a v< ry
Irrge number assembled on the accasion
including nearly all the leading men in
the city, a large majority of whom were
’n sympathy with the rebellton. I said
to them that it was perfectly apparent,
that the rebellion was on its last legs,and
could hold out but a few weeks at the
best, and that it was the part of wisdom
for them to begin at once to consider what
course they should pursue when the re
bellion should be overthrown, and I ex
pressed the belief that if they showed a
friendly spirit to the government and. to
our friends,white and black,among them,
that they would bo treated with the
greatest clemency. Excuse me if I read
one cr two brief extracts from what I
then said
I know that it is a question which troub
les soma as to what should be done with the
people who have been guilty ol this great sin,
aud perhaps there are some who would be
glad to sec this carnival of blood go on until
the last rebel tills a dishonorable and a trai
tor’s grave. With them there is no styptic
to staunch the wounds of crushed and bleed
ing humanity short of annihilation.
them there is ‘no balm in Gilead—no physi
cian there.’ With these men I have no sym
pathy. I hesitate not to declare as my opin
ion that every consideration of publie pel.cy
requires that we should be most forbearing,
and should inflict no greater and further pun
ishment than is demanded by the national
safety. The cause of the rebellion
Is wiped out lor ever, aid we may sately pro
claim amnesty to the most of the participants
in the rebellion There are a few who should
be*Sß'St into exile, or imprisoned in a penal
colony, for the national safety would be en
dangered should they remain in the country,
those who left our halls of congress, and
these who deserted from our army and navy
might safely be included in that class.”
At a subsequent day,and on the Bth ofApril
a large meeting assembled in the public
square ot Memphis to celebrated the capture
of Richmond. I then and there expressed
similar sentiments, and speaking of Jets. Da
via who was then fleeing from before our sol
diers,l,said,“Let him be a fugitive and a vag
abond on the earth, with the mark of Cain
upon him, lest any finding him should kill
him.”
Sleep shall neither night nor day,
Hang|on his pent-house lid,
He snail live a man forbid
Weary seven nights, nine times nine,
Shall he dwindle peak and pine.
Shortly after the army of Lee had surren
dered, paroled rebel ollicers|aud soldiers com
menced their return home in great numbers.
They were in great doubt as to their luture.
The leaders Johnson had threatened to hang.
They called a meeting for consultation at La
Grange, Tennessee, on the Memphis and
Charleston railroad, a point sixty miles east